Zenska Strana

Muzej 25.
maj, Beograd / Museum 25th of May, Belgrade

15 /05 – 01/08/2010
Proglas Antifašističkog fronta žena za >
izbore za ustavotvornu Skupštinu na
kojima su žene prvi put dobile pravo glasa.
The Women’s Antifascist Front

proclamation for the elections for the
Constituent Assembly, when women
acquired the right to vote for the first time.
Muzej istorije Jugoslavije /

The Museum of Yugoslav History
Muzej savremene umetnosti, Beograd /

Museum of Contemporary Art, Belgrade
Autori izložbe/ Authors of the exhibition:

Marija Đorgović, Ana Panić, Una Popović
Saradnik pri istraživanju/ Research assistant:

Katarina Krstić
PR: Nataša Lazić, Mirjana Slavković
Organizacija / Organization: Ivan Manojlović
Snimanje i obrada video materijala /

Recording and editing of the video material:
Marko Popović
Prevod na engleski i titlovanje video materijala /

Translation and subtitling of video: Trimark
Dizajn izložbene postavke / Design of the exhibition: Jovana Timotijević
Fotografija / Photography: Ivan Petrović, Saša Reljić
Konzervacija / Conservation: Ivanka Živadinović
Tehnička podrška / Technical support:

Nikola Cvetković, Zoran Jakovljević, Sava Kovačević, Tihomir Nedeljković,
Svetlana Ognjenović, Saša Sarić, Vlada Vidaković
Autori se zahvaljuju institucijama i pojedincima na pomoći pri realizaciji projekta /

Authors thank for the help and support to the following institution and individuals:
Arhiv Jugoslavije, Muzej nauke i tehnike, Radio televizija Srbije, Narodna
biblioteka Srbije, Kulturni centar Beograd, Bojana Andrić, Mijat Babić, Vesna
Došen, Slavica Drobac, Stanislava Erić, Vesna Injac, Bosiljka Kićevac, Miladin
Milošević, Daniela Pejović, Mihailo Timotijević, Radoslava Timotijević,
Nadežda Tubin Simić, Odeljenje za dokumentaciju MSU, Odeljenje
muzejskih zbirki i programskih aktivnosti MIJ
Izložba Ženska strana ima za cilj da vizuelno pred-
stavi neka od pitanja vezanih za temu žene u socijalizmu, od
četrdesetih do šezdesetih godina 20. veka, a kroz formu „je-
dan dan u životu radne žene”. Model svakodnevice, na izložbi
prezentovane kroz nekoliko segmenata društvenih i privat-
nih obaveza u toku dana, zapravo punktira različite uloge
žene u gradskoj sredini nakon Drugog svetskog rata, kao i to
kako su se zvanično, u društvu, te uloge predstavljale.
Socijalizam kao poredak težio je da ukloni koncept klasnih

podela i da kroz princip opšte jednakosti otkloni materijalnu,
pravnu i formalnu potčinjenost žena. Smatralo se da žena tre-
ba da učestvuje ravnopravno u radu, da njena uloga nije samo
briga o domaćinstvu i deci, već da je to nestatična, društveno-
aktivna uloga, koja ženu čini dostupnom i funkcionalnom u
svim sferama života, na polju rada, politike, obrazovanja.
Tokom Drugog svetskog rata žena dostiže perspektivu samo-

stalnosti i društveno-političke ravnopravnosti. Ona postaje
saborac u ratu, jednako odgovorna u društvenom životu.
Međutim, već pedesetih godina, tokom perioda stabilizacije
zemlje, njena uloga žene angažovane u društvu se stišava i
ona se vraća na ranije ustanovljene uloge reproduktivno-po-
rodičnog okvira.
Na izložbi Ženska strana predstavljeni su intervjui sa trima

ženama starije generacije, različitih društvenih slojeva,
profesija i uloga. Kroz njihove životne priče rekonstruišu se
društveno-vremenski okvir i svakodnevica sredine 20. veka
u Srbiji. Te priče su potvrda, ali i suprotnost, ideala žene pro-
klamovanog u dokumentima Antifašističkog fronta žena
(AFŽ) i tekstovima ženskih časopisa — aktivnih faktora, koji
doprinose formiranju društvene svesti preuzimajući na sebe
i vaspitnu ulogu.
4 | Ženska strana
The exhibition Women’s Corner has a goal to
present visually some of the questions related to the theme
of life of woman in socialism, from the forties to the sixties, and
through the form “one day in the life of working woman”. The
model of everyday life, presented at the exhibition through
several segments, social and private obligations during the
day, actually punctuates different roles of woman in urban en-
vironment after the Second World War, as well as how these
roles were officially, socially presented.
Socialism as a system strived to remove the concept of class

divisions and to remove, through principle of general equal-
ity, the material, legal and formal inferiority of women. It was
considered that a woman should take part in the work equally,
that her role is not only to look after the household and chil-
dren, but that it is a non-static, socially active role, which
makes woman available and functional in all the spheres of
life, in the field of work, politics, education.
During the Second World War, woman attains a perspective of in-

dependence and social-political equality. She becomes a fellow-
fighter in the war, equally responsible in social life. However, as
early as in the fifties, during a period of stabilization of the coun-
try, her socially engaged role “quiets down” and she returns to pre-
viously established roles in the reproductive family framework.
Exhibition Women’s Corner presents interviews with three

women of older generation, from different social classes, pro-
fessions and roles. Through their life stories, the social time
frame and everyday life in Serbia in the mid 20th century are re-
constructed, exactly as a confirmation, but also as a contrast
to the proclaimed ideal of woman from the documents of the
Women’s Antifascist Front (AFŽ) and texts in women’s maga-
zines — active factors, which contribute to forming of social
consciousness, taking over the educational role as well.
Women’s Corner | 5
BESPOVRATNO PROPUŠTENA UTOPIJA
„U današnjem Ovo je tekst sa propagandnog letka iz
ubrzanom 2010. godine, ali sadržinski sa malim terminološkim izmena-
1
tempu života, ma — ženski klub zamenimo AFŽ-om , a vežbe i masažu, opisme-
njavanjem i prosvećivanjem — mogao bi se datirati i u sredinu 20.
ženi nije lako da veka jer su problemi žena tada bili isti kao i naši danas. Kako
nađe delikatni uskladiti posao, porodicu i ostaviti malo slobodnog vremena
balans između za sebe? Da li se nekad zapitamo, dok se vraćamo sa posla pre-
zadovoljstva, optrećene obavezama i plastičnim kesama iz megamarketa,
porodice i gde su se okupljale naše pretkinje, žene koje su ravnopravno sa
muškarcima učestvovale u ratu i izgradnji zemlje, žene koje su
obaveza…” celih dvadeset sedam godina pre žena Švajcarske dobile pravo
tekst je reklame glasa, žene koje su nam probile led učestvujući u javnom i poli-
za Ženski klub, tičkom životu posleratne Jugoslavije?2
„miran kutak u
opštoj vrevi”, koji AFŽ je nastao da bi okupio i mobilisao žene u borbi protiv oku-
patora. Žene ulaze u borbu ne za svoja prava već kao deo svog
ženama obećava porobljenog naroda.3 Često je isticano da one nisu tražile svoja
vežbe, masažu, prava, ali su ih svojom borbom i svojom krvlju stekle.4 Za druš-
druženje, korisne tvo koje je težilo emancipaciji i ukidanju nejednakosti među lju-
savete i razgovor. dima, makar na nivou teorije i deklarativnih proklamacija, rav-
nopravnost žena i muškaraca nije bila samo potreba žena, već
nužnost, jer bez pune ravnopravnosti žene ne može se zamisliti
ni prava narodna demokratija. Emancipatorsko obećanje dato
ženama u ratu, ispunjeno je u miru. Prvim posleratnim Usta-
vom iz 1946. godine žene Jugoslavije stekle su zakonsku ravno-
pravnost. Promovisana je žena novog tipa,5 u ratu partizanka
sa puškom u jednoj i detetom u drugoj ruci, a u miru aktivis-
tkinja, snažna i mišićava udarnica. Tito, već na Prvom kongre-
su AFŽ 1945. godine, pred žene postavlja nove zadatke od kojih
su najvažniji učvršćenje nove vlasti i obnova ratom razrušene
zemlje.6 Žene, uz raščišćavanje ruševina, uređuju bolnice i deč-
je domove, skupljaju priloge u hrani i novcu i započinju rad na
osnivanju dečjih i zdravstvenih ustanova. Važan zadatak AFŽ
8 | Ženska strana
1 AFŽ — Antifašistički front žena je bila
masovna politička organizacija, osnova-
na u ratu 1942, a postojala je do 1953. go-
dine kada je stvoren Savez ženskih dru-
štava. Ova ženska društveno-politička
organizacija bila je transmisija i poluga
preko koje je partijski i državni vrh zemlje
mogao delovati i uticati na realizaciju ci-
ljeva Komunističke partije, odnosno na
njihovu populazrizaciju među ženama.
2 D. Ugrešić, „Alibi kulturnih razlika ili:
How I got the picture” u: Nikog nema
doma, Beograd 2005, 204–216; D. Ugre-
šić, „Mi smo dečki” u: Kultura laži — anti-
politički eseji, Beograd 2008, 167–185.
3 U Jugoslaviji je za vreme Drugog svet-
skog rata bilo preko 100.000 žena bora-
ca, od toga je 25.000 poginulo, ranjeno
40.000, a 3.000 ostale su teški invalidi.
V. Gudac Dodić, Žena u socijalizmu, Beo-
Izgradnja pruge Brčko-Banovići 1946. / Building of the railroad Brčko-Banovići in 1946
grad, 2006, 11.
4 Arhiv Jugoslavije, Antifašistički front
žena Jugoslavije, u daljem tekstu: refe- bio je i politička i kulturna emancipacija žena, kako bi se one
rat Mitre Mitrović na I Zemaljskoj kon- osposobile za integraciju u sve tokove društva na ravnoprav-
ferenciji AFŽ 1943, AJ, 141–10–50; referat
Spasenije Cane Babović povodom 8. nim osnovama.7 Kao preduslove za ostvarivanje ravnopravno-
marta 1947, AJ, 141–14–73 sti, AFŽ propagira prosvećivanje žena kroz opismenjavanje na
5 J. B. Tito, „Danas se stvara žena novog analfabetskim tečajevima,8 organizuje zdravstvene i druge kur-
tipa” u: Izgradnja nove Jugoslavije, knjiga 2,
Beograd 1948, 130-133. seve, pokreće akciju za skidanje zara i feredže kod musliman-
6 J. B. Tito, referat „O novim zadacima skih žena. Iz dokumenata AFŽ vidljiv je raskorak između prokla-
žena“ na I Kongresu AFŽ 1945, AJ, 141–1–3 movane politike jednakosti polova i prakse, kao i protivurečan
7 L. Sklevicky, Antifašistička fronta žena:
stav same Partije o ženskom pitanju. Već 1950. godine posta-
kulturnom mijenom do žene novog tipa,
Gordogan, 15–16, Zagreb 1984, 73–110. je jasno da je izlazak žene na javnu scenu bio iznuđen proces
8 Od 1946. do 1950. godine u Jugoslaviji uslovljen potrebom da se konsoliduje stanje u zemlji i što veći
je organizovano ukupno 121.690 tečajeva
broj ljudi (pa i žena) angažuje u obnovi i izgradnji.9 Javljaju se
(od toga 50.595 u Srbiji) sa 2.829.269 po-
laznika (1.214.249 u Srbiji), od kojih je opi- otpori emancipatorskoj ulozi AFŽ, čak ni sami kreatori emanci-
smenjeno 1.924.510 (778.544 u Srbiji). N. patorskih programa nisu bili u stanju da napuste tradicionalni
Božinović, Žensko pitanje u Srbiji u XIX I XX
veku, Beograd 1996, 239.
obrazac ponašanja10 i težište rada se prenosi na specifično žen-
9 AJ, 141–3–8, III Kongres AFŽ 1950. ske probleme, pre svega pitanja zaštite majke i deteta, da bi već
10 M. Malešević, „Osmi mart — od uto- 1953. godine AFŽ bio samoukinut osnivanjem Saveza ženskih
pije do demagogije” u: Žensko, Beograd
društava, čiji je osnovni zadatak bio prosvećivanje seoske žene i
2007, 57.
unapređenje domaćinstva. 
AN IRRETRIEVABLY MISSED UTOPIA
“In today’s
accelerated
tempo of living,
it is not easy
for a woman to
find the delicate
balance between
pleasure, family
and obligations…”
is the text of an
advertisement
for the Women’s This is the text from a propagandistic
Club, “a peaceful leaflet from 2010, but in terms of contents, with small ter-1
minological changes, if we substitute women’s club with AFŽ,
corner in the and exercise and massage with spreading literacy and education,
general throng”, it could also be dated in the mid 20th century, because the
which promises women’s problems were the same as ours today. How to rec-
women exercise, oncile work and family and leave some free time for oneself.
massage, Do we wonder sometimes when we are coming home from
work, overburdened with obligations and plastic bags from
socializing, megamarkets, where our ancestors gathered, the women
useful advice and that equally with men took part in the war and building of the
conversation. country, the women that gained the right to vote whole twen-
ty seven years before the women of Switzerland, the women
that “broke the ice” for us by participating in the public and po-
litical life of the post-war Yugoslavia?2
AFŽ emerged in order to gather and mobilize women in the

struggle against the occupying forces. Women enter into the
struggle not for their own rights, but as a part of their oppressed
10 | Ženska strana
people.3 It has often been pointed out that they did not ask for
their rights, but they acquired them with their fight and their
blood.4 For a society that strived towards emancipation and
abolishing of inequality among people, at least at the level of
theory and declarative proclamations, the equality between
women and men was not only a woman’s need, but a necessity,
because without full female equality one cannot imagine real
people’s democracy either. The emancipatory promise given to
women in the war was kept in peace. With the first post-was
Constitution from 1946 the women of Yugoslavia gained legal
equality. A new type of woman was promoted,5 partisan in war
1 AFŽ — Women’s Antifascist Front was a
mass political organization, founded dur-
with a gun in one hand and a baby in the other, and activist in
ing the war in 1942, and it existed until 1953 peace, strong and muscular shock worker. As early as at the
when the Association of Women’s Societies
was formed. This female social-political or- First Congress of the AFŽ in 1945, Tito designs new missions for
ganization was a transmission and a lever women, the most important of which are the consolidation of
through which the party and state leader-
ship could act and influence the realization the new government and reconstruction of the country demol-
of the goals of the Communist party, that is
ished by war.6 Women, beside clearing up the ruins, renovate
to say their popularization among women.
2 D. Ugrešić, “Alibi kulturnih razlika ili: How hospitals and children’s homes, collect contributions in food
I got the picture” in: Nikog nema doma, Bel- and money and start working on the foundation of children’s
grade 2005, 204–216; “Mi smo dečki” in: Kul-
tura laži — antipolitički eseji, Belgrade 2008, and health care institutions. One of the AFŽ’s important mis-
167–185.
sions was also the political and cultural emancipation of wom-
3 In Yugoslavia during the Second World War
there was over 100,000 women fighters, en, in order to enable them to integrate on equal bases into
out of which 25,000 were killed, 40,000 all social developments.7 AFŽ advocates the enlightenment of
wounded, and 3,000 remained permanent-
ly disabled. V. Gudac-Dodić, Žena u socijal- women through spreading of literacy in analphabetic courses,8
izmu, Belgrade 2006, 11.
organizes health care and other courses, starts an action for the
4 Archive of Yugoslavia, Women’s Antifascist
Front of Yugoslavia, hereafter: AJ, 141–10–50, removal of hijab and veil in Muslim women, as prerequisites for
the report of Mitra Mitrović at the First
achieving equality. From the AFŽ documents one can see a dis-
Earthly Conference of the AFŽ 1943; AJ, 141–
14–73, the report of Spasenija Cana Babović crepancy between the proclaimed policy of equality of sexes and
on the occasion of March 8th 1947.
practice, as well as the contradictory attitude of the Party itself
5 J. B. Tito, “Danas se stvara žena novog tipa”
in: Izgradnja nove Jugoslavije, book 2, Belgrade concerning the female question. As early as 1950 it becomes
1948, 130–133.
clear that the woman’s appearance on the public scene was an
6 AJ, 141–1–3, “O novim zadacima žena”, re-
port of Josip Broz Tito at the First Congress extorted process necessitated by the need to consolidate the
of the AFŽ in 1945. conditions in the country and for as many people as possible (in-
7 L. Sklevicky, “Antifašistička fronta žena: kul-
turnom mjenom do žene novog tipa”, Gordo- cluding women) to be engaged in reconstruction and building.9
gan, 15–16, Zagreb 1984, 73–110. There emerge resistances to the emancipatory role of the AFŽ,
8 From 1946 to 1950 in Yugoslavia the total
of 121,690 courses were organized (50,595
even the creators of the emancipatory programs themselves
of which in Serbia) with 2,829,269 students were not able to abandon the traditional pattern of behavior,10
(1,214,249 in Serbia), out of which 1,924,510
became literate (778,544 in Serbia). N. and the work emphasis is transposed to specifically female
Božinović, Žensko pitanje u Srbiji u XIX i XX problems, above all the questions of care for mother and child,
veku, Belgrade 1996, 239.
9 AJ, 141–3–8, the Third Congress of the AFŽ so as early as 1953 the AFŽ was self-abolished by the foundation
1950. of the Association of Women’s Societies, whose basic task was
10 M. Malešević, “Osmi mart — od utopije
do demagogije” in: Žensko, Belgrade 2007, 57.
the enlightenment of the country woman and the improve-
ment of the household. 
Časopis Žena danas br. 35, 1945.
Magazine Žena danas (Woman Today) No. 35, 1945
Edo Murtić
Živio 8. mart dan žena! / Long live March 8th, day of women!
Socijalistička država je nastojala da utiče
na sve sfere javnog i privatnog života žene, pa i na pravilno
vaspitanje dece u duhu socijalizma1 jer „podizanje dece je
ključ za način na koji društvo sebe iznova stvara sa svakim
novim naraštajem”.2 U dokumentima AFŽ porodica se često
ističe kao kočnica aktivacije žena i ostvarivanja njihovog no-
vog društvenog položaja. Ipak, AFŽ afirmiše ovu instituciju
„Voleti decu — koja je i potreba i prepreka novoj društvenoj ulozi žena.3 Po-
to ume i kokoška. stojeća društvena shvatanja po kojima je najznačajnija ulo-
ga žene u porodici podizanje i vaspitavanje dece bilo je teško
A umeti ih
promeniti, kao i duboko ukorenjenu praksu da sve poslove
vaspitati, to je oko dece obavlja žena, čak i kada radi van kuće puno radno
veliki državni vreme. Žene su posle rađanja dece često napuštale posao jer
posao, koji nisu imale kome da povere decu na čuvanje. AFŽ je nastojao
zahteva talenat i da podigne svest žena (ali ne i muškaraca i zaostale sredine)
shvatajući da iako Ustav i svi zakonski propisi tretiraju ženu
široko poznavanje
kao ravnopravnu, u praktičnom životu to nije tako i da bitka
života.” za unutrašnje slobode i ravnopravnost žene u osnovnom se-
(A.M.Gorki) gmentu društva — porodici, tek predstoji.
Država je pokušavala da uspostavljanjem odgovarajućih

ustanova pruži pomoć zaposlenoj ženi-majci u čuvanju, po-
dizanju i vaspitavanju dece i olakša joj konfliktan položaj u
kome se našla razapeta između tradicionalne uloge u porodi-
ci i nove društvene uloge zaposlene žene. AFŽ se angažovao
na otvaranju što većeg broja jaslica, obdaništa, dečjih igra-
lišta i sezonskih dečjih vrtića po selima, ističući da „ženska
ravnopravnost postaje fraza ako za njom ne dolazi izgradnja
stotine i hiljade domova, obdaništa za decu itd, koji će ženi
omogućiti da ravnopravno vrši svoj posao u društvu, ostajući
istovremeno nežna majka svoje dece”.4
14 | Ženska strana
1 „Ako žena ne ide na kakav zadatak, na neku Uredba o jaslama i dečjim vrtićima, kojom se obavezuju
gradnju, cestu ili kuću koja se podiže ili kakav preduzeća, ustanove i organizacije da otvore jasle i dečje vr-
drugi rad koji vrše frontovci, ponekad se izvo-
di zaključak da ona zbog toga ne vrši svoju tiće za decu svojih radnica, ukoliko u preduzeću ima preko
funkciju napredne žene Jugoslavije i ne daje
svoj socijalistički prilog. A ona, međutim, ne
dvadesetoro dece kojoj su te ustanove potrebne, donesena
može da ide zato što ne može ostaviti samu je 1948. godine. Naredne godine doneta je Uredba o zaštiti
djecu. Ako bi htjela da ide tamo, morala bi
naći nekog tko bi joj pazio djecu. A ako ona to
trudnih žena i majki dojilja koja garantuje ženama 90 dana
učini, šta smo onda time dobili? Ništa! Odno- plaćenog odsustva, svaka 3 sata prekid rada zbog dojenja
sno, dobili bi smo to da se ta žena trga na dvi-
je strane, jer ne bi željela da izgubi obraz na- deteta do 6 meseci starosti, kao i mogućnost skraćenog
predne žene Jugoslavije, a istovremeno ne bi radnog vremena. Zbog uvođenja dečjeg dodatka 1951. godi-
htjela da njena djeca stradaju ili se unesreće
kod kuće. Nepravilno je gledanje i shvatanje ne, dečje ustanove su prešle na samostalno izdržavanje, s
da majke sa više djece ne vrše društveno kori-
tim što je država snosila troškove za investicije i osoblje a
stan rad, da ne rade na socijalizmu, jer je pra-
vilno vaspitanje djece njihova prva dužnost.” sve ostalo je išlo na teret roditelja dece. Dečje jasle i vrtići
J.B. Tito, govor na Trećem kongresu AFŽ-a bili su malobrojni, ali je njihov broj stalno i sistematski ra-
Jugoslavije, 1950, Arhiv Jugoslavije, Anti-
fašistički front žena Jugoslavije, u daljem stao sve do 1951. kada naglo opada posle prelaska na samo-
tekstu: AJ, 141–3–8.
stalno izdržavanje.
2 En Lejn, „Žena u društvu: kritika Fridriha
Engelsa” u: Ž. Papić, L. Sklevicky /ur/, Antro-
pologija žene, Beograd 2003, 205. Socijalizacijom porodičnih uloga, Partija je nastojala da za-
3 L. Sklevicky, „Antifašistička fronta žena:
kulturnom mijenom do žene novog tipa”, mišljenu idealnu sliku žene realizuje u svakodnvnom živo-
Gordogan, 15–16, Zagreb 1984, 100–103. tu. Ipak, društvena briga o deci je bar delimično oslobodila
4 Vida Tomšič, referat „Socijalno staranje kao
jedan od najvažnijih zadataka AFŽ u obnovi
ženu i pružila joj mogućnost da radi i stekne ekonomsku
zemlje” na Prvom kongresu AFŽ, AJ, 141–1–3. nezavisnost. 
The socialist state endeavored to influence all
the spheres of woman’s public and private life, including proper
raising of children in the spirit of socialism1 because “raising of chil-
dren is the key for the way in which a society creates itself afresh
with each new generation”.2 In the AFŽ documents, the family is
often being distinguished as an impediment for the activation of
women and actualization of their new social position. Neverthe-
“To love children less, the AFŽ affirms this institution that is both a need and an ob-
— even a hen stacle to the new social role of women.3 The existing social percep-
tions according to which the most important role of the woman in
can do that. But
the family is raising and educating children were hard to change,
to know how to as well as a deeply rooted practice that all the duties concerning
raise them, that children should be performed by the woman, even if she is working
is an important outside of the house full-time. After giving birth, women would of-
state business, ten leave their jobs because they did not have anyone they could
entrust their children with. The AFŽ endeavored to raise the con-
which demands
sciousness of women (but not of men and the backward surround-
talent and a ings) realizing that although the Constitution and all the legal reg-
broad knowledge ulations treated woman as equal, in practical life this was not so,
of life.” and that the struggle for women’s internal freedoms and equality
(A. M. Gorky) in the basic segment of the society — family — was yet to come.
16 | Ženska strana
1 “If a woman does not go to some kind of as- The state tried, by establishing proper institutions, to help the
signment, to some kind of building, of a road
or a house being raised or some other kind working woman — mother — in caring, raising and educat-
of work being done by the front-liners, one
ing children, and relieve the conflicting position in which she
can sometimes come to a conclusion that
because of this she is not performing her found herself torn between the traditional role in the family
function of a progressive woman of Yugosla-
via and not giving her socialist contribution.
and a new social role of working woman. The AFŽ engaged
And she, however, cannot go because she itself in the creation of as many as possible nurseries, kinder-
cannot leave her children by themselves. If
she wanted to go there, she would have to gartens, children’s playgrounds and season day-care centers
find someone to look after her children. And in villages, pointing out that “women’s equality becomes just a
if she would do that, what would we gain?
Nothing! In other words, we would have this phrase if it is not followed by building hundreds and thousands
woman torn between two sides, because of homes, kindergartens and so forth, which would enable the
she would not want to loose the reputation
of a progressive woman of Yugoslavia, and woman to equally perform her job in the society, while at the
at the same time, she would not want her
children to be hurt or to suffer an accident at
same time remaining a tender mother of her children.”4
home. Perception that mothers with many
children are not performing socially useful
work, that they are not working on social-
The regulation on nurseries and kindergartens that obligates
ism, is incorrect, because proper raising of firms, institutions and organizations to open nurseries and
children is their first obligation.”
Archive of Yugoslavia, Women’s Antifascist
kindergartens for the children of their female workers when
Front of Yugoslavia, hereafter: AJ, 141-3-8, there are over 20 children in the firm that need those institu-
speech of J. B. Tito at the Third Congress of
the AFŽ of Yugoslavia, 1950. tions, was passed in 1948. In the following year the Regulation
2 Anne Lane, “Žena u društvu: kritika Fridriha on protection of pregnant and nursing mothers was passed
Engelsa” in: Ž. Papić, L. Sklevicky /ed/, Antro-
pologija žene, Belgrade 2003, 205.
that guaranteed women 90 days of paid absence, a pause in
3 L. Sklevicky, “Antifašistička fronta žena: work every 3 hours for breastfeeding a child up to 6 months
kulturnom mjenom do žene novog tipa”,
Gordogan, 15–16, Zagreb 1984, 100–103.
of age, as well as the possibility of shortened working hours.
4 The report of Vida Tomšič “Socijalno sta- Due to introduction of child benefit in 1951, children’s institu-
ranje kao jedan od najvažnijih zadataka AFŽ tions shifted to self-support with the state covering the ex-
u obnovi zemlje” at the First Congress of the
AFŽ in 1945, AJ, 141–1–3 penses for the investments and personnel, while everything
else was at parents’ costs. Nurseries and kindergartens were
few, but their number constantly and systematically grew
until 1951, when it suddenly drops following their transition
to self-support.
By socializing the family roles, the Party endeavored to realize

the imagined ideal image of woman in everyday life. However,
the social care for children liberated the woman at least partly
and gave her an opportunity to work and achieve economic
independence. 
Časopis Ukus br. 12, 1948.
Magazine Ukus (Taste) no. 12, 1948
Crtež za dečje jaslice, časopis Žena u borbi br. 12, 1949.
A nursery drawing, magazine Žena u borbi (Woman in Combat) No. 12, 1949
„Žene učestvuju zaista na svim poljima izgradnje. Ali žene
Jugoslavije isto tako shvaćaju da je danas odnos prema
radu drugačiji, da mora da bude drugačiji nego što je bio
nekada. Danas, mi imamo svoju državu, danas ono što ra-
dimo, za sebe radimo. Zato već danas imamo bezbroj hero-
ja rada, kao što smo kroz celo vreme četvorogodišnje borbe
imale heroje fronta. Heroji rada — to su naši udarnici. Biti
udarnik je dokaz visoke svesti, biti udarnik — to je velika
čast.” („Heroji rada — heroji fronta”, Žena danas1, 1945.)
Masovno zapošljavanje žena, koje je država
popularisala nakon rata kao deo svog zvaničnog programa,
trebalo je da bude jedna od suštinskih potvrda izvojevanih
prava žena. Dominiralo je gledište da se u ekonomskoj samo-
stalnosti zapravo „rešava sudbina njene ravnopravnosti”2.
1 Glasilo Komunističke partije Jugoslavije,
časopis Žena danas, pokrenut je 1936. go- Pravo žene na rad, međutim, nije proizilazilo samo iz zahte-
dine sa ciljem da prosveti, politički osve-
sti i mobilše žene za korenito menjanje va nove ideologije za postizanjem što egalitarnije strukture
društva. Tokom rata Žena danas je odigrala društva. Kada se nakon oslobođenja javila potreba da se sve
veliku ulogu u razvijanju političke svesti
žena Jugoslavije u borbi protiv okupatora. raspoložive snage uključe u obnovu i izgradnju ratom razru-
U posleratnim izdanjima, Žena danas pod-
šene zemlje, nova vlast je u cilju postizanja državnih interesa,
stiče obnovu i izgradnju zemlje, pomaže u
uspostavljanju nove vlasti, propagira peto- pred ženu postavila i nove zadatke. Ubrzana modernizacija i
godišnji plan, populariše omladinske radne
akcije, učestvuje u borbi za iskorenjavanje
industrijalizacija, trebalo je da zemlju izvedu iz nerazvijenosti
nepismenosti i obrazovanje žena. i sveopšte zaostalosti, a proširivanje industrije otvaranjem
2 V. Tomšić, referat „Mesto i uloga ženskih
fabrika u novim industrijskim granama predviđeno je i prvim
organizacija u današnjoj etapi razvitka so-
cijalističkih društvenih odnosa” na Četvr- petogodišnjim planom.3 Ekonomski razvitak zemlje bio je je-
tom kongresu AFŽ-a Jugoslavije, 1953, Arhiv
Jugoslavije, Antifašistički front žena Jugo-
dan od prioritetnih ciljeva države, a brza ekonomska obnova
slavije, u daljem tekstu: AJ–141–5–11 značila je i bržu stabilizaciju političkog sistema.4
3 I. Dobrivojević, „Život u socijalizmu — prilog
proučavanju životnog standarda građana u
FNRJ 1945–1955”, u: Istorija 20. veka, 1/2009, 83. Primenjujući istu strategiju kojom je težila da mobiliše žene to-
4 Lj. Dimić, Agitprop kultura: Agitpropovska kom rata u cilju odbrane zemlje, komunistička partija moćnim
faza kulturne politike u Srbiji 1945–1952, Beo-
grad 1988, 19. aparatom propagande afirmiše novi ideal žene. Na stranica-
22 | Ženska strana
5 N. Todorović-Uzelac, Ženska štampa i kultura ma dnevne štampe i ženskih časopisa počinju da se pojavljuju
ženstvenosti, Naučna knjiga, Beograd, 1987, 130.
6 “U tom masovnom učešću žena, kako u
likovi žena koje su svojim izuzetnim zalaganjem prebacivale
ratu tako i u izgradnji slobodne i nezavisne predviđene radne norme. Udarnica postaje oličenje emancipo-
zemlje, otkrile su se i otkrivaju se najlepše
crte jugoslovenske žene. Danas te osobine, vane žene, spremne da se uhvati u koštac sa zahtevima novog
iz kojih se stvara novi lik nove žene treba da- društva, afirmišući ideologiju ženske uspešnosti ostvarenu
lje vaspitavati i negovati u duhu svesnog od-
nosa prema svom radu … u duhu radne dis- kroz rad.5 „Heroji rada — heroji fronta”, kako slovi naslov jednog
cipline i odgovornosti, u duhu spremnosti na članka iz 1945. godine objavljen u Ženi danas, jasno ukazuje na
napore, na sagledavanje svih teškoća koje se
imaju prebroditi u ovim godinama svestrane analogiju između partizanke i udarnice — nova žena6 izašla iz
izgradnje, u duhu borbe protiv malodušno-
sti pred teškoćama, protiv starih predrasuda
rata oslobođena i izjednačena sa muškarcem, svoju emancipa-
koje pasiviziraju žene i štete bržoj izgradnji ciju trebalo je samo da potvrdi svojim predanim radom.7
zemlje.” Mitra Mitrović, govor na Drugom
kongresu AFŽ-a Jugoslavije, Borba, 26.1.1948.
7 M. Malešević, „Osmi mart — od utopije do Otvaranje menzi i restorana društvene ishrane8 u sklopu poje-
demagogije” u: Glasnik Etnografskog instituta
SANU, knj. XXXVI–XXXVII, Beograd 1988, 66.
dinih preduzeća i organizacija, trebalo je da ženu-radnicu bar
8 Prema Naredbi o kategorizaciji državnih delimično oslobode kućnih obaveza i učine je funkcionalnijom
ugostiteljskih preduzeća iz januara 1947.
menze su definisane kao ustanove za zajed-
i dostupnijom u polju rada. Briga o društvenoj ishrani bila je
ničku ishranu radnika, službenika i name- deo petogodišnjeg plana, te je od narodnih odbora zahtevano
štenika jednog ili više preduzeća, ustanova
ili nadleštava, a restorani kao ugostiteljska
ne samo da rade na otvaranju novih objekata društvene ishra-
preduzeća namenjena zajedničkoj ishrani lju- ne već i da im daju prioritet nad drugim vrstama ugostiteljskih
di bez obzira na mesto njihovog zaposlenja;
Naredba o kategorizaciji državnih ugostitelj- objekata.9 U praksi ovaj vid podruštvljavanja nekih tradicio-
skih preduzeća, Službeni list FNRJ, 7/1947. nalnih uloga porodice ipak nije dao zadovoljavajuće rezultate,
9 S. Selinić, „Društvena ishrana u Jugosla-
viji 1945–1950”, Arhiv, časopis Arhiva Srbije i
pre svega zbog relativno visokih cena u restoranima, jednolič-
Crne Gore, 1–2, 2008, 62. ne hrane, a nekada i vrlo loših higijenskih uslova. 
10 Prema članu 24. Ustava Federativne Na- Ukidanje diskriminacije na polju rada garantovano je Ustavom
rodne Republike Jugoslavije (31. januar 1946),
žene su ravnopravne sa muškarcima u svim FNRJ iz 1946. godine10. Iako je ženama formalno-pravno omo-
oblastima državnog, privrednog i društveno- gućen jednak tretman na radnom mestu i prodor u sve profe-
političkog života, i dalje: za jednak rad žene
imaju pravo na jednaku platu kao i muškarci sije, čak i one koje su do skoro smatrane isključivo muškim11,
i uživaju posebnu zaštitu u radnom odnosu.
već početkom pedesetih godina uočava se nesklad između
11 Žene se sada pojavljuju u pozivima trak-
toriste, magacionera, konduktera, građe- proklamovane politike i prakse. Kada je gradove i velike indu-
vinskih radnika i sl. Od 600 zanimanja, ko- strijske centre pogodila nezaposlenost, žene su, i pored tvrdnji
liko ih je postojalo 1950. godine, samo u 60
nije bilo žena. M. Malešević, nav. delo, 68. da je svako njihovo zapostavljanje u privrednom, političkom
12 Broj žena u svim granama privrede po- i uopšte društvenom životu „nedopustivo i tuđe socijalizmu”,
činje da se smanjuje ovih godina. Od uku-
pnog broja radnika i službenika, žene su otpuštane kao manje rentabilna radna snaga12. Njihovo povla-
1948. godine činile 24, 53%, da bi već 1952.
čenje iz javnog života i povratak na tradicionalne uloge majke
njihovo učešće bilo smanjeno na 21%. Videti
u: N. Todorović-Uzelac, nav. delo, 131–132. i domaćice nagovestio je nove tendencije i potrebe društva. 
Višak radne snage rešavan je često tako što
su otpuštane žene čiji su muževi radili i one
su vraćane u domaćinstvo. Pojedini kolekti-
vi su otpuštali žene kao slabije kvalifikova-
nu i manje rentabilnu snagu.
Fabrika svile u Titovom Velesu, 1953 >

Silk factory in Titov Veles, 1953
Restoran društvene ishrane u Ljubljani, 1951.

Community restaurant in Ljubljana, 1951
24 | Ženska strana
“Women really take part in all the fields of building. But
the women of Yugoslavia also realize that the relationship
towards work is different today, that it has to be different
from what it used to be. Today, we have our own country;
what we do today, we do for ourselves. That is why we al-
ready have a countless number of work heroes, like during
the entire four-year struggle we had heroes of the front-
line. Work heroes — those are our shock workers. To be a
shock worker is a proof of high consciousness, to be a shock
worker — that is a great honor.” (“Work Heroes — Heroes
of the Frontline”, Žena danas,1 1945)
Mass employment of women, popularized by

the state after the war as a part of its official program, was sup-
1 The organ of the Communist Party of Yugo- posed to be one of the essential confirmations of the achieved
slavia, magazine Žena danas, was launched
in 1936 with a goal to enlighten, politically
women’s rights. The most dominant viewpoint was that econom-
awaken and mobilize women for radical ic independence actually “determines the fate of her equality”.2
change of the society. During the war, this
magazine played an important role in the
development of political consciousness of Woman’s right to work did not only arise from the demands of
the women of Yugoslavia in the fight against
the occupying forces. In the postwar issues, the new ideology for achieving as egalitarian structure of the so-
Žena danas encourages the reconstruction
and building of the country, helps to estab-
ciety as possible. After the liberation, when a need emerged for all
lish the new government, propagates the the available forces to take part in the reconstruction and build-
five-year plan, popularizes youth labor ac-
tions, takes part in the struggle for eradicat-
ing of the war-torn country, the Party, with a goal of realizing the
ing illiteracy and education of women. interests of the official state policy, lay down before the woman
2 V. Tomšič, report “Mesto i uloga ženskih
organizacija u današnjoj etapi razvitka
some new assignments as well. Accelerated modernization and
socijalističkih društvenih odnosa” at the industrialization was supposed to pull the country out from un-
Fourth Congress of the AFŽ of Yugoslavia,
1953, Archive of Yugoslavia, Women’s Anti-
derdevelopment and general backwardness, and expanding of
fascist Front, hereafter: AJ–141–5–11. industry by way of opening factories in new industrial branches
26 | Ženska strana
3 I. Dobrivojević, “Život u socijalizmu — prilog was likewise envisaged by the first five-year plan.3 Economic de-
proučavanju životnog standarda građana u
FNRJ 1945–1955”, in: Istorija 20. veka, 1/2009, 83. velopment of the country was one of state’s priority goals, and
4 Lj. Dimić, Agitprop kultura: Agitpropovska quick economic revival also meant quicker stabilization of the
faza kulturne politike u Srbiji 1945–1952, Bel-
grade 1988, 19. political system.4
5 N. Todorović-Uzelac, Ženska štampa i kultura
ženstvenosti, Belgrade, 1987, 130.
By applying the same strategy through which it strived to
mobilize women during the war for the purpose of defending
the country, the Communist Party, through a powerful propa-
ganda apparatus, affirms a new ideal of woman. On the pages
of daily newspapers and women’s magazines start to emerge
new faces of women that, through their exceptional dedica-
tion, overfulfill the established work norms. The shock worker
becomes the embodiment of emancipated woman, ready to
Ljubica Sokić come to grips with the demands of the new society, affirming
Spremanje razboja / Preparing the Loom the ideology of women’s success accomplished through work.5
6 “In this mass participation of women, both in “Work Heroes — Heroes of the Frontline”, as reads the title of
the war and in the building of a free and inde-
pendent country, were and are being revealed an article from 1945 published in Žena danas, clearly indicates
the most beautiful traits of the Yugoslav wom- the analogy between the partisan and the shock worker — the
an. Today those characteristics, from which de-
velops a new face of the new woman, should new woman,6 emerged from the war liberated and equalized
further be educated and nurtured in the spirit
of conscious relationship towards one’s work…
with the man, should have only confirmed her emancipation
in the spirit of work discipline and responsi- by diligent work.7
bility, in the spirit of readiness for efforts, for
seeing all the difficulties that have to be over-
come in these years of universal construction, The opening of canteens and community restaurants8 in the
in the spirit against dejection before difficul-
ties, against the old prejudices that passivize framework of certain businesses and organizations, was sup-
women and are detrimental to quicker build- posed to free the woman-worker at least partially from her
ing of the country.” Mitra Mitrović, speech at
the Second Congress of the AFŽ of Yugoslavia, household obligations and make her more functional and
Borba, January 26th 1948.
available in the field of work. The care for canteen meals was a
7 M. Malešević, “Osmi mart — od utopije do
demagogije” in: Glasnik Etnografskog instituta part of the five-year plan, so the national committees were de-
SANU, books XXXVI–XXXVII, Belgrade, 1988, 66. manded not only to work on the opening of new community
8 According to the Directive on categoriza-
tion of state catering establishments from restaurants, but also to give them priority over other kinds of
January 1947, canteens were defined as insti- catering establishments.9 However, this kind of socializing of
tutions for collective nurturing of workers,
employees and staff members of one or more some traditional family roles did not yield satisfactory results
businesses, institutions or head offices, and
in practice, above all due to relatively high prices in the restau-
restaurants as catering establishments des-
ignated for collective nourishing of people rants, monotonous food, and sometimes very poor hygienic
disregarding the place of their employment;
Directive on categorization of state catering
conditions as well.
establishments, Službeni list FNRJ, 7/1947.
9 D. Selinić, “Društvena ishrana u Jugoslaviji
Abolishment of discrimination in the field of work was guar-
1945–1950”, Arhiv, magazine of the Archive of
Serbia and Montenegro, 1–2, 2008, 62. anteed by the Constitution of the FPRY from 1946.10 Although
10 According to Article 24 of the Constitution of women were formally-legally allowed equal treatment in the
the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia (Jan-
uary 31st 1946), women are equal with men in all workplace and entry into all professions, including even the
the fields of state, economic and social-political
life, and further: for equal work women have a
ones that until lately had been considered exclusively male,11 as
right to equal wages as men and have the ben- early as at the beginning of the fifties, one notices a discrep-
efit of special care in the working relationship.
ancy between the proclaimed policy and practice. When cities
11 Women now appear in the vocations of
tractor drivers, warehouse workers, conduc- and big industrial centers were hit by unemployment, in spite
tors, construction workers and other. Out of
600 vocations, the number that existed in
of allegations that any kind of neglect of women in the eco-
1950, women were not present only in 60. nomic, political and social life in general was “intolerable and
M. Malešević, op. cit, 68.
alien to socialism”, women were laid off as less profitable labor
12 The number of women in all the branches
of economy is starting to drop in these years. force.12 Their retreat from public life and return to traditional
From the total number of workers and em-
ployees, in 1948 women made up 24.53%,
roles of mother and housewife foreshadowed the new tenden-
while their participation was lowered to cies and the society’s needs. 
21% as early as 1950. See in: N. Todorović-
Uzelac, op. cit, 131–132. The surplus of labour
force was solved by laying off women whose
husbands worked and they were returned to
the household. Certain collectives were dis-
misssing women as poorly qualified and less
profitable workforce.
U novim pozivima... >

In new vocations...
28 | Ženska strana
< Časopis Žena u borbi br. 27, 1947. Časopis Žena danas br. 47, 1946.
Magazine Žena u borbi (Woman in Combat) No. 27, 1947 Magazine Žena danas (Woman Today) No. 47, 1946
„Najznačajnije
promene u ličnim
odnosima biće
unete tada, kad
će biti ženama
obezbeđena
ekonomska
samostalnost i
nezavisnost... No, bio Rušenje tradicionalnih, patrijarhalnih modela,
je jedan od glavnih ciljeva izgradnje novog društva i nove
jasno je da onoj države. Pokušaj integracije žena u sve oblasti ekonomskog,
ženi koja je sama društvenog i kulturnog života uticao je donekle na formiranje
naučena da zaradi novog i drugačijeg identiteta žene, ali ekonomska i pravna
svoj hleb, koja nezavisnost nisu bile dovoljne da u potpunosti izmene po-
voli svoju struku stojeća ukorenjena shvatanja u domenu porodičnih odnosa.
Podela uloga u porodici proizilazila je iz tradicionalno postav-
i svoj rad, nikad ljenih obrazaca po kojima je briga o domu i deci i dalje bila
više neće moći isključiva nadležnost žene. „I pored svih napora da se stvo-
niko da nametne ri što jača materijalna baza kako bi žene mogle koristiti sva
odnose koji su prava koja im zakon priznaje, u svesti nekih ljudi još uvek žive
vladali u kućama nepravilna shvatanja1 o ženi kao o robu kuće i porodice, kao o
bespravnom biću...”
naših majki, gde
je muž bio po Smatrajući da je „zaostalo domaćinstvo jedna od objektivnih
pravu poglavica smetnji svestranom uzdizanju žena i razvijanju njihove naj-
porodice, a majka šire aktivnosti”2, AFŽ se angažovao na proučavanju položaja
čak nije mogla biti žene u kući i njenom rasterećenju. Jedan od pokušaja socijali-
ni staratelj svoje zacije kućnog rada bili su servisi za pružanje usluga domaćin-
stvima. Prenošenjem kućnih poslova na javne službe3
vlastite dece.” osnivanjem uslužnih radionica: krpaonica, perionica, pegla-
(Vida Tomšič na IV onica, restorana društvene ishrane, država je nastojala da
kongresu AFŽ-a) dvostruko opterećenoj ženi pomogne i delimično je oslobodi
32 | Ženska strana
1 Žena danas br. 105, mart 1953. svakodnevnih kućnih obaveza.4 Realan otpor žena prema
2 Žena danas br. 103, januar 1953.
uslužnim servisima i njihovo nedovoljno korišćenje, na šta
3 “Pretvaranje domaćinstava u javnu funkciju
znači osloboditi ženu svih onih poslova koje su pre svega uticale nepristupačne cene i nezadovoljavajući
danas može racionalnje, jeftinije i bolje da vrši kvalitet usluge, doveo je do zatvaranja velikog broja servisa
industrija ili mehanizovana radionica, uvesti
u njenu kuću sav konfor koji može da pruži početkom pedesetih godina.
tehnika na današnjem stupnju razvoja. To
znači osloboditi je poslova koje je hiljadama
niti vezuju za prošlost, potcenjenog i eksplo- Preambiciozno postavljen zadatak sveobuhvatne moderni-
atisanog bića, da bi bila građanin socijalistič-
ke zemlje, drug svome mužu i vaspitač svoje
zacije i transformacije društva kojim je staro, konzervativno
dece.”, Žena danas br. 103, januar 1953. i patrijarhalno, trebalo trenutno zameniti novim, naprednim
4 V. Gudac-Dodić, Žena u socijalizmu: Položaj
žene u Srbiji u drugoj polovini 20. veka, Beo-
i modernim, naprosto nije mogao biti podržan realnim druš-
grad, 2006, 106–107. tveno-ekonomskim mogućnostima zemlje. Tendencija ma-
5 M. Malešević, „Osmi mart — od utopije do
sovne pasivizacije i depolitizacije žena početkom pedesetih
demagogije” u: Glasnik Etnografskog instituta
SANU, knj. XXXVI–XXXVII, Beograd 1988, 69. godina bila je posledica nemogućnosti društva da temeljno i
6 „O ravnopravnosti ne može biti reči dogod se na svim planovima ostvari svoja programska načela,5 ali i ne-
same žene ... budu osećale kao manje vredna
i potčinjena bića i dogod interesovanje većine spremnosti žena da se sa novim zahtevima izbore.6
žena bude usmereno isključivo na porodicu
i domaćinstvo“. Žena danas br. 105, mart 1953.
7 N. Todorović-Uzelac, Ženska štampa i kultu- Prodor praktičnih i zabavnih sadržaja, a na račun informativ-
ra ženstvenosti, Beograd, 1987, 87–89.
no-političkih i društvenih, u ženska borbena glasila kao što su
časopis Žena danas i Žena u borbi, u potpunosti odražava realan
status žene i njene potrebe u ovom društvenom trenutku. U
nedostatku institucionalizovanih oblika pomoći ženi i poro-
dici, štampa je nudila konkretne savete za obavljanje svakod-
nevnih poslova.7 „Ne zamarajete se nepotrebnim kretnjama“,
„štedite snagu na malim poslovima“, „upotrebljavajte racional-
no svoju snagu u kućanstvu“ — bila su neophodna uputstva za
savlađivanje dvostrukih zadataka koje im je društvo nameta-
lo. Praktično-savetodavni sadržaji bili su odraz objektivnih po-
treba, jer su ženama nudili konkretnu pomoć, ali su je ujedno i
učvršćivali u njenim tradicionalnim ulogama. 
“The most
significant
changes in
personal
relationships will
be introduced
then, when The destruction of traditional, patriarchal
women have models was one of the main goals in the building of the new
society and new state. The attempt to integrate women into
secured economic all fields of economic, social and cultural life somewhat in-
autonomy and fluenced the formation of a new and different woman’s iden-
independence… tity, but economic and legal independence were not enough
However, it is to completely change the existing rooted notions in the do-
clear that a main of family relationships. The division of roles in the family
emerged from traditionally established patterns according to
woman who has which the care for home and children comes under exclusive
learned to earn competence of the woman. “Even with all the efforts to cre-
her own bread, ate as strong a material base as possible so women could use
who likes her all the rights that the law acknowledges them, in the minds
vocation and her of some people there still live incorrect notions of woman as a
slave to house and family, as a rightless being…”1
job, will never
again suffer
the imposed
relationships that
dominated in the
houses of our
mothers, where Feeling that “backward household is an objective obstacles to
the husband was comprehensive advancement of women and development of
the rightful chief their broadest activity”,2 the AFŽ applied themselves to the study
of the family, and of the position of woman in the house and her disburdening. One
of the attempts to socialize the housework were the agencies
the mother was for giving services to households. By transposing the housework
not even able to to public services,3 founding of service workshops — mending-
be the custodian shops, laundries, ironing services and community restaurants —
of her own the state endeavored to help the doubly burdened woman and par-
4
children.” tially free her of quotidian responsibilities in the household. The
real women’s resistance towards the service agencies and their
(Vida Tomšič at insufficient use, which was above all influenced by prohibitive
the IV Congress of prices and unsatisfactory quality of the service, led to the closing
the AFŽ) of a large number of service agencies in the early fifties.
34 | Ženska strana
Overly ambitious task of comprehensive modernization and
transformation of the society in which the new, advanced
and modern should have replaced the old, conservative and
patriarchal, simply could not be supported by the real social-
1 Žena danas No. 105, March 1953.
2 Žena danas No. 103, January 1953.
economic possibilities of the country. A tendency of mass pas-
3 “Turning the household into a public func- sivization and depoliticization of women in the early fifties
tion means freeing woman of all the work
was a consequence of society’s inability to actualize its pro-
that today can be performed more ratio-
nally, cheaper and better by an industry or gram tenets thoroughly and on all plans,5 but also of women’s
a mechanized shop and introducing into
her home all the comfort that technology
unreadiness to come to grips with the new demands.6
can provide in its current stage of develop-
ment. That means freeing her of work that
ties her to the past with a thousand strings, Breakthrough of practical and entertaining contents, at the
as an underestimated and exploited being, expense of informative-political and social ones, into the
in order to be a citizen of a socialist country,
comrade to her husband and educator of her women’s fighting organs like the magazines Žena danas and
children.” Žena danas No. 103, January 1953. Žena u borbi, completely reflects the real status of woman and
4 V. Gudac-Dodić, Žena u socijalizmu: Položaj
žene u Srbiji u drugoj polovini 20. veka, Bel- her needs in this social moment. In absence of institutional-
grade, 2006, 106–107. ized forms of help for woman and family, the press offered
5 M. Malesević, “Osmi mart — od utopije do
demagogije”, in: Glasnik Etnografskog Insti-
concrete advices for performing everyday work.7 “Do not tire
tuta SANU, books XXXVI — XXXVII, Belgrade, yourself with unnecessary movements”, “save your strength on
1988, 69.
6 “There can be no talk of equality as long as
small errands”, “use your strength rationally in the household”
women themselves… feel as less valuable — were necessary instructions for overcoming the double as-
and subjugated beings and as long as the in-
terest of the majority of women in oriented signments that society was imposing on them. Practical-ad-
solely towards the family and the house- visory contents were a reflection of objective needs, because
hold.” Žena danas No. 105, March 1953.
7 N. Todorović-Uzelac, Ženska štampa i kul-
they offered women concrete help, but at the same time con-
tura ženstvenosti, Belgrade, 1987, 87–89. solidated her in her traditional roles. 
Časopis Žena u borbi br. 12, 1951.
Magazine Žena u borbi (Woman in Combat) No. 12, 1951
Časopis Zora br. 141, 1958.
Magazine Zora (Dawn) No. 141, 1958
Časopis Zora br. 151, 1958.
Magazine Zora (Dawn) No. 151, 1958
Teorijski okvir nove političko-ideološke
matrice pojam slobodnog vremena interpretira i kao vreme
slobodno od rada, delovanja, angažovanja i stvaranja. Slo-
bodno vreme nasuprot radu, koji podrazumeva vrednoću i
marljivost, tek u postindustrijsko-informatičko vreme dobija
svoje pravo značenje ili pozitivan trend. To je vreme koje je
usled prezasićenosti poslom, obavezama, opštom komuni-
kacijom, izdvojeno za sebe. Ono se definiše kao nužna individu-
alna potreba u savremenom dobu. Predsavremene društvene
formacije ne poznaju tako jasnu i izričitu granicu između slo-
bodnog i radnog vremena. Takođe, različiti društveni slojevi,
starosne, ali i rodne grupe, participirale su u slobodnom vre-
menu na različite načine. Tradicionalno, između muškaraca
i žena prisutna je razlika u percepciji slobodnog trenutka i
aktivnostima koje ga prate. Pojam slobodnog vremena veže
se za muškost ili ženskost, pa je i određen muškim odnosno
ženskim ulogama. Način razonode kod žena, u prošlim vre-
menima, uvek je morao biti u skladu sa „okvirima dozvolje-
nog i dopuštenog ženinog ponašanja u društvu”.2
Pojam slobodnog
vremena u Tokom četrdesetih i početkom pedesetih godina 20. veka,
kontekstu teorije nova vlast je reafirmisala koncept rada. Rad se više nije de-
socijalizma i finisao samo kao nužnost već i kao moralna obaveza svakog
primenjene pojedinca koji mora da doprinese cilju bržeg i naprednijeg
društvenog razvitka. Međutim, moralne obaveze pojedinca
šire ideologije
u novom sistemu pretvorile su se u nove dužnosti, jasno ispla-
marksizma, nema nirane, politički i ekonomski osmišljene i usmerene.3 Šta se
jednostrano radilo u slobodno vreme, nakon rada na njivi, u fabrici, do-
tumačenje. maćinstvu, moralo je i dalje da odgovara principima svesnije
Ono se može i odgovornije izgradnje nove zajednice. Individualne potrebe
zamenjene su kolektivnim. U selu i gradu organizovani su
obrazložiti
večernji časovi za sticanje i usavršavanje kvalifikacija za rad
nezavisno od u fabrici, zatim časovi opismenjavanja, dodatnog obrazova-
pojma — vreme nja, partijskog delovanja, higijensko-domaćinskih poslova.
za dokolicu.1 Ako u slobodno vreme nisu išle na higijensko-domaćinske ili
40 | Ženska strana
krojačke tečajeve, žene bi pristupale kulturno-umetničkim
društvima ili drugim radnim akcijama. Kulturno-umetnič-
ka društva, izložbe i priredbe, imale su često humanitarni
karakter, kao što je prikupljanje novčanih i drugih materi-
jalnih sredstava za siromašne ili pak sredstava za realizaciju
konkretnih, državnih, graditeljskih poduhvata. Programi su
obično bili spremani za narodne svetkovine u okviru istorijski
značajnih datuma — 29. novembar, 1. maj, 8. mart. Kolektiv-
no organizovanje zarad sveopšteg budućeg boljitka, a koje
nije promovisano kao deo individualnih sloboda i prava, bilo
je jedan vid utroška slobodnog vremena.
Sredinom i krajem pedesetih godina, neke od glavnih zabava

u gradu bile su bioskop, pozorište, radio-televizijski program
i igranke sa živom akustičnom muzikom. Ovaj tip zabave po-
pularisan je i preko ženskih časopisa. Magazin Praktična žena
objavljuje tekstove i ankete o igrankama, džez večerima i upu-
ćuje nas u moguće okvire slobodnog vremena jedne zaposlene
žene, domaćice, majke i supruge. Tekstovi u rubrikama „Iz-
gubljeno vreme”, „Mojih pet minuta”, „Posvećuju li naše žene
dovoljno vremena kulturnom uzdizanju?” potvrđuju činjenicu
da žena uz veliku odgovornost i brigu o deci, kući, mužu ima
vrlo malo vremena za bilo kakav samovoljno ispunjen trenu-
tak. Osim aktivnijeg razmišljanja o njenih 5 minuta kao nužnoj
individualnoj potrebi, u tekstovima se ne prezentuje poseban
način kako izbeći date obaveze, već naprotiv, predstavlja kako
1 Vreme za dokolicu po rečima Marksa je ned-
vosmisleno pozitivna kategorija, to je vreme obaveze treba uskladiti, što efikasnije izvršiti, ne bi li nakon
koje se upotrebljava za višu delatnost, istin-
sku ljudsku slobodnu delatnost, kao što je
obavljenog posla žena mogla dogovoriti sa suprugom izlazak
umetnost. Slobodno vreme se ne interpretira u bioskop ili pozorište. Slobodno vreme ona provodi sa drugi-
nužno kao vreme za dokolicu. Vidi u: Agneš
Heler, Vrednosti i potrebe, Nolit, Beograd, 1972. ma i za druge, u servisiranju tuđeg slobodnog vremena. Čini se
2 Grupa autora, Ženski biografski leksikon: da drugi mogući način na koji radna žena može i treba da utro-
sječanje žena na život u socijalizmu, Centar za
ženske studije, Zagreb, 2004.
ši svoj slobodan trenutak jeste briga i nega oko vlastitog tela i
3 Milena Dragičević Šešić „Privatni život u ženstvenosti. Zapravo, tokom pedesetih godina, ovo postaju
vremenu televizije“, u Milan Ristović (ur.)
Privatni život kod Srba u 20. veku, Clio, Beo-
njena osnovna individualna područja sa kojima se identifikuje
grad, 2007, str. 733. i koja istovremeno nju identifikuju. 
The notion of Theoretical framework of the new politi-
free time in the cal-ideological matrix, also interprets the notion of free time as
context of theory a time free of work, activities, engagements and creation. Free
time, contrary to work that implies industry and diligence,
of socialism and acquires its true meaning or positive trend only in the postin-
applied broader dustrial-informatics age. This time is, due to over-saturation
ideology of with work, obligations and general communication, set aside
Marxism does not for oneself. It is defined as a necessary individual need in the con-
have a unilateral temporary age. Pre-contemporary social formations do not
know of such a clear and explicit boundary between free and
interpretation. It working time. Likewise, different social classes, age, but also
can be explained gender, groups, participated in the free time in different ways.
independently Traditionally, a difference is present between men and women
from the notion in the perception and activities of the free moment. The no-
of leisure time.1 tion of free time is connected to manhood or femininity, and is
hence determined by male and female roles. The way of leisure
in women, in the past times, always had to be in accordance
with “boundaries of allowed and permissible woman’s behav-
ior in the society”.2
1 Leisure time, according to Marx’s words, is During the forties and in the early fifties, the new government
undoubtedly a positive category, it is a time
used for a higher activity, a truly human free
reaffirmed the concept of work. Work was no longer defined
activity, such as art. Free time is not necessar- only as a necessity, but also as a moral obligation of each in-
ily interpreted as leisure time. See in: Agnes
Heler, Vrednosti i potrebe, Belgrade, 1972. dividual that has to contribute to the goal of faster and more
2 Group of authors, Ženski biografski leksikon: advanced social development. However, the moral obliga-
sjećanje žena na život u socijalizmu, Zagreb,
2004.
tions of the individuals in the new system, turned into new du-
3 Milena Dragičević Šešić, “Privatni život u ties, clearly planned, politically and economically considered.3
vremenu televizije”, in Milan Ristović (ed)
Privatni život kod Srba u 20. veku, Clio, Bel-
What was being done in free time, after work in the field, the
grade, 2007, p. 733. factory, the household, still had to agree with the principles of
42 | Ženska strana
more conscious and responsible building of the new commu-
nity. Individual needs were substituted by the collective ones.
Evening courses were organized in villages and towns for im-
provement and acquiring qualifications for working in the fac-
tory, gaining literacy, additional education, party activities,
hygienic-domestic works. If in their free time they were not at-
tending hygienic-domestic-science and sewing courses, wom-
en would join cultural clubs or other labor actions. Cultural
clubs, exhibitions and manifestations often had humanitarian
character, like collecting money and other material means for
the poor or realization of concrete state building enterprises.
Programs were usually prepared for national celebrations in
the framework of historically significant dates — November
29th, May 1st, March 8th. Collective organization for the sake of
general future betterment, which was not promoted as a part
of individual liberties and rights, was one way of spending the
free time.
In the mid and late fifties, some of the main entertainments

in the cities were cinema, theatre, radio-television program
and dancing-parties with live acoustic music. This type of
entertainment is also popularized through women’s maga-
zines. Magazine Praktična žena publishes texts and opinion
polls on dancing-parties, jazz evenings and points us to-
wards the possible frameworks of free time of a housewife,
worker, mother and spouse. Texts in the columns “Lost Time”,
“My Five Minutes” and “Do Our Women Devote Enough Time
to Cultural Education?” confirm the fact that woman, what
with great responsibility and care about the children, house
and husband, has very little time for any kind of willfully filled
moment. Beside more active thinking about her 5 minutes as
a necessary individual need, the texts do not present a spe-
cial way how to avoid given obligations, but on the contrary,
present how the obligations should be coordinated, and
more efficiently fulfilled, so after her work has been done,
woman could arrange to go out with her husband to cinema
or theatre. She spends her free time with others and for oth-
ers, servicing someone else’s free time. It seems that the only
other possible way in which a working woman could and
should spend her free moment is on care for her own body
and femininity. In fact, during the fifties, these become her
basic individual fields with which she identifies, and that at
the same time identify her. 
Časopis Zora, 1960.
Magazine Zora (Dawn), 1960
Časopis Ukus, 1959.
Magazine Ukus (Taste), 1959
Dok su četrdesete Nova cover girl sa ženskih magazina pede-
godine 20. setih godina potpuno je potisnula raniju sliku muškobanjaste
veka obeležene partizanke, žene skromnih i posve nedefinisanih estetskih
principa, strogog borca za slobodu, jednakost i pravdu. Lice
neimaštinom, sa naslovnice koristeći se sada drugačijom tipologijom želje i
opštom životnom snova, potpuno je očaralo novim onirizmom i nabijenom ero-
oskudicom, tikom. Čini se kao da je nastupio period ženstvenosti koja je
nerazvijenim suptilno, ali ipak odlučno, rekla ne feminizmu.2
higijenskim
Tokom Drugog svetskog rata i kasnije, tokom perioda obnove
uslovima,1 sredina zemlje, ženska štampa je pre svega plasirala aktuelni politički
pedesetih godina, sadržaj.3 Teme u časopisima Žena danas i Žena u borbi, uglav-
period društveno- nom su se odnosile na narodnooslobodilačku borbu, izvešta-
političke je sa fronta, političku situaciju, ulogu i ravnopravan doprinos
stabilizacije žene u ratu i izgradnji zemlje. Početkom pedesetih godina, u
novom društvenom trenutku sa novim mogućnostima, defini-
zemlje, donosi nov sala se i nova uloga žene. Dotadašnja društveno-angažovana
i posve zavidan uloga čini se kao da se stišava, žena se vraća ranije ustanovlje-
angažman oko nim ulogama reproduktivno-porodičnog okvira.4
kulture tela,
ženstvenosti i Uz kolektivnu tedenciju da se rat prevaziđe, da se društvo okre-
ne svetlijoj i lepšoj budućnosti, a opet daleko od pomisli da se
seksualnosti. ljudski život svede na prost materijalizam, polako se prilazi ideji
blagostanja i želji za njim. Ideja udobnosti postaje sada realno
potpomognuta zavidnom ulogom ekonomije i industrijske
moći nove zajednice. Dve osnovne teme ženske štampe tokom
pedesetih godina bile su: kuća kao paradigma blagostanja i telo
kao paradigma otvorenije seksualnosti i direktnijeg zavođe-
nja. Ove teme se upravo smatraju za osnovne identifikatorske
Časopis Ukus, 1953. teme savremene masovne kulture koje su naročito u ženskoj
Magazine Ukus (Taste), 1953 štampi dobile primat, prevashodno kroz prizmu upotrebne
praktičnosti kao osnove udobnijeg i lagodnijeg života i to u
formi saveta, recepata, krojeva, tekstova o modi, higijeni tela.
Analizom praktičnih rubrika u ženskoj štampi, definiše se ne
samo domen kućno-domaćinskih veština već se otkriva čitav
jedan svet lepote, uživanja, erotičnosti kojima žena raspolaže i
nad kojima jedino ona ima kontrolu.
Godine 1946. časopis Ukus, specijalizovani modni list čiji je iz-

davač bio AFŽ, bez preterane estetizovane pompe, pored re-
cepata, uputstava za spremanje zimnice, donosi i praktične
savete — kako obnoviti stare i skrojiti nove odevne predmete
za ženu i decu. Dnevni list Politika u februaru 1952. pokreće po-
sebnu rubriku za žene pod nazivom „Za našu ženu”.5 Ova ru-
brika u početku je pretežno skoncentrisana oko nekoliko tema
— materinstvo, zdravstvena zaštita majke i deteta, politički i
privredni život žena u Jugoslaviji.6 Narednih godina radikalno
se menja izbor tema i sadržaj počinje više da se koncentriše
oko mode, nege, kozmetike, zdravlja i higijene. Može se reći da
je ženska strana u listu Politika nagovestila novi tok poimanja i
posmatranja žene, koji će sredinom pedesetih godina naročito
biti prezentovan u magazinu Praktična žena.7 Novi tip persone
zapravo postaje žena-uzor koja ume da balansira izmedju odgo-
vornog subjekta koji se identifikuje u ulozi brižne majke, doma-
ćice, supruge i zavodljivog objekta koji se prepoznaje u ženinoj
želji za individualnošću i privlačnošću.
Snažniji upliv masovne kulture u polje javnosti, kroz prisut-

nost filmova, štampe, emisija na radiju i televiziji, pripremio je
teren za konkretniji prodor ženske seksualnosti. Početak mo-
dernog kapitalizma, upliv proizvoda sa zapada, hiperprodukci-
ja higijenskih i kozmetičkih sredstava stvara tle za nastupanje
svakodnevne erotike i poželjnosti u svakom trenutku dana.
Nova moda zaobilazi šinjel, jednostavne suknje i košulje, du-

boke cokule. Pod uticajem zapada ona nastoji da bude ele-
gantnija, atraktivnija i da ističe ženine atribute — strukirana
i duboko dekoltirana haljina, kraća i uža suknja, košulje sa
karnerima, visoke potpetice.
Nagli prodor fetišizacije tela ogleda se naročito u proizvodima

namenjenim za negu kože, kose, nogu, ruku, prsa. Stranice
ženskih časopisa ispunjene su modom za svaki dan i svaku
priliku, reklamama za šminku, higijenske proizvode, praškove,
48 | Ženska strana
nakit, obuću. Reklamiranjem određenih proizvoda, reklamira
se i optimalna uloga i položaj žene koji se formira pod uslo-
vom da kupi ponuđeno.8 Časopis Praktična žena obeležio je fazu
ženstvenosti druge polovine pedesetih godina, ali i dvadesetog
veka. Koliko god da ovaj časopis unosi drugu vrstu emancipa-
torske metode kroz tekstove o naučno-medicinskim osobe-
nostima ženskog tela, higijeni, intimnom zdravlju žena, toliko
potencira stereotipni položaj žene. Ona mora i može u svakom
trenutku da bude lepa — i kada radi, kuva, dočekuje goste ili
ide na plažu. Teme u časopisu kao što su „Problem ženskog de-
teta“, „Depresija“, „Sitna lukavstva žene“, sigurno idu ka tome
da ženu diferenciraju i odvoje od psihologije, pa i seksualnosti,
1 Tokom rata i nekoliko godina nakon,
nivo zdravstvene kulture i lične higijene
muškarca. Uprkos otvorenijoj i ležernijoj modi ovoga doba,
stanovništva bio je veoma nizak. Jedan od konstantnoj brizi o izgledu tela i lica, o časopisu Praktična žena
osnovnih ciljeva AFŽ-a i drugih ženskih or-
ganizacija bio je rad na prosvećivanju sta- i ostalim ženskim časopisima ovoga perioda, ne možemo reći
novništva, pre svega žena, o higijenskim da prezentuju samo lepotu za sebe. Žena se postavlja nasuprot
potrebama i uslovima života. Nizak stepen
higijenske svesti naročito je bio prisutan u muškarcu koga treba zavesti, kome treba udovoljiti i u svakom
selima u unutrašnjosti zemlje. U mnogim
trenutku se prilagoditi njegovim potrebama. 
selima nije bilo kupatila, pranje ruku pre
jela bilo je retko, kosa se nije prala meseci-
ma a, u nekim izveštajima stoji da žene nisu
nosile nikakvu zaštitu za vreme menstrua-
cije. Zdravstveno prosvećivanje žena vršilo
se putem štampe, kurseva i predavanja.
Organizovani su bili kursevi za trudnice, za
mlade majke, negu dece, bolesne žene, za
vakcinaciju i za niz drugih medicinskih ak-
tivnosti. AFŽ je sa timom lekara i medicin-
skih sestara obilazio zemlju, u nekim kraje-
vima, kao na primer na Kosovu i Metohiji,
zadržavali su se mesecima.
2 Po istoričarima feminizma, period od sre-
dine 19. veka pa do druge polovine 20. veka
smatra se prvim talasom feminizma ili tzv.
socijalističkim feminizmnom koji je podrazu-
mevao borbu za pravnu, društvenu i političi-
ku jednakost žene sa muškarcem. U prvom
broju časopisa Žena danas iz 1936. stoji tekst
„Novi feminizam” koji nagoveštava predsto-
jeću borbu žene za svoja prava.
3 Neda Todorović-Uzelac, Ženska štampa i
kultura ženstvenosti, Beograd, 1987.
4 Ibid, str. 74.
5 Politika, 24. februar 1952, str. 7.
6 Gudac-Dodić, Vera „Analiza tekstova o
ženi u listu ’Politika’ 1945-1953“, u: L. Perović
(ed.), Srbija u modernizacijskim procesima 19. i
20. veka: položaj žene kao merilo modernizacije,
Institut za noviju istoriju Srbije, Beograd,
1998, str. 394
7 Praktična žena je popularni ženski magazin
koji je počeo da izlazi 1956. Nekoliko deceni-
ja pored hrvatskog Svijeta bio je najprodava-
niji ženski časopis.
kultura ženstvenosti, Beograd, 1987.
While the forties The new cover girl from women’s maga-
were marked by zines in the fifties completely superseded the earlier image of
poverty, general the butch partisan, a woman of modest and totally undefined
aesthetic principles, a strict fighter for freedom, equality and
existential justice. The front cover face, now employing a different typology
scantiness and of desire and dreams, was completely enchanting with a new
underdeveloped oneirism and charged eroticism. It seems that there followed
hygienic a period of femininity that subtly, but nevertheless firmly, said
2
conditions,1 no to feminism.
the mid fifties, During the Second World War and later, during the period of
a period of reconstruction of the country, the women’s press above all
the country’s placed the topical political contents.3 Themes in the maga-
social-political zines Žena danas and Žena u borbi, mainly related to the people’s
stabilization, liberation struggle, reports from the frontlines, the political
situation, the role and equal contribution of woman in the war
bring a new and and restoration of the country. At the beginning of the fifties,
entirely enviable in a new social moment with new possibilities, a new role of
engagement on woman was also defined. It seems that her earlier socially en-
the culture of gaged role “quiets down”, and woman returns to her previously
4
body, femininity established roles in the reproductive family framework.
and sexuality. With a collective tendency to overcome the war, for the society to
turn towards a brighter and finer future, and again far from the
idea that human life should be reduced to simple materialism,
50 | Ženska strana
the idea and desire of welfare slowly emerge. The idea of comfort
now becomes actually promoted by the enviable role of econo-
my and industrial power of the new community. The two prima-
ry themes of women’s press during the fifties were — home as a
paradigm of welfare and body as a paradigm of more open sexu-
ality and seduction that is more direct. Exactly these themes are
considered to be the basic identifying themes of contemporary
mass culture that gained primacy especially in women’s press,
chiefly through the prism of usage practicality, as the founda-
tion for a more comfortable and cozier life, and this in the form
of advice, recipes, clothing patterns, fashion and body hygiene.
The analysis of practical columns in women’s press defines not
only the domain of household skills but discovers an entire
world of beauty, pleasure and eroticism that woman has at her
disposal and that only she controls.
In 1946, magazine Ukus, a specialized fashion magazine whose

publisher was the AFŽ, without overly aestheticized pomp, be-
sides recipes and instructions for the preparation of food for
winter, also brings practical advice — how to freshen up old
and cut out new models for women and children. Daily news-
paper Politika, in February 1952, introduces a special column
for women named “For Our Woman”.5 At the beginning, this
column was primarily focused on several subjects — mother-
hood, health care for mother and child, political and economic
life of women in Yugoslavia.6 In the following years the choice
of subjects radically changes and contents starts to focus
more on fashion, care, cosmetics, health and hygiene. It could
be said that the women’s page in the daily Politika foreshadowed
the new course of conceiving and viewing a woman, which
would be especially presented in the mid fifties in the maga-
zine Praktična žena.7 The new type of persona in fact becomes
the woman-model that can balance between a responsible sub-
ject that is identified in the role of caring mother, housewife
and spouse, and a seductive object that is recognized in wom-
an’s desire for individuality and attractiveness.
A stronger influence of mass culture in the field of public life,

the presence of films, press, radio and television shows, pre-
pared the ground for a more concrete breakthrough of female
sexuality. The beginning of modern capitalism, inflow of west-
ern products and hyperproduction of hygienic and cosmetic
appliances open up a space for the emergence of quotidian
1 During the war and several years afterwards, eroticism and desirability in each moment of the day. The new
the level of health culture and personal hy-
giene in the population was very low. One of fashion avoids the army overcoat, simple skirts and shirts,
the primary goals of the AFŽ and other wom-
deep army boots. Under western influence, it tends to be more
en’s organizations was work on enlightening
the population, above all women, concerning elegant, attractive, and to emphasize woman’s attributes —
hygienic needs and living conditions. Low level
of hygienic consciousness was especially pres-
slim-waisted and low-cut dress, shorter and narrower skirt,
ent in inland villages. In many villages, there fringed shirts, and high heels.
were no bathrooms, people seldom washed
their hands before meals, they did not wash
their hair for months, and some reports state The sudden breakthrough of fetishization of the body is espe-
that women did not wear any protection
during their period. Health enlightenment of cially reflected in the products devised for the care of skin, hair,
women was done through press, courses and fingernails, hands and breasts. The pages of women’s maga-
lectures. Courses for pregnant women were
organized, for young mothers, children’s care, zines are filled with fashion for every day and occasion, adver-
sick women, for vaccination and a series of
other medical activities. The AFŽ toured the
tisements for make-up, hygienic products, powders, jewelry
country with a team of doctors and nurses, and clothing. Advertising of certain products also advertises
and in some parts, like Kosovo for example,
they stayed for months at a time.
the optimal role and position of woman that is being formed
2 According to historians of feminism, the on the condition that she purchases what is being offered.8
period from the mid 19th century until the
second half of the 20th century is considered
Magazine Praktična žena marked the phase of femininity in the
the first wave of feminism or the so-called second half of the fifties but also of the 20th century. As much
socialist feminism that implied a struggle for
legal, social and political equality between
as this magazine introduces another kind of emancipatory
women and men. In the first issue of the method through texts on scientific-medical characteristics of
magazine Žena danas from 1936 there is a text
New Feminism that heralds the upcoming the female body, hygiene and intimate health of women, it
struggle of women for their rights. also promotes the stereotypical position of woman. She has
kultura ženstvenosti, Belgrade, 1987. to and can be beautiful at any moment, when she is working,
4 Ibid, p. 74. cooking, welcoming guests or going to the beach. Themes
5 Politika, February 24th 1952, p. 7. in the magazine, like “Problem of female child”, “Depression”,
6 Vera Gudac-Dodić, “Analiza tekstova o ženi
u listu ‘Politika’ 1945–1953” in: Srbija u modern- “Woman’s small trickeries”, surely move towards isolating and
izacijskim procesima 19. i 20. veka, skup: Položaj differentiating woman from the psychology and even sexuality
žene kao merilo modernizacije, Institut za novi-
ju istoriju Srbije, Belgrade, 1998, p. 394. of men. Beside the more open and relaxed fashion of this age,
7 Praktična žena was a popular women’s constant care for the look of body and face, in the magazine
magazine that was first time published in
1956. For several decades, besides the Croa- Praktična žena and other women’s magazines from this period,
tian Svijet, it was the best-selling woman’s we cannot talk about presentation of beauty in itself. Woman
magazine.
8 Neda Todorović-Uzelac, Ženska štampa i is placed opposite, but also for the need of man that has to be
kultura ženstvenosti, Belgrade, 1987. seduced, pleased and adapted to in every moment. 
52 | Ženska strana
Časopis Ukus br. 51, 1957.
Magazine Ukus (Taste) No. 51, 1957
Tri intervjua / Three Interviews
Za potrebe izložbe snimljena su tri intervjua sa ženama starije generacije. Žene različitog
porodičnog porekla, obrazovanja i profesija pričaju svoju ličnu priču, o životu, radu, braku,
iskustvima i mogućnostima života u socijalizmu...
For the needs of the exhibition, three interviews were recorded with women of older
generation. Women with different family backgrounds, educations and professions tell their
personal story, of life, work, marriage, experiences and possibilities of life in socialism…
Bosiljka Kićevac
(1932, Beograd / Belgrade)
„Ja sam se kasnije pridružila Kolu srpskih sestara, pomalo i zbog moje
majke Vere Kićevac koja je pripadala organizaciji, bake Bose, prabake
Stane, a pomalo i zbog slikarke Nadežde Petrović. Mislim da je u tradiciji
srpskih žena bilo da daju sve od sebe za vreme tih strašnih egzodusa...”
“I later joined The Circle of Serbian Sisters, somewhat because of my

mother Vera Kicevac, who belonged to the organization, grandmother
Bosa, great-grandmother Stana, and somewhat because of the painter
Nadezda Petrovic as well. I think that it was in the tradition of Serbian
women to give their best during those horrible exoduses…”
Nadežda Tubin-Simić
(1931, Brus. Živi u Kragujevcu / Lives in Kragujevac)
„Skojevka sam postala ’47. godine... Postojala su pravila da moraš da

budeš lik, da budeš pristojna. ... Možes ti da koristiš šta hoćeš, ali nema
šminke, nema gluposti, naprimer da nosiš miniće... To je bilo taman
posla! Ti si morala primerom da budeš omladinka. A skojevka posebno!”
“I became a member of the League of Young Communists in 1947…

There were rules that you had to be a character, to be polite… You
can use whatever you like, but there is no makeup, no nonsense,
like wearing a mini-skirt for example… That was no way! You had
to be a member of youth organization by example. And especially a
member of the League of Young Communists!”
Radoslava Timotijević
(1926, Jelovik. Živi u Beogradu / Lives in Belgrade)
„... samouka sam... moj brat je išao u školu, ali otac njega bije da nauči
da izgovori jednu riječ, a on ne more. A ja i sestra iza leđa očevih stojimo
i upijamo ta slova i napamet znamo, ali ne smemo da progovorimo.”
“… I am self-taught… my brother went to school, but father is

beating him to make him learn how to pronounce one word, and
he can’t. Meanwhile me and my sister are standing behind father’s
back and absorbing those letters and know them by heart, but dare
not utter a sound.”
IZVORI I BIBLIOGRAFIJA/ARCHIVE SOURCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY
Izvori/Archive sources
Arhiv Jugoslavije (AJ), Fond Antifašističkog fronta žena Jugoslavije
Štampa/Journals
Žena danas 1936–1944, 1966, Fototipsko izdanje Konferencije za društvenu aktivnost
žena Jugoslavije, Beograd
Žena danas 1943–1960, izdanje Antifašističkog fronta žena Jugoslavije, Beograd
Ukus 1946/47 — 1961, izdanje Centralnog odbora Antifašističkog fronta žena
Jugoslavije, Beograd
Zora 1945–1961, izdanje Antifašističkog fronta žena Srbije, Beograd
Žena u borbi 1943–1957, izdanje Antifašističkog fronta žena Hrvatske, Zagreb
Politika 1952–1960, Izdavač Vladislav Ribnikar, Beograd
Praktična žena 1956–1960, izdanje Duge, Beograd
Literatura/Bibliography
Č. Popov, „Formiranje AFŽ-a 1942, Rezultat stava KPJ prema ženskom pitanju i
posledica politike stvaranja Narodnog fronta”, Godišnjak Filozofskog fakulteta u Novom
Sadu, knjiga VI, Novi Sad 1961.
L. Sklevicky, „Antifašistička fronta žena: kulturnom mijenom do žene novog tipa”,
Gordogan, 15–16, Zagreb, 1984.
G. Živković, „Uloga i položaja žene u tradicionalnoj porodici”, Etnološke sveske VI, EI
SANU, Beograd, 1985.
E. Petrović, „Kultura ženstvenosti”, Etnološke sveske VI, EI SANU, Beograd, 1985.
Lj. Gavrilović, „Dodeljivanje dece posle razvoda braka kao pokazatelj položaja žene u
društvu”, Etnološke sveske VI, EI SANU, Beograd, 1985.
G. Ljuboja, „Položaj žene u urbanom susedstvu”, Etnološke sveske VI, EI SANU, Beograd, 1985.
N. Todorović-Uzelac, Ženska štampa i kultura ženstvenosti, Naučna knjiga, Beograd, 1987.
Lj. Dimić, Agitprop kultura: Agitpropovska faza kulturne politike u Srbiji 1945–1952, Rad,
Beograd, 1988.
M. Prelić, „Analiza ženske štampe između dva rata u Beogradu”, Glasnik Etnografskog
instituta SANU knjiga XXXVIII, Beograd, 1989.
N. Božinović, Žensko pitanje u Srbiji u XIX I XX veku, Femistička izdavačka kuća,
Beograd 1996.
P. J. Marković, Beograd između Istoka i Zapada: 1948–1965, Službeni list, Beograd 1996.
L. Perović (ed.), Srbija u modernizacijskim procesima 19. i 20. veka: položaj žene kao merilo
modernizacije, Institut za noviju istoriju Srbije, Beograd, 1998.
Ž. Papić, L. Sklevicky (ur.), Antropologija žene, Biblioteka XX vek, Beograd 2003.
M. Malešević, Didara: životna priča jedne Prizrenke, EI SANU, Beograd 2004.
Grupa autora, Ženski biografski leksikon: sjećanje žena na život u socijalizmu, Centar za
ženske studije, Zagreb, 2004.
V. Gudac- Dodić, Žena u socijalizmu: položaj žene u Srbiji u drugoj polovini 20. veka,
Institut za noviju istoriju Srbije, Beograd 2006.
M. Malešević, Žensko: etnografski aspekti društvenog položaja žene u Srbiji, EI SANU,
Beograd 2007.
P. J. Marković, Trajnost i promena. Društvena istorija socijalističke i postsocijalističke
svakodnevice u Srbiji, Službeni list, Beograd 2007.
M. Ristović (ed.), Privatni život kod Srba u 20. veku, Clio, Beograd, 2007.
S. Selinić, Društvena ishrana u Jugoslaviji 1945–1950, Arhiv, časopis Arhiva Srbije i Crne
Gore, 1–2, 2008.
I. Dobrivojević, Život u socijalizmu — prilog proučavanju životnog standarda građana u
FNRJ 1945–1955, Istorija 20. veka 1/2009, Institut za savremenu istoriju, Beograd
B. Doknić, M. F. Petrović, I. Hofman (ed.), Kulturna politika Jugoslavije 1945–1952, 1–2,
zbornik dokumenata, Beograd 2009.
Izdavač / Publisher
Muzej savremene umetnosti
Ušće 10, Blok 15
11070 Novi Beograd
msub@msub.org.rs
www.msub.org.rs
Muzej istorije Jugoslavije

The Museum of Yugoslav History
Botićeva 6, 11000 Beograd
info@mij.rs
www.mij.rs
Za izdavača / For the publisher:

Branislava Andjelković Dimitrijević (MSUB / MoCAB)
Katarina Živanović (MIJ / MYH)
Autori tekstova i urednici kataloga /

Authors of the texts and catalogue editors:
Marija Đorgović, Ana Panić, Una Popović
Prevod na engleski / Translation into English: Marko Mladenović
Lektura (srpski) / Proof reading (Serbian): Marina Bošković

CIP - Каталогизација у публикацији
Народна библиотека Србије, Београд
Grafičko oblikovanje / Design: Andrej Dolinka
316.662-055.2(497.1)(091)(083.824)
Štampa / Printed by: Publikum, Beograd, 2010 94(497.1)”1941/1945”-055.2(083.824)
ЂОРГОВИЋ, Марија, 1978-

Tiraž / Print run: 1000 Ženska strana : Muzej 25. maj, Beograd =
Women’s Corner : Museum 25th May, Belgrade :
15. 05. - 01. 08. 2010 / autori tekstova i
ISBN 978-86-7101-278-2 urednici kataloga, authors of texts and
catalogue editors Marija Đorgović, Ana Panić,
Una Popović ; prevod na engleski, translation
into English Marko Mladenović. - Beograd :
Muzej savremene umetnosti : Muzej istorije
Jugoslavije, 2010 (Beograd : Publikum). - 56
str. : ilustr. ; 30 cm
Tiraž 1.000. - Bibliografija: str. 55.
ISBN 978-86-7101-278-2 (MSU)

1. Панић, Ана, 1978- [аутор] [уредник] 2.
Поповић, Уна, 1978- [аутор] [уредник]
a) Антифашистички покрет жена - Југославија
- Изложбени каталози b) Жене - Друштвени
положај - Историја - Југославија - Изложбени
каталози c) Жене - Народноослободилачка
борба 1941-1945 - Изложбени каталози
COBISS.SR-ID 175228172
56 | Ženska strana

Zenska Strana

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Zenska Strana

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Muzej 25.

maj, Beograd / Museum 25th of May, Belgrade

The Women’s Antifascist Front

Muzej istorije Jugoslavije /

Muzej savremene umetnosti, Beograd /

Autori izložbe/ Authors of the exhibition:

Saradnik pri istraživanju/ Research assistant:

PR: Nataša Lazić, Mirjana Slavković

Organizacija / Organization: Ivan Manojlović

Snimanje i obrada video materijala /

Prevod na engleski i titlovanje video materijala /

Dizajn izložbene postavke / Design of the exhibition: Jovana Timotijević

Fotografija / Photography: Ivan Petrović, Saša Reljić

Konzervacija / Conservation: Ivanka Živadinović

Tehnička podrška / Technical support:

Autori se zahvaljuju institucijama i pojedincima na pomoći pri realizaciji projekta /

Socijalizam kao poredak težio je da ukloni koncept klasnih

Tokom Drugog svetskog rata žena dostiže perspektivu samo-

Na izložbi Ženska strana predstavljeni su intervjui sa trima

Socialism as a system strived to remove the concept of class

During the Second World War, woman attains a perspective of in-

Exhibition Women’s Corner presents interviews with three

AFŽ emerged in order to gather and mobilize women in the

Država je pokušavala da uspostavljanjem odgovarajućih

By socializing the family roles, the Party endeavored to realize

Fabrika svile u Titovom Velesu, 1953 >

Restoran društvene ishrane u Ljubljani, 1951.

Mass employment of women, popularized by

U novim pozivima... >

Sredinom i krajem pedesetih godina, neke od glavnih zabava

In the mid and late fifties, some of the main entertainments

Godine 1946. časopis Ukus, specijalizovani modni list čiji je iz-

Snažniji upliv masovne kulture u polje javnosti, kroz prisut-

Nova moda zaobilazi šinjel, jednostavne suknje i košulje, du-

Nagli prodor fetišizacije tela ogleda se naročito u proizvodima

In 1946, magazine Ukus, a specialized fashion magazine whose

A stronger influence of mass culture in the field of public life,

“I later joined The Circle of Serbian Sisters, somewhat because of my

„Skojevka sam postala ’47. godine... Postojala su pravila da moraš da

“I became a member of the League of Young Communists in 1947…

“… I am self-taught… my brother went to school, but father is

Muzej istorije Jugoslavije

Za izdavača / For the publisher:

Autori tekstova i urednici kataloga /

Prevod na engleski / Translation into English: Marko Mladenović

Lektura (srpski) / Proof reading (Serbian): Marina Bošković

ЂОРГОВИЋ, Марија, 1978-

Tiraž 1.000. - Bibliografija: str. 55.

ISBN 978-86-7101-278-2 (MSU)

You might also like