LIVED EXPERIENCES OF CHILDREN AFTER THEIR PARENTS HAVE BEEN

INCARCERATED. A STUDY OF CHILDREN WITH LUZIRA PRISON INMATES

PARENTS.

BY

IHUNDE JACKILINE

REG NO: 2019/HD03/26889U

Introduction

Worldwide over 100 million children currently have at least an incarcerated parent, and many

experience parental incarceration at some point in their lives (Seymour, 2001). Since 1991, the

number of children with an imprisoned parent has increased over 50%, and with the

incarceration rate growing at a rate of almost 6% annually, the number of minor children affected

by parental incarceration will continue to increase (Mumola, 2000). In sub-Saharan alone,

approximately 10 million children at least had a parent in prison, jail, on parole, or on probation

between 2010- 2014, (Arditti, 2015).

According to Lili & Ching (2018), the immediate consequence of parental incarceration is the

disruption of the child’s living and caregiving arrangements. This disruption may be more felt by

the child if the incarcerated parent used to be the primary caregiver (Wilson, 2010). It was

estimated that 30% of all incarcerated parents in South Africa were the custodial parents, and

many resided in single-parent households prior to incarceration (Xuma, 2016). Studies have

shown that a stable and safe living environment and bonding between the child and an adult

caregiver can facilitate healthy coping and long-term adjustment in children (Mackintosh, Myers,

& Kennon, 2006; Nesmith & Ruhland, 2011). Ensuring stable and safe living and caregiving

arrangements thus becomes an important means for promoting the well-being of children with

incarcerated parents.

Parents especially mothers in general play a greater role in their children’s live. As a result, their

departure disrupts the daily lives of the children and usually places them in the care of relatives.

Various studies show that there’s stigma associated with parents’ incarceration and hence can

exert negative impact on children’s psychosocial development (Bocknek et al., 2009).

The worldwide familial belief interplays with the retribution principle in punishing criminals,

which then exacerbates the retributive justification of punishing the family of the incarcerated

member as a whole (Manning, 2011). Therefore children of incarcerated parents may not receive

as much sympathy or support from the community as children in other kinds of disadvantage.

Given the large number of children affected by parental incarceration in Africa, systematically

examining their experiences and identifying gaps in services will provide important implications

for child welfare policy and practice (Manning, 2011).

Children of incarcerated parents may also exhibit externalizing behaviors such as anger, a

disregard for authority, and acting-out behaviors (Hairston, 1998; Mazza, 2002). A number of

previous studies report experiences children of incarcerated parents frequently experience

internalizing problems such as anxiety, depression, sadness, and loneliness (Gabel,

1992;Hairston, 1998; Mazza, 2002).

Living and caregiving arrangements of children after parental incarceration differ significantly

across countries and cultures. Examples of caregiving arrangements are family care with

supportive services (Welbourne & Dixon, 2013), foster care, group homes and kinship foster

care (Mulready-Jones, 2011).

Taking in an extra child represents a significant hardship for many caretakers, particularly

grandparents with fixed incomes and, often, deteriorating health. the loss of support from the

incarcerated parent as a significant strain on the family’s finances

The background above indicate considerable variation within the population of children with

incarcerated parents, suggesting that there is no "one size fits all" approach to anticipating and

meeting the needs of children with incarcerated parents. Although the background cannot be

generalized to the entire population of children with incarcerated parents, findings will raise
valuable questions and can provide a launching point for future research on the impact of

parental incarceration.

Some groups were intentionally restricted to either mentors of children with incarcerated mothers

or mentors of children with incarcerated fathers in order to examine how the gender of the parent

influences child outcomes.

Problem statement

Given the high and steady rates of incarceration in Uganda now, it is critical to examine factors

affecting the population. Over the last two decades there has been a tremendous increase in the

number of children affected by parental and particularly Parental incarceration, at the state and

federal level (OKello 2018; Muniola, 2010). At midyear 2017 there were over 65,600 were

incarcerated in various state prisons reported having 147,400 children (Musoke & Okello, 2018).

The number of children with at least one parent in prison has more than doubled since 1991

(Musoke & Okello, 2018). Although there have also been similar increases in the number of

mothers incarcerated at jails at the local level, and it is estimated that there are millions of

additional children who have a mother in jail (Western & Wildeman, 2009), the actual number of

affected children is difficult to estimate as there are no formal procedures in place to collect these

data. Despite the best efforts of caregivers, children often face difficult living situations. Some

caregivers do not have sufficient money or time to raise the children in their care.

Objectives of the study

Purpose of the study

To examine the lived experiences of children after their parents have been incarcerated a study of

Luzira prison inmates.

Objectives

i. To assess the various obstacles faced by children whose parents are incarcerated in luzira

prison

ii. To examine the problems faced by caretakers whose parents are incarcerated in luzira

prison

iii. To assess the coping mechanisms of children with incarcerated parents

Research questions

What were their relationships with their parents prior to incarceration?

What are the family situations of these children?

Who is caring for them now?

How is the parent-child relationship maintained or disrupted during incarceration?

How does parental incarceration affect children emotionally, behaviorally, and developmentally?

What are the needs and challenges of children with incarcerated parents?

How do these needs differ from those of other at-risk children?

Significance of the Study

The findings will help minor children with parents under some form of criminal justice system

control are among the most at-risk, yet least visible, populations of children.

To ascertain the impacts of incarceration and how it tends to be multifaceted and often affects

every aspect of the children’s world

To examine the broad scope of the impact that parental incarceration has on children of prisoners

and to identify outcomes due to the impact of the incarceration and other difficulties these

children experience in their lives

Conceptual framework

Child factors
Age
Gender
Duration in care
Depression factors Prison -related factors
Counselling Availability of drugs
Health education
Prescription

Children experiences

Inmate -related factors

Length of sentence
Child caretaker-related factors Side effects
Age
Type of offence
Sex
Relationship to child Gender
Marital status Challenges and needs
Education level
Occupation/socioeconomic
Religion
Counselling
Time to be spent with minors

Concenptual framework obtained from Arditti, 2005, Seymour, 2001, Dallaire & Wilson,

2010, Gabel, 1992;Hairston, 1998; Mazza, 2002, Bocknek et al., 2009

Figure 1: Conceptual framework showing the factors associated with experiences of

children of incarcerated parents.

Explanation

The conceptual framework above shows insights on the challenges and needs of children of

incarcerated parents. Perhaps the most prevalent of them is the considerable variation within the

population of children of incarcerated parents, particularly between those who experience

Parental incarceration and those who experience paternal incarceration. Children who have a

mother behind bars are likely to have lived with her prior to incarceration and typically

experience substantial upheaval in their lives following her departure. These children are likely

to retain a strong attachment to their mothers, which may enable communication during

incarceration but also result in great emotional distress.

The other factor affecting children is the dynamics of their criminal justice involvement which

highly influences children’s responses. Children with a parent serving a long sentence seem to

fare better in some ways than those with a parent who is constantly cycling in and out of prison.

Children in the former group often lose the need for their absent parent’s support and don’t

experience the inconsistency and repeated traumatization of children whose parents are in their

lives one minute and out the next. Age is also a factor which influences the extent to which

children respond to and internalize the loss of a parent to incarceration, with younger children

less able to understand or process their parent's absence.

Stigma and shame is a common experience shared by most children of incarcerated parents that

distinguished them from other at-risk peers.

 Section two: LITERATURE REVIEW

Introduction

This chapter focuses on the review of literature .For any parent, the major punishment that

incarceration carries with it is separation from his/ her children. When a parent especially

mothers is incarcerated, what is happening to their children is the greatest of concern. This

chapter therefore discusses theoretical views on effects of parental incarceration on the children,

care takers and their coping mechanisms of these children.

Theoretical Framework

The study will be guided by Cognitive Development of thinking, problem solving, intelligence

and language (Black & Pucket, 1996) as postulated by Piaget. Piaget conceptualized children’s

development as a combined result of maturity of the brain and the nervous system, and

experiences that help individuals adapt to environment. Piaget saw children’s cognitive

development follow predictable and qualitative distinct levels. These distinct levels occur in

specific periods of a child’s life, with no stage that is skipped. Intellectually impaired children

may develop at a lower rate or may fail to reach the higher stages (Dworetzky, 1996).

This stage progression on learning implies that learning is developmental, and no child skips a

stage, that individual children may take different experiences to complete their development,

mental development does not merely click into place with a passing birthday, and lastly, learners

differ in capability. This theory is applicable to this study in that in order for the learners to

adequately learn at the ECDE, the necessary environment should be provided. Children should
be treated as unique individuals and be allowed to develop progress skills with the required

supportive systems that enable their future development (Orodho, 2003). ECDE program is a

necessity for the intellectual development of children and not an option. Planning for education

should therefore focus on reducing impediments towards achieving a supportive environment in

learning in the prison environment. For this to happen teaching and learning materials should be

provided, there should be provision of physical facilities, the programs should be supervised and

the government should be involved.

Obstacles faced by children whose parents are incarcerated in prison

Many researchers agree that children of prisoners are an invisible group in society who are

vulnerable to a whole host of challenges which arguably constrain their access to childhood

opportunities (Adalist, 2005; Jones & Hirschfield, 2015). The effects of imprisonment reach far

beyond the constraints of a corrections facility and the Punishments meant for the offender in

most cases trickles to children hence exposing them to unintended consequences on their

children Habecker, (2013). Problems like early marriages, school dropout, delinquency and drug

abuse, inadequate care and potential physical abuse amongst others are so common among

children whose parents have been incarcerated (Seruwagi et al., 2016).

Children of prisoners are among the most vulnerable and invisible categories among children in

need (Kalibala & Elson, 2010). There is a scarcity of information regarding the subject matter

and an increasingly limited documented interventions targeting and addressing the unique

challenges of the children of prisoners. According to comfort (2007) as cited by Sseruwagi etal.,

(2016), when these children are left alone without any alternate support or buttressing of the
alternative care system, they are at increased risk of delinquency, vagabondism, substance abuse

and limited accessibility to childhood opportunities, education inclusive.

The view above was shared by (Edwards, 2009), who alleges that when not supported, there is a

high possibility for children of prisoners to adapt a negative lifestyle in their bid to manage the

challenges of their situations. According to Aaron and Dallaire (2010), parental incarceration is

associated with adolescents’ risk for delinquency. Other studies by Shlafer, Poehlmann, &

Donelan-McCall, (2012), reported few or no differences between children with and without

incarcerated parents on key outcome variables once socio demographic, environmental and

arrest/conviction variables have been taken into account. Incarceration of a parent leads to great

change and uncertainty in nearly every aspect of a child’s life (Aaron & Dallaire, 2010).

Temporary, informal care arrangements may temporarily or permanently separate children from

their incarcerated parent, family, and friends. Long distances between the prison and where the

child stays will render the journeys expensive and uncomfortable which in a long run limit the

contact between parent and child .needed to maintain a relationship during incarceration hence

breaking the bond between parent and he children.

Research about children of incarcerated parents, indicate that the problems associated parental

incarceration tend to be intergenerational and vary considerably in complexity and severity for

both children and their families (Phillips, Erkanli, Keeler, Costello & Angold, 2006). A study on

the effects of parental incineration on the children’s wellbeing in Nairobi Kenya found out that

the major consequence of parental incarceration was increased vulnerability to the development

of deviant activity among children with a parent in prison, as compared to similar high-risk

children without an incarcerated parent (Juma , 2015). Therefore, parental incarceration can have

a lasting effect on long-term outcomes for children.

According to (Farrington, 2002), Children of incarcerated parents are significantly more

susceptible to drug abuse than children whose parents were not incarcerated. He further alleges

that the increases in substance abuse among children of incarcerated parents is in most times

linked with a multitude of factors, including deficiencies in effective coping strategies to deal

with the added pressures and stresses related to incarceration, children with incarcerated parents

may be more likely to experience problems with substance abuse due to parents having used the

drugs prior to incarceration. Mumola (2000) found that the majority of incarcerated parents were

sentenced due to either drug-related charges or violent crimes. All in all, children of incarcerated

parents are likely to have a greater exposure to drugs and alcohol than other peers, which may

de-stigmatize the criminality of drug use.

An increased risk for negative outcomes and at-risk behaviors is another obstacle that may be

faced by children whose parents have been incarcerated. Several studies show that parental

incarceration is both a risk marker and a risk mechanism to the children (Johnson & Easterling,

2012; Murray & Farrington, 2005). As a risk marker, Parental incarceration indicates the

presence of other risk experiences for a child or family (e.g., low income, low education). In

conclusion Children of incarcerated parents often experience stress, parental drug use, and other

issues associated with chronic poverty prior to a parent's

Challenges faced by caretakers of children whose parents are incarcerated in prison

Caretakers of the children left behind upon the incarceration of their parents are so crucial

despite little focus being them despite the considerable job they make on the wellbeing of the

children (Alison et al., 2013). The caretakers face a myriad of challenges especially if initially

they were not acquainted to the children who are in their care due to parental incarceration.
Financial stresses which are due to the dramatic reductions in parent income and resource-

strained caregivers may result in significant financial hardship.

Despite the duration of the sentence of the parents, caregiving disrupts the family level set-up.

Parental incarceration exacerbate the caretakers existing family level stresses since family

members step in to take care of the children left behind by incarcerated parents. It’s common for

children to feel abandoned and express anger and resentment towards the caretakers and the

caretakers in turn get angry to the parents and in extreme cases punish the child who rejects help.

Lack of necessary skills is another obstacle that caretakers may face in the ace of caring,

nurturing and stimulating environment of the children left behind and be overwhelmed by a child

who is struggling at home and in school (Cecil, McHale, Strozier & Pietsch ,2008). Raising some

children requires not only commitment but patience since not all of them develop at the same

pace with other normal children. With the absence of a parent, the caretaker finds it draining

especially if he/she is the bread winner to balance raising the particular kid and fending for them.

In Africa the caretakers are in most cases, mothers, grandmothers, or other extended family

relatives. A study by (Juma, 2015 about parental incarceration in Nairobi Kenya found out that

caretakers are were often described as hard-working and dedicated to seeking the best for the

children in their care. Despite the best efforts of caregivers, however, children often face difficult

living situations especially the rampant poverty levels among the many sub-Saharan African

homes. Taking in an extra child represents a significant hardship for many caretakers, especially

grandparents with fixed incomes and, often, deteriorating health (Phillips and James, 2017).

According Comfort, (2016), family members and caregivers of these children also “bear

numerous burdens, including stigma and shame associated with having a family member in
prison, increased financial strain, physical and emotional stress, and lack of external resources,”

according to the center . Dalley (2012), noted that the loss of support from the incarcerated

parent as a significant strain on the family’s finances. Even when caregivers are relatively

financially stable, they often have limited time to spend with the children; many mothers of

children with incarcerated fathers are single parents who have to work for long hours to support

their families.

Situations are worse when it’s a mother behind the bars since many of these children did not live

with their fathers before, during or after the incarceration (Burnette, 1998). While the specific

composition of households varies, the majority of caretakers are female. Some children may be

at higher risk as a result of both parental incarceration and traumatic childhood events while

others may be at lower risk because they were less exposed to negative developmental

experiences.

In cases where grandparents are the primary caregivers, their deteriorating health and isolation

makes it hard to care for the children. Besides them the care takers are in most cases under

resourced and report needing help time and again and yet they face stigma whenever they try

seeking for the above help

In conclusion, caregiver is a stable figure in the lives of the children under their care and hence

it’s upon them that the child may cope with the situation that their parent was incarcerated and

for parents with repetitive jail sentences.

Coping mechanisms of children with incarcerated parents

Incarceration of parents has numerous claims as to the negative outcomes on the children’s

psychological and developmental health and well-being. For example there’s a noted early

delinquent behaviors amongst these children which may lead to the establishment of delinquent

behavioral patterns in the children of incarcerated parents.

Children with incarcerated parents are more likely to be incarcerated themselves. Mumola

(2000), reported that almost half of all incarcerated juveniles had a parent in the correctional

system. Furthermore, specific maternal crimes have been linked with increases in incarceration

rates for children Dallaire (2007) found that regular maternal drug use was linked to future

incarceration rates for children.

Parental incarceration induces household instability, increases the risk of childhood

homelessness, and increases dependence on public assistance Mumola (2000). Incarceration

especially Paternal is indirectly costly for families as well as taxpayers. Paternal incarceration

introduces a cascade of problems. It increases mental health and behavioral problems in children,

reducing school performance and leading to grade retention (Comfort, 2016).

Mental Health. According to one study, children of incarcerated parents exhibited greater levels

of depression and anxiety than their peers as a coping mechanism (Farrington, 2002). In a

separate study, researchers concluded that there may be an association between maternal

incarceration and young girls' perceptions of themselves (Grant, 2006). Although researchers

were not able to decisively conclude how strong of an association there was between the

variables, Children whose parents commit crimes of theft, prostitution or selling drugs are more

likely to perceive their parent's criminal actions as a means of trying to support the family

(Miller, 2006). Therefore, these children are more likely to feel a sense of guilt and responsibility
for their incarcerated parent's actions. Left untreated, these feelings may lead to long-term mental

health issues for these children (Miller, 2006).

Contact with parents during incarceration is mixed, studies have shown that children who have

contact with parents during incarceration, without the addition on intervention techniques, also

experience more behavioral problems than children who do not visit their incarcerated parents

(Pohlmann, Dallaire, Loper & Shear, 2010).

Many times, children of prisoners are not told the truth about the circumstances surrounding their

parent’s incarceration or whereabouts (Adalist & Mustin, 2013:1). As a result children have

unending questions and heightened vulnerability in all spheres of life. (Estrin, 2003; Murray,

2005). Many children have been retorted to blame themselves for parental incarceration and also

exhibit anti-social tendencies such as withdrawal and self-imposed isolation in the wake of their

parent’s imprisonment (Stanton, 1980; Murray & Farrington, 2005). This puts restrictions on the

extent to which they can get help from any support networks (Adalist & Bass, 1994; Murray &

Farrington, 2008).

Exposure to parental incarceration is associated with higher rates of maladjustment in

children. Children of incarcerated parents are more likely than their peers to drop out of

school (Trice and Brewster 2004) and to be arrested (Murray and Farrington 2005). In

fact, Murray and Farrington (2005) found that boys whose parents had been incarcerated

were almost five times as likely to be incarcerated themselves when compared to boys

separated from their parents for other reasons. In another study, having a convicted parent

was one of the strongest childhood predictors of adult incarceration (Farrington 2000).
Though the literature concerning children of incarcerated parents and their social and

academic adjustment has grown recently, much of the available empirical research is based

on small, non-representative samples, uses only reports from currently-incarcerated

parents, and does not take into account high-risk environments that children of

incarceration parents often encounter. Often, important aspects of the family lives of

children of incarcerated parents are not examined, even though poor family dynamics,

such as conflict at home and experience of crime by the family, affect children’s

functioning. The present study attempts to add to the literature by further examining

experiences of children and families who have experienced a past as well as a recent

parental incarceration and how parental incarceration may predict children’s delinquency

beyond the effects of other factors

Risk Factors Experienced by Children of Incarcerated Parents

When parents are incarcerated, they leave behind children and families who must cope with not

only the separation from the parent, but also social stigma and loss of financial support

associated with the incarceration of a parent (Arditti 2005). These children are more likely than

those without an incarcerated parent to be a member of an ethnic minority group (Glaze and

Maruschak 2008), to be exposed to parents’ illegal drug use (Mumola 2000), and live in extreme

poverty (Phillips et al. 2002). These risk factors are associated with children’s maladjustment,

including depressive symptoms (Wight et al. 2005) and poor academic functioning (Egeland and

Abery 1991). Studies examining the effects of parental incarceration on children without also

accounting for the effects of other such experiences may actually be observing the effects of

multiple risk factors, one of which is parental incarceration. Interactions within the family unit

may also place children at risk for poor social and academic functioning. These interactions are
especially relevant when considering the stress the incarceration of a parent is likely to place on a

family. With a parent removed, the family must reorganizeand restructure their dynamics, and

children may be unsupervised more often as the remaining parent may work two jobs or longer

hours. Parents remaining in the home exhibit more stress after the incarceration of their spouse

(Nesmith and Ruhland 2008), and report higher levels of financial problems and poorer health

(Arditti et al. 2003).

When an incarcerated parent returns home, dynamics must shift once again, and stress levels at

home may continue to be elevated for some period of time. Children whose families are

characterized by high levels of conflict andcontrol and low levels of cohesion are more likely

than their peers to be diagnosed with externalizing disorders (Haddad et al. 1991), to show

depressive symptoms (Garber and Horowitz 2002), and to exhibit higher levels of delinquency

(Matherne and Thomas 2001). Though Phillips et al. (2006) found that children of incarcerated

mothers experienced more familial risk factors, such as parental drug use, and harsher parental

punishment than their peers, it is also necessary to examine how these and other familial

experiences may influence children’s adjustment. This includes examining the influence of other

family processes (e.g., conflict, structure) on children, and how family members besides parents,

such as siblings, may influence children’s functioning.Family conflict in particular is an

important process to examine in relation to children’s behavior. Children exposed to high levels

of conflict at home may model interactions with peers and non-family members after the

interactions of family members. In fact, families of children diagnosed with conduct disorder or

oppositional defiant disorder experience higher levels of conflict in theirfamilies than peers

(George et al. 2006). If coupled with exposure to an incarcerated parent, regular exposure to high

levels of conflict in the family may influence children’s delinquent behavior

Literature gap

This lack of consistency in the literature highlights the need for investigators to better understand

parental incarceration as a mechanism for risk. Few studies have been deliberately designed to

understand the impact of parental incarceration on children and families; thus, little is known

about how incarceration operates as a mechanism of risk. Most research has used large archival

data sets that are not designed to examine questions related to Parental incarceration (e.g., Aaron

& Dallaire 2010).

Phillips & Zhao (2010), found out that exposure to a family member’s arrest was associated with

more symptoms of posttraumatic stress. They further showed that exposure to the arrest of a

family member was associated with greater exposure to other traumatic events as well as greater

internalizing and externalizing behavior problems.

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