Urban Life and Populist Radicalism: Dravidian Politics in Madras

Author(s): Lloyd I. Rudolph

Source: The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 20, No. 3 (May, 1961), pp. 283-297
Published by: Association for Asian Studies
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UrbanLifeandPopulistRadicalism
DravidianPoliticsin Madras
LLOYD I. RUDOLPH

THE IndianMunicipalElectionsof i959 raisedin compelling formthe ques-

tionoftherelationship betweenurbanlifeand politicalradicalism; radicalpar-
tiesofboththeleftand therightgainedgroundin Bombay,Delhi,and Madras.In
Calcutta, radicalism alreadyhada longhistory.' The Madrasresults, whenputin the
context ofthestate'spoliticalhistory, raisefurther questions:is urbanlifean experi-
enceora location;arecityandvillagetwodifferent andseparate worldswhosepolitics
are discontinuous; or do thepoliticallysalientexperiencesof urbanand ruralpeople
in somemeasureoverlap?
In Madras,at least,politicalradicalismis neithernovelnor confined to urban
centers.It is,rather,a politicalresponseto theprocessesofchange.Urbanization may
re-enforce andsharpentheeffects createdbythespreadofliteracy and education,the
impactofa market economy, andtheexposure tothemassmedia,buttheseagentsof
changehavealso reachedintothevillage.Theyhavecontributed to thereplacement
of traditionally fixedidentities characteristic
of villagelifeby a mobilesensibility2
aliveto thepossibility ofnewidentities in a universeofchoice.One important result
forpoliticshas beenthetransformation of castefroma guardianof thetraditional
orderto an agentofpoliticaldemocracy.8 Another resulthas beento producea new
politicalculturewhosethought, psychology, and styleaffectthewholepoliticalspec-
trumand encompass cityand village.This newpolitical cultureis an Indianversion
ofpopulism whichis mostclearly expressedin Dravidianpolitics.
The recentelectoral factsin Madraswhichmaketheinvestigation of radicalism
significant are these:in thei959 municipal thepreviously
elections, dominant Con-
gressPartyseemedto be losinggroundto theDMK (DravidianProgressive Federa-
tion),the Madrasexpression of rightradicalism, and the Communist Party.The
CongressPartysuffered its mostseverereversal in Madras,largestcityin thestate
andfourth largestin India,whereitsdominant positionon theMunicipalCorporation
was shattered. The DMK captured thelargest numberofseatsand electedone of its
members, Mr. A. P. Arasu,chairman. In Coimbatore, fifthlargestcityin thestate
and thecenterofMadras'industrial capitalism,Communist councillor M. Bhoopathi
Dr. Rudolphis Assistant Professorof Government at HarvardUniversity. The research
on whichthis
articleis basedwas carriedout by theauthorand his wife,SusanneHoeberRudolph,in Madrasin I957
undera FordFoundation grant.
1See, forexample,Timesof India,April14, 195.9. The editorialnoteda "growingevidenceof an
anti-Congress trendin thelargercities"of Bombay, Delhi,and Madras,and foundlocal issuesand con-
ditionsimportant in all threecases.For a portrait
of Bombaypolitics, see HenryC. Hart'sarticle,this
issue;forCalcutta,seeMyron Weiner's.
2 See DanielLerner, The PassingofTraditional
Society:Modernizing theMiddleEast (Glencoe,I958).
5 See LloydI. Rudolphand SusanneHoeberRudolph, "The Political
RoleofIndia'sCasteAssociations,"
Pacific XXXII, No. i (MarchI960), 5-22.
Affairs,
283

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284 LLOYD I. RUDOLPH
capturedthechairmanship whentheDMK, in returnforsupportin MadrasCity,
backedtheCommunist candidate.4 NotonlydidtheCongress PartyandIndependents
together losegroundin all thestate'sfivelargest cities,buttheCongress Party'sshare
of totalseatsin all fifty-fivemunicipalities droppedfourpercentand Independents
elevenper cent,whilethe Communists and the DMK increasedtheirsharesby
two and nine per centrespectively.5 Municipalities in whichthe CongressParty
heldmajorities droppedfromtwenty-seven to twenty-two.
Butwhiletherewas a discernible trendtowardradicalism, thepoliticallandscape
continued to be dominated bytheforces ostensiblyopposedto it: theCongress Party
and the Independents together stillwon majorities in thirty-five of fifty-fivemu-
nicipalities,controlled morethroughcoalitions, and held eighty-one per cent of
all municipalseats.The CongressPartyitself, however, has been affected by the
generalradicaloutlook.It has selectedleadersand policiesthathaveattracted to its
standard someof thesamesentiment whichhas strengthened theradicalparties.It
has competed successfully
withtheradicalpartiesbytransforming itselfintoa party
whoseimageand appealcan meettheradicalpartieson commonground.
Populistradicalism has tinctured all themajorpartiesand movements and helps
to explainthekaleidoscopic politicalallianceswhichhavecharacterized Madraspoli-
ticssinceindependence. Populism'spolitical, economic, and socialradicalism grows
out of thethreats and potentialities of democratic ideasand a moderneconomy. It
embraces theattitudes of the smallman threatened by thelargeimpersonal forces
of a moderneconomyyethopingto establish his own hegemony throughpopular
authority in thestateand in society. His democratic impulsesare towardlevelling
rather thanliberalism; he is moreconcerned withresisting bignessthanin fostering
diversity; he wantseconomicand socialequalitymorethanhe wantsindividual
rights.Yet he is attachedto property and profit and desiresto preserve or enhance
hisstatus.The fluidity and mobility characteristicof an emergent democratic, indus-
trialordercreatean uncertainty concerning hisidentity and a senseof powerlessness
and frustration abouthis abilityto understand or to controlhis environment. His
response underthesecircumstances is characterized bybothrationality and irration-
ality,reality andfantasy. In hiseffort toestablish a manageable identityand meaning-
ful status,his fantasies fastenon romantic parochialisms compounded of bothreal
and imaginedracial,cultural, and regionalcategories and are expressed througha
conspiratorial demonology.
Populismis no ideology. It hasno MarxorEngels,notevena Mill,to speakforit.
Whilemovements havelabeledthemselves as populist, thetermremains essentiallya
synthetic category,a stateofmindwhichhistorians and students ofpoliticshaverec-
ognizedin a variety ofsettings. It mayfeedtotalitarianism ofeithertherightor the
left,butby itselfit is something less.This pointis worthemphasizing, sincesome,
political hauntedbythehistory
scientists, ofEuropein thetwentieth century, maybe

4 Times of India, April 24, I959. In a joint statementissued on April 22, I959, the eve of the
mayoraltyelections,the DMK pledged to supportthe CPI in Coimbatoreand the Communiststo support
the DMK in Madras where togethertheycontrolled47 out of IoO seats. The vote in Coimbatorewas I9
to i5. See also the Hindu WeeklyReview, June I, I959, for Ajoy Ghosh's statementconcerningthe al-
liance.
5 These figuresare based on unofficial
data for which we are indebtedto Mr. V. K. Narasimhan of
The Hindu.

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RADICALISM IN MADRAS 285
tempted populistradicalism
to presspresent moldswhereit maynot
intototalitarian
belong.
The CultureandStyleofDravidianMovements
The Dravidianmovements, theolderDravidaKazhagamor DK and theDMK,
mostclearlyexpresspopulistsentiment in MadrasState.Theireconomicand social
radicalismdrawsstrength fromclasseswhichhopetopreserve orenhancetheirstatus:
on theone hand,merchants and localindustrialists whofearNorthIndiancompeti-
tion,artisansthreatened byindustrial advance,clerks, and otherwhite-collar workers
clingingtoa precarious respectability,andon theother, skilledand unskilled workers,
communications and politicalspecialists,
and ruralelements, especiallythe socially
mobilelowerpeasantcasteswhichhavebenefitted fromtherecentrelative prosperity
ofthepeasantproprietor and frompolitical democracy, whoseeprospects forfurther
economic andsocialgains.
The Dravidianmovements oftenuse thevocabulary ofthesocialist left.But when
theyappealtothepooragainsttherich,itis notas proletarians, butas menwithlittle
property and statuswhowouldliketo havemore.A genuine,ardentSocialistcom-
mitment is discouraged by DravidianconcernforNorthIndianexploitation, which
theyidentify withthesocialist inspiredall-Indian economic planning oftheCongress
Government in Delhi as wellas withtheactivities of all-Indiabusiness communities
suchas theMarwaris, and forthecapitalist proclivitiesof theirmiddleand lower-
middleclassfollowers in cityand country.
Dravidianpopulistradicalism conjuresup a demonology of thosethreatening its
a demonology
interests, reminiscent ofAmerican populism. If theAmerican populists
sawtheEasterncorporate financial andindustrialinterests identifiedwithWall Street,
theJews,and the British, as demonsconspiring to crushthem,in Tamilnadthe
demonsare Northern interests, in theformof theCongressGovernment in Delhi,
Brahmans, and Marwaribusinessmen.
Dravidianpopulism emulates Enlightenment "rationalism" infollowing itsleveling
democratic impulses.It findsparallelsbetweenthephilosophe's critiqueoftheancien
regimeanditsownattackon theSanskritic superstition whichparadesas religion, the
Brahmanclericalism whichaccompanies it, and theexploitative, hierarchical caste
orderwithwhichbothare intimately related.A DMK leaderkeepsVoltaireat his
desk,butit is morea symbol ofhisdesireto raze India'sancienregimethanit is an
expression of concern fortheliberation of Man,fornaturalrights, universal reason,
orscientificmodesofthought.
This is mostapparent in populism's conscious racism,whichseeksto distinguish
Brahmanson racial-notmerelycaste-linesfromall otherMadrasis.The "true"
Madrasiis a Tamil-speaking Dravidianwhoseraceand cultureare to be sharply
distinguished fromtheBrahman's Indo-Aryan andSanskritic racialandcultural roots.
On occasion, DK leaderE. V. Ramaswami Naickerhas calledforBrahmankilling"
and burningof agraharams (Brahmanquarters of citiesand towns).
Finally,populismhas beencloselyassociated witha regionalnationalism which
withDravidisthan,
identifies theland of theDravidianpeoplesand language.More
6 At a public meetingin March 1957, Naicker claimed that Brahman C. Rajagopalachariresignedhis
Chief Ministershipbecause of his "threatof violentdirectaction using the knife."Express,March 5, 1957.
When a DK member actually tried to carry out Naicker's injunctionthree years later, he completely

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286 LLOYD I. RUDOLPH
recently, becausetheotherDravidianstatesofAndhra,Mysore, andKeralahavebeen
conspicuously unenthusiasticaboutthepan-Dravidian movement, MadrasDravidians
haveshifted to theidea ofTamilnad,thelandof theTamil-speaking Dravidians.
These variouselements of DMK and DK populismhave beenlinkedtogether
andgivensomeover-all coherence bytheconspiratorial and demonological themeof
anti-Brahmanism. Brahmans, theDravidiansargue,arethedescendants oftheIndo-
AryanswhoinvadedtheDravidian-ruled Indiansubcontinent somethreethousand
yearsago. Theydevisedand imposeda religion on theDravidiansand madethem-
selvespriests and thedominant class.TheirreligioncloudedtheDravidians'minds
withsuperstition and "crippledtheirintellects and talents."7 The resultwas that
the overrunDravidianswere socially,ritually, and culturally suppressed. In the
North,theAryanBrahmans wereso successful thattheyvirtually captured thecul-
ture,as the Sanskrit-based northern tonguesindicate.In the South,thedifference
between the"invaders" and theindigenes persists.
The historical authenticityof thistheory is notat issuehere.Whatis important
is thatit rationalizestheconspiracy theoryand pointsouttheenemiesagainstwhom
thevariousrightradicalmovements havepittedthemselves.
Contemporary Dravidianpopulismoriginate in theJustice Party,8 foundedjust
afterWorldWar I. The party'sloyalist(to the British),constitutional, and anti-
Brahmanoutlookmoreoftencontrolled provincial politicsin Madrasduringthe
dyarchy periodbetweenI920 and I936 thandidthenationalist Congress or Swarajya
Parties.SirA. P. Patro,oneoftheJustice Party's leaders,includedamongitsgoalsre-
construction ofsocietyon a morerational basis,achievements ofsocialjustice, elimina-
tionof castebigotry and arrogance, and discarding casteand priestly authority by
destroying the"slavementality and unreasoning submission to priestlyclassor politi-
cian."He alsoaskedthattheBrahman"monopoly" on thepublicservices and higher
education be brokenbygivingpreference toqualified members ofunrepresented com-
munities.9 Todaythesegoalshavebeenforthemostpartrealizedalthough theyare
stillfrequently invoked.
The Justice Partyhad a moreliberaloutlook-moretolerantof diversity and
concerned aboutindividual rights-than theDK and theDMK. This liberalmoder-
ationwasa product ofthe"English"education andassociations oftheparty's middle-
classleadersand followers, as wellas a productof thegreater cosmopolitanism and
involvement in theBritish-derived constitutionaloutlookwhichresulted fromthem.
With the comingof independence, anti-Brahmanism was increasingly accom-
paniedbyan anti-North, Dravidiannationalistic outlook.Opposition to Hindias the
repudiatedthe idea. See Link, April 24, I960, for a DK member'sattemptto assassinateRajagopalachari.
Afterthe incidentNaicker expressedhis abhorrenceof violenceas a means of settlingpoliticaldifferences
and C. N. Annadurai,leader of the DMK, condemnedthe attemptwith the "utmostdisgust."By October
I960, Rajagopalachari,as leader of the new SwatantraParty,was paying tributeto Naicker on his 82nd
birthday.He claimed to be his friend,and hoped to win him over in politics.Link, October 30, I960.
Such are the miracleswroughtby the strengthof the Dravidian appeal in Madras politics.
7 Rao Bahadur,Sir A. P. Patro,"The Justice Movementin India," AsiaticReview,XXVII, No. 93 (Jan-
uary 1932), 29.
8 For more detail, see Memoranda of the Madras Governmenton the Workingof the ReformedGov-
eminentSubmittedto the Indian StatutoryCommission,Madras,Superintendent (GovernmentPress,1930),
p. I3; Patro,"The JusticeMovement,"passim; and Ralph W. Nichols,"Caste and Politicsin Madras, 1920-
1952," AnthropologyTomorrow (Journalof the AnthropologyClub of the Universityof Chicago), VI,
No. 3 (April, I960), 17-26.
9 Patro,"lhe Justice Movement,"pp. 29, 3I.

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RADICALISMIN MADRAS 287
nationallanguage,thedestruction of thecastesystem, and threats of secession from
the Indian Union became major politicalthemes.Having left the Tamilnad
Congress Presidency in themid-twenties to lead theJustice Party'slegislativeefforts
to place non-Brahmans in the publicservicesand the educationalsystem, E. V.
RamaswamiNaickerlauncheddirectactionmassmovements, theDravidaKazha-
gam and theBlackShirtVolunteerCorps,justbeforeindependence. Some of the
inspirationfortheBlackShirtsmayhavecomefromNaicker'sEuropeantourin the
earlythirties whenhe visited boththefascist countries andSovietRussia.Tle purpose
ofthetour,according to Naicker,was to studycommunism; hissubsequent behavior
suggests thathisstudywasmorein thespiritofChiangKai-shekthanHo Chi Min.
The Dravidianefforts to win masssupportwereaccentuated when,in i949, the
DMK, undertheleadership of C. N. Annadurai, withdrew fromtheDK forpolicy
and personalreasons.10 Annaduraiis more consciously leftthan Naiker;` his
ideologicaltoneis lessracist"2andmorenationalist; he talksmore,andmoreradically,
abouteconomic policy;he appealsto lowercastesand socialclasses;and he is more
concerned withlegality and constitutionalprocedure.
WhiletheDK did notparticipate directlyin thefirstgeneralelections in I952,
it allieditselfwiththeCommunists, substantially helpingthemto makea moder-
atelysuccessful showingin present-day MadrasState(winningseventeen seatsout
of i9o, thirteen withDK help,and tenpercentof thevote),and backeda large
numberof candidatesfromotherpartiesand independents in an effort to defeat
whatit daimedwas a Brahman-dominated Congress.'3 When Brahmanstatesman
C. Rajagopalachari was succeededby the non-Brahman Kamraj Nadar as Chief
Minister ofMadrasStatein Marchi954, theDK quicklymovedtobacktheCongress
Partyin thelocalelections ofthatyear,and supported it againin thesecondgeneral
elections of I957. The DMK emergedas a partyin I957, capturing fifteen seatsout
of 205 and almostfifteen percentof thevote.The Communists, abandonedby the
DK, challenged byDravidiancompetition withtheDMK's emergence as a political
party, and facedwithKamrajNadar'sastuteand popularleadership oftheCongress
Party,Lfltered badlyin I957, capturing onlyfourseatsand sevenper centof the
vote.
The political appealofDravidiansentiment is partof a widerculturaland social
movement ofwhichtheDK andtheDMK arethemostvocalheralds. The leadersof
thesemovements aresearching fora folksoul,forcultural formsand content which

10 InterviewswithMssrs.Nedunchezhian and thelateBalasubramaniam, GeneralSecretaryoftheDMK

and MP candidatc werehelpful
respectively, in enablingme to understand theDMK outlook.EVR's mar-
riageat theage of72 to a 28-year-oldwomantouchedoffthebreakbetween thetwo.It seemedthatsome
of his followers
wouldaffect thedistribution of hisestateafterhis death,whichin turnwouldaffect the
financialsupportofthemovement.
"1The DMK's I957 ElectionManifesto calledfor,amongotherthings, thenationalizationof all "pro-
ductiveenterprise" and a ceilingon salariedincomeof Rs. o200 per month.Mail,FebruaryII, I957.
Thesedemandsechothoseof therightradicalJanSanghand a section of theCongress. The smallman's
levelingimpulses are seenin thiswillingness to nationalize and limitbig incomesbut leave
big business
privatepropertyintact.
12 The DMK doesnotbaranycastefrommembership, nordoesit wishto driveAryansor Brahmans
fromTamilNad. According to Annadurai it is opento all peoplein DravidaNad irrespectiveof theirre-
ligionor caste.Hindu, AprilI and 8, I957. On AprilI5, I957, he announced"thatmorethanIooo
Brahmans had recently themselves
enrolled as members of theDMK." Mail,AprilI6, 1957.
1B See SeligS. Harrison,India, the Most Dangerous Decades (Princeton, I960), Ia-ipo fordetails
concerning theCPI-DK alliancein I951-52 and theroleof theDK in thefirst generalelection.

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288 LLOYD I. RUDOLPH
giveexpression to popularsentiments. Manyof theDMK and DK leadersare dra-
maticand imaginative innovators in theTamil language,seekingto achievea new
standard ofexcellence in bothspeechand writing whichis at onceliterary and popu-
lar.Wheretheoldergeneration of nationalist aimedto excelin English,
politicians
thuscutting themselves offfrompopularcultureand politics, theDravidianleaders
puta premium on theircommandof Tamil.WhenC. N. Annadurai, leaderof the
DMK, speaksin theMadrasLegislature, he holdsspellbound notonlytheintense
youngmenwhopackthegalleries to hearhim,butalsohisreluctant Congress Party
colleagues.The Tamil filmindustry notonlyfosters Dravidiancultureby itslarge
outputofTamilfilms, someofwhosethemescarrya DMK message, butalsofosters
Dravidianpolitics.Stars,writers, directors,and producers are conspicuous among
DMK candidates and oftenadd a noteof glamourto DMK gatherings. The inter-
nationalaward-winning Indianfilmstar,ShivajiGanesan,madehisreputation eight
yearsago in Parasakthi, a filmwhichfeaturedanti-priestly and anti-superstition
themes"pennedbydialogue-writing 'leaders'oftheDMK in highflown, de-Sanskrit-
ized Tamil,"and in Chandramohan, written by C. N. Annaduraias an attackon
Shivaji,an attackthatso pleasedNaickerthat,paradoxically, he bestowedthename
Shivajion Ganesan.
Undertheheadline, Woo Film-Stars,"
"Politicians theOrganiser reports thatCon-
gressChiefMinister KamrajNadarpraisedGanesanforhisworkin floodreliefand
paid him a personalvisitwhile BrahmanSwatantraLeader C. Rajagopalachari
plannedto confer thetitleof"Emperor ofFilmdom"on filmstarM. R. Radhawho
"continues to portray DK on
perversities thestages,and screen."The Observer re-
marksthat"Evidently, thesetwoparties havetakentheircuefromtheDMK, which
hithertoenjoyedtheuniquedistinction ... of havingbeenableto exploitthescreen
purposes."
forpolitical 14

Amongthemostimportant Dravidianculturalactivities is the debunking and

reconstruction of classiccultural epics, and among thesethe most important is the
Ramayana.In Valmiki's"Sanskrit" version, the Aryanheroof theNorth,Rama,
conquersRavana,theDravidianvillainof theSouth,in his efforts to recapturehis
wifeSita,whomRavanahascarriedoff.Dravidianversions transpose thevillainand
herorole;RavanaconquersRama.Sita is no longerthedevotedHindu wife,the
modelforBrahmanical rather,
culture, she is Ravana'sparamour who did notresist
but"clunglikea vine"whenshewas abducted. Whether Sitastruggled or clunghas
become, likemanyotherpointsin thisepic,a matter forbitter,evenviolent, dispute.15
Performances of playshaveharassedlocalofficials as adherents of theBrahmanical
and Tamilianpointsof viewclashedin demonstrations.16

14 See Infra,Table I, 20. See Link, March 20 and April i7, I960; Organiser,Dec. i9, I960, for discus-
sionsof the Tamil filmindustry.
15 Controversy over the interpretation of the Ramayana is not confinedto South India. AubreyMenon's
"retold" Ramayana published by Chatto and Windus in the UK and by Scribner'sin I944 in the US,
where it became a Book-of-the-Month Club selection,was proscribedby the CentralGovernmentwhen it
prohibitedits importation, publication,or circulationin India. New York Times (July31, 1955). For the
DMK's view on the ban, see the Madras Sunday Observer,part of the DMK press, (December II, I955).
Mr. E. V. Ramaswami Naicker's Rational Books PublishingCo., which publishesbooks opposing "God,
Religion and Superstition,"has broughtout ten volumes under the title,"Vulgaritiesin Ramayana." For
further detailssee Harrison,India, pp. 127-I28. For Vinoba Bhave's defenseof the Ramayana, not as history,
but as a devotionalbook of ethicsagainstthe DK attacks,see Asian Recorder(August 4-I0, 1956), p. 972.
16 Mail, April 28, 1955; December 2, 1954; December 29, 1955; April 20, 1957; Express,July7, 1956.

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RADICALISM IN MADRAS 289
The socialmovement involvedin the"Tamilian"pointof viewis expressed in
a numberofassociations whosenamesrecalltheratherforcedenlightenment identi-
ficationof the movement:"RationalistAssociation," "RenaissanceAssociation,"
Association,"
"Freethinkers' Otherdedicatedmembers
"SocratesAssociation." of the
movement marry as self-respecters and Brahmanical
civilprocedures
(SR), rejecting
ceremonies
religious and theirpriestsfortheirownsimpleceremonies.In I953, such
contracted
a marriage, undertheauspicesofthePurohitMaruppuSanghamor Anti-
Brahmanical PriestAssociation,was declaredillegalby the MadrasHigh Court.
SubsequentlytheSpecialMarriages Actvalidatedsuchmarriagesamongothersifthe
registered
participants accordingto theprovisionsof theAct.SincetheHigh Court
heldthatthe issueof SR marriages and sincefewof the over
are notlegitimate,
5o,ooo SR coupleshave registered the problem
underthe subsequentlegislation,
remainsa liveone: in i$o, a DMK bill validating SR marriagesfailedon itsfirst
reading.'7
The movement alsoexpressesitselfin directaction.In recentyearsEVR and the
DK havecarriedon campaigns to eraseHindilettering fromrailroadsigns,to burn
of Rama18 and smash"idols"of Hindu deities,to burntheIndianflag,to
effigies
removeor erasethetermBrahmandisplayed at "hotels"(cafesor restaurants),19to
burntheIndianconstitution and destroy picturesor statuesof Gandhi,and to burn
mapsof India.The two whichfollowedthe I957 electionprobably drewthemost
publicattention.The campaign to erasethewordBrahmanfromhotelname-boards,
launchedon May5,1957, was designedto eliminate "thedisplayofwordssignifying
castein publicplaces,"sincesuchdisplayis irrelevant in a secularstateand sincethe
wordBrahman"impliedsuperiority of caste."20The campaignwas to be carried
outpeacefullybypersuasion, pamphlets, and picketing.2'WhentheDK failedto get
"voluntary"cooperation, members resortedto tarand brushmethods The
of erasure.
DK claimedthatin MadrasCityvolunteers had erasedthewordBrahmanfromthe
sign-boardsof I03 hotelsand thatgg ownershad voluntarily removedtheword.22
Withina fewdays,actsofassaultandvandalism beganto occurandtheGovernment,
havingat first
defended therighttopopularize viewson thecastesystem, invokedits
policepowersto ban processions and demonstrations. Arrestsfollowedas the DK
persisted.23
Sevenmonths later,a DK convention to burncopiesoftheIndianCon-
resolved
anddestroy
stitution imagesofGandhiunlesstheGovernment gavea favorable
reply
to itsdemandfortheabolition The DK reasonedthatsincethe
ofthecastesystem.
17 Express,August 30, I953; Mail, JanuaryI4, 1955; Link, August 28, I960. The objective of the
Self-Respectersin not registeringand in pressingfor special legislationis to establishthat theirrite is as
good as that of orthodoxHinduism since the latterautomaticallymakes a marriagelegal.
18 Asian Recorder,August4-I0, I956, p. 972.
19 Many cafes and restaurantsin Madras State designatethemselvesBrahman Hotel. In most, this in-
dicates the kind and preparationof food and drink available; it also indicatesa pretensionto be a higher
The appellationdoes not necessarilyindicateor limit the caste of customerswho will
class establishment.
be served,althoughit may. See the Hindu's editorial,"Kazhagam Campaign," May 9, 1957, where it is
argued thatthe designation"is no bar to the entryof personsbelongingto othercastes." Other caste names,
(Mudaliar, Reddiar,Nadar, etc.) also appear on "hotels,"Express,May 8, I957.
20 Express,April 27 and May Io, 1957.
21 Express,April 27; Hindu, May 5, I957.
22 Hindu, May 6, I957. On May I3, I957, the Express reportedthat the word Brahman has been
restoredon most of the name-boards. . . which had been subjectedto the smear-campaign."
23 Express,May 8, 9, I0, I3, I957; Hindu, May Io, I2, I6, 2I, 23, I957; Mail, May Io, I957.

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290 LLOYD I. RUDOLPH
Constitution
protected
religious
freedom, it "gaveprotection"to thecastesystem and
particularly
Brahmans.The campaignstarted on November 26, I957, and byDecem-
beri theMadrasGovernment had arrested over2000 members oftheDK underthe
hastily-passed of Insultsto NationalHonourAct.24On December4, the
Prevention
lateHomeMinisterG. B. Pantexplained thesituationin theLok Sabha.On Decem-
ber7,Nehruarrivedin Madras,wherehe saidthat"preaching ofmurder, preaching
thattheConstitution
shouldbe burnt... weretraitorous acts.... How darea man
... howeverhigh ... say so... .. It is a challengeto the whole country."On De-
cember14, i957, E. V. Ramaswami wassentenced tosixmonthsimprisonment.25
The
latestDK campaign, launchedon June5, I960, aftera number fea-
ofpostponements,
tured burningmaps of India, not includingTamilnad, in order ". . . to impress
Delhi how disgusted the Tamils are at the 'Brahmin-Baniya hegemony' exercised
fromthatdistant place."26
If theDK haschosentoexpress itselfpolitically
throughdirectactionandelectoral
support to partieswhichit seesas anti-Brahman, theDMK has preferred electoral
and parliamentary activity.
At thetimeof theI957 election, C. N. Annaduraimet
withC. Rajagopalachari, who had recently begunto stressin hispublicpronounce-
mentstheneedforresponsible oppositionto Congress.27
This meeting lenttheDMK
a constitutional democratic respectabilitywhichAnnaduraire-enforced afterthe
electionbyemphasizing that"withintheLegislature themembers of his party. . .
wouldworkas responsible members and notindulgein impractical talk. ... They
realizedtheresponsibilities of theopposition in a democratic set-upand would...
provethemselves worthy.....928
Recently a DMK Memberof Parliament, EVK Sampath,has challenged Anna-
durai'smoderation, pressingformoreradicalpoliciesandmilitant methods, including
directaction.Sampathwantsthepartyto demanda deadlinefortheachievement of
a Dravidianhomeland, to opposebydirectactiontheCenter's"Hindi only"policy,
and to establish closertieswiththeCPI. Annadurai's policiesof usingconstitutional
meansin pursuing theTamilNad objective, hisredefinitionofit,fortheforeseeable
future, as a constitutional
amendment allowingtherightof secession, hispreference
forcontesting electionsratherthanengagingin directaction,and his indination
towardRajagopalachari's new nationalSwatantraPartyforelectoralalliances,are
all underattackbySampathand hisfollowers. Annadurai hasbeenableto maintain
his leadership by well-timed concessions to the Sampathwing and by help from
theCongress at theCenterand,in Madras,bya moresympathetic attitudetowardthe
DMK's anti-Hindi policy?9

24 The Actmadeit an offense punishable byup to threeyearsin prison,a fine,or both,to attempt
to destroy or insulttheConstitution, theIndianflag,or a bustor portrait of Gandhi.
256AianRecorder, December 14-21, I957, p. z802.
26 Link,June 5, I960, p. 4. EVR was careful to explain, however, thathe intendedno harmwhatsover
to the"goodTamilianMinistry headedby Kamraj."WhileEVR hopedthat3000 Kazhagamites would
be sentto jail,Government was reluctant to obligehim,hesitating to classmap-burning withflag-burning,
Constitution-burning, or thedestruction of portraits or statuesof Gandhi.
27Mail,AprilI, 23, I957. In May I957, Annaduraiagain linkedhimselfwithRajagopalachari by
publicly agreeingwithhissolution forweavers'unemployment. Express, May I2, 5957.
28 Hindu, April i, 1957; see also, Hindu, April 8, I957.
29See Link,March27, AprilI7, May22, July3, August-2s,and October
2, I960. HomeMinister
Pant
gaveassurances willbe introduced
thatlegislation extendingtheuse ofEnglishforofficial
purposes
beyond
I965, NehruassuredSampaththathe stoodby his position thatEnglishwouldcontinueto be used as

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RADICALISMIN MADRAS 291
The CPI and DravidianPolitics
WhiletheCommunist Partyand theCongress Partyin Madrasworkin a larger
ideological and policyenvironment thantheDMK, thereis commonground-ideas
and voters, friends and enemies-which all threeseekto occupy.The MadrasCom-
munistParty'selectoral successhasbeencloselyrelatedto itsability to allyitselfwith
Dravidiansentiment; whilethePartywas fairlysuccessful in theI952 generalelec-
tionswhenit was alliedwiththeDK, it lostelectoral supportin I957 withoutDK
Its showingin the I959 municipal
affiliation. elections was betterthanin I955, and,
withtheaid oftheDMK, it was ableto electa mayorin Coimbatore.80 The Com-
munistPartyhasneededDravidiansupport tosucceedelectorally,butit hasnotbeen
ableto establish, forreasonsexplored in thisstudy, themeaningful and effective rela-
tionship to Dravidiansentiment whichsuchsupport requires.
Whilethereare important differences whichseparatetheDravidianmovement
fromtheCommunists, thesemovements sharea greatdeal in thecontemporary con-
stitutional democratic setting:theybothwantto destroythe old orderhowever
differentlytheymaydefineit,andtheybothsharethepopulist impulses ofdemocratic
leveling,regionalparochialism, and theeconomicradicalism of thesmallman.The
Communists opposetraditional authority and socialorganization notonlybecauseit
is exploitative and unjust,butbecausetheyare committed to a utopianimageof a
new society, a commitment whichenablesthem,unliketheDravidians,to reject
outright traditionalcategories ofanalysis andargument: whiletheDravidians oppose
thetraditional orderthrough an avidanti-Brahmanism, theCommunists saytheysee
neither Brahmannornon-Brahman. Theyappealto economic class,an appealwhich
ignoresboththecasteand racistcategories oftheDK and theDMK and placesthe
cultural differenceswhichtheDravidiansintegrate withcasteand raceintoa context
of democratic (proletarian) nationalism.
The Communists' daim to havetheanswerto thenationality problemhas been
as vitalan assetin Asiaas itsability to claimexclusive ofthesecret
possession ofrapid
industrialization. Communist nationality policyin India,81through all itsvicissitudes,
hasremained committed to theimportance and integrityofIndia'svarious"peoples."
In Madras,however, thepartyhas notbeenableto capitalizeon itsideological com-
mitment to linguistic-cultural
nationalism. Unlikethepartyorganizations in Andhra
and Kerala,whichhavesuccessfully identified themselves withregionalnationalism,
thepartyin Madrashas had a numberof handicapswhichtheirneighboring col-
leaguesdid notshare.
In Madrasthepartyhasbeen"tainted" byBrahmanleadership, beingwhatSelig

longas peoplein non-Hindi areasrequired it,and FinanceMinister (Madras)Subramaniam "promised to

fighttheCenterif it was provedthatit was pursuing a 'Hindionly'policy."
80Mr.Ajoi Ghosh,GeneralSecretary of theCPI, deniedin May I959 thattheseCPI-DMKelectoral
adjustments meantthattheCPI supported all theDMK stoodfor."We do notliketheidea of munici-
palitiesbecoming forums forpoliticalbattles,"
Ghoshobserved, "butI do notsee anything wrongabout
adjustments withotherparties."Ghoshwenton to say that"I do not acceptthatall the peoplewho
votedfortheDMK wanta separate stateof TamilNad ... peoplevotedfortheDMK becausetheygot
fedup withtheCongress-managed corporation of Madras.Our partyis totallyopposedto anyidea of a
separate Stateand has effectively
campaigned againstthisidea...." HinduWeekly Review,JuneI, I959.
The DMK declaration of supportfortheCommunist Partyin Kerala'sspecialelectionin earlyI960 con-
tinuedthe CPI-DMK alliance. See Times of India, January8, I960, forthe DMK declaration.
51 See GeneD. Overstreet
and Marshall in India (Berkeley
Communism
Windmiller, and Los Angeles,
1959), Chapter
20; andHarrison,
India,Chapter
V.

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292 LLOYD I. RUDOLPH
Harrisonhascalled"a bunchofBrahmanboys."32 Becausetheparty's leadership has
acquiredsomething ofa Brahman image,ithasnotbeenabletoamalgamate theparty
withoneormoreofthepolitically conscious casteassociations whichhavecometoplay
so vitala rolein thepoliticallifeof Madrasand manyotherIndianstatessince,in
Madrasat least,theseassociations are markedly anti-Brahman. The Communists'
in MadrasStatealsoarisefromthelonghistory
difficulties oftheanti-Brahman move-
mentin thestate;theJustice Partyprecedes byalmosta generation theemergence of
a viableMadrasCommunist Partyorganization.
The development ofa meaningful andworkable ideology forregional nationalism
in MadrasStatewas mademoredifficult notonlyforthe Communists butforall
political
organizations bythefactthatpre-states' reorganization Madrasencompassed
manyregional nationalisms, eachwithitsownaspirations to an autonomous or con-
solidated politicalidentity.It is onethingtostruggle forthecreation ofan autonomous
politicalidentity; it is quiteanother to call forthedestruction of greater Madrasin
thenameofa "little"Madras,thatis,a Madrasshornof itsTelegu (Andhra),Ma-
layalee(Kerala), and Kannada (Mysore)linguistic appendages. This was particu-
larlytruewhen,in thegreater Madras,theTamilswerenotan oppressed minority,
butthedominant group.The DK and theDMK initially avoidedthisdifficulty by
callingforDravidisthan, a unionof all foursouthern linguisticcultures. But caste
linesrarely crosslinguistic boundaries; theDK andtheDMK's appealto a Dravidian
identitydid notmakemuchsensetothedominant non-Tamilian castesin therestof
SouthIndia.Dravidisthan wouldbe an evengreater Madras;theywerelookingfor-
wardto thenewopportunities whichstates'reorganization on linguistic lineswould
openup to them.Afterstates'reorganization becamea reality in I956, theDK and
theDMK in thefaceof outright indifference, gradually havemutedtheircryfor
Dravidisthan in favorof Tamil Nad, littleMadras.33
The Communists have opposedDravidisthan on the ideologicalgroundsof its
racialand classimplications and forpractical politicalreasons.In December1956,
Mr.M. R. Venkataraman, thenSecretary ofthestateparty, statedthattheProvincial
Committee continued tobe opposedtoan independent Southern State(Dravidisthan)
becauseit "ignores thereality as wellas thepeople'saspirations of linguistic statesin
a resurgent, unitedIndia,and is disruptive and anti-democratic. Such a sloganhas
to be rejectedbyourpeoplein theveryinterests ofTamil Nad and India."34What
he leftunsaidwas equallyimportant; theparty'sorganizations in theotherSouth
India states,particularly Andhraand Keralawheretheyhad successfully identified
themselves with regionalnationalism, would not and could not entertain the
Dravidisthan slogan.Neitherthepartylinenortheimperatives ofpopularsentiment
recognized it.
In February i957, B. T. Ranadive, theMaharashtrian Brahmanwholeadstheex-
tremist factionof the nationalparty,denouncedthe DMK fornot espousingthe
unionofall workers andfordividing thecountry insteadofrealizing that"therewas
32 Harrison,India, p. I8o, where he entitlesa sectionof a chapterwith the phrasewhich he took from

an interviewhe had withthe late Dr. B. R. Ambedkar.

33 At a speech in Tiruchi on July2, I956, EVR announcedthe failureof the demand forDravidisthan
and its abandonment.He said theyshould be satisfiedif a Tamil State was formed.Asian Recorder,July
6, I956, p. 9I2.
34 Hindu, December 26, I956. Ajoi Ghosh, General Secretary, echoed the sentimentswhen he met the
presssome monthslater.See Hindu, February26, 1957.

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 RADICALISM IN MADRAS 293
no difference between theNorthIndiancapitalist andtheSouthIndiancapitalist, who
wereoutto exploittheworking classes."35
Ranadive'sviewoftheroleand meaning
ofcapitalism hasnotbeentheonewhichhascommanded support sinceindependence
frommostofthepartymostofthetime.Muchoftheparty's economicanalyses and
policieshaveparticipated in thepopulisteconomic radicalism oftheDravidianmove-
ments.AfterStalin'sdeath,theriseof Mao, and theshiftin nationality policy,the
partyincreasingly came to regardprovincial capitalists
as "democratic." Not only
weresections ofthemin theforefront ofthedrivetowardstates'reorganization based
on regionalnationalism, but thereweremanywhoseantipathy to the large-scale,
corporate, all-Indiacapitalism ofMarwariand Gujaratibusinessmen madethemuse-
fulalliesin statepoliticsand in opposingtherightwingoftheCongress at theCen-
ter.The partyis notblindto the lessonsof the 1952 and I959 elections whenits
electoralallianceswiththeDK and theDMK, respectively, seemedto contribute to
itsrelative successcompared to 1957whenit alliedwiththePSP, ScheduledCastes
Federation, and ForwardBloc,all partiesofthe"left."36 At itslastStateConference
in October16o, thepartyendorsedunanimously a resolutioncallingforcloserties
withtheDMK.37
Like Communists everywhere beforetheyhavegainedand consolidated power,
IndianCommunists havepursuedpolicieswhichhavefavored thepeasant'sinstincts
forproperty and profit,thusplacingthemagainon thesideof theproperty-seeking
smallman.Indeedtheiragricultural policieshaveadheredverycloselyto thoseof
the Congress, whichhas beeneminently successful in maintaining supportin the
countryside frompeasantproprietors. Justpriorto the 1957 generalelections, the
MadrasCommunist Partypromised thetenants cultivating
"wet"landsthatit would
raisetheirpercentage ofcropproceeds tofifty,buttheCongress PartyChiefMinister
KamrajNadar,reversing hisparty'sProvincial Committee's fifty-fifty
recommenda-
tion,outbidthemin theFair RentAct,passedjustbeforetheI957 election, by ad-
vocatingsixty.38 Cutofffromtheanti-Brahman andnationalist issuesandundermined
badlyon a keyeconomic appeal,thepartyslumpedin theMadraselections of 1957.
IftheCommunists do notsharetheDravidianmovement's viewofimperialist and
exploitative conspiracieson thepartof AryanIndia,theydo sharetheirfearsand
fantasiesconcerning theroleofall-Indiabigbusiness. Bothviewtheconcentration of
economic powerin thehandsofMarwariand Gujeratibusinessmen as destructiveof
economic securityandjustice.And itis thethreat ofall-Indiacapitalism whichhelps
generate theirrational pseudo-historyand pseudo-science characteristicof theDra-
vidianand Communist diagnoses and cures.

35Hindu, February21, 1957. A few weeks later,P. Ramamurthi,a leading memberof the Madras
party,echoed Ranadive's view when he said that the cry for Dravida Nad by the DMK "was an attempt
. . . to cover the exploitationof the people by South Indian capitalists."To attributethe ills of the South
to NorthIndian dominationwas "meaningless."Hindu, March 7, 1957.
36 Express,February2I, I957.
37 Link, November 6, I960. Justafterthe I957 general elections "A Communist Party spokesman
said his Party. . . underestimated the influenceof the DMK . . . he furtheradmittedhis party'sinability
to extendits influencebeyondthe areas and classes over which it alreadyhad a hold . . . the DMK had
successfullycreated the impressionamong Tamil people, particularlythe youth,that it is a betterpro-
tectorof Tamil intereststhanany otherparty."Express,March2I, 1957.
38 For a lengthy,highlycriticalanalysisof the Fair Rent Act, see the Hindu's editorialof September
28, I956. For Kamraj's use of the Fair Rent Act in the election,see Express,February27, Hindu, March
II, 1957. During the last days of polling,Kamraj observedon March Io, ". . . the Communistscould not

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294 LLOYD I. RUDOLPH
The Role oftheCongress Party
EventhoughtheI959 municipal electionssaw a risein thestrength oftheradical
parties,theshiftsin electoralstrengthbetweenthe I952 and 1957 generalelections
clearlyindicatethatthosepartiesdo nothavean exclusive holdon radicalsentiment.
BetweenI952 and I957, Congress increaseditsshareofthepopularvotefrom35.5per
centto 45.3percent,largelybyidentifying itselfmorecloselywiththepopulistap-
peal.In I952, it hadbeena minoritypartyin thestatelegislature; in I957 it controlled
three-fourths oftheseats.
The growthin Congress strengthcan be attributedlargelyto theleadership and
policiesofMr.KamrajNadar.In I952, theDK andtheirCommunist alliescapitalized
on whattheylabeleda Brahman-dominated Congress,and populismexpressed itself
throughthemor the lowerpeasantcaste Commonwealand TamilnadToilers
Parties.89AfterMr.Kamrajreplaced Mr.Rajagopalachari in I954, whatremained of
Brahmaninfluence in theCongressdisappeared. The Commonweal and Tamilnad
ToilersPartiesweresoonabsorbed, a firmalliancewas established withtheHarijan
leaderP. Kakkan,and thebackwardclassesand scheduled casteswerecarefully at-
tendedto.40
BeforetheI957 election, Mr.E. V. Ramaswami Naicker,leaderoftheDK, issued
statements in supportof ChiefMinisterKamraj on the groundsthathe was a
"Tamilian"andkepttheTamil'swelfare in mind.In OctoberI956, thecentral execu-
tiveoftheDK resolved to supporthimin theI957 elections:

SinceMr.Kamrajhasdonehisbesttoserve sincehehaschanged
theTamilians, Acharyar's
educational
system designedtoperpetuate
thecastesystem, tothecontroversial
(a reference
educationpolicyof the BrahmanChiefMinister who precededMr.
Rajagopalachari
Kamraj),sincehe hasconferredmanyjobsandbenefitson Tamiliansin theeducational
andotherspheres and sincetheBrahmans andtheDMK peoplearetrying to ousthim
from power,ithasbecome thedutyofall Tamilians
to supportMr.Kamrajandhisfol-
lowersintheelection.4'

Mr. Kamrajresponded to theDK's embraceby statingthat"if theKazhagam

canvassedvotesforhimoutoftheirownfreewill,he couldnotpossibly tellthemhe
did not wanttheirvotes."On theotherhand,he added thatCongresscouldnot
countenancea communal organization, or including
thatis,one excluding members
clearhe did
on someracialor castebasis,and that"he wantedto makeit absolutely
notsharetheviewsof Mr. E. V. RamaswamiNaicker."42 OtherCongressmen ex-
pendeda good bit of effort denyingsuch an allianceduringthe elections.48
Mr.

securemorethantwoseatsso far.The Congress Government had takenthewindoutof thesailsof the

Communists bybringing insocialistic
measures....
59 See Rudolph, forthemeanmgand roleof theseparties.
"India'sCasteAssociations,"
40Mr.T. T. Krishnamachari, UnionFinanceMinister at thetimeof the 1957 elections,statedthat
only54 of 204 candidates nominatedbyCongress to uppercastes,while12 IAS (IndianAdminis-
belonged
trationService,the"Senior"service)Collectorsbelongedto backward communities,and 8 DSPs (District
Superintendent of Police)wereHarijans.Express, March13, 1957.
4 Hindu, OctoberIO, I956; see also Express,February 3 and i9, Mail, March3, 1957, forfurther
expressionsofEVR'ssupport ofKamrajintheelection.
42 Express,February 14, andHindu, February i6 andMarch10, 1957.
48 See, forexample, Hindu,March6, 1957, wheretheMinister forAgriculture,Mr. Bhaktavatsalam
affirmed
"categorically thattheCongress orotherwise
hadno allianceelectoral withtheDravidaKazhagam."

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RADICALISMIN MADRAS 295
Naicker'sdeclaration, KamrajNadar'sresponse, and thetacitallianceindicatethat
Congressconsolidated itsholdon Dravidiansentiment.
Congress' abilityto captureand capitalizeon thissentiment,however, shouldnot
be takenas theonlyor eventhemainsourceof itspoliticalstrength. The Congress
retainsits identityas the partyof Indiannationalism, committed to constitutional
democratic economicdevelopment,
values,a socialistsociety, and,particularlyunder
Kamraj,theinterests ofthepoorandthelittleman.Bymixingthesevariousorienta-
tions,Congress hasmoderated Dravidianradicalismwhileenhancing itsownpolitical
appeal.
Behavioral AspectsofRadicalism
Whileradicalsentiment reacheswellbeyondurbanareas,it is mostclearlyand
sharply expressed there.If theI959 municipalelections havealreadysuggested that
thisis true,comparative rural-urbandata fromthe I957 generalelectionconfirm
the view.In the fivelargestcitiesof the state-Madras,Madurai,Tiruchirapalli,
Salem,andCoimbatore-the DMK andtheCommunists together capturedone-fourth
of thelegislativeassembly seats,althoughtheywon lessthanone-tenth of theseats
in theAssembly as a whole.Congress, by contrast,fellbelowits averagein these
three-fourths
cities,capturing ofthetotalseatsbuttwo-thirds oftheurbanseats.
Whatkindof peoplevoteforDravidianand Communist radicalism?A sample
surveyof eligiblevotersin MadrasStateconducted in I95744 indicatesthatit was
fromamongthosehighly exposedtothemassmedia-theliterate, well-
thepolitically
informed, theyoungpeople,and themen-thattheradicalpartiesgainedmostsup-
port.The surveyrevealedthatthesequalitiesare bothmorecharacteristic of urban
thanruralpeople,and oftheDMK and theCommunists thanoftheCongress Party
andIndependents. In thestateas a whole,oversevenofeverytenDMK voters in the
samplefellin thetophalfofourCommunications ExposureIndex,and six and one-
halfofeverytenCommunist votersfellin thesamecategory, whilethiswas trueof
onlyfiveandone-half ofeverytenCongress votersandlessthanfourand one-half of
everytenIndependents. Sixtyand forty-eight percent,respectively,oftheDMK and
Communist voterssaidtheywereliterate, whiletwenty-eight percentoftheCongress
Partyclaimedliteracy. Of thethirteen national,
international, and regionalpolitical
whomrespondents
personalities wereaskedto identify, abouttenpercentmoreof
bothDMK and Communist thanof CongressPartyvotersin our samplewereable
to identifysevenor morenotables.
According to theresultsof our survey, bothradicalpartiesappealedto younger

On MarchI0, bothT. T. Krishnamachar, UnionFinanceMinister,and Mr. C. Subramaniam, StateFi-

nanceMinister, "repudiated allegations thatDK menhad beengivenCongress Mr. Subramaniam
tickets.
also declaredthathe wouldresignif thecontrary wereproved."Express, MarchI3, I957. Howevcr,the
TimesofIndiareported on February 2, 1957, thattheDK had "printed and issuednearly2oo,ooo pam-
phletsaskingpeopleto voteforMr.Nadarand to denytheirfranchise to theMunnetra Kazhagam."We
saw campaign jeepscarrying flagsofbothparties. See alsoHindu,MarchII, 1957: At Tiruvalur"Dravida
Kazhagamvolunteers and workers wearingblackshirtswereseenin largenumbers greetingthe great
Tamilianleader(Kamraj)."At KeevalurvariousDravidaKisanassociations garlanded him.An editorial
in theExpress on AprilII, 1957, onemonthaftertheelection, charged thatMr.Naicker's
that"thepretense
helpwas unsolicited thoughnotunwelcome hasbeendiscarded."
of thesampleand someof theproblems
44 For a description see Lloyd1. Rudolphand
encountered,
SusanneHoeberRudolph,"Surveys in India;FieldExperiencein MadrasState,"PublicOpinionQuarterly,
XXII,No. 3 (Fall 1958), p. 235-244.

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296 LLOYD I. RUDOLPH
menmorethantheotherpolitical partiesdid,withtheDMK beingmoreofa young
man'spartythantheCommunists.45 The DMK appealsverylittleto women,a re-
sultwhichmayverywellbe associatedwithits"atheist" whiletheCom-
reputation,
morenorlessthanotherparties.46
neitherconspicuously
munistsattract While,on
the whole,bothpartiesappealto approximately groupsin
the same occupational
roughlythesameproportions as otherparties, dropoffsharplyin the
the retailers
Communist Party,whiletheysee the DMK as no threat.Unskilledlaborerscon-

TABLE I-DISTRIBUTION OF MADRASCITY COUNCILLORSBY ECONOMICCLASS AND PARTY

ofMLA's in Each Class by Party

Percentage
#and %*
EconomicClass ofTotal Cong. DMK CPI PSP SP Ind. Total
UpperMiddle 1 14 78% - - - 22% 100%
Middleand
LowerMiddle2 44 36 45 - - 19 100%
Communic. and
Pol. Specialist3 19 21 58 5 11 - 5 100%
Workingand
Artisan4 20 20 65 5 - 5 5 100%
Housewives 3 67 33 - - - 100%

100
* Sincethereare exactly100seats,thenumber and percentage ofseatsheldare identical.
For theinformation on whichthistableis basedwe are indebtedto Mr. V. K. Narasimhan.
1. Lawyer,Doctor,Rentier.2. Generaland PettyMerchant,Buildingand Cart Con-
tractor,Clerk. 3. Communications and PoliticalSpecialistincludesJournalist, Writer,
PartyWorker.4. Carpenter,
Cine-Artist, IndustrialWorker, Tailor,Vendor.

TABLE II-DISTRIBUTION OF MADRASCITY COUNCILLORSBY CASTE STATUS AND PARTY

Percentageof MLA's in Caste Groupby Party

#and %*
Caste Status** ofTotal Cong. DMK CPI PSP SP Ind. Total
Brahmans 5 60% - - - - 40% 100%
MiddleCastes 55 44 40 - 3 - 13 100%
BackwardCastes 22 32 55 5 - 8 100%
Harijans 11 9 64 9 - 9 9 100%
Non-Hindus 7 33 50 - - - 17 100%

100
* Sincethereareexactly100seats,thenumberand percentage ofseatsheldare identical.
** MiddleCastes includeVaniya-15, Mudalier-24, BoriChetty-11,Naidu-5; com-
ponentsofthebackwardcastecategory werenotspecified;non-Hindus includeoneChristian
and six Muslims.For the materialon whichthe table is based, we are indebtedto Mr.
V. K. Narasimhan.

45 The DMK's appeal to the youthin the rural areas as well as in the citiesis recognizedby Congress.
Immediatelyafterthe 1957 general elections,Mr. G. N. Naidu, a leader of the Tanjore DistrictCongress
Committee,". . . drew the attentionof the membersto the tremendousinfluencethe DMK was able to
exerciseon the mindsof the youngergeneration."He particularlyemphasizedits influenceamong students.
Hindu,April2, 1957; Mail, April 3, 1957.
46 DMK leadersare at pains to deny the charge.See, forexample,Hindu, March 5, and 23, 1957; Mail,
April I and I5, 1957.

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RADICALISM IN MADRAS 297
stitute
a largerproportion of DMK votersthanof anyotherparty, and ownersand
are a largerproportion
cultivators of Independents thanof anyotherparty.
Analysisof partyleadershipas reflected in candidateselectedto the Madras
MunicipalCorporation thatit is amongthelowerclassesand castes
in I959 suggests
thatradicalism has itsgreatestappeal.
The smallproportion ofupper-middle classesand uppercastes(Brahmans)were
mostevidentamongvictorious Congressand Independent candidates.While the
DMK drewheavilyfromthemiddleand lower-middle classesand themiddlecastes,
itsvictoriouscandidates weremoreoftendrawnfromcommunications and political
workingand artisanclasses,and backwardand Harijancastes.
specialists,

Radicalismin MadrasStateis a markedly urbanphenomenon whichhas been

effectively
mobilized bythepartiesof theextreme rightand left,theDMK and the
Communist. Butthemeaningofradicalism is byno meansexhausted whenthishas
beensaid,forit has a deeperand broaderbasisin an Indianversionof populism.
Populistsentiment is foundintheruralareasas wellas in thecitiesandis represented
in a moderatedformbytheCongress Party,whichnowcontrols theState'spolitical
as well as by themoreextremeversions
destinies, of theDK, theDMK, and the
Communist Party.The discontinuitiesbetweenurbanand rurallifewhichaffect
Madraspoliticshave not been so markedas to preventsomeversionof populist
radicalismfromdominating Madras'politicalculture.

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