In the balance

Press freedom in South Asia 2007-2008

SIXTH ANNUAL IFJ PRESS FREEDOM REPORT FOR SOUTH ASIA (2007-2008)
 I N T H E B A L AN C E : P R E SS F R E E D O M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008

CONTENTS IN THE BALANCE: PRESS

FREEDOM IN SOUTH ASIA
(2007-2008)
Foreword 3 Editor: Sukumar Muralidharan
Special thanks for contributions to:
Overview 4 Farman Ali
Bangladesh Centre for Development, Journalism
and Communication (BCDJC)
Afghanistan: Diversity booms but attacks continue 7
Annabel Boyer
Sigrid Brown
Bangladesh: Trying times under emergency laws 10
Sunanda Deshapriya
DrikNEWS
India: Robust growth and a loss of diversity 15 Sam Grunhard
Kamran Mir Hazar
Nepal: Media and the transition to democracy 19 Kantipur Publications
Zacki Jabbar, The Island Newspaper
Mainul Islam Khan
Pakistan: Optimism for a fresh start 22
Midday Publications
Deborah Muir
Sri Lanka: A rapid downhill course 27
Jacqueline Park
Anna Noonan
Specific cases of violations of press freedom 30 Bikas Rauniar
C.R. Shamsi, editor Daily Azkar
(May 2007 – April 2008)
Amit Sthapit, Associated News Agency
Naqibullah Taib
Afghanistan 30 Firoz Ahmed
Rahimullah Samander
Bangladesh 32
UNESCO
India 33 United News of India
Design & Printed by: Impulsive Creations, Delhi
Nepal 33

Pakistan 35

Sri Lanka 36

This document has been produced by the International Federation of Journalists

(IFJ) on behalf of the South Asia Media Solidarity Network (SAMSN).

Cover photo: Journalists and the media in Nepal have

Afghan Independent Journalists’ Association (AIJA) led a vigorous campaign for press freedom and the safety
Committee to Protect Afghan Journalists of journalists, which are fundamental to the success
Bangladesh Freedom Watch of democracy in any country. Here, police arrest the
president of the Kathmandu Branch of the Federation of
Bangladesh Journalists’ Rights Forum (BJRF) Nepali Journalists, Yubaraj Bidrohi, during a protest by
Bangladesh Manobadhikar Sangbadik Forum (BMSF: Human Rights Journalists’ journalists and media workers demanding information
Rights Forum of Bangladesh) about abducted journalist Birendra Shah in November
2007. Photo: Courtesy of Amit Sthapit, Associated News
Media Watch, Bangladesh Agency, Nepal.
Dhaka Reporters’ Unity, Bangladesh
All India Newspapers Employees’ Federation (AINEF) Published by the International
Indian Journalists’ Union Federation of Journalists (IFJ) Asia-
Pacific. No part of this publication
National Union of Journalists, India
may be reproduced in any form
Federation of Nepali Journalists (FNJ) without the written permission of the
National Union of Journalists, Nepal (NUJN) publisher. The contents of this book
are copyrighted and the rights to use
Nepal Press Union (NPU) contributions rest with the authors
Pakistan Press Foundation themselves.
Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ) This document has been carried out
with UNESCO support. The views and
Federation of Media Employees Trade Unions (FMETU), Sri Lanka contents expressed herein are those of
Free Media Movement (FMM), Sri Lanka the IFJ and can therefore in no way be
taken to reflect the official opinion of
Sri Lanka Working Journalists’ Association (SLWJA)
UNESCO.

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FOREWORD differences. Essential to the quest for peace is an

independent and critical media.
Likewise, the Bangladesh situation does not look good
T he International Federation of Journalists’ sixth annual
assessment of press freedom in South Asia finds that
there were gains and losses in 2007-08. The assessments –
in the short term, with the country’s intense political
rivalries resulting in serious negative consequences for
based on information provided by IFJ affiliates and journalists, media and press freedom overall. As with
associates in Afghanistan, Bangladesh, India, Nepal, elsewhere in the region, journalists in Bangladesh need
Pakistan and Sri Lanka – stress that a culture of impunity international support to fight for the right to report
regarding attacks and restrictions on journalists remains a critically without fear of censorship and violent
critical problem and an obstacle to the achievement of retribution.
press freedom in the region. Nevertheless, there is room for In Afghanistan, secular power-holders are struggling to
optimism in some quarters. manage a resurgence of fundamentalist activism that
The challenges for journalists and the media community threatens the re-claiming of independence of thought in
in South Asia encompass a range of factors that indicate the public sphere. The situation is serious and there is no
the level of press freedom in any country: Physical attacks, room for complacency, but it should also be noted that
threats and questionable legal actions directed against Afghan journalists have made significant progress in recent
journalists, media workers and media institutions with the years in moving toward a free, independent and diverse
intention of keeping critics quiet; the risks of reporting on media.
events and issues in locations made dangerous by war and In India, outright attacks on media personnel appear to
violent dissent; official and unofficial censorship; occur with less regularity, at least in proportion to the
concentration of media ownership and the prevention of population, than elsewhere in the region. However, press
access to diverse sources of information; and the extent of freedom risks being weakened by increasing concentration
transparency and accountability permitted by the local of media ownership that limits options for the expression
regulatory environment, including freedom of information of diverse views. As such, challenges in the regulatory
and labour laws. All these factors are in play, to a lesser or environment are on the priority list for defenders of press
greater extent, in the six freedom in the world’s most
countries reviewed. Press freedom cannot, generally speaking, be populous democracy.
The countries of South Asia achieved in isolation. It requires the combined Press freedom cannot,
and the region as a whole are and collaborative efforts of multiple actors: generally speaking, be
on the brink of enormous achieved in isolation. It
Journalists and their organisations, media
change, politically and requires the combined and
owners, political power-holders, community collaborative efforts of
economically. In some
countries, citizenries are leaders and ordinary people. Cross-border multiple actors: Journalists
insisting on shaking off the alliances and exchanges of ideas are equally and their organisations,
shackles of undemocratic signifi cant in shaping broader ideas about the media owners, political
governance and seeking meaning of press freedom and its value in power-holders, community
resolution of civil conflict; in promoting and reflecting democratic processes leaders and ordinary people.
others, ruling regimes remain Cross-border alliances and
that benefit all people. exchanges of ideas are
indifferent to accountability as
they pursue internal rivalries, equally significant in
often violently, and tighten controls on criticism and shaping broader ideas about the meaning of press freedom
expressions of dissent. India’s weight as the regional and its value in promoting and reflecting democratic
economic powerhouse has consequences for all its processes that benefit all people. In this sense, the South
neighbours. Asia Media Solidarity Network (SAMSN), an alliance of
It is too early to assess the consequences for press journalists’ organisations and press freedom defenders
freedom following Nepal’s historic national elections in supported by the IFJ, has an important role to play in
April 2008 and Pakistan’s change of government in March encouraging South Asia as a whole to embrace press
2008. However, the installation of new orders in these freedom.
countries offers an opportunity for journalists’ To this end, the IFJ and SAMSN will continue to provide
organisations and defenders of human rights to push hard individuals and local organisations with support and
for positive action while the time is ripe for change and a solidarity about experiences in other communities in
mood of optimism prevails. South Asia and globally, as well as support for training on
At the other end of the spectrum, Sri Lanka’s apparent a range of related issues – organisational leadership, safety,
descent into even greater violence than witnessed in recent human rights, campaigning and advocacy – in order to
years has made the environment for journalists and present a united front across the countries of South Asia
defenders of a free media even more dangerous. Pressure and to strengthen the local defence of press freedom and
must continue to be applied on the international the associated fundamental rights of all people.
community to engage Sri Lanka’s warring power-holders in Jacqueline Park
all efforts to find the road back to a peaceful resolution of IFJ Asia-Pacific Director

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OVERVIEW of reconstruction in a post-conflict situation, with

institutions of law and governance still nascent. Nepal and
Pakistan held firm to the course of democratisation, and
T he media in the countries reviewed in this year’s South
Asia Press Freedom Report all faced significant threats
and challenges through 2007-08. Some challenges were
the media community in both countries played a
significant role in the relative success with which political
successfully faced, some remain to be addressed. The change was achieved. Bangladesh remains under an
challenges occur along a multitude of dimensions, from “emergency” dispensation, with the media subject to
political coercion and violence by State and non-State significant and often capriciously enforced curbs. Sri Lanka
actors, to commercial compulsions and advertiser pressure, slid further toward all-out internal conflict, as foretold last
all of which have a chilling effect on good journalistic year, and the media in that country continues to be a
practices. casualty of unrelenting war.
The regulatory environment in most of the countries, India, the largest country in the region, continued to
especially for the rapidly growing electronic media, reflect diverse trends in its internal media dynamics.
remains ill-defined. And with governments often unwilling “Peripheral” regions such as the north-eastern states,
to act decisively against the culture of impunity for attacks Jammu and Kashmir and the central Indian plateau,
against the media, journalists and media workers are continued to suffer from serious internal strife. The media
frequently compelled to adopt was often caught between the
a play-safe attitude. Even Even where there is no prior restraint on the demands of rival insurgent
where there is no prior exercise of the right to free speech, a hostile groups on one side and state
restraint on the exercise of the environment often compels the media to engage security agencies on the other.
right to free speech, a hostile in self-censorship rather than risk retribution. In the big cities and the more
environment often compels economically dynamic states
the media to engage in self-censorship rather than risk of the south and the west, the media continued to grow
retribution. and diversify. However, there are worries that what appears
The year from May 2007 to mid-April 2008 was one of to be a diversity of media sources is not really so and that
delicate political transitions in several countries of South media concentration could become the norm.
Asia. Afghanistan continued to struggle with the problems

State of emergency: The president of the Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists, Huma Ali, rallies journalists in Islamabad in a protest against media
restrictions in November 2007. Ali was backed by senior Nepali journalist and publisher Kanak Dixit (to his left), who led an emergency mission for the
International Federation of Journalists to show regional solidarity for Pakistan’s journalists. Photo: IFJ

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Since the fall of the Taliban regime, Afghanistan has and procedures for holding parliamentary general
witnessed a significant increase in media size and diversity. elections. As the dispute spilled onto the streets, the
However, with the economy failing to pick up momentum country’s bureaucracy and army pitched in with the
and levels of poverty remaining high, the growth in extraordinary political intervention of a declaration of a
advertising spending within Afghanistan has been modest, state of emergency. The media was among the first to feel
placing a significant impediment on the growth of an the pressure, as most critical social commentary vanished
independent media. Donors who supported media from print and the air-waves, on the diktat of the
development in the early years of post-Taliban Afghanistan emergency administration. A semblance of business as
imposed strict deadlines for media organisations to become usual was restored when the military-backed
self-sustaining, conditions that for the most part could not administration seemed to realise that a free media
be met. Many donors have since pulled out, although the remained the only guarantee it had, in the vacuum created
Afghan media continues to maintain a tenuous existence by the suspension of politics, to gauge public moods and
through bridging donations and other short-term financial attitudes. However, every juncture at which the public has
commitments. challenged the regime – as with protests in Dhaka
Readership of the print media is limited and will remain University over the course of the year and overt
so until the literacy deficit begins to be bridged at an expressions of discontent by the farming community
accelerated pace. Television audiences are potentially very about the failure of essential supplies – has drawn forth
large, but will remain an unrealised potential until new official strictures against the media.
innovative methods of bringing electricity to each human The emergency regime in Bangladesh has committed
settlement in Afghanistan can be found. This leaves radio itself to the restoration of an elected government before
as the sector with immediate potential for the most rapid the end of 2008. However, ongoing investigations against
growth in content and audience. corruption and official malfeasance have implicated the
Radio has been a growth sector in the Afghan media, heads of several media organisations. Generally speaking,
supported by a reasonably growth-friendly legal and the media is weakly institutionalised, and the absence of a
regulatory environment. proprietor or principal
Innovative revenue models There are worries that what appears to be a financier has led to the
have been tested, although a diversity of media sources is not really so diverse. virtual collapse of several
reliance on influential local Media concentration could become the norm. newspapers and broadcasters.
advertisers may undermine The media in Bangladesh will
the independence of broadcasters. There also have been be tested in the months ahead by the need to maintain
overt and covert threats to independent broadcasting by rigorous public scrutiny over the basic reforms to which
aggrieved individuals and organisations. the emergency administration has committed itself. In the
The worst of the hazards faced by media practitioners in absence of such scrutiny, public confidence in the
Afghanistan was represented in the murder of two women democratic process will remain at a low ebb.
media workers within days of each other. Both had The media in India grew robustly, although concerns
offended against strong social strictures in force. about diversity and choice remained high. Moreover, there
Uncertainties in the legal provisions governing the right to was little to suggest an improvement in the conditions of
free expression were epitomised in the death sentence employment of journalists and other workers in the
handed down in January to Syed Parvez Kambakhsh, a regulated sector, where the Indian Working Journalists’ Act
young journalist and student. applies. Growth has been very rapid in the unregulated
The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) worked sector and the competition among rival companies for
with local journalists’ organisations to seek a definitive scarce skills has perhaps led to improved wages.
understanding on the limits to free speech, especially Employment conditions, however, are governed in the
where it concerns the application of blasphemy laws. main by short-term contracts. And rapid personnel
Journalists’ organisations have sought clarity from political turnover has been a feature of the pattern of growth in
and judicial authorities in Afghanistan on the free speech this sector.
clauses in the national constitution. Unfortunately, the Significant ethical dilemmas surfaced for the Indian
courts allowed the constitutional reference to free media over 2007-08, almost all of them as a consequence
expression to be defeated by a clause that gives pre- of intense competition for advertising revenue among the
eminence to customary law wherever the constitution is country’s proliferating broadcast channels and print
silent. The Kambakhsh case remains a challenge that entities. Some ethical violations caused great public
journalists and the media community in Afghanistan have concern and resentment. In the circumstances, there was a
to meet. In doing so, they could well dispel many of the tendency for the debate on media regulation to be
ambiguities in Afghan national law on the limits to free overtaken by the advocacy of extreme measures. The
speech. Government and judiciary in India remain prepared to
During the period under review, the media in expand their supervisory jurisdiction over the media and
Bangladesh has struggled to cope with a situation of all such situations seem to lend their case additional
domestic political consensus breaking down. The country’s support. Although India’s media remains well organised to
two main political parties could not agree on modalities fight back against any real or perceived threat to its rights

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 I N T H E B A L AN C E : P R E SS F R E E D O M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008
and privileges, public trust could be eroded by the
increasing evidence that the media follows no norm other
than profit maximisation.
Politics in Nepal since the nation-wide political
movement of April 2006 has been characterised by gradual
consolidation and delicate negotiations over the course of
the democratic transition.
The persistence and
patience of the diverse
parties engaged in this
transition have paid off
in the historic general
elections held on April
10, 2008, to create a
Constituent Assembly
that will determine the
contours of the country’s
future political evolution.
The media community, as
an active agent of the
process of
democratisation, has
acquired sufficient moral
capital to ensure that
strong free speech
guarantees and assurances
Sri Lanka under attack: The printing press of Leader Publications, one of Sri Lanka’s
on the public right to major printing houses, was set alight and completely destroyed in an arson attack by an the Government
information are unidentified gang on November 21, 2007. Photo: Courtesy of Free Media Movement
enshrined in the
country’s new constitution. However, the drafting of the
new constitution is likely to be a long process. There is the
strong prospect of a clash on fundamentals between
mainstream parties that have fared rather poorly in the
elections and a political group that was, until recently, an
underground insurgent outfit.
There is also a vast gulf between realities on the ground
and the principles of media freedom that have been agreed
in the higher councils of Nepali politics. Attacks on media
personnel and institutions continue to occur at an
alarming rate while basic job security remains a distant
dream for most journalists and media workers. Part of the
problem arises from the weakly institutionalised character
of the Nepali media and overall weaknesses of the
economy, which continues to be dependent on aid and
remittances. However, the new politics is likely also to
entail a new economics. And the Nepali media community
is, by all accounts, ready to negotiate the best possible
outcome for free speech and the right to information in
the new constitutional framework.
Although the media rights situation worsened
considerably in Pakistan throughout 2007, the current
year has brought renewed reasons for hope. The new
governments that have been sworn in at the federal and
provincial levels following nation-wide elections in
February 2008 have held out early assurances that they
would be mindful of the special needs of a free press. The
newly installed federal government has taken early steps to
rescind overly stringent regulations governing the
electronic media. All possible coercive actions against the
media, such as blocking television channels, have been
6
firmly ruled out of court by the new coalition parties.
State and non-State actors in Pakistan, however, retain
formidable powers of violence and coercion, which
threaten the functioning of a free media on a day-to-day
basis. There has been no effort to confront the culture of
impunity that prevails in cases of journalists being
harassed, abducted or
attacked, often with
lethal effect. The media
industry also owes the
community of journalists
a debt for its steadfastness
in adverse times in the
cause of free speech and
the right to information.
Minimally, this debt
could be discharged
through the prompt
implementation of the
statutory wage awards for
media workers that have
been successively
notified, only to be
ignored by the industry.
The downward slide in
Sri Lanka accelerated as
unilaterally withdrew in
January 2008 from a
ceasefire with Tamil separatist insurgents. Admittedly,
however, the early optimism engendered by the 2002
ceasefire had eroded all through the preceding year. The
relationship between the State, civil society and the media
has deteriorated rapidly. Weakening democratic
commitments on the part of the authorities led in turn to
an environment of impunity for corruption and human
rights violations.
It has been common practice for ministers and other
prominent political figures to severely impugn the
patriotism of conscientious and critical-minded journalists.
With few willing to publicly condemn such rhetorical
excesses, the ground is prepared for more serious threats to
the safety and security of journalists and media workers
across the island. Physical attacks, harassment, restrictions
on movement and death threats have become a part of the
working lives of journalists, photographers and all those
engaged in the gathering, publication and dissemination
of information in Sri Lanka.
The year gone by has been one of intense turmoil in a
region that is home to more than a fifth of humanity.
Journalists and the media in all countries surveyed have
responded constructively to the complex challenges they
face. This report charts some of the developments over the
past year and suggests certain future prospects. As with the
previous five editions of this annual report, the IFJ and the
broader forum of the South Asia Media Solidarity Network
intend that this document will serve a useful purpose as a
campaign and advocacy tool for local, regional and
national organisations in their defence of press freedom in
South Asia.
 I N T H E BA LA NCE: P R ESS FR EEDO M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008

AFGHANISTAN information from the internet about the rights of women

under Islam and distributed it among a small number of
Diversity booms but attacks continue his fellow students at Balkh University
Meanwhile, women journalists are particularly

W hile independent media continues to expand in

Afghanistan, the country remains a precarious and
hazardous place for
threatened as they contend with objections from some
quarters – often expressed
violently – about their right
journalists and media Main Issues to express their views and
organisations. Four journalists ∑ Journalists in line of fire work as equals alongside
were killed during the year, ∑ Traditional vs non-traditional law men. These are just some of
while abductions, physical ∑ Women’s rights to work and to be heard the very serious challenges
violence, threats and ∑ Threats by foreign forces for journalists and aspiring
intimidation against journalists in Afghanistan
∑ Expansion of independent media
journalists continue with who wish to pursue critical
worrying frequency. Attacks
∑ Media Rights Charter
journalism and the promise
on journalists, death threats of democracy
and intimidation came from
official and governmental sources, but Taliban supporters Journalists killed
continue to lead the way in opposing and obstructing The media rights monitoring unit of the Afghan
media freedom. The threats are clearly intended to silence Independent Journalists’ Association (AIJA) recorded four
debate about the new Afghanistan, and to stifle the deaths of journalists from May 2007 to April 2008.
development of an independent and critical media On June 6, 2007, a prominent journalist for Sada-e-Sulh
through which such debate would be conducted. (Peace Radio), Zakia Zaki, was gunned down in her home
Religious hardliners continue to apply pressure on the in Parwan Province, just north of Kabul. She died instantly
Government of President
Hamid Karzai to impose or Women journalists are particularly threatened in the presence of her children.
After the attack, the District
support harsh measures as they contend with objections from some Police Commissioner said that
against individuals and quarters – often expressed violently – about six suspects had been arrested
institutions who do not bow their right to express their views and work as in connection with Zaki’s
to fundamentalist ideas about murder. However, the case was
equals alongside men.
the direction of Afghan subsequently closed and there
society. This is despite the clear guarantee in Afghanistan’s has been no further action to bring the killers to justice.
Constitution of the right of citizens to freedom of Before her death, Zaki had received several threats from
expression. The most prominent example is that of Sayed local military commanders warning her to shut down
Parvez Kambakhsh, a young journalist with the Jahan-e- Sada-e-Sulh. The AIJA and the Committee to Protect
Naw weekly and a student at Balkh University, Afghan Journalists (CPAJ) continue to call for the case to
Mazar-e-Sharif, who was sentenced to death after a four- be investigated independently.
minute closed-door hearing in January 2008, on charges of Earlier, on June 1, Shokiba Sanga Amaaj, 22, who
blasphemy. Kambakhsh is alleged to have downloaded worked at the private Shamshad Television channel, was
shot dead at home. The AIJA could not confirm that
Shokiba was killed due to her work, but she had suffered
intimidation and received several threats warning her to
stop working at the station. General Abdul Qadir Safi, of
the Interior Ministry, told the AIJA that police had
determined that Shokiba’s father had killed his daughter.
He was reportedly sentenced to 10 years’ in jail.
In another incident underlining the dangers faced by
journalists as they conduct their work, Afghanistan Radio
and Television (RTA) journalist Abdul Munir was killed on
December 28 while travelling to Mazar-e-Sharif. The bus
on which he was travelling came under fire by armed
gunmen. Munir was wounded and died in hospital.
Soon after, on January 14, a Norwegian reporter for
Dagbladet newspaper, Carsten Thomassen, died from
wounds he sustained in an attack on the Serena Hotel in
Kabul, while covering the visit of a European Union
delegation to Afghanistan. Six others died in the blast, for
which the Taliban claimed responsibility.

Under sentence: Sayed Parvez Kambakhsh, a journalist and student, faces Official censure and intimidation
the death penalty for allegedly downloading information from the internet Government officials and the military continue to be a
about the rights of women under Islam. Photo: Courtesy of Kamran Hazar,
Kabul Press major source of threats to press freedom and the personal

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safety of journalists. The AIJA reports that government- he made his way to attend a conference of Taliban
related forces detained several journalists due to the representatives in Ghazni city. The police also confiscated
content of their work and there are many reports of his equipment. Another Ariana TV reporter, Muhammad
intimidation and attacks from official sources related to Rasoul Adil, also was severely beaten by police at Khost
material published and broadcast. Several journalists were city after preparing a report that contained photos of
reportedly beaten by security personnel attached to the combat casualties of the Afghan National Army. He
police, the Afghan National Security Directorate suffered permanent injuries to his back and
(NSD) and various officials. In other instances, thighs.
media outlets were shut down or attacked.
On July 1, Asif Nang, chief editor of Aman Hardliners gain sway
(Peace) magazine, was arrested, reportedly on Despite threats and intimidation from
the orders of the President’s office. The arrest government authorities, the significant
was alleged to be due to an article by Nang that majority of attacks and threats against
was critical of the Government’s relationship journalists and freedom of expression and the
with oil companies. After being held for 13 media have been led by members of the
days, Nang publicly apologised to the President Taliban and their supporters, mostly in
and was released. Meanwhile, photographer relation to perceptions of Islam.
Masoud Hussaini was reportedly beaten by The most prominent case internationally
Karzai’s security detachment on November 5, is that of Sayed Parvez Kambakhsh, a
after supposedly “stepping out of line” at a university student and journalist for the
press conference. weekly Jahan-e-Naw. Kambakhsh, 23, was
The negative attitude toward media arrested by security officials in Balkh province
personnel is mirrored by other officials and on October 27 and accused of blasphemy for
parliamentarians. A faction loyal to MP Noor- allegedly downloading and distributing
ul-Haq Olumi gathered all copies of Mashal material from the internet about the role of
magazine on June 23, preventing its women in Islam. Although the case was
distribution in a clear violation of Afghanistan’s initially handled by the Provincial Attorney-
media law. Courage recognised: Farida General’s Office, the Islamic Ulema Council
The chief editor of Mashal and the daily Nekzad receives the 2007 called repeatedly for Kambakhsh to receive the
Erada, Fazal Rahman Oria, received death International Press Freedom death sentence.
threats, apparently from supporters of General Award from the Canadian On January 22, the Balkh primary court
Abdul Rashid Dostum, the Chief of Army Staff, Journalists for Free Expression sentenced Kambakhsh to death for “insolence
(CJFE) for her commitment to
after the magazine published an article in July press freedom and courage to to the Holy Prophet”. The AIJA reports that
alleging murders carried out by Dostum. Fazal report in impossible war-time Kambakhsh was denied a lawyer, and
told the AIJA he also has been frequently conditions in her home country, journalists and civil society and human rights
summoned before the Cultural Affairs Afghanistan. Photo: Courtesy of
Naqibullah Taib, AIJA
organisations were not permitted entry to the
Commission since publishing articles critical of court. The court reportedly warned journalists
members of parliament on November 15. who protested about the process and the outcome of the
In another case, Muhammed Reja, manager of Daikundi hearing that they too would be in danger of arrest if they
Radio, was detained in Daikundi, on the orders of the persisted with their protests.
provincial governor, Sultan Ali, for broadcasting a report The court said its ruling was made on the basis of its
that allegedly threatened the “national interest”. He was judicial discretion under Article 130 of Afghanistan’s
released after six hours in detention. Constitution, which allows for a judgment to be based on
Continuous censorship and threats from high ranking customary Islamic law. However, Article 34 of the
officials led managers of the website Kabul Press to Constitution also defends the right to freedom of
shut down operations voluntarily on August 24. Kabul expression, in line with the Universal Declaration of
Press’s chief editor, Kamran Mir Hazar, was twice arrested Human Rights: “… freedom of expression shall be
in 2007 by NSD forces and held without charge for inviolable. Every Afghan shall have the right to express
varying periods of time. He fled the country in September thoughts through speech, writing, illustrations as well as
and has since managed to make his website operational other means in accordance with provisions of this
again. Constitution.”
The culture of impunity is perpetuated and deepened After a storm of protest from the international press
since the enforcers of the law, the police and armed forces, freedom community, the Upper House of Afghanistan’s
often show outright antagonism toward journalists. On Parliament issued a statement criticising journalists for
December 4, the AIJA reported that the Tenth District their protests and condemning Kambakhsh for
Police Commander of the Kabul Police Force assaulted dishonouring Islam.
radio journalist Omar Mohammadi, of Radio Salam However, the proceedings against Kambakhsh have
Watandar, while he was reporting on a suicide attack on since been moved to Kabul, where efforts are being made
the road to Kabul Airport. to appeal the sentence. This development follows a change
Ariana TV reporter Qasim Rahimi was beaten and of stance on the part of the Upper House, which on
threatened with death by police officers on August 28 as January 31 rejected the Balkh court’s ruling and called for

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the murders of Zakia Zaki and Shokiba Sanga Amaaj.

Canadian Journalists for Free Expression awarded Nekzad
its International Press Freedom Award in 2007, citing her
fearless reporting.
Likewise, the chief editor of Zohra Radio, Zarghona
Hasan, received repeated anonymous death threats
through 2007 warning her not to defend women’s rights.
She has been forced to move home but continues her
work.
On April 11, 2008, unidentified gunmen threw a
grenade inside the home of radio producer Khadija Ahadi
in the western city of Herat. Ahadi, deputy editor-in-chief
of Radio Faryad, told the AIJA that she had received
repeated phone threats regarding her programs discussing
social issues and the role of women in Afghan society. It
was the second such attack on her home.
In Iran, the editor of Afghanistan’s monthly Haqoq-e-
Zan (Women’s Rights), Ali Muhaqiq Nasab, was arrested
on March 4. Documents, phones and a computer were
Double hazard: While the circumstances of her June 1 death are unclear, allegedly confiscated from his home. He reportedly
Shokiba Sanga Amaaj, 22, received constant warnings throughout her career continues to be held without charge, although information
to stop working as a journalist. Five days later, Peace Radio reporter Zakia
is lacking on his situation.
Zaki was killed in her home after months of intimidation and threats against
her work. Photo: Courtesy of Naqibullah Taib, AIJA
Foreign forces against media freedom
a free and independent trial to be held, with full legal
Foreign military forces in Afghanistan have also
representation for the accused. On February 6, Karzai said
participated actively in restricting media freedoms in the
in a dialogue with AIJA and CPAJ representatives that he
country, doing little to provide Afghan authorities with
would assess the death penalty against Kambakhsh.
positive guidance about the role and value of a free media
In a separate case, Ghows Zelmay, a former spokesman
within a democracy.
for Afghanistan’s Attorney-General, was detained on
The United States military has detained an Afghan
November 4. He is accused of
journalist without charge at
publishing a translation into Foreign military forces in Afghanistan have
Bagram Air Base since
Dari, one of Afghanistan’s also participated actively in restricting media September 2. Jawed Ahmad,
two official languages, of the freedoms in the country, doing little to provide 22, who works for Canadian
Holy Qur’an and failing to
obtain authentication from
Afghan authorities with positive guidance about Television (CTV), was arrested
the role and value of a free media within a at Kandahar airport and
duly accredited authorities.
accused of having contacts
He is alleged to have democracy.
with local Taliban leaders and
introduced
possessing a video containing Taliban material. His
misinterpretations into the Dari version of the Islamic
defenders point out that it is common for professional
scripture. Zelmay continues to be detained without charge.
journalists to be in contact with multiple sides when
It is unclear when a trial will proceed.
reporting in a conflict zone.
Meanwhile, the Ministry of Information and Culture
A reporter for Press TV of Iran, Fayez Khorshidi, reported
ordered four private television stations to stop
to the AIJA that he had been abducted on October 18 by
broadcasting Indian soap operas by April 15, 2008. The
warning underlined the concerns of free media proponents
that the Government is increasingly bowing to pressure
from hardliners seeking to obstruct freedom of expression.
At the time of going to press, several of the television
stations were defying the order.

Women and their defenders under threat

Conflicting perceptions about the role and depiction of
women in Islam is a recurrent source of friction within
Afghan society, manifesting itself in threats against
journalists who question “traditional” understandings of
Islam and in direct attacks on women who choose to make
journalism their profession or to make their views known.
Since June 2007, Farida Nekzad, chief editor of Pajhwok
Afghan News and vice-president of the South Asia Media
Commission, has received constant threats by phone and Rights defender: Ali Muhaqiq Nasab, the editor of the monthly Haqoq-e-
email. These anonymous threats drew pointed reference to Zan (Women’s Rights), was arrested on March 4 in Iran. Photo: Courtesy of
Rahimullah Samander, AIJA

9
 I N T H E B A L AN C E : P R E SS F R E E D O M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008
foreign military personnel, seemingly American, and later
beaten until he was unconscious.
Meanwhile, Al-Jazeera cameraman Sami al-Hajj
continues to be held in the US’s detention centre at
Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, without charge. Al-Hajj was
arrested at the Afghanistan-Pakistan border on December
15, 2001, while on assignment to cover the war against the
Taliban. He was transferred to Guantanamo in June 2002.
Positive developments
Despite the catalogue of violence and intimidation during
2007-08, there nevertheless are some signs of improvement
in the media landscape for Afghanistan and perhaps even
room for optimism.
The breadth and diversity of the growing media market
in Afghanistan presents great opportunities for the
development of strong and independent journalism in the
face of persistent threats to media freedom. According to
The breadth and diversity of the growing
media market in Afghanistan presents great
opportunities for the development of strong and
independent journalism in the face of persistent
threats to media freedom.
the Ministry of Communication and Information, 114 new
publications were registered and approved to start
operations during 2007. Seven television stations, seven
radio stations and several electronic media publications
have also begun operations.
In the past, most media organisations were funded
directly by donors, and subsequently closed when funds
dried up. The coming year will be a testing time for
Afghanistan’s newest media organisations, but hope can be
garnered from the example of the reopening of Erada daily,
which has found alternative funding, while Al-Jazeera’s
programs have also resumed broadcasting through Lemar
TV. Several organisations have extended broadcasting and
publication to new provinces as well.
As media reach expands, the AIJA’s media monitoring
unit, based in Kabul, has become an invaluable tool for
defending press freedom and promoting the development
of independent media. The unit is a clearing house for
information about attacks and legal restrictions on
journalists and other actions that impinge on media
freedom. By disseminating information and campaigning
for the rights of journalists and media workers, the unit
supports and strengthens challenges to Afghanistan’s
culture of impunity.
The Afghan media community has been proactive in
adopting the best practices of journalism. A national
summit of journalists and media organisations in Kabul in
July 2007, organised by the AIJA and CPAJ with the
support of the IFJ, agreed unanimously on a Charter for a
Democratic and Pluralist Media Culture and Social and
Professional Rights for Media and Journalism in Afghanistan.
The Charter outlines an agenda for promoting a media
culture across Afghanistan that is based on editorial
independence, balance, accountability and social
responsibility.
10
BANGLADESH
Trying times under emergency laws
I t has been a challenging period for the media in
Bangladesh since the declaration of a nation-wide state
of emergency in January 2007. The extraordinary sequence
of steps by President Iajuddin Ahmed followed a
Main Issues
∑ Official and unofficial censorship
∑ Co-option of media to political interests
∑ Restricted reporting of social unrest
∑ Right to Information exemptions
∑ Financial instability in the media
∑ Harassment and persecution
breakdown of consensus and a long political stalemate
over the modalities and procedures of holding the
country’s parliamentary elections, which were due to be
held in January 2007. The elections have since been
postponed to late 2008.
In the immediate aftermath of the emergency
declaration, the media had ample reason to worry. Calls
made from the presidential office to all broadcast channels
ordered that news and current affairs programs be
suspended until further notice. The verbal advice was
conveyed predominantly to the electronic media, but also
had a chilling effect on the print sector.
In the days that followed, media leaders in Bangladesh
communicated their unease about the new restrictions to
the emergency regime. By this time the military-backed
emergency administration was apparently realising the
utility of a free media, since normal politics remained
suspended and there was no apparent means available to
the administration for gauging public sentiment.
Over the next few weeks, although there was little
clarity about the shape and character of the ruling
arrangement, the media generally tended to be positive in
its attitude towards it. The emergency administration was
seen, if nothing else, as a way out of the stalemate that
had resulted from continuing disputes between the two
main political parties.
The new administration, in turn, was keen to project an
attitude of apolitical neutrality. It sought to foster a belief
among the public that its intent was no more than to
ensure a framework for free and fair elections. Since the
legal framework and security arrangements for the
elections were the principal ground for the bitter
polarisation over the preceding months, this plea won the
administration some support from the media and the
public.
The administration also showed an inclination to seek
the support and endorsement of the media in what it
claimed would be a transitional arrangement toward a
more transparent political dispensation. Media
endorsement was also sought for the mission of curbing
corruption, which was seen as a cause that transcended
political partisanship.
 I N T H E BA LA NCE: P R ESS FR EEDO M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008

Forced to flee: Jahangir Alam Akash was reportedly tortured in detention after being arrested by Rapid Action Battalion V personnel. He has left his home in
fear of his personal safety.

Little respect for media independence electronic and print media,” the advisory added.
Yet early steps taken by the administration conveyed an There also seemed to be an effort to co-opt the media
impression that its commitment to media freedom was into the administration’s plans and projects, rather than to
conditional. On April 17, just over three months into the respect the media’s independent role. “The mass media’s
emergency regime, the role in carrying out the
government Press Information
The advisory letter claimed that “some of the government’s ongoing
Department issued a letter to media are publishing or broadcasting dishonest multifaceted reform programs
all newspapers, television and unprofessional political statements, satirical has been praised by all
channels and radio stations sketches, cartoons, features, etc, which are quarters,” the letter said. And
urging that “ill-motivated and it was because of this “positive
creating confusion among the people”. role” that the administration
misleading reports” be avoided.
The advisory letter claimed that “some of the media are was “always proactive in maintaining the freedom of the
publishing or broadcasting dishonest and unprofessional electronic and print media (despite the) state of
political statements, satirical sketches, cartoons, features, emergency”. This “positive role” was held up as
etc, which are creating confusion among the people”. underpinning the “flexible and tolerant” approach of the
Certain of the newspapers, it continued, “are publishing Government in terms of enforcing the “provisions of the
motivated and exaggerated reports about government Emergency Powers Act”.
officials, businessmen, professionals, intellectuals, and Clearly spelling out the conditions under which it
politicians”. All this was being done, allegedly, with the would continue to show similar “tolerance”, the circular
deliberate intent to “create confusion among the people”. urged the country’s mass media to “take greater care” in its
The administration “requested” the media to be “more published or broadcast output. Subject to this clause, the
vigilant to ensure that (it does) not provide any room for circular promised, the Government would be “proactive in
activities, propaganda or reports that are unnecessarily maintaining” media freedom.
harassing or misinformative about anyone”. “The In May 2007, administration officials literally ripped out
government hopes that the country’s mass media will take an entire editorial under the headline “Khaki Politics in
greater care in publishing/broadcasting apolitical and Dhaka” and an article entitled “The Dhaka Regime’s Messy
substantial news, features, discussions, satirical sketches Surgery” from Himal Southasian, an analytical monthly
and cartoons, in order to maintain the positive role of the magazine published from Kathmandu, Nepal. Also subject

11
 I N T H E B A L AN C E : P R E SS F R E E D O M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008

to this form of censorship was an issue of the weekly The Following another suspension, broadcast channels were
Economist. In both cases, the articles remained accessible to permitted to resume talk shows by mid-September. The
readers in Bangladesh through the respective publications’ move followed several appeals from senior media people,
websites. who argued that the public deserved the freedom to
discuss matters of urgent public importance, such as the
Coercion becomes official floods that had ravaged vast swathes of the country and
This subtle change of mood was made overt and clear uprooted millions of people. Again, the permission granted
when the first signs of a challenge to the new was conditional. The Information Adviser summoned the
administration surfaced with student protests at Dhaka heads of the country’s broadcast sector to issue “informal
University in August 2007. Coverage of the demonstrations guidelines” on talk shows. The written “guidelines” bore
drew a stern reminder from the administration about the no official stamp or signature, but detailed in minute
special circumstances of the “state of emergency”. The all particulars what the talk shows could and could not do.
but explicit suggestion from members of the For instance, it was ordained that talk shows could not be
administration was that the protests were instigated by broadcast live. They must be pre-recorded and edited.
media coverage and only took a violent turn on that Phone-ins and interactive discussions that provided for
account. audience participation in the
As the unrest spread, the
The written “guidelines” bore no official stamp talk shows were banned. As the
emergency regime put the or signature, but detailed in minute particulars Dhaka daily New Age reported
main cities of the country’s six what the talk shows could and could not do. on September 20, it also
administrative divisions under For instance, it was ordained that talk shows decreed that “statements that
curfew. Mainul Hosein, then could not be broadcast live. They must be pre- can create resentment towards
the Information Adviser to the the legitimate government of
President, summoned a
recorded and edited. Bangladesh should be
meeting of Bangladesh’s leading editors and television avoided”.
heads to urge that they “report conscientiously and On September 6, the Bangladesh Telecommunications
responsibly”. The Government, he said, had no intention Regulatory Commission (BTRC) suspended the frequency
of imposing censorship in any form, although it had the allocation of the country’s first 24-hour news channel, CSB
powers to do so. Television. The channel was ordered off the air after some
After the qualified reassurance of the April 17 circular, irregularities came to light about the manner in which it
this was distinctly a threat. On September 22, several talk had obtained its broadcast frequency clearances. Media
shows and news analysis programs went off the air in observers who assessed the alleged offences of the channel
response to an administration diktat. This had the effect of believe the irregularities were minor and should, in normal
inducing other media, including newspapers, to engage in circumstances, have attracted no more than the sanction
a rigorous internal process of self-censorship, rather than of a fine. The channel’s main offence, they say, might
risk incurring the administration’s displeasure. have been its coverage of the Dhaka University student
There was a disconnection between assurances given by protests in August, which apparently embarrassed the
the administration on journalists’ rights and the manner emergency administration.
in which such rights were interpreted at the ground level. There have been instances when media reports on a
The President’s Information Adviser, for instance, had matter of immense public importance for Bangladesh – the
explicitly conveyed an assurance that press identity cards supply of essential agricultural inputs such as seeds and
would be recognised as curfew passes, in the event that a fertiliser – have also attracted the emergency
journalist failed to obtain a pass from competent local administration’s ire. On November 13, Industries Adviser
authorities. But in the days of curfew that followed the Geeteara Safiya Choudhury blamed “propaganda” for
student unrest, several journalists were obstructed from
moving about in the performance of their duties. Many
were physically assaulted, detained and subject to torture
for supposed non-observance of the curfew. Although all
the journalists concerned carried valid identity cards issued
by recognised media houses, enforcement agencies on the
ground refused to honour them as directed by the
Information Adviser.
On August 23, two private broadcast channels – CSB
and Ekushey Television – received a written notice from
the Information Ministry warning them not to broadcast
“provocative” news. On August 26, the Information
Adviser again summoned editors and other media heads to
a closed-door meeting, at which he expressed regret for
incidents of harassment of journalists but pleaded special
circumstances. According to participants at the meeting,
Mainul Hosein argued that the country was going through
trying times which made it incumbent on the media to Raising their voices: Journalists’ leaders shout slogans in the streets of
Dhaka demanding rights for journalists on June 22, 2007. Photo: Courtesy of
show patience and forbearance. Firoz Ahmed, Drik News

12
 I N T H E BA LA NCE: P R ESS FR EEDO M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008

creating a sense of panic among farmers and riotous scenes Journalists’ groups have studied the draft law and found
at several fertiliser distribution points. it lacking in several respects. The most conspicuous
shortfall is the large number of exemptions that would be
Financial instability hits the media granted to allow authorities to decline public requests for
The campaign against corruption launched under disclosure. Section 8 of the Ordinance sets out nine
emergency law began quickly to destabilise the media in a eventualities under which information could be denied.
thoroughly unforeseen manner. At least 11 directors and These include very broad provisions, such as potential
senior executive officers of media houses were detained harm to “the sovereignty, honour, (or) foreign policy” of
over the year for alleged acts of corruption in their the State, its “defence” or relations with foreign States. Any
business activities. Many of them have failed to secure bail. disclosure that could harm the “economic management of
This has resulted in the serious disruption of the day-to- the Government” or “benefit or harm any particular
day functioning of their media houses, irregular wage person or organisation financially” also could be blocked.
payments to staff, and mounting economic distress within Matters related to the tax liabilities of individuals or
the media community. Financial distress has led to the organisations, currency exchange rates and interest rates
closure of at least one Bangla daily and the transfer of also could be protected by prevailing secrecy laws. The list
ownership of two. of exemptions is rounded off by one which is seemingly
The Bangla Daily Ittefaq has retrenched at least 140 staff all-embracing in its scope: “information, disclosure of
members – both journalists and others – on account of which is against public interests”, could be denied to the
financial difficulties arising from the prosecution of one of public.
its principal shareholders. The Dainik Janakantha The non-specificity of many of these exemptions has
newspaper and associated journalists worried. However,
publications have barely Without a legally mandated separation of they are encouraged that a
managed to pay wages and the financial concerns of media and other debate on the right to
salaries on time following the businesses, the media will be perceived as the information is at last
imprisonment of their beginning in the public
chairman. The Bangla daily
hand-maiden of other interests. domain.
Ajker Kagoj suspended
publication on account of financial difficulties. Several Community Radio Policy Announced
dailies have suspended payment of wages and salaries On March 12, 2008, the Government announced a policy
entirely. on Community Radio Installation, Broadcast and
The financial difficulties arising on account of the Operation. On March 28, it issued an advertisement
detention of several media owners have been scrutinised inviting applications from eligible organisations and
by various bodies and found not to be press freedom entities for starting community radio broadcasts. In terms
issues, in a direct sense. In most cases, the media owners of eligibility criteria, the policy is as permissive as can
have several other business interests, not to mention possibly be conceived. It defines a community in fairly
political connections and debts. The case to be made is not broad terms as a “group of people who share common
one for immunity from corruption investigations, but of characteristics and/or interests such as sharing a single
separating out the intricate ties that link the media in geographical location, i.e. a specific town, village, or
Bangladesh to other businesses. Without a legally neighbourhood; sharing of economic and social life
mandated separation of the financial concerns of media through trade, marketing, exchange of goods and services”.
and other businesses, the media will be perceived as the And it permits any such “community” to apply for a
hand-maiden of other interests. It will consequently be community radio licence. Specifically prohibited are
held accountable for offences perpetrated by the other applications from individuals, registered companies,
interest groups. political parties, international organisations (whether non-
Bangladesh, however, remains very far from enacting a governmental or otherwise) and foreign media entities.
credible set of legal norms on media ownership. The policy spells out the usual range of proscribed
Since promulgation of the emergency rules, the broadcast content, in terms of anything that could be
administration has cancelled the enlistment (or deemed detrimental to the security and sovereignty of the
registration) of some 160 newspapers and other State and friendly relations with other States. Other fairly
publications, allegedly for not maintaining regularity in unexceptionable prohibitions include anything that may
publication. However, some of these have continued constitute contempt of court, or incitement to an offence.
publishing after obtaining temporary injunctions from However, there is some concern over the stipulation that
Bangladesh’s higher courts. community radio in its particular domain should “be
relevant to the needs of that particular community” and
Draft law on right to information “should not go beyond the community’s cultural and
The emergency administration has, in fulfilment of stated historical heritage”.
commitments to transparency, introduced a Right to Aside from the negative proscriptions on broadcast
Information (RTI) Ordinance for public discussion. content, there also are several positive prescriptions. The
Although it is not yet law, the ordinance could be notified latter include speeches on developmental issues by local
at any time and would supersede, in the event of any government functionaries and anything else that the
contradiction, the relevant provisions of the country’s Government may specify.
Official Secrets Act.

13
 I N T H E B A L AN C E : P R E SS F R E E D O M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008
As with community radio policy elsewhere, there are
limitations and norms specified for sponsored content.
However, the economics of community broadcasting
remain to be worked out in the particular situations
defined by the stipulated licence fees and the charges
payable for the use of the broadcast spectrum.
Journalists harassed and persecuted
Many journalists and media workers were harassed,
attacked and persecuted during the year under review,
commonly in relation to conflicts over political interests.
Torture at the hands of security personnel was commonly
reported.
Jahangir Alam Akash, a reporter with the daily Sangbad
and CSB Television, was arrested on October 23 at his
home in the Rajshahi administrative division of
Bangladesh by personnel of the Rapid Action Battalion V
(RAB V). The arresting party was led by Major Rashidul
Hasan Rashid, who had earlier had a grievance against
Akash for reports he wrote for his newspaper on civilians
killed in RAB V operations. Major Rashid effected the arrest
on the basis of a complaint of extortion lodged by
Mahfuzul Alam Loton, a local politician who had lost his
trusteeship over a body administering the properties of
religious institutions in the area, after several investigative
reports by Akash alleged rampant financial malfeasance
under his watch. Although Akash had obtained
anticipatory bail from the appropriate court soon after the
complaint was lodged, he was arrested on the strength of
another complaint registered just four hours before
personnel of RAB V raided his home.
Akash was detained until November 19 and reportedly
suffered torture at the hands of the RAB V and then at the
hands of the Rajshahi police. Even after he was released on
bail, fresh cases have been registered against him by
known offenders and he has had to seek refuge in Dhaka,
rather than return to his family home.
Zahirul Haque Titu, correspondent for the dailies Inqilab
and The New Nation, was detained in October in his
hometown of Pirojpur, in south-western Bangladesh. He
remains in jail despite efforts to secure his release. No
charges were mentioned although his arrest was
professedly made under section 16(2) of the Emergency
In solidarity: Journalists and press workers shout slogans at the Dhaka
Press Club protesting the closure of a leading newspaper Daily Ittefaq on
December 12, 2007. Photo: Courtesy of Firoz Ahmed, Drik News
14
Powers rules, which allows non-police law enforcers the
same powers of search and seizure as the police. Titu has
faced the overt hostility of Islamist elements and their
allies within the Bangladesh National Party (BNP) since
2003. Many attacks against him have gone uninvestigated.
Titu’s case has often been a rallying point for journalists’
organisations in Bangladesh.
On May 11, journalist and human rights campaigner
Tasneem Khalil was arrested at his home in Dhaka by
plain-clothes officers. Khalil was taken to the Sangsad
Bhavan army camp and tortured. An assistant editor with
The Daily Star, Bangladesh’s leading English language
newspaper, Khalil has also worked for global broadcaster
CNN International and compiled reports for Human Rights
Watch. Khalil was released after a day’s detention and
suffered serious injuries as a result of reported torture.
Arifur Rahman, a cartoonist with the Bangla daily
Prothom Alo, was dismissed by his employers in September
after fiery demonstrations by Islamic groups against a
cartoon he had composed which involved a play of words
on the name Mohammad. The newspaper apologised for
carrying the cartoon, although neither the editor nor the
publisher suffered any form of sanction. Arifur Rahman
was arrested two days later. With no-one willing to stand
surety for him, he was sent to prison for 30 days. After
repeated extensions of his detention, he was released on
March 20, 2008.
Journalists’ perceptions
The IFJ conducted a survey among Bangladeshi journalists
over the year. The results of the survey testify to the
widespread perception that “power politics” is the main
source of conflict in Bangladesh. The problem, a majority
felt, could be mitigated through constructive people-to-
people contacts, with the community of journalists playing
a facilitating role. The overwhelming sentiment among the
respondents to the survey was that the media should focus
on the “human element” in all conflicts and report in an
“accurate and unbiased” manner.
Most journalists surveyed had been exposed to conflict
situations. A clear two-thirds had done more than 10
stories in the preceding year on conflict situations. Fewer
than 2 per cent claimed not to have encountered any
conflict situation while on the professional beat.
More than 60 per cent of the respondents thought the
information provided on conflict by government
departments, police and military sources was “limited”.
More than 36 per cent thought the information from these
sources was “biased”.
An overwhelming 88 per cent of the respondents were
prepared to characterise media coverage of conflict as
“biased”. More than half cited “commercial
considerations” as the main reason for media bias, while
just under one in five thought that media proprietors’
political interests were the principal underlying factor.
Threats and physical hazards continue to be a challenge
for journalists in Bangladesh. Khulna, one of the country’s
six administrative divisions, has witnessed the most
dangerous working conditions for journalists in the
country. Indeed, the phenomenon of “terrorism”,
involving both targeted and random acts of violence
against media workers and ordinary civilians, began in the
 I N T H E BA LA NCE: P R ESS FR EEDO M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008

Khulna area, according to most journalists. The threats
persist to this day, with Islamic groups and radical left-
wing groups contributing to a pervasive sense of insecurity
within the media. Every region of Bangladesh has
problems specific to itself. Chittagong division, which has
seen a low-level insurgency and occasional outbreaks of
ethnic fighting, is also often a hazardous area for
journalists. Journalists and media workers in the
Chittagong Hill Tracts in particular often face the denial of
essential professional equipment and material, on the
grounds that the generalised availability of these could
help the cause of the ethnic insurgencies.
INDIA
Robust growth and a loss of
Main Issues
diversity
∑ Concentration of media ownership
opportunities within the constitution of the boards
allowing for obstructive tactics. At the current writing, it
seems likely that the wage boards could announce interim
awards by early May 2008. However, the timing of these
formal notifications and the extent to which they will be
honoured remain moot points.
Growth has been very rapid in the unregulated sector,
and the competition among rival companies for scarce
skills has perhaps led to improved wages. There is no basis
for making a firm judgment here, in the absence of a
centralised reporting and monitoring system. Employment
conditions, however, are governed in the main by short-
term contracts. And rapid personnel turnover has been a
feature of the pattern of growth in this sector of the media.
Media industry a star performer
According to an estimate
made by a leading business
lobby, the Federation of

I ndia’s media grew robustly

over the year under review.
Concerns about diversity and
∑ Stagnant working conditions
∑ Dysfunctional regulatory systems
Indian Chambers of
Commerce and Industry
(FICCI), revenues of the
choice, however, remained ∑ Competition and private equity media and entertainment
high. Firm estimates on ∑ Uncertain standards on free speech right industry grew by 17 per cent
concentration of ownership ∑ Codes of conduct and self-regulation in 2007, to touch an
and control in the media aggregate figure of INR
cannot be made in the (Indian rupees) 500 billion
absence of reliable statistics. The greatest malaise of the (about US$12.5 billion). This estimate places the revenue
Indian media may well be a lack of transparency. Even so, from advertising at INR 196 billion, or just over 38 per
it seems that the quantitative growth of the media in India cent of the total industry turnover.
has been accompanied by a qualitative deterioration and a Subscriptions in the Indian media industry recover even
loss of diversity. less of the production and operational costs than
There has been little to suggest an improvement in the counterparts elsewhere. Growth prospects, in this sense,
conditions of employment of journalists and other workers depend significantly on the growth of advertising spending
in the regulated sector, where the Indian Working in the economy. There have been conflicting estimates of
Journalists’ and Other Newspaper Employees’ (Conditions advertisement revenue growth. While the FICCI study puts
of Service) Act apply. Two wage boards were created for the growth of advertising revenue at 22 per cent for 2007,
media workers (nominally separate institutions for a similar exercise by a leading advertising and market
journalists and other newspaper employees, although research firm puts it at a more modest 3 per cent.
under the same chairman) in May 2007. The boards’ The latter figure points to a more difficult situation
deliberations and sittings have been sporadic; the terms of ahead for India’s media industry. There is considerable
reference are not clearly defined; and there are ample anxiety that the sliding profits reported by the Indian

Investigative journalism fettered: Outside India’s Supreme Court, three journalists and the publisher of Midday speak out against their conviction for
“contempt of court”. Right, Delhi Union of Journalists and other organisations protested against the judicial ruling. Photos: Courtesy of Midday Publications,
Delhi

15
 I N T H E B A L AN C E : P R E SS F R E E D O M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008

corporate sector and the contagion effects of economic
woes in the United States could lead to significant cuts in
advertising spending. This could have adverse
consequences for the fortunes of the Indian media.
The surface reality is of a huge proliferation in the
media. New newspapers have been launched over the year
under review, many of them by major media groups.
Several new radio channels have started up under the third
phase of the FM broadcast licensing process. According to
the most recent statistics, 350 television channels are on
air, with another 100 slated for launch in the near future.
Foreign investor interest in India’s media remained
high. The US-based media conglomerate NBC Universal
announced plans to acquire a 26 per cent stake in NDTV
Networks, a holding company for broadcasters in the
lifestyle and fashion segment, related through interlocking
equity ownership with NDTV 24x7, an English-language
news broadcaster, and its Hindi-language counterpart,
NDTV India.
Global Broadcast News (GBN), which runs several
television channels, has similarly, announced plans to
raise INR 8 billion to fund an aggressive move into
regional language broadcast and print media. This venture
will be executed in
partnership with the global India’s media has grown faster and more
media giant Viacom, which is visibly than other sectors of a rapidly growing opposition at both levels: state
already a 50 per cent equity economy. Yet, unlike other sectors, investment and union.
owner in a partner rules and norms in the media remain opaque
organisation of GBN. and often subject to abuse.
Diligent Media Corporation
(DMC), a joint venture between India’s top Hindi-language
broadcaster and second-ranked print organisation, already
has an English newspaper presence in four major cities in
the western region. It has now announced plans for
business dailies in Hindi for several smaller towns in the
same region. It also is reported to be making aggressive
takeover bids for major newspapers in Nagpur, Bangalore
and Thiruvananthapuram. In part, the expansion and
takeover projects, will be financed through the sale of a
major equity stake in the company to a foreign
institutional investor.
Big corporate houses, both Indian and multinational,
have been increasingly making their presence felt in the
media sector. Reliance-Anil Dhirubhai Ambani Group, one
of India’s largest corporate houses, has expanded its
presence in FM and announced plans to enter television
broadcasting with perhaps 20 channels.
India’s media has grown faster and more visibly than
other sectors of a rapidly growing economy. Yet, unlike
other sectors, investment rules and norms in the media
remain opaque and often subject to abuse.
Murky investment rules and norms
In February 2008, eight journalists from NewsX, a news
channel that was then yet to be launched, resigned after a
dispute with the ownership of the holding company. The
episode involved public mud-slinging and allegations of
journalists being wrongfully confined and forced to submit
resignation letters.
A delegation of concerned journalists subsequently went
to the Minister for Information and Broadcasting in the
Union Government, seeking an investigation into the
financial sources of the company. While declining to
intrude into what he called “internal financial matters” at
the broadcasting company, the Minister urged that all
clauses of the journalists’ job contracts be honoured. The
financial aspects were referred to the investigative arm of
the Union Government’s Finance Ministry.
When all else is said and the rights and wrongs
determined, the immediate verdict that can be offered is
that the NewsX episode did not inspire great confidence in
the rules of the media game as it is played in India.
If anything, the journalists’ recourse to the Government
as a dispute settlement authority, and the concerned
Minister’s protestations that he had no authority over
investment norms in the broadcast sector, pointed to a
seriously dysfunctional regulatory system for the broadcast
media.
At another level, the Union Government has seemed
excessively diligent in scrutinising and holding up a
proposal for a private equity firm’s investment in the
Eenadu media group in Andhra Pradesh. It has been hard
to avoid the suspicion of strong political motivations,
since the media group concerned has been a major backer
of the political party that
happens now to be in
Since the state
government in Andhra
Pradesh changed hands in
2004, an investigation was launched into Margadarsi, a
financial company under the same ownership as the
Eenadu media group. Figures uncovered by an
independent audit of the finance company suggested a
pyramid scheme, and possible difficulties in redeeming all
the deposits the company had gathered. India’s Supreme
Court intervened to mandate a scheme for the company to
redeem depositor funds as they fell due.
With the fundamentals of the finance company being
declared unsound by credible external evaluators, an
ambiguous situation arose with respect to the media
freedom implications of the state government’s actions.
The matter seemed to underline a critical issue for the
Indian media: the need to maintain a relatively
transparent ownership and financial structure and for
other companies under the same ownership to maintain
an arms-length relationship with the media interests.
The Eenadu group has sought a way out of its financial
travails by offloading shares to the private equity (PE)
group Blackstone. The US$275 million (about INR 11
billion) that it hopes to raise from the sale of equity is, by
its own admission, destined to bail out the Margadarsi
finance company. These plans have putatively awakened
concerns in the ruling party in the state about interlocking
interests between media and other companies. In
particular, one member of the Indian parliament from the
state of Andhra Pradesh has been responsible for blocking
approval of the PE deal on the grounds that a media
company raising finance through this route should not be
at liberty to divert funds to non-media interests.

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 I N T H E BA LA NCE: P R ESS FR EEDO M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008

Political faction fight triggers arson: Fire services personnel at the office of the Dinakaran newspaper in Madurai after an arson attack in May 2007 that
killed three media workers. Right, staff of Dinakaran in a demonstration demanding prompt action against the culprits. Photos: United News of India.

Regulatory vacuum trauma and irreparable damage to her reputation. Yet

In the absence of a transparent regulatory framework,
interpretations of what is right and wrong with the media
often come down to contingent political interests. Cross-
media ownership and the sale of media industry equity to
foreign PE enterprises, which have been looked upon with
relative equanimity in other contexts, are considered a
matter of vital principle in the case of the Eenadu group.
In February 2008, the Telecom Regulatory Authority of
India (TRAI) introduced a discussion paper on minimum
criteria for any entity opening
broadcast operations. How far In the absence of a transparent regulatory
this consultation paper will framework, interpretations of what is right disparaging remarks made
actually influence policy is to be and wrong with the media often come down to against the Nepali Gorkha
determined. But the TRAI paper
contingent political interests.
could well be considered an
effort to close the stable doors after the horse has bolted,
since it questions the entitlement of several bodies that are
already significant players in the broadcast media scene in
India – such as religious entities, political parties and cross-
linked media houses.
In its currently applicable guise, the guidelines specify
certain eligibility criteria for obtaining satellite up-linking
permission for television broadcasting. These include
stipulations on the maximum extent of foreign equity
ownership (49 per cent) and the minimum net worth of
the entity seeking such permission (which varies between
INR 10 million and 30 million, depending on the number
of channels leased by the broadcaster).
There are no qualifications required in terms of media
competence or adherence to ethical norms in any guise.
Two recent events highlight the uncertain consequences
for the Indian media:
• In September 2007, a 24-hour news channel, India
Live TV, was ordered off the air for one month as
penalty for airing a fake “sting” operation implicating
a teacher in Delhi in a non-existent prostitution
racket. The case obviously warranted prosecution
under legal provisions covering the offences of
falsification of evidence, extortion and incitement to
violence. There was also a strong case for lawful
recompense to the teacher, who suffered serious
the regulatory response was to take the channel off the
air. No explanation has been offered for either the
punishment or its duration.
• In November 2007, a radio jockey on the Red FM
channel was booked under the law for inciting
communal violence between the Nepali Gorkha
community and others. Red FM broadcasts to various
urban markets in India. However, it is not known to
have a signal in Siliguri district in the state of West
Bengal, where riots broke
out over allegedly
community. The individual
concerned now faces
prosecution in a West
Bengal court. Red FM offended against a basic rule of
ethical journalism, which is “to do no harm”. But the
sanctions that the individual faces under relevant
provisions of the law dealing with the incitement to
violence and creating disharmony among
communities, seem excessive and illogical.
These two events draw attention to a major lacuna in
India’s regulatory regime: there are no accepted standards
on the exercise of the free speech right in the Indian
media. Neither is there a credible regulatory framework in
place. More serious transgressions (than that of Red FM)
and more serious abuses (than that of India Live TV)
escape sanction because they do not (for whatever reason)
fuel violence on the streets. This raises troubling questions
about how far media freedom can be hostage to
inconsistent standards.
Absence of accepted standards
Media rights in addressing serious failures in the
governance process and the administration of justice
remain undefined. In September 2007, three journalists
and the publisher of Midday, an afternoon daily in Delhi,
were convicted by the Delhi High Court for “contempt of
court”. The court held the four guilty for a series of

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 I N T H E B A L AN C E : P R E SS F R E E D O M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008

investigative articles and cartoons on the Indian Supreme Medianet involved the payment of a fee for coverage in
Court’s orders shutting down small commercial news columns. The Times management initially committed
establishments and shops in notified residential areas of itself to clearly identifying every story published under
Delhi. Medianet. However, media analysts concluded that the
The articles argued that India’s Chief Justice, who practice of identifying each story that was paid for, seemed
assumed jurisdiction over the matter, may have had an to lapse after a few weeks.
undeclared conflict of interest, since his sons were Media houses are now known to conclude “private
involved in the property development business. treaties” under which they acquire an equity stake in
Competent legal authorities who reviewed the articles particular companies, which they pay for through ad
pronounced them factual and accurate. support. This assistance in “brand building” and
Although the defendants have obtained a stay on the “corporate image development” is more than paid for
application of their sentence of four months’ rigorous since the companies that attract the media houses’ interest
imprisonment, their conviction stands. Other sections of invariably happen to be entities that are on the verge of
the media have failed to respond to the challenge posed by seeking a listing on the stock exchanges. Shares in most
the judiciary’s arrogation to itself of sky-high powers of companies are known to appreciate wildly from the day
conviction for the alleged offence of “contempt of court”. they are listed and this gives media houses ample
Within the print media, a new threat to diversity has opportunities to cash in on windfall capital gains. There
emerged in the rising price of newsprint. Since mid-2007, has been little public questioning of the conflict of interest
newsprint prices have increased by more than 40 per cent, issues involved in this practice, to which an increasing
compelling many newspapers to rework their number of media houses in both the print and broadcast
advertisement-editorial ratio, and sharpening the domains have resorted. With fortunes being made and lost
competition for advertisement spending. on India’s stock exchanges and investor decisions being
Big print media houses such critically dependent on media
as Kasturi & Sons from
Medianet involved the payment of a fee coverage, there have been
Chennai (publishers of The for coverage in news columns. The Times calls in recent times to put the
Hindu), the Dainik Jagaran management initially committed itself to practice of “private treaties”
group in the Hindi belt, and identifying clearly every story published under under the scanner from an
Bennett Coleman & Co in ethical point of view.
Medianet. However, media analysts concluded
Delhi (publisher of The Times
of India) have launched either
that the practice of identifying each story that Content code debate
free or radically under-priced was paid for seemed to lapse after a few weeks. In the context of the rapid
newspapers to tap into the growth in television
market for advertisements. Many, such as Bennett broadcasting, India’s Government has sought several times
Coleman and HT Media (publishers of The Hindustan in the past to put in place a “content code” that all
Times), have been offering their newspapers in various broadcasters would be obliged to follow. A draft code was
combinations at massive discounts. This has made the introduced by the Ministry of Information and
Indian print media dependent, more heavily than ever Broadcasting in July 2007 and abandoned in the face of
before, on advertisement revenues for survival. Smaller resistance from several media organisations. The Ministry
newspaper groups are understandably worried, as recent then delegated the job of evolving an agreed position to
demands from some of them for the enactment of a “price- the broadcast industry and its apex organisations.
page schedule” testify. This regulatory device, which has According to reports available at the time of this writing,
been introduced in the past and struck down by the the drafting of a content code is now stymied by
Supreme Court as violating Article 19 guarantees of free disagreements between two rival organisations of
speech in the Indian Constitution, mandates that broadcasters.
newspapers should charge prices that reflect the volume of Meanwhile, in disposing of a public interest petition
their content. It was devised to prevent larger newspapers arising from the “sting” operation that wrongly implicated
from using their superior access to advertisement revenue a teacher in a non-existent prostitution racket, the Delhi
to drive out smaller newspapers through price High Court held on December 14, 2007, that any channel
competition. planning to broadcast programs involving a “sting” should
The country’s largest print media group, Bennett be legally obliged to obtain prior permission from a
Coleman, meanwhile announced plans to promote a government-appointed committee. It recommended that
public relations company. This is seen to be continuous the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting should
with its aggressive effort to increase its share of total appoint a retired judge of a High Court to chair the
advertising spending. For about five years, the company committee, which should also comprise two others drawn
has pursued a strategy, named Medianet, ostensibly to go from the bureaucracy.
beyond the limitations of traditional news-gathering The judicial intervention, it must be underlined, came
techniques, especially in new areas of audience interest well after the offending channel had been ordered off the
which have high potential for attracting contextual air by the Ministry. Yet with all this, the grounds on which
advertising – such as lifestyle, fashion, entertainment, the Ministry licenses channels are unclear, since the only
product launches and celebrity personalities. eligibility criteria specified deal with patterns of equity
ownership and the company’s net worth (as already

18
 I N T H E BA LA NCE: P R ESS FR EEDO M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008

mentioned above). The grounds on which the Ministry
cancels permissions are even less clear, since the only
explanation offered in most cases is a failure to conform to
the “broadcast content code” decreed by the Ministry,
which is far from being an agreed document.
With voluntary codes of conduct and self-regulation
being a distant prospect, India’s Government recently
notified “monitoring committees” at the level of each state
and every district to enforce its content code. These
committees are constituted overwhelmingly by bureaucrats
and police personnel. It must be emphasised that all
discussions involving ethical practices in the media are
currently being conducted between the Government and
media ownership groups. The involvement of journalists,
media professionals and civil society has so far been
marginal.
NEPAL Main Issues
Media and the transition to ∑ Identity politics and representation
democracy
∑ Election monitoring and code of conduct
Since Nepal’s nation-wide ∑ Right to Information
political movement of April ∑ Working Journalists’ Act
2006, often characterised as
the country’s second great
∑ Workplace disputes
democratic upsurge, the ∑ Safety and protection
ensuing period has been one of gradual consolidation and
delicate negotiations over the course of the democratic
transition that the people of Nepal have willed for
themselves.
The moral capital that accrued to the media community
from its active participation and leadership role in Nepal’s
shift to democratic processes, provides the context for
understanding significant changes that have occurred since
2006.
However, the months ahead will be challenging,
following national elections for a new Constituent
Assembly (CA) on April 10, 2008. The media community
and its principal organisations – the Federation of Nepali
Journalists (FNJ), the Nepal Press Union (NPU) and the
National Union of Journalists of Nepal (NUJN) – have
sought to remain engaged in the process of change, in
keeping with the high profile acquired throughout the
movement for the restoration of democracy. The aim is to
enshrine media freedoms and
the people’s right to know
securely within the new
constitutional framework.
Following the formal
declaration of a truce by
insurgents of the Communist
Party of Nepal (Maoist) (CPN-
M), prolonged negotiations
involving the mainstream

Worst fears: Journalists and media workers demand information about missing journalist Birendra Shah at a protest organised by the Federation of Nepali
Journalists in November 2007. Abducted in early October in central Nepal, it emerged that Shah was killed by CPN-M members. Photo: Courtesy of Amit
Sthapit, Associated News Agency, Nepal.

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 I N T H E B A L AN C E : P R E SS F R E E D O M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008

political parties and civil society resulted in the adoption transformation of an issue of regional fairness into a
of an interim constitution in January 2007. This was hailed question laden with complex ethno-cultural dimensions.
as a breakthrough. However, the optimism did not hold The Terai region currently accounts for close to half of
for long, as a breakaway faction of the CPN-M brought to Nepal’s total population. However, settlers from the hills,
the fore the issue of fair representation for people of who dominate politics in the region and nationally, have
different ethnicities. This demand became quickly been identified as a distinct ethnic group that shares little
enmeshed with a question of regional representation. In in terms of identity and interests with the region’s
particular, long-standing grievances among the people of indigenous people.
the Terai region (the southern plains adjoining Nepal’s With relatively easier access to India – on account of
border with India) about their under-representation in the geographical proximity and cultural affinity – the Madhesi
political order became a source of instability in the moves people have also suffered from the stigma of being
toward democracy. supposedly unsuited to be national leaders in Nepal. For a
The situation was compounded through 2007 by while, it looked as if the violent protests and actions of
disagreements about the modalities under which the CA Madhesi militant groups could trigger a nation-wide
elections should be held. The Maoists broke off from the upheaval and upset the democratic transition. The CPN-M
governing coalition in September 2007, vowing to take the was convinced that the turmoil was a creation of Hindu
matter to the streets if their demand for an election revivalist parties from India working with the tacit
conducted under proportional representation rules was not encouragement of intelligence services, intent on
met. Initially scheduled for November, the elections were preventing a fair election outcome.
postponed for lack of consensus among the main political Madhesi militants mostly targeted people of hill origin,
players. but attacks also occurred against members of the media
By January 2008, another keenly negotiated agreement community. Many other groups in Nepal also have used
was worked out on allocating numbers within the CA on violent tactics to press their demands in the past, and
the basis of directly elected constituencies and continue to do so, and they have not spared the media.
proportional representation. This made the free, fair and Two journalists were killed, 27 journalists and media
peaceful conduct of the elections in April 2008 possible. At workers were attacked, 31 were threatened and nine were
the time of writing, counting of votes is in progress with detained in 2007. Already in 2008, there have been two
results being eagerly awaited. On the part of the Madhesi communities, there deaths, 26 attacks, and three
Media functioning during journalists and media workers
the election campaign was
is an acute perception that the media does not have received threats.
covered by a code of conduct represent them adequately or fairly. In the The Madhesi Janadhikar
drawn up by the Election lead-up to the CA elections, it was alleged that Forum (MJF), Madhesi People’s
Commission in consultation the mainstream media had often engaged in Rights Forum (MPRF),
with the Press Council of reporting that verged perilously close to “hate Janatantrik Terai Mukti
Nepal. The monitoring of the Morchha (JTMM), the Maoist-
code was entrusted to the Press
speech” and incitement to violence. aligned Young Communist
Council, which recruited monitors who were assigned to League (YCL), Gorkha Line Mukti Sewa Samaj (GLMSS),
different parts of the country to keep a close watch over the National Republican Army of Nepal (NRAN) and police
media functioning, mainly with regard to averting “hate personnel are among groups reported to have targeted
speech” and attacks on media. media staff and institutions.
The code of conduct has been examined by various On the part of the Madhesi communities, there is an
expert groups and found to be compatible with acute perception that the media does not represent them
international best practices in election coverage. At the adequately or fairly. In the lead-up to the CA elections, it
time of writing, an evaluation of how well the monitoring was alleged that the mainstream media had often engaged
process has worked is under way. Observers have drawn in reporting that verged perilously close to “hate speech”
considerable encouragement from the fact that the and incitement to violence. These are matters for the
elections were conducted in a mostly peaceful media monitors to assess and arrive at a fair determination
environment and that threats to journalists and media of. A conspicuously fair and even-handed judgment would
institutions, and also perceived violations of agreed norms undoubtedly enhance the credibility of the process and
on fair and balanced reporting, appear to have been provide valuable guidelines for the Nepali media in future
minimal. years, as issues of representation for the Madhesi
communities are debated in constitutional forums.
Demands for self-determination
More than a dozen armed groups have emerged in the Legal and regulatory framework
Terai region since the beginning of 2007, claiming to The provisions on freedom of speech and the right to
represent the Madhesis – literally the people in the information in the interim constitution are identical to
“middle land” between the Himalayan valleys and the those in Nepal’s 1990 Constitution, and are considered the
plains bordering India. Terai is a geographical best assurances that can be laid down in law. There are
characterisation from which activists of the new considerable lacunae though in the manner that these
movements consciously distanced themselves. Their provisions are interpreted in reality. The National
preference for the term Madhesi represented the Broadcasting Act and the Press and Publications Act, both

20
 I N T H E BA LA NCE: P R ESS FR EEDO M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008

adopted in 1992, remain the governing statutes for the including by making it mandatory for media houses to
media industry. Although their provisions have been allocate a certain percentage of their revenues for the
liberally interpreted to allow for a fairly healthy growth of professional development of their employees.
the Nepali media, they embody some potential for Nepal’s government also will be enjoined under the
imposing unwarranted curbs on the right to free speech. WJA to make resources available for professional
Licensing under the broadcasting act, for instance, is a development in the media industry. Although these
discretionary power retained by the Government, which is commitments are not yet firmly established, professional
itself a broadcaster. organisations believe that – with some degree of donor
In September 2006, a high-level media commission support in the interim – the full scope of the new measures
submitted a comprehensive report to the Government on under the WJA would have a reasonable chance of success
the future shape of media policy in the country. This in about three years’ time.
commission included representatives of the country’s main Since it was thought infeasible to completely disallow
organisations of working journalists, including the FNJ. contract employment in the media, the WJA lays down a
Partly in line with the recommendations of the ceiling of 15 per cent for contract employees within each
commission, a Right to Information (RTI) Act was passed media organisation.
by Nepal’s Parliament in July 2007. The FNJ’s president Organisations of media professionals in Nepal are also
was a member of the three-member panel that was tasked beginning a process of auditing the record of
with nominating a chairman implementation of all previous
for the National Information The provisions on freedom of speech and wage boards. Sanctions are
Commission that would serve the right to information in the interim available under the law for
as the ombudsman for all constitution are identical to those in Nepal’s non-compliance with the
matters involving the RTI law. 1990 Constitution, and are considered the best statutory recommendations.
An analysis of the RTI Act assurances that can be laid down in law. However, journalists’ unions
by press freedom groups believe that they need not seek
Freedom Forum and Article 19 has concluded that it is a recourse to these sanctions and could achieve the same
sound piece of legislation, with just a few weaknesses. Two ends by fostering a process of dialogue and consensus.
of these merit particular mention. First, the RTI Act
requires that the individual making a request for Industry discord
information should provide a reason for so doing. Second, Early in 2007, employees of Nepal 1 Television shut down
it is limited in its application to Nepali citizens. production for three weeks in protest against poor working
Professional associations of journalists and media conditions and the denial of statutory safeguards and
workers also succeeded in August 2007 in securing the benefits, including appointment letters. An agreement was
unanimous consent of Nepal’s Parliament for the passage reached with the management on May 7, 2007. However,
of significant amendments to the Working Journalists’ Act only a week after the agreement was reached, the FNJ
(WJA). This provides legislative backing for a long-running reported the forced resignation of eight Delhi-based
campaign by Nepal’s journalists’ community for employees after constant threats from management.
regularisation of their working conditions and periodic FNJ reports of journalists being threatened in their
wage revisions. attempts to obtain information illustrate that Nepal
At the time of writing, however, neither the RTI Act nor remains far from enjoying a safe and free media. Nepal’s
the WJA had been implemented. The RTI Act suffers from independent media was disrupted throughout August 2007
the lack of an active publicity agent who will make its by serious setbacks, including the halt of printing and
provisions generally known and encourage civic action in distribution of daily newspapers such as the Himalayan
accordance with its provisions. The WJA has not been Times and Annapurna Post and the threatened closure of
implemented because of the weakly institutionalised HBC FM radio station by Maoist-aligned unions.
character of Nepal’s media houses, their uncertain
revenue streams and profits, and the paucity of
advertising spending in an economy that remains
among the world’s poorest.
There are vast disparities in wages and working
conditions across the media industry. Employees of
small newspapers and radio stations earn well below
prescribed minimum wages, and even these are
sporadically paid, if at all. Most media staff lack job
security because appointment letters are rarely issued
and conditions of employment remain a matter of
change and interpretation from month to month.
Decent working conditions could help to underpin
a professional corps of journalists sensitive to their
social responsibilities, but the achievement of such
conditions remains a distant prospect in Nepal. Even
so, the WJA provides the legislative backing for Freedom in focus: Photographers of the National Forum of Photo Journalists stage a
sit-in protest for press freedom at Maitighar Mandala, Kathmandu. Photo: Courtesy of
professional associations to work toward this goal,
Amit Sthapit, Associated News Agency, Nepal.

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 I N T H E B A L AN C E : P R E SS F R E E D O M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008
Also in August, 49 Nepali journalists who had been
sacked without cause were attacked during a protest,
alleged to have been directed by their former employer.
They were then arrested at another demonstration.
Nepal Television and NTV-2 were blocked from August
13 and other national channels were blocked from August
18 for an indefinite period. The Nepal Cable TV
Association took these actions to demand from the
Government measures such as decreased renewal fees and
the authority to broadcast local programs.
The resumption of broadcasts by HBC FM on September
24, after a prolonged break on account of a dispute
between staff and management over working conditions,
was welcomed by the IFJ and its Nepali affiliates. The IFJ
was heartened by the HBC management’s accession to
demands that the new provisions of the WJA be
implemented, such as the issuing of letters of appointment
to all journalists and employees effective from the date of
their joining. This was the first time an employer in Nepal
had signed an agreement to implement the Act.
Journalists targeted
On September 16, 2007, Sanker Panthi, a correspondent
for the Butwal-based daily Naya Satta, was found dead.
Panthi’s body was found on the Mahendra Highway in
Sunwal, Nawalparasi district, with injuries to his head and
body. The president of the FNJ’s Nawalparasi district
Decent working conditions help to underpin
a professional corps of journalists sensitive
to their social responsibilities, but the
achievement of such conditions remains a
distant prospect in Nepal.
chapter, Keshav Parajuli, informed FNJ headquarters that
Panthi had not returned home from a reporting
assignment on the destruction of a YCL office by locals.
In October 2007, a commitment from Nepal’s Prime
Minister to make public the status of missing journalist
Birendra Shah was welcomed by the media rights
community. A delegation from the FNJ met with then
Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala in Kathmandu on
October 30 to discuss Shah’s whereabouts. Shah, a
journalist associated with Nepal FM, Dristri Weekly and
Avenues TV, was abducted on October 5 from central
Nepal. However, it later emerged that Shah had been killed
soon after his abduction. On November 5, CPN-M
members admitted responsibility for Shah’s murder.
Three international press freedom missions to Nepal
during the year under review highlighted continuing
concerns about the safety of journalists and media workers,
especially those working for smaller media operations or as
freelances in volatile districts outside Kathmandu. The
missions in August, January and April, organised with the
support of the FNJ, raised concerns about journalists’ safety
and the ability to report without restrictions in a milieu
dominated by various power-holders. These missions also
provided background information, personnel and support
for the media monitoring conducted during the CA
elections in April 2008.
22
PAKISTAN
Optimism for a fresh start
T he media rights situation worsened considerably in
Pakistan throughout 2007. However, 2008 has opened
with renewed reasons for hope. New governments have
been sworn in at the federal and provincial levels
following nation-wide elections in February. Early
assurances were given by the coalition parties assuming
power federally that they would be mindful of the special
needs of a free press.
Main Issues
∑ New government commits to media freedom
∑ Build-up to state of emergency
∑ Media restrictions tightened
∑ Code of conduct
∑ Working conditions
∑ Safety and protection
On April 9, 2008, the newly installed federal cabinet
took the decision to rescind all the amendments to the
Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA)
ordinance that had been decreed under a nation-wide state
of emergency proclaimed on November 3, 2007, by
President Pervez Musharraf (then also chief of staff of the
Pakistan army). The new Information Minister, Sherry
Rehman, explained that PEMRA would function from then
on as a regulatory body. It would not be tasked with
coercive actions, such as blocking television channels,
stopping the live telecast of events or forcing cable
operators to do its bidding on pain of confiscation of
equipment.
This decision fulfills, in part, an assurance given to an
IFJ mission to Pakistan in March 2008 that rules and
regulations that had blighted relations between the
Government and the media would be removed within 100
days of the new Government taking office. There is,
however, much that remains to be done to address the
regulatory environment and to ensure the safety and
protection of journalists and media workers who face
enormous risks in reporting from areas made dangerous by
conflict and social dissent.
The IFJ and its affiliate, the Pakistan Federal Union of
Journalists (PFUJ), have called for a national debate on the
need for a fresh start for media and democracy in the
country.
Build-up to crisis
The year under review began with a drastic worsening of
the situation for journalists and media workers in Pakistan.
As background, the Government was already imposing
restrictions on media functioning well before May 2007,
on issues that would be of potential embarrassment: such
as the protests that followed Musharraf’s suspension of the
country’s chief justice in March 2007.
A presidential decree in June 2007 vested PEMRA with
the power to halt broadcasts and to close media offices.
 I N T H E BA LA NCE: P R ESS FR EEDO M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008

State of emergency: Anti-terrorist squad personnel arrest a journalist during a protest of journalists in Karachi. Photo: Courtesy of Dawn, Pakistan.

Tensions became acute, culminating in the imposition And an overarching reality was a pervasive air of
of emergency rule in November 2007. Two amendments to professional frustration caused by poor compensation and
print and electronic media working conditions.
ordinances promulgated under
Two amendments . . . promulgated under the Journalists joined the
the emergency decree led to emergency decree led to the detention of critics struggle for media freedom
the detention of critics and a and a severe clampdown on journalists and with great courage and
severe clampdown on media outlets. Broadcasts were blocked, military commitment. But there was
journalists and media outlets. personnel entered television studios and offices, no concealing the fact that
Broadcasts were blocked, they bore serious grievances
military personnel entered
equipment was seized, and attempts were made against media organisations
television studios and offices, to stop presses. that had failed to provide
equipment was seized, and attempts were made to stop them with the fair deal mandated by the national wage
presses. Authorities also confronted journalists at press board for journalists.
clubs across the country.
A critical issue was the pressure that the authorities Financial pressure
exerted on media institutions to sign a PEMRA “code of In April 2007, Hameed Haroon, publisher and chief
conduct”. With their finances under pressure on account executive officer of the Dawn Group, with headquarters in
of a direct attack on revenue streams – either through a Karachi, Sindh province, issued an open letter condemning
denial of permission to broadcast or a cutback of both the federal and provincial governments for their
government advertising – certain channels felt compelled unsubtle efforts to throttle his media group by
to sign on to the code. However, far from being a set of withholding advertisements. It was a public endorsement
principles agreed within the broadcast industry, the by a media leader of allegations that the authorities were
PEMRA code vested much arbitrary power in the seeking recourse to various kinds of pressure tactics in their
administration. effort to make the media fall into line.
Even before the emergency decrees, many journalists in Sindh’s provincial minister for information, according
Pakistan were reportedly leaving the profession because to documentation presented by Haroon, was involved in
they feared for their safety. Others reported being worn an effort to coerce the Dawn Group to adopt an editorial
out by the constant battles they had to fight merely to policy favourable to a powerful political group in the
safeguard their right to report freely and with integrity. province.

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 I N T H E B A L AN C E : P R E SS F R E E D O M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008
Haroon also suggested that the Federal Government was
trying to exert financial pressure on Dawn by indefinitely
prolonging deliberations over its application for a
television broadcast licence. Significant investments had
already been made by the group toward securing the
licence.
In a petition before the High Court of Sindh, Dawn
pleaded that PEMRA was depriving it of a licence for
broadcasting on the unjust grounds that print media
entities were not entitled to enter the broadcast space. This
was, it said, an arbitrary determination by PEMRA, since
other print media entities were already running flourishing
broadcast operations.
This situation highlights how the regulatory framework
for the electronic media in Pakistan, even now, remains a
matter of ad hoc and often capricious interpretation. No
law has been enacted to provide statutory backing for
PEMRA’s operations. Yet PEMRA has sweeping powers of
supervision over the broadcast media.
Clamps tighten
Sections of the Pakistan media reported, and the IFJ has
independently verified, that the Pakistan Government
sought on May 12, 2007, to
Insurgents tend to look at journalists and media Musharraf’s office and his
stop live coverage of a rally in
workers seeking accurate and authentic news stance is heavily influenced
Karachi involving Iftikhar
Muhammad Chaudhry, the reports as spies for the United States. And
suspended Chief Justice. That Pakistan’s state machinery refuses the media been entrusted with
effort, by all accounts, did any support or protection. Media organisations, responsibility for
not succeed. However, there
in turn, tend to disown workers who get caught management and conflict
was on that day a sustained
armed attack on the offices of
in the political crossfire.
Aaj TV in Karachi, which was the first news channel to
report that armed vigilantes belonging to a major political
party in the wider province of Sindh were responsible for
much of the violence that ensued following the effort to
block Chaudhry’s rally.
In June 2007, the FM broadcaster Mast FM103 was
ordered off the air, despite obtaining prior clearance to
broadcast the Urdu language bulletins of the British
Broadcasting Corporation (BBC). Proscription occurred
within three days of the station obtaining permission to
broadcast. The situation underlined deep contradictions in
the understanding and implementation of the broadcast
law, since it was PEMRA that both granted the permission
and then ordered the suspension of the broadcasts.
From the side of the Pakistan Government, what
seemed to be a rising trend of intolerance toward the
media was manifest in a prohibition decreed in early June
2007, this time explicit, against live coverage of all events
involving Chaudhry. Within hours of the curbs being
announced, two major television networks, Aaj TV and
GEO TV, were blacked out, the former almost nationwide
and the latter in Lahore and Islamabad.
Although the June PEMRA directive was withdrawn
following nation-wide protests, Pakistan’s media
institutions and journalists were enjoined to adopt certain
processes of “self-regulation”. This seemed, clearly, an
effort by the Government to hold powers of coercion in
reserve, to be deployed at its convenience.
National and international context
Pakistan has witnessed a keen contest between military
authorities and opposition political parties on the one
hand and civil society institutions on the other. This is a
contest in which the judiciary as an institution is expected
to play a decisive role.
Journalists reporting in areas designated as major battle
fronts in the “global war on terror”, face multiple
pressures. Although Pakistan’s Government claims it is
fully in control in these areas, facts on the ground suggest
otherwise. Insurgents tend to look at journalists and media
workers seeking accurate and authentic news reports as
spies for the United States. And Pakistan’s state machinery
refuses the media any support or protection. Media
organisations, in turn, tend to disown workers who get
caught in the political crossfire.
Judging from Haroon’s letter in April 2007, it seems that
the Government has additional reason to be wary about
media scrutiny of its conduct in the Federally
Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and Baluchistan – parts
of the country where the “global war on terror” has been
waged with special vigour. What Haroon wrote about the
Dawn Group perhaps has, in varying degrees, some
relevance to the entire Pakistan media: “It is clear that
objections to the propriety of the Dawn Group’s editorial
policies emanate mainly from
by key advisers who have
implementing crisis
control in flashpoint areas.”
Among other aspects, the authorities in Haroon’s
judgment may have found irksome “the Dawn Group’s
related attempts to monitor a recurring tendency toward
covert militancy among responsible decision-makers in
government”.
National emergency and impact on media
At the moment that he imposed a nation-wide state of
emergency, Pakistan’s president named three compelling
reasons for the harsh decision. Political extremism and
religious fundamentalism, he said, had endangered the
unity and integrity of the country. The judiciary had been
working at cross-purposes with the Government on crucial
matters involving national security and was embarked
upon a path of political activism. The media, when not
overtly associated with this campaign, was guilty of serious
“negativism”.
Curbing the media was among Musharraf’s priorities
after declaring the emergency. To this end, he promulgated
two separate amendments to ordinances covering the print
and electronic media. The amendments imposed sweeping
curbs restraining the print and electronic media from
carrying any content “which defames or brings into
ridicule the head of State, or members of the armed forces,
or executive, legislative or judicial organ of the State”.
Penalties for broadcasters’ non-compliance included three
years in jail and/or a fine of Pakistan rupees (PKR) 10
million (more than US$160,000) forfeiture of the broadcast
licence, equipment and premises. Print publications could
be barred from publishing for 30 days.
Media outlets were barred from publishing material that
may aid terrorist activities, jeopardise the integrity of
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 I N T H E BA LA NCE: P R ESS FR EEDO M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008

government functions. Local units of the PFUJ worked in

association with press clubs in cities and the regions.
While newspapers immediately took a bold editorial
stance, the initial reaction of most of the broadcast
channels – according to the PFUJ reading – tended to be
cautious. Channel operators, the PFUJ felt, were not quite
willing to join the boycott because of financial duress.
They were more inclined to talk terms with the
Information Ministry.
The united media stand, with all its qualifications,
seemed to pay partial dividends when government
authorities in Karachi backed off an attempt to close a
printing press belonging to the Jang Group, Pakistan’s
biggest media house, on November 5, 2007.
Many media owners joined the PFUJ in criticising the
Government for allowing four small broadcasters to
Force against freedom: A melee erupts in Karachi as police use batons resume their domestic transmissions after signing
against journalists demanding freedom of the media after the imposition of a
documents of virtual surrender and agreeing to comply
state of emergency. Photo: Courtesy of Dawn, Pakistan.
with the amended ordinances. The PFUJ saw the actions as
Pakistan, or “defame” the administration or the army. a blatant attempt by authorities to fracture the unity of the
Anything deemed vulgar or obscene, and anything that media and drive a wedge between media ownership
promoted “ethnicism”, was also banned. interests and working journalists.
Under a new section inserted into the Press,
Broadcasters targeted
Newspapers, News Agencies and Books Registration
Ordinance, the press was prohibited from publishing any In the immediate wake of the declaration of emergency,
material that could be construed to “promote, aid or abet” the Government seemed worried in particular about the
terrorism. The definition of such material that could be ARY and GEO networks, known for their independence in
deemed offensive under this news and commentary. While
The bans on GEO-TV’s sports and the authorities apparently
clause was extremely broad.
Even before the
entertainment channels clearly had little to do could suffer independent
amendments were announced, with national security concerns. Rather, they reportage and analysis in the
several leading networks – seemed to point to the Government’s intent to English media, the evolution
Pakistani and foreign – were of independent and mass-
throttle the network financially.
taken off the air by cable based Urdu television seemed
operators acting under police coercion. Likewise, without a to be a new challenge, to which the Government
mandate or clear warrant, PEMRA officials raided the responded harshly.
Islamabad office of Aaj TV and seized its live broadcast There were concerns, however, that the overwhelming
equipment. focus of the protest actions on large media houses, in
While newspapers continued to publish critical particular GEO-TV, eclipsed the challenges faced by
commentary, the clampdown severely restricted the provincial newspapers and by FM radio stations whose
operations of television and radio outlets. Even so, some of equipment was confiscated. There was a fear that once the
the bigger stations circumvented the blackout by big media houses were placated, the larger issue of media
informing people through mobile phone text messages to freedom might lapse into neglect.
access information through the internet. Sales of Revenue withheld
newspapers, radios and satellite dishes are reported to have The Government also used indirect economic means to
increased markedly. pressure media houses to conform. This had been
Even as Musharraf went on the air to announce the occurring throughout the year, but intensified with the
state of emergency, some 60 television channels were emergency declaration.
ordered off the air. The people of Pakistan were left with The bans on GEO-TV’s sports and entertainment
no choice but to watch the unfolding events in the highly channels clearly had little to do with national security
sanitised version put out by the government-owned PTV. concerns. Rather, they seemed to point to the
The channels that were blocked included ARY One World Government’s intent to throttle the network financially,
and GEO. Among the radio stations, FM 99 and FM 103 since these channels were the main revenue sources that
were ordered off the air. The administration was especially helped sustain news and other expenditure-heavy
sensitive about Urdu language broadcasts, which were, for operations. GEO-TV’s president put the revenue losses
obvious reasons, expected to have a far greater impact than suffered by his channel at US$500,000 a day. Significant
English programming. revenue-earning opportunities were lost because the
Government effectively stopped the network from
Journalists fight back
telecasting Pakistan’s cricket tour of India, which was of
The PFUJ, as the leading representative organisation of immense interest to advertisers and audiences alike.
journalists in Pakistan, led the protests against the GEO-TV initially circumvented the bans by up-linking
emergency by calling initially for a media boycott of all to a satellite from its offices in Dubai. However, under

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 I N T H E B A L AN C E : P R E SS F R E E D O M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008

pressure from Pakistan, the While there remain

Dubai authorities shut down latent issues dividing these
that operation mid-November. bodies, such as the
Some television channels implementation of the Wage
were allowed to resume after Board award, there seemed to
unstated conditions were met, be general agreement on the
such as the removal of need to unite against the
popular anchor-persons and larger challenge placed before
hosts from news and current the media by the emergency.
affairs programs. While the first moves of
In December, the High the new Federal Government
Court of Sindh decided after point toward a less fraught
relationship between the
19 days of hearings to dismiss
authorities and the media in
two petitions filed by GEO TV
the months to come, much
to challenge bans on four of
lost ground remains to be
its channels. The PFUJ
recovered.
estimated then that the
court’s decision put in Attacks on journalists
jeopardy the jobs of some Murders of journalists and
1200 of GEO-TV’s employees attacks on their families
because of the revenue loss continue to cause concern,
caused by the inability to with 11 journalists and media
broadcast. workers killed during the
PEMRA functioning period under review. The wife
of a journalist abducted in
One of the main concerns of 2005 and murdered soon after
the media community in the – though his body was
early days of the emergency recovered only mid-2006 –
was PEMRA’s increasing and was also murdered in 2007.
arbitrary power to restrict Media personnel were killed
freedom of expression and and seriously injured in the
inhibit a culture of journalistic course of reporting on volatile
inquiry. Officials claimed that Freedom shackled: A PFUJ poster depicts media personnel arrested at a events such as the return to
the PEMRA code of conduct protest in November 2007, made to appear in a Karachi court in handcuffs. Pakistan of exiled opposition
was nothing more than a leader Benazir Bhutto and the siege of Lal Masjid in
statement of the obvious principles of ethical journalism. Islamabad, and were also targeted for death as a
However, the media community was unprepared to accept consequence of the content of their work.
this bland statement of good intentions at face value, since Haroon’s letter of April 2007 included a demand that
the basic fact was that the code was conceived as an the “Government of Pakistan desist from abducting and
instrument of coercion. arresting journalists in the judicious performance of their
PEMRA’s opaque and arbitrary mode of functioning was duties, and desist from physically attacking newspaper
very much the pattern even before the emergency. As a offices”. From the testimony of Dawn’s publisher, it seems
body, PEMRA comprises individuals from a bureaucratic or that coercion and intimidation had become accepted
security services background, with little sensitivity toward practice in the relationship between the Government and
media issues and media freedom and independence. The the media.
Federal Ministry of Information, which nominally is the In May 2007, the Mohajir Rabita Council (MRC), a body
administrative ministry for PEMRA and has had a longer believed to be affiliated to one of the most influential
institutional history of interaction with the media, is in political parties of Karachi and the wider province of
truth powerless in determining how the entity functions. Sindh, issued a public notice in which it identified several
PEMRA, it is believed, is responsive only to the diktat of journalists as ethnic and linguistic “chauvinists” who
Pakistan’s President. should be treated as “enemies”. Envelopes with live bullets
were later found taped to the cars of three journalists,
Journalists and media bosses unite
including Mazhar Abbas, PFUJ general secretary, on May
It was a significant feature of the response to the 29, 2007. Though the political party that was believed to
Musharraf regime’s clampdown that various sectors of the be closely affiliated to the MRC, dissociated itself from this
media came together for the first time, it is believed, in a threatening gesture, the event cast a long shadow over
quarter century. Meetings were held between the PFUJ, the relations between Pakistan’s media and the country’s
All Pakistan Newspapers Society (APNS), the Council of political authorities over the year. With the political
Pakistan Newspaper Editors (CPNE) and the Pakistan change of 2008, the media is hopeful of a more
Broadcasters’ Association (PBA) in Karachi on November constructive engagement with those in authority, though
21. Another meeting took place in Islamabad on November past experience shows that it does not take much to
22. disrupt the most optimistic expectations.

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 I N T H E BA LA NCE: P R ESS FR EEDO M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008
SRI LANKA
A rapid downhill course
Main Issues
∑ Culture of impunity
∑ Emergency regulations and media restrictions
∑ Government and military intimidation
∑ National media policy
T he past 12 months have seen a continuing
deterioration in the relationship between Sri Lanka’s
state and civil society actors, including the media. The
intensification of the ongoing conflict as the Government
withdrew from a ceasefire agreement with the Liberation
Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in January 2008 and the
continuing erosion of democratic practices throughout the
island have created an environment that is conducive to
violence, the violation of human rights, impunity and
corruption.
Verbal and physical attacks, harassment, restrictions on
access and vilification of media personnel have become a
common feature in the lives of journalists, photographers
and all those engaged in the gathering, publication and
dissemination of information in Sri Lanka.
The lackadaisical approach of law enforcement agencies
toward complaints made by media personnel about attacks
Ministerial misconduct: Labour Minister Mervyn Silva abused media personnel in front of a leading prelate and ejected them from a function in
Kelaniya on April 10, 2008. Photo: Courtesy of Free Media Movement.
27
and harassment has enhanced the culture of impunity for
attacks on the media community. No progress has been
made in any investigations into killings of journalists that
have occurred during the period under review. In addition,
media personnel have filed complaints of being
summoned to several provincial police stations for
interrogation about the content of their news reports.
These interrogations amount to intimidation and
interference with the right of journalists and media
workers to engage in their profession.
Emergency regulations
A range of emergency regulations has been promulgated
that restrict access to conflict-affected areas for civil society
actors, including humanitarian agencies and the media.
The regulations enable arbitrary arrest and detention, and
control dissemination of information considered to be
contrary to the interests of national security. They have
been used in the following ways:
• To detain journalists, as seen in the case of six media
workers linked to the website outreachsl.com in early
March 2008.
• To force the closure of newspapers such as Maubima
and radio/television stations, such as those run by ABC
radio.
• To prevent journalists and media workers from carrying
out their profession, as in the case of two French
journalists who were detained while trying to follow
the story of the family of a young Tamil detainee.
 I N T H E B A L AN C E : P R E SS F R E E D O M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008

Access to areas of the country’s north and east where

the military conflict is ongoing is extremely restricted, and
the state-created Media Centre for National Security
(MCNS) has a monopoly on official information regarding
the conflict. As a consequence of these restrictions,
members of the media remain unable to provide an
accurate picture of the conflict to their viewers and
readers, and the people of Sri Lanka are deprived of their
right to know exactly what kind of war is being carried out
against the people of the north and east in the cause,
supposedly, of their security.

Widespread intimidation
Restrictions on journalists and media institutions are
coupled with systematic and regular attacks on non-
governmental organisations (NGOs) and on individual
members of civil society, including those engaged in media
freedom issues. The Parliamentary Select Committee on
NGOs continues to summon key officials of NGOs in order Media stalked: Lal Hemantha Mawalage a producer in the news division of
to inquire into the nature and scope of their activities and the SLRC was hospitalised after attackers cut him with a sharp knife on
their funding portfolios. Several groups that use media January 25, 2008. The incident is believed to be related to the Mervyn Silva-
SLRC confrontation. Photo: Courtesy of Free Media Movement, Sri Lanka
strategies as a part of their program activities have been
subject to strict scrutiny. While there are objections to the against the newspaper and the journalist responsible for a
idea of being subject to scrutiny in the interests of report on the plight of internally displaced people in
accountability and transparency, human rights groups Mutur, in the country’s east.
question the politicisation of the process, for example, in Attacks on defence columnist Iqbal Athas followed the
the selection of the NGOs that are called in for same pattern. Athas, of The Sunday Times, had been
investigation. In addition, extremist groups have launched afforded personal security following attacks against him in
a relentless attack on all those 2004, but the Government
who speak up for human Emergency regulations enable arbitrary arrest withdrew the protection in
rights and justice in Sri Lanka, and control dissemination of information September 2007 on the
including those who advocate considered contrary to the interests of national grounds that Athas was no
media freedom. Young Asia
(YA) TV is one television
security. Members of the media remain unable longer threatened. Responding
to protests regarding the
production company that has to provide an accurate picture of the conflict withdrawal of the security for
been subject to harassment in to their viewers and readers, and the people of Athas, MCNS spokesman
this manner. Sri Lanka are deprived of their right to know Keheliya Rambukwella
In terms of media freedom, exactly what kind of war is being carried out declared that anyone who
it is a matter of particular
concern that government
against the people of the north and east in the criticised the army at that
juncture could be considered
officials and politicians – name of their security. to be a traitor since he or she
including the President, was undermining the morale
Mahinda Rajapaksa, not to mention the government of the security forces. This opinion was reiterated by
spokesman and the Minister of Information and Media – military spokesman Brigadier Udaya Nanayakkara.
have at various times made speeches that have Since the end of December 2007, there has been
indiscriminately attacked journalists and media constant controversy surrounding the state-owned
organisations. This is despite rhetorical commitments to television station, Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation
media freedom and to ethical media practices. (SLRC). The violence that erupted within the premises of
In the period immediately before the year under review, the SLRC on December 27 following a visit by Labour
the Sinhala weekly Maubima (Motherland) was forced to Minister Mervyn Silva, developed into a campaign of
close in March 2007 after public criticism from the intimidation and violence against employees of the SLRC,
President regarding the paper’s coverage of the situation in some of whom were present during the altercation
the north and east. The publisher and others involved with between the Minister, his bodyguards and SLRC staff. The
Standard Newspapers Private Ltd., the company that Government’s failure to take any disciplinary measures
printed and published Maubima, were detained and their against the Minister has further contributed to an erosion
accounts frozen on the basis of accusations that they were of faith in the democratic system in Sri Lanka.
involved in supporting terrorist activity. The conflict that erupted between media organisations
Soon after, in April 2007, controversy erupted around and the State over the December attacks on the Voice of
an incident in which the Secretary of Defence, Public Tigers radio station, owned and operated by the Liberation
Security, Law and Order, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, the Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in the north of Sri Lanka,
President’s brother, phoned the editor of the Daily Mirror. also indicates the level of mistrust and lack of respect for
He used violent and obscene language to register a protest the media and for media personnel that prevails in the

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 I N T H E BA LA NCE: P R ESS FR EEDO M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008

country. Several statements were issued by media freedom

organisations in Sri Lanka and outside, including by the
head of UNESCO, condemning the deaths of Voice of
Tigers workers during the air attacks on the station. Media
and Information Minister Anura Priyadarshana Yapa
challenged these sentiments on the grounds that none of
those killed in the attacks had been issued with a media
identity card from his ministry and therefore could not be
considered to be media personnel. According to the
ministry’s figures, using this criterion, only one journalist
was killed in Sri Lanka in 2006-07.

Policy and legal frameworks

Despite repeated promises by the State to come out with a
media policy, no concrete proposal had emerged by March
2008. Instead, representatives and spokespersons for the
government have constantly declared that they would
impose further restrictions on media personnel if the
media continued to be critical of the Government, and of
the conflict. At one point there was a serious attempt to
reinstate the criminal defamation laws that had been
withdrawn in 2002. However, the widespread outcry
against this measure, locally and internationally, seemed
to influence the Government to reconsider this option.
Similarly, on October 29, 2007, the President signed a
Gazette Notification of Emergency Regulations that would
have limited the publication of almost all information Global call for action: The International Federation of Journalists has
initiated an international campaign to Stop the War on Journalists in Sri
relating to the conflict, covering troop movements, Lanka. Photo: Courtesy of Free Media Movement, Sri Lanka
military operations and military requisitions. Once again,
these regulations were withdrawn on November 1 as Sri Lanka Press Institute (SLPI) – to submit
hastily as they had been promulgated. However, strict recommendations to the Government for the development
controls on the media were imposed through the of a national media policy. The recommendations included
emergency regulations promulgated in December 2007, the following: enacting a right to information law;
which broadly encompass all activities that could be
transforming state-controlled media into genuine public
construed to have an impact on national security, and
service media; amending the Contempt of Court Act along
which extended the scope of criminal liability to executive
officers of corporate bodies. the lines of similar laws in democratic countries; and
On August 22, 2007, the It is a matter of particular concern that amending the Parliamentary
Ministry of Mass Media and government officials and politicians – including (Powers and Privileges) Act.
Information released a President Mahinda Rajapaksa, the Government’s While the President has
document entitled Proposed on previous occasions,
spokesman and the Minister of Information and
National Media Policy for referred to the Media
public consultations. In early
Media – have at various times made speeches
Ministry’s initiative to create
March 2008, Minister Yapa that have indiscriminately attacked journalists a media policy for the nation
said the Government had and media organisations. that would be a framework
prepared a media policy with for depoliticising the state-
the assistance of 22 experts and extensive research, but he owned media institutions, the reality is quite different. In
refused to divulge details of the policy.
addition, the much-hoped for right to information law
The draft policy document contained, for the most part,
remains outside the realm of possibility at this moment.
standards for the media rather than policy directions. As
Although a pension scheme for media personnel was
such, it was very clear that the Government intended to
establish its own framework for the media. formally approved in 2006 with the passing of the Social
In September 2007, the IFJ joined nine journalists’ Security Benefits Scheme for Media Personnel Act,
organisations in Sri Lanka – including the Free Media implementation has been held up due to lack of funds
Movement (FMM), the Sri Lanka Working Journalists’ allocated from the Treasury, as well as delays in drawing
Association (SLWJA), the Federation of Media Employees’ up a pension scheme that would meet the needs of media
Trade Unions (FMETU), the Editors’ Guild and the personnel.

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 I N T H E B A L AN C E : P R E SS F R E E D O M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008
AFGHANISTAN
Media Workers Killed
June 1 2007: Shokiba Sanga Amaaj, who worked at the
private Shamshad Television channel, was shot dead at home. The
AIJA could not confirm that Shokiba was killed due to her work,
but she had suffered intimidation and received several threats
warning her to stop working at the station.
June 6 2007: Zakia Zaki, journalist and producer of Peace
Radio, gunned down inside her home near Kabul. Unidentified
gunmen fired seven bullets into her. She died instantly in the
presence of her eight-year-old son. The case remains unsolved.
December 28 2007: Abdul Munir, producer and presenter of
Afghanistan Radio Television in Jawzjan (RTA-Jawzjan), was shot
dead, when he was traveling from Jawzjan to Mazar-e-Sharif and
his bus came under attack by an armed gang of looters.
January 14 2008: Carsten Thomassen, a Norwegian reporter
for Dagbladet, was killed after a suicide bomb attack at the Serena
Hotel in Kabul. He was hit by gunfire during the attack and later
died during surgery.
Physical Harm, Threats and Intimidation.
May 24 2007: Abdul Manaf, a journalist of Radio Saday-e-
Nejrab was on his way to a relatives’ house in Kapisa Province,
when he was fired upon by an unidentified gunman. He was
seriously wounded when a bullet struck his left thigh.
May 30 2007: Ahmad Shokib Dost, reporter for Ariana TV,
was mistreated by security officials inside the parliamentary house
while he was preparing a report of the day’s parliamentary session.
June 12 2007: Farida Nekzad, chief editor of Afghanistan’s
only independent news agency, Pajhwok and the vice-president of
South Asia Media Commission received death threats by both
phone and email.
June 23 2007: copies of the Mashal weekly in Kandahar city,
were gathered by a faction loyal to MP Noor-ul-Haq Alumi,
preventing its distribution.
July 24 2007: Fazal Rahman Oria, editor in chief of Mashal
weekly received death threats from supporters of General Dostum,
the Commander in Chief of the Afghan National Army. Also a
letter from the office of the Chief of Army staff was sent to the
Media Violation Commission of the Information and Cultural
ministry, warning of the consequences should they ignore it.
June 27 2007: Abdul Muaeed Hashimi, Regional Reporter of
Pajhwok Afghan News Agency and Khan Wali Kamran,
Reporter of Ariana TV, were stopped by police. Both journalists
and their driver were badly beaten by armed National Security
Directorate (NSD) officers and the Laghman governor’s
bodyguards, with the butts of their AK-47s.
August 4 2007: Kamran Mir Hazar, chief editor of website
Kabul Press was arrested after publishing articles critical to high
ranking government officials and was later released. Hazar shut
down Kabul Press because of the constant intimidation and
pressure from officials.
August 12 2007: Yawali Ghagh Radio was attacked by Taliban
forces. In previous incidents they abducted the station’s security
guard and set the station on fire.
August 15 2007: Sayed Ismail Ansari, Director of ART in
Kunduz told the AIJA, he had been receiving death threats for two
weeks in the form of text messages, letters and phone calls from
Taliban insurgents.
August 22 2007: Charles Dubois and Patrice Roy,
cameraman and journalist for Radio-Canada Television, traveling
with Canadian troops from Zerai District, Southern Kandahar to
30
Kandahar city sustained injuries when a roadside bomb hit their
vehicle.
August 28 2007: Qasim Rahimi, Ariana TV reporter, was
stopped and beaten by security officials on his way to attend a
press conference of Taliban representatives at the Red Crescent
Society office in Ghazni province.
August 30 2007: copies of Kuner magazine were confiscated by
Governor Farmanullah Zahid, before they could reach the public,
after an article critical of the Kuner Governor had been published.
September 2 2007: Ghulam Ali Sarem, chief editor of Etesam
monthly magazine, came under attack from the ANA when he was
photographing the result of a suicide attack in an army bus which
killed 30 people and injured 20 more.
September 12 2007: Marajuddin Manzoor, was forcefully
prevented from entering the radio station he manages because it
had been taken hold of by Khwaja Abdul Rahim, District Chief of
Karabagh with the support of the US media organisation
Internews. The issue was later resolved.
September 24 2007: Radio Stations Milli Paygham and Radio
Istiqlal, both established with the technical support of Internews,
a US-based media organisation, were attacked by unidentified
gunmen.
September 30 2007: Farid Ahmad, the cameraman of
Afghanistan Radio Television (RTA) was injured when he was
trying to film an underground mine being demolished.
September 2007: Lal Pacha Azmoon, senior Journalist, and
provincial representative of AIJA in Nangarhar received death
threats for a year and a half, from persons, who identified
themselves as loyal to the Taliban.
October 10 2007: Mohammad Hanif Elham, presenter of
Ariana Radio programme, Emroze Der Tarekh told the AIJA that
he had received threats more then four times in the previous five
months, from anonymous callers.
October 12 2007: Mujhad Jawad, reporter with Liberty Radio
told the AIJA that after broadcasting reports condemning suicide
attacks, he received threats from the Taliban.
October 18 2007: Fayez Khorshidi , reporter for Press TV of
Iran was abducted by foreign military and beaten until he became
unconscious. He said after regaining consciousness he was
interrogated, then released.
October 22 2007: Dayan Ahmadi regional reporter of Liberty
Radio for Takhar and Badakhshan Provinces received death threats
from the warlord Habib-ur-rahman, about whom he had
published critical stories.
November 2 2007: chief editor, Khalil Amiri and coordinator,
Sheer Agha Nejati of Faryad Radio came under the attack of
gunmen just outside their office in the western province of Herat.
Both journalists were badly beaten and Amiri was injured.
November 5 2007: Masoud Hussaini, photographer for
Associated Press, was beaten by the security guards of the Afghan
president.
November 12 2007: a rocket struck Radio Saday-e-Nejrab but
didn’t cause any damage. Previously the station’s manager Abdul
Mutalib Hamid had received anonymous death threats.
November 15 2007: Fazal Rahman Oria, chief editor of the
daily Erada had been frequently summoned before the Religious
and Cultural Affairs Commission to explain his publication of
articles critical of government members.
December 3 2007: Ali Asghar Akbarzada, producer of the
programme Ayna-e-Shahr RTA was targeted by unidentified
gunmen, when he was on his way home. He was unhurt.
 I N T H E BA LA NCE: P R ESS FR EEDO M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008
December 4 2007: Omar Mohammadi, radio journalist for
Salam Watandar, was verbally abused and threatened by police
and their district commander, while covering a suicide attack on
the road to the airport in Kabul.
December 25 2007: Shoaib Ahmadi, reporter for Cheragh
daily, was preparing reports about the achievements of an Afghani
boxer. As a result of an argument the journalist was kicked and
punched by the Olympic Committee’s Head of Kickboxing.
December 15 2007: Kabul Shahan weekly was forced to relocate
its offices after the newspaper’s owner, Sidiqullah Sahil, received a
threatening letter stamped and signed by the Taliban Islamic
Emirate of Afghanistan.
December 30 2007: Mina Habib, a journalist of Cheragh daily
was forced to delete pictures by police after she had photographed
police beating a boy selling from a roadside cart.
February 13 2008: Journalist Attaullah Sahil, presenter and
reporter of Estiqlal Radio in Logar province was beaten by
personnel of the Afghan NSD in Logar province.
February 18 2008: five journalists from various media were
threatened with guns by security officials outside the Balkh prison
as the Deputy Minister for Commerce and Industries, Zia-ud-din
Zia, visited the site.
March 28 2008: Radio Zafar attacked when two armed gunmen
entered the premises, tied up the security guards and set the
station on fire.
April 6 2008: Radio Faryad producer Khadija Ahadi’s, home
attacked with a grenade. Part of her home was destroyed. Khalil
Amiri, owner and chief editor also reported being interrogated by
the ANSD.
Date Unknown: Muhammad Rasoul Adil, regional reporter
of Ariana TV, was beaten by police when he was preparing a
report using photos of bodies of Afghan National Army (ANA)
officers in Khost province. He sustained serious trauma to his arms
and lower back.
Date Unknown: Reporter Waliullah Shahin and three
colleagues at al Jazeera television – a cameraman, technical
engineer and driver – came under attack from an unidentified
gunman on their way to Helmand province. Waliullah Shahin was
hit by a bullet which injured his foot.
Date Unknown: Sher Mohammad Jahish, chief editor of
Radio Arzoo in Pulkhumri city has received threats on more then
16 occasions. These threats followed two broadcasts by Radio
Arzoo, which exposed a mail-order fraud.
Date Unknown: Habib Saeedi, journalist for Trajmir Radio in
the Baghlan province, told AIJA that he published a report of an
armed conflict between two local commanders. He was then
abducted, beaten and held in captivity for more than 12 hours by
the two commanders. He was rescued by police.
Abduction and Detentions
July 1 2007: Muhammad Asif Nang, chief editor of Aman
Magazine and spokesperson for the country’s office of
administration was arrested by security officials on the request of
President Hamid Karzai for an article he published. He was
detained for 13 days.
July 25 2007: Afghan Danish Journalist, Najeeb Khawaja, his
Afghan driver and translator, who worked for an international
magazine were kidnapped by Taliban insurgents from the
residence of tribal leader, Haji Madar and held in detention for 14
hours.
31
July 25 2007: German Journalist, Park Tock, a translator and
driver kidnapped from the residence of tribal leader, Haji Madar
and held in detention for 14 hours by Taliban insurgents from
Taangar village.
August 8 2007: Kamran Mir Hazar, chief editor for website
Kabul press and reporter of Salam Watadar Radio, was re-arrested
outside his office by gunmen of the ANSD. Following increasing
pressure from journalists, media activists, AIJA and CPAJ he was
released after six hours of detention unharmed.
August 28 2007: Mohammad Zahir Bahand, reporter of
Salaam Watandar was kidnapped by two armed men on
motorbikes, who identified themselves as Taliban. First they tied
and covered his eyes and then he was interrogated. He was freed
after an hour.
September 2 2007: Javid Ahmad, a journalist with Canadian
TV (CTV) was arrested in Kandahar, after allegations he had
improper contact with Taliban. He has been kept in military
detention without charge.
October 6 2007: Mujahid Kakar, chief editor of Lemar TV,
was arrested by security officials for allegedly publishing an
inappropriate picture from a suicide attack. Kakar was released on
the same day.
October 27 2007: Sayed Parvez Kambakhsh, reporter for
Jahan-e-Naw daily and journalism student at Balkh University, was
arrested by security officials for allegedly downloading an article
with anti-Islamic content. He has been sentenced to death for
blasphemy and remains in detention.
November 4 2007: Ghows Zelmay, spokesman for the
Attorney General, was arrested by police, in the Torkhum area, at
the border between Pakistan and Afghanistan. Ghows Zelmay
published a Dari translation of the Quran. He remains in
detention.
November 4 2007: Aziz Ahmad Tassal, reporter for Institute
of War and Peace Reporting, Abdul Samim from al-Jazeera TV,
Aziz Ahmad Shafi, a freelance journalist, and Abdul Wadoud
Hejranwere detained and for questioning by security officials
after interviewing the Taliban. They were released after several
hours in detention.
November 25 2007: four journalists from Cheragh daily detained
for several hours by security officials after a controversial article
was published.
November 28 2007: Ehsanullah Shahidzai, journalist for
RTA was detained by the Afghan NSD and accused of having ties
with Taliban rebels. He was released on December 4.
Ongoing, from December 15 2001: Al-Jazeera cameraman
Sami al-Hajj, known as prisoner 345 is the only journalist held
at Guantánamo Bay. A Sudanese national, he has been detained as
“an enemy combatant” for more than five years without trial. Al-
Hajj was arrested at the border between Pakistan and Afghanistan,
while on assignment to cover the war against the Taliban. He was
transferred to Guantánamo in June 2002.
Date Unknown: Amir Shah and Fifnik Abrashi, reporters
for Associated Press (AP), were detained when they attempted to
report on the police search of Tolo TV. Police detained both
journalists for several hours. Their release came after AP
communicated with the President’s office in Kabul.
Date Unknown: Muhammad Reja, Manager of Daikundi
Radio was detained for six hours on the command of Daikundi’s
Governor, Sultan Ali after he published a report linked to the
country’s economic and financial ministries.
 I N T H E B A L AN C E : P R E SS F R E E D O M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008
BANGLADESH
Physical Harm, Threats and Intimidation
May 6 2008: the Shiddirgonj Press Club was attacked and
searched for journalists by local government cadres who verbally
abused the Club staff and threatened to return with weapons.
May 8 2008: the President of the National Press Club received
a letter from the Islamic militant outfit Jadid Al-Queda
threatening to blow up the Club in 10 days.
May 12 2008: Sajidur Rahman, general secretary of
Kamalgonj Press Club and correspondent of Dainik Manabzamin
in Srimangal, received a death threat from an unidentified person
on his telephone.
May 14 2008: Mostaque Ahmed staff correspondent for Dainik
Janakantha and Siddiqur Rahman Khan, senior staff
correspondent for Daily New Age were reportedly beaten by the
Chairman of the Technical Education Board and held for hours in
a paramilitary camp stationed at the board office.
June 4 2008: Sixteen of Dhaka’s top press photographers and
instructors of the photojournalism institute Pathshala received
death threats in a letter which read “If ignored, we will kill you,
your staff and your whole family”.
June 30 2008: Motaraf Hossain Mukul correspondent for
Daily Dinkal and Daily Uttarkone and President of Dhamaihat
Pauro Press Club was threatened by a forest officer for a news
report on corruption.
July 2 2008: Ruhul Kabir Jewel, a correspondent for Daily
Manabzamin in Faridpur received a death threat from the wife of
an alleged killer from Anowar Jahid town.
August 22 2008: Razibur Rahman, correspondent for Dainik
Janakantha, Gokul Chandra Biswas, correspondent of Daily Jai
Jai Din and Mukul Hossain, correspondent for the Daily Khabar
Patra were beaten and assaulted by students during a protest at
the Bangladesh Agricultural University in Mymensingh.
August 24 2008: M.A.A. Awal, correspondent for the Daily
Khabar Patra and editor of Weekly Narshingdir Kagoj was injured by
a group of attackers near his residence in Kauria Para town.
October 23 2007: Shamshul Alam, President of Rangamati
Press Club and District Correspondent of Channel 1 was attacked
by an unidentified person. Two arrests have been made in
connection with this attack.
November 2 2007: Nazrul Islam, President of Sripur Press
Club received a death threat for publishing a report on a
notorious drug dealer in Sripur.
November 17 2007: Mohammad Azizur Rahman Azam,
correspondent for Bangladesh Today in Laxmipur received a death
threat from an unidentified person in relation to one of his
colleagues.
November 2007: Abdullah Al Amin Biplob, President of
Gafargoan Press Club and Garfargaon correspondent for the
Dainik Shamokal and Ashraf Uddin Sijel, Gafargaon
correspondent for the Dainik Destiny were threatened over the
phone.
November 27 2007: Manik Lal Dutt, correspondent for the
Dainik Destiny was seriously injured in an attack by a person who
was arrested and detained following a report written by Dutt.
November 29 2007: Mohammad Rafiqul Islam, Laxmipur
correspondent for the Dainik Shamokal was attacked and seriously
injured by a gang.
December 6 2007: Mohammad Rafiqul Islam,
correspondent for Dainik Ittefaq in the Sher E Bangla Agricultural
32
University was seriously injured in an attack motivated by his
reporting of several unlawful activities in the area.
December 7 2007: Atique Rahman Tipu and Abdus Salam,
two journalists from Munshiganj were assaulted by on-duty police
officers as they were trying to take photographs of a suspect.
December 23 2007: Mongthoaimroy Marma a journalist
from Thanchi of Bandarban was attacked by a group of
unidentified people.
January 6 2008: M.Z. Hossain, the Comilla District
Correspondent of Daily Jai Jai Din was threatened by professional
drug deals following a report published about illegal drug business
in the area.
January 11 2008: Sohel Sani, a special correspondent of The
Banglabazaar Potrika and executive member of Dhaka Reporters
Unity was attacked by an unidentified group with weapons as he
was returning home from work.
January 21 2008: Shawpan Mirza, Sirajganj District
Correspondent of Ekushey Television and Moktar Hossain of
The Daily Destiny received death threats on their mobile phones.
February 2 2008: Zahid Hasan, a correspondent for the
private television channel Bangla Vision was attacked by a
convicted criminal inside a C’Nawabganj court despite police
security.
February 25 2008: two photographers Jahangir Hossain and
Sohel were assaulted by police from the Tangail District while
they were taking photos of police torturing a truck driver. The
Police Superintendent confiscated the camera and threatened to
lock them up.
February 2008: Shwadhan Bikash Chakma, Baghai Chhari
correspondent of the daily Prothom Alo was threatened with death
by an unidentified group who warned the newsman to stop
writing about irregularities at Shialda Government Primary School.
Abductions and Detention
May 11 2007: Tasneem Khalil an assistant editor for The Daily
Star and a human rights campaigner was arrested at his home in
Dhaka by plain clothes police officers and taken to Sangsad
Bhavan army camp where he was tortured.
July 16 2007: Anwar Hossain Mintu a correspondent for the
Dainik Janakantha in Jamalpur district was detained by police
under the state of emergency rules and forced to go to court the
next day.
July 17 2007: Toyebur Rahman, correspondent for the Daily
Bhorer Kagoj was arrested without charge. The courts refused his
bail plea and he was sent to jail.
September 2007: Arifur Rahman, a cartoonist with Bangla
daily Prothom Alo was dismissed by his employers and was arrested
for a controversial cartoon involving a play on the word
Mohammad. After repeated extensions on his detention, he was
released on March 20, 2008
October 23 2007: Jahangir Alam Akash a reporter for the
Daily Sangbad and CBS Television was arrested at his home in the
Rajshahi administrative division of Bangladesh for reports he
wrote about civilians killed in army operations
October 2007: Zahirul Haque Titu correspondent for Inqilab
and The New Nation was detained at his home in Pirojpur and
remains in jail on charges under the Emergency Powers rule
November 15 2007: Mohammad Anwar Hossain, publisher
and editor of Chuadanga Darpan was issued an arrest warrant for
articles written about corruption at the Chuadanga citizens
council.
 I N T H E BA LA NCE: P R ESS FR EEDO M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008
November 29 2007: Mizanur Rahman, Ashikur Rahman
Jewel, Uzzal Mia and Moniruzzaman were arrested during a
raid on the office and press of the Daily Totthyo Dhara which was
allegedly publishing without legal approval from the authorities
December 27 2007: S.M. Abdur Rafi Panna, Managing
Editor of the Dainik Uttaranchal was arrested by joint forces. Panna
was accused of violating the emergency powers act.
January 19 2008: Rafi Rahman editor of the Dainik
Poschimanchal and Chuadanga Correspondent of the Daily Bhorer
Kagoj was arrested under the emergency act which his family
believed was a false case filed by rival groups
February 23 2008: all journalists and office staff of the weekly
Shirsha Kagoj were charged with contempt for not disclosing the
source of a news story headlined “A Judge Too Whitened Black
Money”
May 2007-May 2008: Nine journalists have been arrested and
detained on charges of alleged fraud and extortion. However, their
journalist colleagues have expressed concern that the charges are
unfounded and are instead used as a false reason to detain and
silence media workers. The journalists involved are, Shahbaz
Khan, Asadul Haque Palash, A.K.M. Moinul Haque Moin,
Jahangir Alam Akash, Sheikh Mahbub Hossain Limon,
Sadek Hossain Chowdhury, H.M. Samrat, Mong Chanu
Marma and Kamal Hossain.
INDIA
Media Workers Killed
May 9 2007: Three employees of the Tamil daily Dinakaran were
killed when their office in Madurai was fire-bombed by partisans
of a political party faction.
April 1 2008:Mohammed Muslim Uddin a correspondent of
Asamiya Pratidin and a member of the Morajhar Press Club was
killed after being attacked by an unidentified armed group.
Physical Harm, Threats and Intimidation
August 2007: Pressure from militant groups and retaliatory
action by state government and security agencies in the north-
eastern Indian state of Manipur, led to closure of media.
October 2007: Media groups shutdown in north –eastern state of
Manipur for four days in response to threats from an outlawed
military group.
November 2007: Journalists seeking to cover a story in the
Nandigram area of West Bengal were subjected to severe
harassment and intimidation.
January 18, 2008: Two senior journalists of Bengali daily Dainik
Sambad, stopped at gunpoint, searched and humiliated near a
camp of the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) in Tripura state.
February 25, 2008: Armed vigilantes belonging to the Bodo
People’s Front (BPF), intercepted a delivery van belonging to the
newspaper, Asamiya Pratidin on February 25 in Kokrajhar district
of Assam. They destroyed the entire cargo of the day’s edition,
before setting the van ablaze.
Date Unknown: Three journalists of NDTV and television news
ANI beaten in Patna when seeking comment on murder case from
legislator of the Janata Dal Party.
Date Unknown: The offices of Outlook magazine in Mumbai,
capital of Maharashtra state, were attacked by vigilantes of a local
political party, the Shiv Sena.
Detention and Abduction
September 2007: Publisher and three employees of the Delhi
afternoon daily Midday sentenced to four months rigorous
33
imprisonment by Delhi High Court for alleged “contempt of
court” in reports involving a former Chief Justice of India..
December 2007: P. Govindan Kutty, editor of Peoples’ March, in
Kerala, was arrested in Kochi and detained for two months. Police
personnel seized his computer and other assets and ransacked his
home and office.
December 2007: Prashant Rahi was arrested by police in the
northern Indian state of Uttarakhand and charged with being a
commander of the Maoist insurgency. Alleged to have been
subject to continuous torture.
December 2007: Pittala Srisailam, the editor of an online news
portal, was arrested for alleged involvement with Maoist
underground..
January 2008: Prafulla Jha, a journalist in the central Indian
state of Chattisgarh, was arrested by local police, for alleged
involvement with the Maoist insurgent movement and denied
bail.
NEPAL
Media Workers Killed
July 5 2007: Prakash Singh Thakuri, Kanchanpur-based
freelance journalist was abducted from his home. On July 8, a
group calling itself the National Republican Army Nepal (NRAN)
took responsibility for his death.
September 18 2007 Sanker Panthi, a correspondent for the
Butwal-based daily newspaper was found dead on the Mahendra
Highway in Sunwal, Nawalparasi district with injuries sustained to
his head and body.
October 5 2007: Birendra Shah, journalist affiliated to Nepal
FM, Dristri Weekly and Avenues TV, was abducted and killed. His
death was only confirmed by Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist
(CPN-M) who also claimed responsibility.
January 12 2008: Pushkar Shrestha, the editor of local
weekly newspapers New Highway and New Season, was shot in his
right shoulder by a representative of the Jwala Singh faction of the
Janatrantrik Terai Mutki Morcha (JTMM-J). He later died in
hospital.
Physical Harm, Threats and Intimidation
May 2 2007: Yuvraj Adhikary, correspondent of Radio Nepal
attacked and chased by members of the Maoist-aligned Young
Communist League (YCL) while reporting.
May 18 2007: Dambar Nidal, a reporter for Sundur Sandesh
weekly, attacked by a policeman in his hotel over an article he
had written.
May 22 2007: commander of armed group Janatantrik Terai
Mukti Morcha issued death threats to four journalists and two
human rights workers, if they did not publicly disown a
report they had filed.
May 27 2007: Durga Sharma, local correspondent of Nepal
One Television and Nepal Samacharpatra daily, was hit several
times by members of the YCL.
May 31 2007: journalist Prem Chandra Jha receives death
threats and abuse from school principal over an article he wrote.
June 12 2007: eight journalists resign from Nepal TV 1 after
repeated threats and attacks from management.
June 16 2007: representatives of the Chure Sandesh weekly and
Kayakairan national daily were attacked by police personnel.
June 17 2007: Yadhav Poudel of the Morning Times and Mechi
Tunes FM, and Narayan Khadka, correspondent of the Nepal
 I N T H E B A L AN C E : P R E SS F R E E D O M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008
Samacharpatra daily, sustained injuries when they were attacked
by unidentified demonstrators.
June 20 2007: lives of journalist threatened by local Nepali
Congress leader in Gorkha district, over reports on timber
smuggling.
June 17 2007: Cadres from Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF)
burned editions of the Nepal Samacharpatra Daily and pro Maoist
newspaper Janabidrohi Daily, and publication halted on June 20
after pressure from newpaper vendors.
July 2 2007: Bibhusanraj Shakya, photo journalist of
Rajdhani daily newspaper, was attacked by taxi drivers at a Nepal
army-run petrol pump.
July 2 2007: Krishna Dhungana, correspondent of Naya
Patrika daily, was verbally harassed at the special courts in the
Latipur district.
July 10 2007: Gyanendra Khadka a reporter for the Nepal
Samacharpatra Daily was attacked by a group of about six armed
police.
June 11 2007: Kantipur publications van was stopped and set
alight by a group calling itself Gorkha Line Mukti Sewa Samaj.
July 16 2007: Parshuram Shah, publisher and editor of the
Janadharana Weekly, received death threats from staff members of
the Siraha District Development Committee (DDC).
August 9 2007: 49 journalists who had been recently sacked
without cause, were attacked during a protest, alleged to have
been directed by their former employer Gorkhapatra Corporation.
August 12 2007: transmission of HBC FM, Kathmandu-based
private radio station under threat from Maoist Ganatantrik Radio
Workers’ Forum.
August 30 2007: Nemling Lama, journalist and senior member
of its Nepali Federation of Journalists was attacked while covering
a news story.
September 8 2007: Young Guys journalist, Tanka Bahadur
Dalani, attacked by members of the Janatantrik Terai Mukti
Morcha (JTMM).
September 9 2007: Priyanka Panta, newsreader of Gadimai
FM at Birgunj, was assaulted and robbed by an unidentified group.
September 16 2007: Dilli Bahadur Satyal a correspondent
for the daily Kathmandu newspaper Kantipur received a death
threat from a local businessman in Doti.
October 10 2007: journalist Sanjaya Santoshi Rai was
assaulted by six people. He was robbed and attacked with a knife.
October 10 2007: Bhuwaneshwor Adhikari, editor and
publisher of Tikapur Daily was threatened and verbally abused by a
police officer.
October 13 2007: reporter for Radio Lumbini, Bhim Prasad
Gurung was shot in the chest by an unknown group.
October 13 2007: publisher and editor of Satya Sandesh Daily,
Bijaya Tiwari received a death threat from revolutionary
organisation, Janatantrik Terai Mukti Morchha (JTMM).
October 23 2007: journalist Bhasa Sharma, was attacked by a
group of youths. Members of the journalist’s family were also
attacked.
October 23 2007: special correspondent of Himal Khabar Patrika,
Rameshwor Bohara, was attacked while on his way home.
October 29 2007: FNJ central committee member and associate
editor of Sagarmatha Television Ramjee Dahal was denied entry
to Parliament by police. Members of the police took Dahal’s
identity card before discarding it and body searchinghim.
34
November 5 2007: Narayan Shah, President of the FNJ Rukum
chapter received a death threat from a Maoist District leader.
November 13 2007: R K Patel, correspondent of Radio Birgunj
and Prateek daily, received death threats from a police officer at a
police post in central Nepal.
November 16 2007: Ram Kumar Elan, correspondent of Naya
Patrika Daily and Girija Adhikari, publisher of Sama Weekly,
received threats via telephone.
December 6 2007: Correspondent for the Rajdhani Daily and
Sagarmatha Television, Birendra K.M., was attacked by members
of the Armed Police Force.
January 12 2008: a representative of the Federation of Nepali
Journalists (FNJ), Krishna Ojha, was attacked by an unknown
group of assailants on the Ilam–Fidim Highway in eastern Nepal.
January 23 2008: freelance journalist, Manoj Sah, was severely
injured in a brutal attack by a dozen people in eastern Nepal.
January 30 2008: a bomb was thrown at Radio Station Indreni
FM 97.6 in Birgunj.
February 3 2008: Narayani Today newspaper was stormed by
an angry mob who verbally abused staff members, damaged the
office building and burned official documents. Due to the attack
the newspaper stopped publication for an unspecified time.
February 12 2008: Ganesh Sah, news correspondent for Janaki
FM was reportedly attacked by Armed Police Force personnel in
the eastern Terai district of Siraha. Sah suffered head injuries.
February 16 2008: Bujaya Kumar Pathak, editor of weekly
Birat Darpan, was attacked by MPRF cadres in Biratnagar, in the
eastern Terai district of Morang.
February 15 & 17 2008: Subodh Singh Tharu, a Nepal
Television cameramen forced to stop filming when they were
confronted by protesters in separate incidents at rallies.
February 17 2008: Gokul Shrestha, reporter and cameraman
Amrit Bhatta, both of Sagarmatha Television, were assaulted
and had property stolen by an unknown group at a rally in
Sallaghari, near Kathmandu.
February 20 2008: Kantipur Publications vehicle full of
newspapers and magazines was burnt by cadres of the Federal
Limbuwan State Council (FLSC) in the eastern region of Nepal.
February 26 2008: Four journalists Madan Thakur, a member
of FNJ Rautahat chapter; Arun Yadav, of Pratik Daily; Ramgir
Mukhiya, of Mathrubhumi Daily; and Dinesh Sah, of NTV
attacked by Armed Police Force personnel after covering conflict
between police and local residents.
March 4 2008: Nawaraj Pathik, chief editor of Nayen weekly
was threatened by Maoist cadres on March 4 for an editorial about
the relationship between crime and politics in eastern Nepal.
March 28 2008: Deepak Oli, Gorkhapatra district
correspondent, and president of FNJ Bajhang chapter was attacked
and threatened by police in far-western Nepal. Oli sustained
injuries to his head and back.
March 30 2008: radio station Radio Ramaroshan, threatened by
CPN-M leader Jhankar Bahadur Rawal who said he would seize
control of radio station in retaliation for broadcasts he alleged
were against his group.
April 5 2008: Maya Adhikari, journalist for Adhikola FM,
reportedly detained for two hours by CPN-M cadres, while on way
to monitor elections.
April 7 2008: Om Hamal, Nepal 1 TV correspondent attacked
by a CPN -M group after covering an election meeting. Hamal
suffered a minor injury to his face.
 I N T H E BA LA NCE: P R ESS FR EEDO M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008
April 7 2008: Nabaraj Pathik, Nepal 1 TV journalist was
attacked by members of the Young Communist League in eastern
Nepal.
April 7 2008: YCL members seized the printing facility of the
weekly Sindhu Prabaha in Chautara, , near Kathmandu.
Members of the group also stole printing plates and copies of the
publication.
Abduction and Detention
May 22 2007: Shree Janamat Daily photojournalist Shree
Shresha Rai and newspaper carrier Ram Sigdel were stopped
by members of Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF). They were
harassed and held for two hours.
June 20 2007: Hridayaraj Gautam, District member of Press
Chautari and editor of “Khulamanch Weekly”, abducted.
September 6 2007: Prabhu Yadhav, reporter for English-
language weekly publication Young Guys, was kidnapped by a gang
of armed assailants, before being brutally beaten.
October 3 2007: Journalist Pappu Gurung, was abducted from
his home.
November 5 2007: Nepali police detained 14 FNJ protesters
who were peacefully protesting over the disappearance of
journalist Birendra Shah.
November 13 2007: Police detained the 25 journalists who
were protesting for obstructing the entrance gate to the office of
the Nepal Government’s Secretariat. The journalists were held at
the Mahendra Police Club for two hours.
November 24 2007: Govinda Ghimire, the president of the
Sunsari chapter of the Federation of Nepali Journalists (FNJ), was
abducted, beaten and threatened with death by a police official.
He was released after two hours.
PAKISTAN
Media Workers Killed
June 2 2007: Noor Hakim Khan, a reporter for the Pakistan
newspaper was killed in a bomb attack on his car in the northern
areas.
June 17 2007: Noor Ahmed Solgani, a reporter and presenter
for Khabrein was shot dead in Pir Jo Goth by two armed men.
July 3 & 4 2007: Javed Khan, a photographer for Markaz and
the UK-based DM Digital TV television station and Maulana
Masud Mehmood, a reporter for Daily Islam were killed while
covering clashes between police and student of Lal Majid (Red
Mosque) in Islamabad.
October 19 2007: Arif Khan, senior cameraman for ARY One
World was killed in bomb blasts targetting opposition leader
Benazir Bhutto in Karachi.
October 19 2007: Azar Abbaz Haidri, a staff reporter for The
Post was shot dead in Karachi. The police called Haidri’s death a
targeted killing.
November 17 2007: Mahrun Nisa, the wife of slain journalist
Hayatullah Khan was murdered in a targeted bomb attack on her
home in North Waziristan
November 23 2007: Zubari Ahmed Mujahid, a journalist for
Jang newspaper was shot dead by an unidentified gunman on a
motorcycle in an alleged revenge attack for his investigative
activities about corruption and mistreatment of the poor.
February 9 2008: Chishti Mujahid, a senior journalist
working for Akbar-e-Jehan was murdered by a militant group, the
Baluchistan Liberation Army (BLA) in retaliation for an article he
wrote about the killing of Baluch nationalist leader Balaach Mari.
35
February 29 2008: Sirajuddin, a correspondent for The Nation
was killed in a suicide bomb blast in the Swat Valley’s Mingora
town. Eighty-one people including Shawal reporter Hazrat Bilal
were injured
April 14 2008: Khadim Hussain Sheikh, bureau chief of
Urdu daily Khabrein and stringer for Sindh TV in Baluchistan was
shot dead by gunmen while traveling to work with his brother
Ishaq on a motorbike
Physical Harm, Threats and Intimidation
May 12 2007: Anwar Abbas a photographer for Aaj TV and
two unnamed cameramen received serious head injuries when
armed groups entered the Aaj TV’s Karachi offices, attacking
journalists and confiscating equipment at gunpoint
May 22 2007: Twelve journalists were verbally abused and
branded “chauvinistic” in a press release issued by the Mujahir
Rabita Council (MRC) Among the names on the list were: Zaffar
Abbas, resident editor of Dawn Islamabad, Mazhar Abbas, AFP
Bureau Chief in Karachi, Azhar Abbas, head of Dawn TV, Ayaz
Amir from Dawn, Sajjad Mir, an anchor for TV ONE, Shaheen
Sehbai, head of ARY One World, Dr Shahid Masood, anchor of
GEO TV, Aneeq Ahmed, anchor of ARY One World, Asfar
Imam, Aaj TV, Zarar Khan, Bureau Chief AP Karachi, Zahid
Hussain, GEO Chief Reporter, and Irfan Siddiqui, a Nawa-e-
Waqat columnist
May 29 2007: Mazhar Abbas, secretary general of the Pakistan
Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ) and two other senior
journalists found live bullets wrapped in envelopes in their car in
Karachi. Representatives of the MRC claimed responsibility for
theact.
July 3 2007: Israr Ahmed, a cameraman for CNBC news
channel was critically injured after being hit by three bullets in
the Lal Masjid uprising. Wahab Saleem, photographer for the
Post, Raja Zafar photographer for Express and Absar Ahmad a
senior journalist with GEO TV were also injured.
September 17 2007: Shakeel Turbai, the son of a journalist,
was badly beaten by a gang in retaliation for an expose published
by his father.
September 30 2007: Sailab Mehsud, editor of regional news
website Karwan-e-Qabial and journalist for The News and Al-
Jazeera received a phone call from a military intelligence officer
threatening to abduct and kill him for a report he wrote about a
clash between the army and the Taliban in South Waziristan.
October 19 2007: Rashid Ali Panhwar, an Associated Press of
Pakistan journalist, Talat Anjum, a cameraman with APNA
television, Syed Athar Hussain a photographer with the Jurrat
daily and Arif Hasan, a cameraman from Dawn TC were injured
in a bomb blast directed at Benazir Bhutto.
November 2007: Five photographers and TV cameramen were
detained in Karachi during a protest by civil society organisations
outside the Karachi Press Club. They were released 48 hours later.
November 6 2007: Lala Asad Pathan a senior ARY One World
television journalist went into hiding after authorities raided his
home in Sukkur and detained two of his brothers who are not
journalists.
February 12 2008: Six journalists were critically injured in a
bomb blast in Khuzdar at an election campaign press conference.
Five of the journalists were reported as being Ayub Baluch, from
GEO TV, Munir Noor, from Rang TV, Abdullah of KTN and
stringers Latif Baluch and Munir Shakir.
February 29 2008: Hazrat Bilal a journalist from Shawal
newspaper was seriously hurt in a bomb blast in Mingora that
killed The Nation correspondent Sirajuddin.
March 13 2008: cameramen and journalists were attacked,
chased and beaten while reporting on a demonstration organised
 I N T H E B A L AN C E : P R E SS F R E E D O M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008
by the women’s movement of the Muttahida Quami Movement
(MQM-H) outside the Karachi Press Club. A media driver was
taken hostage by the armed protesters who warned journalists not
to broadcast footage
April 9 2008: Three journalists were injured, including a camera
woman from GEO TV whose arm was broken, while covering
confrontations between rival political groups in Karachi. Four
cameras were snatched and two media vehicles were torched by
protesters.
Abduction and Detention
June 17 2007: Latif Khosa, staff reporter at the Urdu daily Jang
was kidnapped by intelligence agencies in Baluchistan.
August 10 2007: Munir Mengal, the head of Baloch Voice TV
station was detained by police in Qalat shortly after being released
from a 16-month military detention under a 30-day custody order
in Baluchistan.
September 19 2007: Babar Hussain, a senior Dawn TV
correspondent was reportedly abducted and interrogated by
members of an intelligence agency in relation to a report on a
suicide bombing in Pakistan’s capital.
September 2007: Riaz Mengal, a journalist for the Intikhab
newspaper in Baluchistan was reported missing by his family after
writing articles about stolen car trafficking. His family suspected a
government minister was involved in his disappearance.
December 28 2007: Ten journalists reporting on events related
to the assassination of Benazir Bhutto were arrested under anti-
terrorism and riot law. Some of the detained journalists worked
for Kawish Television Network (KTN) and Daily Kwaish.
February 29 2008: Hameed Baluch, and Khalid Khosa,
both journalists at the Azadi daily, were reported missing to police
by their families. Khosa was last seen at a press conference in
Nasirabad and Baluch was reportedly abducted in Taftan, near
Pakistan’s border with Iran
SRI LANKA
Media Workers Killed
April 16 2007: Subash Chandraboas, editor of the Tamil-
language monthly magazine “Nilam” (“the Ground”) was shot
dead at his residence in Thirunavatkulam, Vavuniya.
April 30 2007: Selvarahj Rajivarman, a crime reporter for
the Uthayan newspaper was killed after investigating reports of
disappearances in the Jaffna area. He was 23.
August 1 2007: Nilakshan Sahadavan, 22, a student
journalist at the Jaffna Media Resource Training Centre (MRTC)
and a part-time journalist, was shot dead by gunmen on
motorcycles in Jaffna, around 4am during curfew hours.
November 27 2007: Isaivizhi Chempiyan (also known as
Subajini,), Suresh Linbiyo, a technical desk worker and T.
Tharmalingam were killed when Sri Lankan Air Force jets
bombed the Liberation of Tamil Tigers Ealam (LTTE) radio station
Voice of Tigers (VOT), Radio presenters K. Jenanai, 34, and
Anparasi Rajkumar were wounded in the attack.
Physical Harm, Threats and Intimidation
May 8 2007: The Sri Lanka Tamil Media Alliance (SLTMA)
expressed concern over the continuing ban in the East on certain
Tamil newspapers. Unidentified armed persons attacked many
newspaper agents and transporters. SLTMA stated that the people
in the areas, namely Batticaloa, Ampara and Trincomalee, were
deprived of the right to know what is happening around them.
36
May 16 2007: Navarathnam Parameshvatan a Jaffna based
freelance journalist was threatened by a political group connected
to the government after a verbal dispute over a news item he
provided to a Jaffna newspaper
May 16 2007: Sonali Samarasinghe the editor of The Morning
Leader was questioned by the Criminal Investigations Department
(CID) of the Sri Lanka Police for over four hours in relation to
series of investigative articles published in the Sunday Leader and
Irudina news papers last year.
May 2007-ongoing: Uthayan newspaper was threatened by Sri
Lankan Army personnel not to publish any news of the student
agitation calling for the immediate release of the four students
arrested by the police
May 16 2007: Ranjith Rajapaksa, Lankadeepa’s Hatton
provincial correspondent was threatened by prison officers at
Hatton railway station to report on a derailment. His media
vehicle was also attacked.
May 30 2007: Sajeewa Chinthaka, Lakbima photojournalist
was allegedly assaulted by a group of Navy personnel who
demanded his national identity card as he was returning to his
newspaper office
May 30 2007: Pasan Samarawickrama, Lakbima provincial
journalist was chased out of an Urban Council Committee
meeting at the Weligama UC premises by Chairman of Weligama
UC
May 2007: Saman Pathirana Polonnaruwa District
Correspondent for the MTV/MBC Media Network was threatened
with death by Illegal river sand miners while covering mass scale
illegal sand miners around Wasgamuwa forest reserve and Amban
Ganga River. Acting on his complaint Polonnaruwa police arrested
suspects.
June 8 2007: Jaffna Thinakural News Paper office was searched by
the Army. Nothing incriminatory was found in the search
June 14 2007: Parameshwari Munusami was attacked by two
armed people with State security ID who demanded her national
ID and passport. Despite waiting at Rajagiriya Police Station as
instructed, her passport and ID were not returned. Parameshwari
told the FMM that the person who took her IDs was the same
person who bundled her into a van and threatened her against
speaking to the media and politicians in April this year.
June 18 2007: Colombo based Tamil language newspaper
Verakesari was searched by the Army and asked to provide details
and personal addresses of all employees, including editorial staff.
Nothing incriminatory was found by any search.
June 2007: Vincent Jeyan, the last Tamil freelance journalist in
Jaffna, working for AP and local media in the volatile Jaffna
Peninsula in the north, fled to Colombo after he received death
threats via a text message from a satellite phone. He was acting as
the Jaffna coordinator for the international Press freedom Mission
to Sri Lanka when he received the death threat.
June 23 2007: Suranga Rajanayake, a correspondent for
Lankadeepa and SLRC in the Gampola district was threatened
with death by a gang for an article he wrote against treasure
hunters. The gang members were reportedly close political
supporters of one senior minister in the government. He has
made a complaint at Gampola Police Station against the death
threat at Gampola Police.
June 28 2007: K. P. Mohan the Tamil daily, Thinkural’s Defence
Correspondent was harassed by air force officers at a security
check point in Colombo as he was returning from a news
conference on the current security situation in the country.
Despite producing a media identity card issued by the Information
 I N T H E BA LA NCE: P R ESS FR EEDO M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008
Ministry, he was verbally abused by the officers. He was assaulted
and seriously injured again by a group of armed Air Force
personnel at Fort on June 29. He was on his way to the
Presidential Secretariat to cover a meeting between President
Rajapaksa and the Maha Sangha.
June 2007: Sandaruwan Senadeeram, editor of Lanka-e-News
a widely read Sinhala and English news website received a number
of threatening emails including one with a photograph of small
weapons. It said “You are publishing your all nonsense news,
slinging mud under the labeled of free media. Don’t be such a Bad
egg. It smells very bad. Someday you will punish by the public”.
June 2007: N. Jeevendran, a Tamil language producer of Young
Asia TV received email threats accusing him of supporting LTTE.
July 14 2007: B. A. Wijerathna Podibanda the TV/
SIRASA Aralaganvila provincial correspondent was threatened and
assaulted by Mahaweli Authority officials for filming Araganvila
Children’s Park. The officials confiscated some of his equipment.
Five media organisations and local journalists’ organisation held a
protest demonstration in Aralaganvila on 23rd Monday July 2007.
July 16 2007: United National Party (UNP) MP Lakshman
Kiriella, lashed out at a female journalist of Derana TV on June 13
and shouted at a male journalist of the same station June 16 at
the Parliamentary Complex. He claimed that Derana journalists
have a political agenda. Derana New Director Shehan Daranage
said his station had no political agenda and its journalist was free
to ask any question anywhere.
August 7 2007: Rupe Silva, the mother of slain journalist
Sampth Lakmal was threatened with death by unidentified person,
posing as a CID officer. Journalist Sampath Lakmal (26) was
gunned down on July 01, 2006, in Dehiwala, south of Colombo.
The police have not produced any suspect before the courts for
the last 12 months.
August 10 2007: Jafrall Askhant a journalist for the Tamil
daily Werakesari was verbally abused by Deputy Minister K.A. Faiz
for who threatened to kidnap and “finish off” the journalist,
claiming that a story he had written was incorrect.
August 15 2007: Iqbal Athas defence correspondent and
associate editor of The Sunday Times was fired for exposing an
allegedly corrupt purchase of Mig 27 fighter jets by the Sri Lankan
government. The case was under the investigation of the Barbary
commission of Sri Lanka. Government leaders accused Athas of
having created a national security threat by exposing the deal.
August 16 2007: Sahampathi Manage of Sirasa TV,
Kulasingha Chaminda from ABC Radio and Sanjeewa
Mathaweea from Swarnawahini were forcibly removed while
covering a protest at Mayuarapura, Hambantota, in which police
wielding batons charged upon unarmed peasants. All three made
complains to the relevant authorities, no action was taken.
August 27 2007: W.G. Gunarathna local editor of Lankadeepa
newspaper was threatened by a person posing as an Air Force
officer for translating articles written by The Sunday Times Defence
Correspondent Iqbal Athas. Both newspapers are published by the
same group.
August 29 2007: Freddie Gamage and other editorial staff for
the Meepura newspaper was threatened by security staff of
ELSUMA factory in Daluwakotuwa, Negambo because of an article
on rights of ELSUMA factory workers which appeared in August.
September 6 2007: Parameshwari Munusami was followed
by two unidentified people who she reported were the same men
who abducted her after her release in May and confiscated her
passport and ID card. On this occasion, Parameshwari had run
37
into a nearby police station for safety and later lodged a complaint
at the Human Rights Commission in Colombo.
September 17 2007: Mr Wijesingha the Pottuvil
correspondent for Lankadeepa and The Daily Mirror newspapers was
verbally abused by a Deputy Inspector General for covering an on-
going police recruitment programme at Pottuvil police station.
The DIG confiscated his camera and tape recorder.
September 20 2007: Janith Vipulaguna a Young Asia TV
journalist reported to FMM that he has been receiving various
threats including death threats over phone for months. According
to his letter released to the public, anonymous callers are now
giving him death threats.
September 22 2007: Sirasa TV crew members were threatened
by people connected to Labour Minister Mervyn Silva to stop
covering a public meeting of the minister despite receiving official
invitations to cover the event. Minister Mervyn Silva has himself
threatened the station on several occasions, once saying that he is
ready to use his official pistol against them. His verbal threats
have been recorded and shown on Sirasa TV.
September 14 2007: Indika Sakalasooriya a journalist for
The Nation was questioned by Criminal Investigations Department
(CID) over his report, published on September 9 about an Aston
Martin super luxury car allegedly owned and bought by a highly
placed politician.
October 2 2007: Iqbal Athas was ‘named and shamed’ on the
Ministry of Defence website for his coverage of defense-related
matters in Sri Lanka, accusing him of assisting in the
psychological operations of the LTTE terrorists.
October 8 2007: All Sri Lankan media organisations were
threatened by Director General of the Media Centre for National
Security (MCNS) Lakshman Hulugalle who told the media, “We
consider anyone who criticizes the defense forces to be a traitor to the
nation as such people undermine the lives of armed forces personnel.”
The statement was reported in the Daily Mirror.
October 18 2007: a Sirasa TV correspondent was verbally
abused by Labour Minister Mervyn Silva and chased away from
the Mount Lavinia court premises where he was covering a case
related to Silva’s son, who was in prison over a case of alleged
assault.
October 26 2007: Meepura journalists were verbally abused and
chased away from an opening ceremony in Negambo by a police
officer.
November 8 2007: Wasantha Pradeep and I.K.A. Waruna
Sampath from Sirasa TV were assaulted by a gang in
Ranminithanna, Tissamaharamaya while on an assignment to
cover killings and the destruction of two villages by unidentified
persons.
November 27 2007: Karunarathna Gamge a journalist for
Divaina newspaper was verbally assaulted by the President of
Tamankaduwa local government authority in Polonnaruwa for
covering a story related to garbage whilst taking some
photographs.
December 13 2007: Nimal Jayarathana from Lakbima, J.K
Jayakody from Divaina, and Wijerathna Podibabdara from
Sirasa TV were harassed and sent away by Samurdhi officials for
reporting abuse of power by government officials in the
Polonnaruwa district
December 16 2007: the wife of Anuruddha
Lokuhapuarachchi a senior Reuters photojournalist was
questioned at their home in Ratmalana, by officers of the
Criminal Investigation Division who posed as telephone
repairman for Sri Lanka Telecom.
 I N T H E B A L AN C E : P R E SS F R E E D O M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008
December 27 2007: T.M.G. Chandrasekara, news director of
SLRC was assaulted by Labour Minister Mervyn Silva and a group
of unidentified armed men because SLRC did not broadcast a
speech made by him the previous day at a public meeting
December 30 2007: a group of Wee Radio supporters who were
putting up posters of the station were assaulted by supporters of
Minister Mervyn Silva.
January 2 2008: Mahanumi Suburamaniyam was
threatened by paramilitary cadres as he was trying to cover a
claymore bomb attack.
January 2 2008: Chevaan Daniel, the head of MTV, Kingsley
Ratnayaka, Sirasa director, and Susil Kedelpitya Sirasa news
director, three leading media personnel of the MTV and MBC TV-
Radio networks filed complaints against underworld gang
members who had allegedly been ordered to kill them for their
protests of Mervyn Silva’s assault on the SLRC
January 4 2008: sections of the Sri Lankan media were
labeled “traitors” in an interview by the commander of the Sri
Lankan army Major General Sarath Fonseka published in the state-
controlled Sinhala daily Dinamina
January 5 2008: Sanath Balasuriya president of the Sri Lanka
Working Journalists Association (SLWJA) and Dharmasiri
Lankapeli general secretary of the Federation of Media
Employees Trade Unions (FMETU) report threats against their lives
and fear that they will be targeted for assassination in relation to
Mervyn Silva’s assault on SLRC
January 7 2008: Sri Ranga Jeyarathnam host of the
“Minnal” programme on Shakthi TV was accused by Minister of
Social Services and Social Welfare Mr K.N. Douglas Devananda of
being “a traitor” and “conspiring with the LTTE to promote
terrorism”
January 7 2008: Poddala Jayantha was assaulted by Sri Lanka
police at his home in an apparent attempted abduction.
January 9 2008: Mr E Saravanapavan, managing director of
Uthayan newspaper reported threats against the newspaper,
warning him to stop functioning immediately.
January 23 2008: Indika Sri Aravinda, a TV journalist was
arrested by civic police under suspicion of being an LTTE member
and verbally abused at Mount Lavinia police station where his
media accreditation card was not accepted
January 28 2008: Suhaib M Kasim the associate editor of the
state-controlled Tamil daily Thinakaran was stabbed at his home
in Colombo in an attack related to his position at the newspaper
January 30 2008: the mother of Duleep Dushantha, media
worker of the state-owned Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation
(SLRC) was threatened by two armed men searching for her son
and warned that if she informed the police she would be killed.
The attack is believed to be related to Duleep’s protests of the
SLRC – Mervyn Silva incident
January 30 2008: Dushantha Darshana a part-time SLRC
newsreader who read the live news of Mervyn Silva’s intrusion in
the SLRC offices was forced to hand over his SLRC ID card and
leave the premises by authorities
January 31 2008: twenty-one SLRC journalists were interrogated
by the Criminal Investigation Department in relation to the SLRC
– Mervyn Silva incident
February 12 2008: M.S.M. Noordeen and S.M.M. Musthafa,
two Muslim journalists, were denied access to a press conference
at the Batticaloa Secretariat by policemen.
February 14 2008: Susil Kindelpitiya news director of Sirasa
TV was followed by a hostile group that forced open the door of
his car in an apparent attempt to harm him.
38
February 15 2008: Parameshwari Munusami reports that
she and her relatives are being followed by unidentified people.
The unidentified people have reportedly shown photos of her to
taxi drivers saying she is a wanted woman.
February 28 2008: Priyal Ranjith Perera, Assistant Director
News Camera at the SLRC who was involved in videotaping the
SLRC-Mervyn Silva incident was harassed by a gang of four who
approached him at home in Pitakotte
March 15 2008: Ravi Abeywickrama, a SLRC music producer
received death threats on his telephone
March 16 2008: the house of Sunethra Athugalpura, from
Lakbima and her husband Sashi Kumara from Sirasa TV News
Producer was ransacked by an unknown gang. Nothing was
stolen, leading Kumara to consider it an act of intimidation
March 20 2008: journalists from MTV and MBC TV were
threatened by Labour Minister Mervyn Silva who told them to
“find a place to hide”
March 20 2008: Samanala Graphic printing press was
ordered to suspend all print runs by police due to a poster
allegedly campaign for a main opposition party. Two police
officials guarded the premises while it was searched and printing
plates were confiscated
Media Workers Attacked
June 27 & 28 2007: K.P. Mohan, defence report for the Tamil
daily Thinakural was assaulted twice on consecutive days by
officials manning roadblocks over an argument about a media
accreditation card
August 15 2007: K.P. Mohan defence reporter for the Tamil
daily Thinakural was attacked with acid while returning home
from hospital where he was being treated for injuries suffered in a
previous attack
November 21 2007: the printing press of Leader Publications
which publishes The Sunday Leader, Morning Leader and Irudina was
destroyed by arsonists causing damage of millions of rupees. The
Morning Leader print run was in operation when the armed gang
of 15 forced themselves into the printing house and set it on fire.
January 10 2008: Victor Somaweera a Bingiriya provincial
journalist was stabbed and threatened with a gun to his head by
an identified person. Despite reporting the incident to the police,
the perpetrator was not arrested.
January 16 2008: U.S.A. Bandara, a provincial correspondent
for Sirasa TV was assaulted by a ruling party politician while
covering the aftermath of an attack on a civilian bus in
Okkampitiya, Monaragala. At least 27 passengers were killed and
more than 50 persons were injured as the result of the attack.
January 25 2008: Lal Hemantha Mawalage a producer in
the news division of the SLRC was cut with a sharp knife while
returning to his home in Athurigiriya by two men on a
motorcycle. The incident is believed to be related to the Mervyn
Silva-SLRC confrontation. Mawalage was among those who spoke
live on behalf of SLRC employees as the whole SLRC staff
protested against the minister’s intrusion.
February 2 2008: M.P. Dias a photographer attached to the
Ceylon Tourist Board was assaulted for not offering his seat the
Office in Charge of Rambukkana Police while covering a story at
Pinnawala Elephant Orphanage
February 23 2008: Sugath Dharmapriya, a news producer of
the Derana TV channel covering the bomb blast on a bus in
Mount Lavinia, a suburb of Colombo, was abused and assaulted
by a Senior Inspector of the Mount Lavinia Police, Mahesh Perera.
 I N T H E BA LA NCE: P R ESS FR EEDO M IN SO UT H A SIA 2007- 2008
February 28 2008: Pankaja Sankalapa, a journalist for the
Independent Television Network (ITN) verbally abused by a chief
monk Getamane Siridhammakitti Thera of a Buddhist religious
school in Mathara. The monk has assaulted journalist Pankaja for
his coverage of a sexual abuse story involving him on ITN.
March 5 2008: Ranjani Aluthge a librarian for the SLRC was
cut with a razor knife while traveling home on a public bus. The
attack on Ms Aluthge was linked to her participation in the
protest against the infamous Mervyn Silva incident in December
2007.
March 14 2008: Arunasiri Hettige, Assistant Director
(Supplies) of the SLRC was attacked on his way to work at a bus
stop in Kottikawatta suburb, Colombo. A club affixed to a sharp
object on his neck was used to attack him. Hettige represented the
SLRC Workers Unions at a meeting held on 13th March with
government leaders regarding the infamous Mervyn Silva incident
in December 2007.
March 14 2008: the family of female Tamil journalist
Parameshwari Munusami was attacked by a mob in their
village. Her father and sister were seriously injured in the attack
before they were rescued by the Gampola Police. This is not the
first time a gang of thugs has threatened Parameshwari and her
family
Abduction and Detention
May 1 2007: Sivanathan Sivaramya, a female journalist, was
arrested at the entrance of a World Press Freedom Day conference
organised by UNESCO in Colombo and accused of being a
suspected suicide attacker from the LTTE.
May 30 2007: Tiran Alles, chairman of Standard Newspapers
Ltd and former Civil Aviation Authority Chairman was remanded
by the Terrorist Investigation Division and was released without
charge after three months detention.
June 1, 2007: Parmeshwari Munusami was released from
detention after the Attorney General advised police that despite “a
volume of incriminatory material against Parameshwari”, the
evidence was not sufficient to charge her. A Foreign Ministry
statement detailing this decision appeared in the government-
owned Daily News (01/06/2007).
October 24 2007: Arthur Wamanan a journalist for The
Sunday Leader was arrested by Criminal Investigating Department
after a complaint lodged by Minister Mano Wijeratne who the
journalist had contacted for her comment on a story.
November 5 2007: Anthonypillai Sherin Sithranjan, 36, a
newspaper delivery person of Jaffna based Tamil daily Yal
Thinakkural, was reported missing taking papers for distribution
from Yal Thinakkural office in K.K.S Road at 6:00 a.m. on 5th
November. His whereabouts remain unknown.
November 17 2007: Vadivel Nimalarajah, proofreader for
Jaffna based newspaper Uthayan was abducted by an unidentified
group after being last seen cycling home.
December 2 2007: Ranga, a journalist for the Tamil daily
Sudaroli was arrested and searched by Rajagiriya Police and
detained without charge for 12 hours
39
December 24 2007: Capucine Henri and C. Simon from
France 24 news channel were detained by the military for
videotaping a Tamil family visiting their detained relatives on
Christmas eve. The journalists were released without charge after
43 hours
February 12 2008: Gemunu Amarsinghe a photojournalist
working for Associated Press (AP), was arrested by Civil Defense
Committee members while he was covering students entering
Isipathana College, Colombo. He was released nearly two hours
later after intervention by media institutions and organizations.
March 6 2008: N Jesiharan, owner of E-Kwality printing press
and his partner Valamarthi, were arrested without charge for
their involvement with www.outreachsl.com, a news and features
website. Jesiharan remains in detention
March 7 2008: J.S. Tisseinayagam the editor of www.
outreachsl.com and freelance journalist, was arrested without
charge by the Terrorist Investigation Department. He remains in
detention and has filed a Fundamental Rights case against the
government in the Supreme Court
March 7 & 8 2008: K. Wijesinghe a journalist, Uthayanan, a
visual editor and Ranga Lasantha a cameraman for www.
outreachsl.com were arrested without charge. They were released
on March 13.
March 8 2008: S. Sivakumar (alias Balasubramanium
Wasanthan), spokesperson of the Free Media Movement and
Editor of the bi-monthly Tamil language Sarinihar magazine was
arrested, questioned by Terrorist Investigation Department (TID)
and released on the same day. On March 7, the TID took one of
his cousins hostage to compel him to appear before them.
March 27 2008: Susanthi Thambirasa, who had been
arrested on the charge of being a LTTE suicide bomber in
November 2006, was freed by the Colombo Magistrate’s Court
Media Workers Displaced or in Self-Exile
June 2007: Vincent Jeyan, an Associated Press correspondent
left Jaffna immediately after receiving a death threat via text
message. He remains in hiding.
July 2007: dozens of Tamil-language journalists left Sri
Lanka in fear of their lives. Their names have been withheld for
safety reasons.
September 2007: J. Jeevendran a Tamil program producer fled
Sri Lanka because of continuing death threats and hate mail by
extremist groups.
November 10 2007: K.P. Mohan, defence correspondent for
Thinakural fled to Switzerland in fear of his safety and his life after
three attacks were launched against him and no perpetrator had
been arrested.
March 2008: Sanath Balasuriya, president of Sri Lanka
Working Journalists Association left the country temporarily after
receiving repeated death threats over his leading role in media
protests against minister Mervyn Silva’s intrusion into the SLRC
offices
The IFJ is a non-governmental, non-profit organisation that promotes coordinated international action to defend press
freedom and social justice through the development of strong, free and independent trade unions of journalists. IFJ Asia-
Pacific coordinates IFJ activities in the Asia-Pacific region. The IFJ works closely with the United Nations, particularly
UNESCO, the United Nations Human Rights Commission, WIPO and the ILO, the International Committee of the
Red Cross, the European Union, the Council for Europe and with a range of international trade union and freedom of
expression organisations. The IFJ mandate covers both professional and industrial interests of journalists.

Visit www.ifj-asia.org or www.ifj.org for more information.