Zulu Stick Fighting: A Socio-Historical Overview

1. Cultural Background

1a. Introduction

The Zulus are one of the Nguni people of South Africa. Linguistically and cultur
ally, the Xhosa, Pondo, and Thembu are Southern Nguni, while the Zulu, Swazi, an
d Ndebele are Northern Nguni.
During the 1810s, a Zulu leader named Shaka kaSenzangakona established an empire
in northeastern South Africa whose military relied on phalanxes rather than ski
rmish lines. His armies were highly successful, and within a few decades, his st
yle of warfare spread as far north as Lake Tanganyika.
Although Shaka was assassinated in 1828, his kingdom survived until 1879, when i
t was destroyed by the British, who feared a Zulu attack on the white settlement
s then expanding outward from Durban. The Zulu culture, however, survived into t
he present, and today there are about 8.8 million Zulus, most of whom still live
in KwaZulu-Natal. (The name Natal is owed to the Portuguese explorer, Vasco da
Gama, who reached its coast on Christmas Day, 1497.)

1b. Origins of Zulu Stick Fighting

The genealogy of the presumed originators of Zulu stick fighting is traced to Am

alandela, son of Gumede, who inhabited the Umhlatuze valley about 1670 (Werner,
1995:28). The exact location of Amalandela’s former habitat remains an enigma.
According to Bryant (1949:3), Amalandela was a member of the Ntunga Nguni clan.
According to Dalrymple (1983:74), he fathered two sons, respectively named Qwabe
and Zulu, and the latter gave his name to the Zulu people.
The recent history of stick fighting is traced to the legacy of the Zulu king Sh
aka. Shaka lived from 1787 to 1828, and during his reign, he established the Zul
u Empire and became Southern Africa’s most legendary warrior-king.
Until recently, historians credited Shaka with the development of Zulu warfare,
with its emphasis on stabbing spears and phalanxes, but recent research suggests
that the weapons, strategies, and tactics accredited to him were established be
fore his rise to power. The great warriors preceding Shaka, like so many histori
cal figures and events, are hidden from documented history, and forgotten even i
n the oral traditions.
Nonetheless, it is generally agreed that during Shaka’s reign, stick fighting was
used as a means of training young men for both self-defence and war. Shaka himse
lf, in Ritter’s version of the story, was already a highly proficient stick fighte
r at the age of 11 (1957:14).

2. Social Uses of Zulu Stick Fighting

2a. Introduction

Zulu stick fighting provides an opportunity for men to build courage and skill,
to distinguish themselves as proficient warriors, and to earn respect in the com
munity (Ntuli, Interview, 1996). Leitch (Interview, 1996) is of the opinion that
the techniques and manoeuvres applied in stick fighting are identical to those
implemented during traditional Zulu warfare, the only difference being the weapo
ns used. Nonetheless, stick fighting is a game, and the dynamics of stick fighti
ng are generally playful. The exceptions are when sticks are used for self-defen
se or in a faction fight, or when amashinga (professional stick fighters) compet
e.

Dumazulu stick fighters in Hluhluwe area, 1996.

2b. Nineteenth Century

According to Ntuli (Interview, 1996), Shaka (reigned 1816-1828) rewarded good an

d courageous stick fighters with cattle, terming the practice ukuxoshisa. Ntuli
further postulates that the relationship of stick fighting to military practice
was still prevalent during the time of Shaka’s successor Dingane, who ruled until
1840 (e.g., into the era of early white settler encroachments into the interior
of KwaZulu-Natal). Ndlela kaSompisi, commander-in-chief of Dingane’s army and seni
or induna (prime minister) to Dingane, was arguably the most important figure in
Zululand after the king (Becker, 1964:69). Certainly Ndlela’s experience and skil
l in stick fighting assisted him in climbing the military ladder, and helped him
earn a distinguished reputation. Ntuli (Interview, 1996) is a direct descendant
of Ndlela.
During the lifetime of the next major Zulu king, Cetshwayo (1836-1884), stick fi
ghting was an accepted means of resolving the internal disputes (Laband, 1995:17
8). During this era, combatants used the shafts of spears in a stick fight, but
not the blades (Laband, 1995:178). Additionally, stick fighters were to follow a
code of conduct, as stick fighting, unlike warfare, was not intended to cause l
oss of life.
Laband (1995:178-179) describes an unusual event in which the protocol of stick
fighting was breached. The occasion was a stick fight between two of Cetshwayo’s r
egiments (amabutho). This fight took place on December 25, 1877, during the UmKh
osi, or advent of the first fruits, festival. It seems that Cetshwayo crammed hi
s favourite iNgobamakhosi regiment (ibutho), consisting of young, unmarried men,
into the same quarters as the uThulwana ibutho, which was made up of older, mar
ried men. Cetshwayo and some of his brothers belonged to the older ibutho. The y
ounger men apparently did not respect the customary power relations between them
selves and their elders, and were dissatisfied with arrangements concerning the
reception of wives of the uThulwana. The rising levels of antagonism between the
two parties eventually led to a physical clash. The older uThulwana ibutho inte
ntionally disregarded an accepted convention by attacking the iNgobamakhosi with
spears after an initial defeat by the iNgobamakhosi. For their malpractice, Cet
shwayo prohibited the uThulwana from further participation in the festivities, a
nd in addition,the men were fined "a beast all round" and sent home.
Although the British effectively ended Zulu military power in 1879, stick fighti
ng apparently continued to play a political role throughout the lifetime of the
Zulu king Dinuzulu (1868-1913). Ntuli believes that in Dinuzulu’s times, a skilled
stick fighter was appointed to train the heir to the throne in the art of stick
fighting (Interview, 1996). Thus, the king’s leadership abilities and his potenti
al as a military commander were judged according to his (presumably superior) ma
rtial prowess.

2c. Twentieth Century

In Shaka’s time, stick fighting was used as training for warfare. However, during
subsequent years, Zulus began using stick fighting to represent conflict resolut
ion on a symbolic rather than military level. This form of symbolism still appea
rs in the inter-district umgangela, or stick fighting competitions, held in rura
l areas such as Nongoma. Still later, stick fighting came to function as an expr
ession of Zulu ethnicity, and to show political affiliation with the Zulu-domina
ted Inkatha Freedom Party (Mnqayi, Personal Communication, 1998).
Leitch (Interview, 1996) argues that this decontextualisation and exploitation o
f stick fighting for political gain has negatively affected perceptions of the a
rt. For example, crowds misuse elements of stick fighting during marches in citi
es, or use their fighting sticks to express ethnicity. This association of stick
fighting with violence and riots negates its profundity and beneficial social i
mplications, and accordingly, many Zulu people distance themselves from the art
(Mnqayi, Personal Communication, 1998).
Leitch (Interview, 1996) also believes that instances where crowds run out of co
ntrol parody the traditional function of stick fighting in society. Control, res
pect, and accountability lack in such marches, whereas they are of the utmost im
portance in a stick fight. Qoma (as cited by Krog, 1994:42) states that the use
of sticks became politicised to the extent that any African person carrying a st
ick is classified a "violent Zulu". As such, a practice that once played an inst
rumental role in building the pride of a nation has come to be regarded with con
tempt by some (Ntuli, Interview, 1996).
In the Tugela Basin and the South Coast (different areas than where I did my res
earch), stick fighting has all but disappeared. Stick fighting is practised less
frequently than in the past in KwaDlangezwa and Ongoye, too, apparently due to
its association with recent violence (Mnqayi, Personal Communication, 1998). Lei
tch (Interview, 1996) believes that traditional stick fighting is nowadays only
found in areas where there is little political friction.
Nonetheless, traditional stick fighting still takes place in some of rural areas
of KwaZulu-Natal, where it continues to act as a process of socialisation, and
to transmit the social norms of the community in which it operates. Therefore, w
hile the practice of stick fighting is constantly modified by changes in the soc
ial system, it can still serve as a vehicle for mastering the body and mind, and
be instrumental in nurturing the practitioner’s dignity and pride as a man (Ndaba
, Interview, 1996).

2d. Stick Fighting as Martial Art

In the immigrant communities of Johannesburg, migrant Zulu workers sometimes tea

ch stick fighting as a martial art. Meanings derived from these interactions are
primarily related to sportsmanship (Qoma in Krog, 1994:42), and lack the integr
al social affiliations of traditional stick fighting. Stick fight demonstrations
offered to tourists, such as at Shakaland (Home-video recording, 1996), are per
formances.

2e. Summary

Long past its days of glory, stick fighting is no longer a common practice among
the Zulu people, and practitioners struggle to validate its existence in these
days of political turmoil, acculturation, and modernisation. Nonetheless, stick
fighting appears to assist in upholding the traditional social system by perpetu
ating socially accepted modes of male behaviour and ideals. Stick fighting, as a
cultural tradition, therefore continues to fulfil its traditional didactic func
tion in some Zulu communities.

3. Zulu Fighting Sticks (Izinduku)

3a. Introduction
Zulu men traditionally owned fighting sticks (izinduku). The sticks were stored
in the roof of a house, and were carried for self-defence or used when the owner
was challenged to a stick fight (Ntuli, Interview, 1996).
Adult males often owned several fighting sticks, and from these, they selected a
pair to fight with (Ndlangavu as cited by Krog, 1994:42).

3b. Appearance and Construction

At the age of about 16, a Zulu boy’s father took him into the forest to choose and
cut his own fighting sticks from trees. (Fighting Sticks, Episode 2, [S.a.]). A
s an adult, a man might make his own izinduku or employ a specialist to do so. A
partheid laws prohibiting South African people of colour from owning guns or dis
playing traditional weapons in public led to the use of instruments such as umbr
ellas and ordinary walking sticks as substitutes for traditional izinduku (Fight
ing Sticks, Episode 1, [S.a.]). Nonetheless, the practice of carrying sticks sti
ll prevails in some rural areas of KwaZulu-Natal, such as KwaDlangezwa.
Izinduku may differ in appearance according to their region of manufacture (Mzob
e, Interview, 1996). However, regardless of appearance, izinduku must be stout e
nough to withstand the impact of blows from an opponent’s weapons.
Although the choice of wood for fighting sticks is often specific to the practit
ioner’s family lineage, (Fighting Sticks, Episode 2, [S.a.]), various local trees
are suitably strong for use as fighting sticks. Thus, izinduku are made from tre
es such as the umqambathi, umazwenda, ibelendlovu, umphahla (Ntuli, Interview, 1
996), umthathe, and umunquma (Ndlangavu as cited by Krog, 1994:24). [EN1]
Decorations on izinduku are for aesthetic purposes or to identify members of the
different sides in a regional stick fight (Zulu, Interview, 1996). Decorations
on the fighting sticks of informants observed at Nongoma include painted pattern
s, beadwork, and pieces of cloth.

3c. Offensive Fighting Stick (Induku)

For faction fighting and war, there are a number of sticks available. Examples i
nclude the short stabbing spear or iklwa, the swallow-tail axe or isisila senkon
jane, the isizenze axe used by commoners, and the long spear named isijula (Derw
ent et al., 1998:86). The knobkerrie, or iwisa and isagila, is also available. S
tick fighters, however, make use of two specific sticks in single combat.
The first stick is the offensive fighting stick, or induku. [EN2] This is a stro
ng stick or shaft of wood without a knob carved smooth and used specifically for
stick fighting.
The length of the induku depends on the physical stature of its owner, but is ge
nerally about 88 centimetres in length. The induku’s circumference increases sligh
tly from bottom to top, and the extra weight that the head carries enhances the
mobility of the stick during offensive manoeuvres.
The induku is held in the right hand, and used to strike at the opponent’s body an
d head. [EN3] A piece of cowhide can be tied around one end of the stick to secu
re the fighter’s grip on the weapon, and the whisk of a cow’s tail can be tied aroun
d the bottom of the stick to hide a sharp point. Although this sharp point can b
e used for stabbing, doing so is not considered appropriate during an honourable
stick fight.

Thabang Senye demonstrating grip on the induku, Pretoria, 1998.

3d. Blocking Stick (Ubhoko)

Ubhoko or blocking stick, is a long, smooth stick that tapers down to a sharp po
int. As a defensive weapon, it is skilfully manoeuvred with the wrist of the lef
t hand, and used to protect the body of a combatant from the opponent’s blows. Alt
hough its length depends on the physical stature of its owner, the ubhoko is mea
nt to ensure protection from head to foot, and so is notably longer than induku.
Ubhoko is generally about 165 centimetres in length. Like induku,ubhoko’s circumf
erence increases from the grip upwards.
Although the ubhoko could be used as a stabbing weapon, in a stick fight, protoc
ol demands that it be used exclusively for the purpose of defence. The action of
defence with ubhoko can be referred to as ukuvika or ukuzihlaba (Mzimela, 1990:
12).

3e. Umsila (Short Stick) and Ihawu (Shield)

Another short stick, umsila, is held in the left hand together with ubhoko. Not
used for fighting as such, it is used instead to uphold the small shield, or iha
wu, that protects the left hand. (The umsila runs vertically down the middle of
the shield through four triangular nooses, and tapers to a point.) Fighters in N
ongoma maintain that umsila is also used to protect the face during a stick figh
t. As an aesthetic accessory, Nongoma fighters tie strings of antelope skin to t
he top of umsila.
Ihawu is a relatively small and oval shaped piece of cow skin, held in the left
hand. During Shaka’s regime, warriors were ranked by means of the colour of the sh
ields they carried (Fighting Sticks, Episode 1 [S.a.]), but this convention is s
eemingly not evident in the choice of shields used for stick fighting.
There is no set size for ihawu, although it should be large enough to protect th
e hand and wrist, and small enough not to impede on ubhoko’s mobility. As a rule,
however, the shield used for stick fighting is between 55 centimetres and 63 cen
timetres long, and 31 to 33 centimetres wide. A handle big enough to hold two or
three fingers (the index, middle, and ring fingers) is located at the back of t
he shield, left of the umsila. Fighters first clutch the handle with two or thre
e fingers before placing ubhoko in the left hand.
A soft cushion is placed on the inside of the shield to ensure that the hand rem
ains protected from an opponent’s blows. Traditionally, this cushion was made from
sheepskin, and called igusha. In contemporary times, sponge or other soft mater
ial, named isibhusha, has been utilised as a protective measure inside the ihawu
(Zulu, Interview, 1996).

Thabang Senye demonstrating grip on the umsila and ubhoko, Pretoria, 1998.
4. Traditional Medicine (Intelezi)

4a. Introduction

Traditionally, Zulu stick fighters prepared for a fight using medicine (intelezi
) prepared by a herbalist (inyanga). In contemporary times, the widespread use o
f intelezi has been inhibited by changes in the social and religious structure o
f Zulu communities (Zulu, 1996). This is probably due to European and missionary
influences.

4b. Definition of Intelezi

Krige (1965:329) identifies intelezi as "the generic name for all medicinal char
ms, the object of which is to counteract evil by rendering its causes innocuous"
. Intelezi is also a collective name for a variety of sprinkling charms. The kin
d of traditional medicines used on sticks vary according to specific purposes, a
nd specific ingredients are necessary for the outcome required (Stewart, Intervi
ew, 1996). Specific intelezi used for stick fighting assist in warding off evil,
going into battle at a psychological and physical advantage, weakening the oppo
nent, and strengthening sticks.

4c. Rituals (General)

Before battle, Zulu armies underwent cleansing rituals conducted by inyanga (her
balists) and/or isangoma (diviners). A very important aspect of this preparation
involved the sprinkling of the warriors and their weapons with a certain intele
zi the day before the battle (Stewart, Interview, 1996). Krige (1965:272) points
out that the process of sprinkling, called chela in Zulu, could also take place
just before a battle commenced. Krige (1965:272) provides a detailed descriptio
n of the ritual procedures related to the cleansing and strengthening of warrior
s.
Intelezi is not used exclusively for battles. For example, stick fighters often
use intelezi to strengthen their sticks before accepting a challenge. Reportedly
this increased the strength of the sticks in order to withstand attacks, and mu
ltiplied the impact of the offensive blows (Ntuli, Interview, 1996). Other intel
ezi can reportedly cause dizziness, strokes, or impair the vision of an opponent
(Mzobe, Interview, 1996). My personal sample of intelezi prepared by an inyanga
in KwaDlangezwa in December 1998 contained a silvery ingredient said to cause b
right flashes to appear before the opponent’s eyes, thus distracting him and negat
ing his concentration.
Dumazulu stick fighters in Hluhluwe area, 1996.

4d. Rituals Associated with Stick Fighting

The intelezi rituals used before a stick fight bear a striking resemblance to th
e rituals associated with traditional Zulu preparations for warfare. For example
, on the day preceding an umshado or wedding ceremony, sticks are treated with i
ntelezi and left overnight outside the home (Mbanjwa, Interview, 1996), usually
at one end of the cattle enclosure (Stewart, Interview, 1996). When two unrelate
d groups of men prepare for a clash, the ritual proceedings take place at the ho
me of an induna (local leader). Again, the sticks are kept in the intelezi until
the next morning (Ntuli, Interview, 1996).
The sample of intelezi obtained by Mnqayi is a brown powder. Details regarding t
he application of intelezi are subject to notable differences in opinion, but in
formants generally agree that the intelezi is mixed with water and placed in an
ordinary clay pot (Stewart, Interview, 1996). On the morning of the fight, the s
tick fighters go to the cattle enclosure, where they make use of the intelezi (M
banjwa, Interview, 1996).
Vusi Buthelezi (Interview, 1996), the inyanga yemithi at Dumazulu, explained tha
t the intelezi is sprinkled on the weapons in the cattle enclosure in acknowledg
ement of the congregation of ancestors inhabiting the territory. Alternatively,
the izinduku are placed in the intelezi, which is washed onto the weapons with a
broom (Mbanjwa, Interview, 1996) or dipped into the medicine (Ntuli, Interview,
1996). Some fighters also drink the intelezi.
In a powder form, intelezi may be administered through small incisions in the sk
in called ingcabo. This manner of applying intelezi forms part of the fighter’s pr
eparation for the contest. Buthelezi (Interview, 1996) states that ingcabo are m
ade on:
The ankles and wrists so that they are supple.
On the biceps, for strength.
On the top of the head, to protect the head from the stick, because stick fighti
ng is all aimed at a person’s head.
Ingcabo are also made in the fold of the elbow and in the armpit (Mbanjwa, Inter
view, 1996).
Small quantities of intelezi in powder form are taken orally in small quantities
, usually after mixing it with sugar and then eating the mixture from the palm o
f the hand. This method reportedly provides the stick fighter with psychological
and physical strength.
During the fight itself, intelezi are put inside a leather band that is tied aro
und the biceps for the duration of the fight (Fighting Sticks, Episode 2, [S.a.]
). Finally, some stick fighters place the bark of the uphindamshaye climber unde
r their tongues, chew on it, and then spit it onto the opponent during a fight (
Mzobe, Interview, 1996).
4e. Rituals Associated with Sticks

Like fighters, sticks are routinely treated with ritual medicines. For example,
the use of menstrual blood or snake venom is considered a dangerously potent str
atagem.
Historically, menstruating Zulu women were considered unclean, and a number of s
ocial taboos had to be respected during the menstruation period (Krige, 1965:82)
. The Zulu people believed that a woman lingers in a marginal state of existence
during menstruation; she does not completely surface in life or death, but abid
es in a state of transition (Clegg, Personal Communication, 1996). In intelezi r
elating to stick fighting, menstrual fluids are combined with a number of other
medicinal substances, and then applied to the sticks. This allegedly renders the
opponent’s defence impotent (Zulu, Interview, 1996). The use of menstrual blood o
n sticks is known among stick fighters at Nongoma. However, according to Clegg (
Personal Communication, 1996), this practice is more prominent in the province t
hat was known as Natal prior to the 1994 elections than in the province that was
known as KwaZulu before the elections.
Mzobe (Interview, 1996) explains that snake venom, especially that of the mamba
and the cobra, can be utilised as protective medicine for sticks. Medicine relat
ing to the use of snake venom is termed isibiba (Zulu, Interview, 1996). To para
phrase Mzobe’s statements, a snake is barbecued and its body ground up, then mixed
with fat and smeared onto the fighting sticks.

Dumazulu stick fighters in Hluhluwe area, 1996.

4f. Associated Medicinal Plants

To keep opponents from working counter-spells, the exact nature of the medicinal
plants used for intelezi is secret.
Nonetheless, some generalisations are possible. For example, the ingredients gen
erally consist of a number of herbs and plant extracts, and an inyanga can obtai
n ingredients for the medicine from as far afield as Zanzibar (Mzobe, Interview,
1996). To give a second example, one kind of intelezi consists of the climber u
phindamshaye and the uphind’umuva cut into pieces, then mixed together with a smal
l aloe named cene and the roots of the uMazwende tree (Buthelezi, Interview, 199
6). [EN4]

4g. How Intelezi Are Obtained

Intelezi can be bought from an inyanga. In the past, herbalists were offered cat
tle for the service of preparing the medicine to strengthen the sticks of the co
mbatants. Nowadays money is acceptable as payment for the inyanga’s assistance (Nt
uli, Interview, 1996). Intelezi can still be bought in rural areas of KwaZulu-Na
tal or informal trading areas such as taxi ranks. The prices in KwaDlangezwa in
1998 ranged from R400 to R2 000 (about US $40-$200) depending on the availabilit
y and geographical location of medicinal plants, and the sort of plant or animal
extracts used (Mnqayi, Personal Communication 1998). An inyanga can specialise
in the field of fighting intelezi, and be consulted exclusively for such purpose
s. It is not necessary for the inyanga to apply the intelezi personally to the s
ticks or fighter, only to prepare it.

4h. Summary

Intelezi, or medicine, is intimately associated with traditional Zulu stick figh

ting. However, as stated earlier, it seems as if the widespread use of intelezi
has been inhibited by changes in the social and religious structure of Zulu comm
unities, possibly due to increased urbanisation and Westernisation.

5. Sparring with Sticks (Ukungcweka)

5a. Introduction

Tyrell and Jurgens (1963:111) point out that Zulu children did not receive much
formal education designed to mould them for their roles in traditional society.
"Traditional education for the individual constitutes a gradual absorption into
society and the acquisition of certain skills and behaviour patterns". In this w
orld, informal stick fighting was one of the "skills and behaviour patterns" tha
t instructed Zulu males about the social roles, qualities, and behavioural patte
rns expected of them. Younger boys fought with sticks while tending herds, while
older boys and young men sparred publicly at ceremonies and festivals (Mzobe, I
nterview, 1996). The practice of sparring with sticks is called ukungcweka, and
it differs from a stick fight challenge (Msimang, 1975:166).

Dumazulu stick fighters in Hluhluwe area, 1996.

5b. Learning to Spar

From an early age, a Zulu boy was expected to look after cattle in the field, "e
xploring his manliness and independence in a world away from parental supervisio
n". Part of this exploration involved a boy’s fighting his way up to a position of
leadership among the other herders (Tyrell and Jurgens, 1983:11, 115). The way
he did this was by defeating his age mates at sparring with sticks.
The intricate skills of stick fighting and sparring are learned by observation,
imitation, and experience (Stewart, 1996). Very young boys train using switches
or small sticks, and they practice their skill with the sticks on trees in prepa
ration for fighting another boy. Fathers also instruct their little boys in the
art by standing on their knees and sparring with the child (Stewart, Interview,
1996).

5c. Sparring Matches

Sparring can be a daily occurrence amongst the herd boys. No specific amount of
time is set aside for training; it occurs when the situation arises. Nonetheless
, boys use every opportunity to spar and thereby establish their reputations as
stick fighters and thereby prove their manliness.
To incite a sparring match, Ndaba (Interview, 1996) states that herd boys often
engage in "verbal gymnastics". The competition and sparring does not have to tak
e place according to age groups; older boys can clash arms with younger boys. Al
though this could lead to physical bullying, no one is compelled to take part in
a game of sparring. According to Krige (1965:79), the recognised manner of chal
lenging another herd boy to a sparring match is to tap him on the head with a st
ick and utter a daring verbal comment. Comments such as "I am your master" (iNgq
otho) are considered invitations to a fight. The challenged then either prepares
to fight or agrees with the statement and prevents a fight.
Sparring between herders takes place under strict supervision of the inqwele, or
leader of the herd boys (Ntuli, Interview, 1996). The inqwele assumes his posit
ion of leadership after defeating all the opposition in the area during stick fi
ghts. Refinement of stick fighting skills is encouraged, as the other herders ju
dge the proficiency of the combatants. An informal audience is thus present duri
ng the training process.
There are strict rules governing the sparring exercise. Partners sparring with t
he sticks do not aim to hit each other’s heads, and often do not use an ihawu (sma
ll shield). As such, a hit to the hand is a foul. Should any of the participants
fall down or lose their stick, the sparring stops until sparring partners are o
n equal footing again. It is not necessary to use induku or ubhoko, and rough br
anches of trees are accepted substitutes for fighting sticks (Msimang, 1975:166)
. Exclamations indicating an acknowledgement of a hit (ngiyavuma) or requests to
stop the sparring (khumu or malushu) are utilised for both sparring and combat,
and are strictly adhered to.

5d. Female Sparring

No matter how important the role of sparring with sticks in the social construct
ion of masculinity, it is an undesirable skill for females. Should a woman "jump
over the sticks", especially during her menstrual cycle, misfortune is supposed
to fall upon the owner of the sticks (Ntuli, Interview, 1996). Ironically, mens
trual blood can be a potent medicine for strengthening the sticks when applied i
n conjunction with a number of other substances (Zulu, Interview, 1996). Nonethe
less, Leitch (Fighting Sticks, Episode 1, [S.a.]) indicates that Zulu women can
and will use this martial art when necessary. If a man has no sons to tend to th
e cattle, one of his daughters has to go to the field with the herd boys and she
learns to stick fight with them. Tankiso Mafisa (Personal Communication, 1996)
stated that her mother used to tend to cattle as a young girl, and stick fight w
ith the boys.

6. Competitive Stick Fighting

6a. Playing Sticks (Ukudlalisa Induku)

Competitive stick fighting at festivals is called ukudlalisa induku, or "play st

icks" (or alternatively, ukudlala induku, which roughly translates as "play stic
ks with you"). Although Msimang (1975:166) argues that by teaching methods, tech
niques, manoeuvres, and rules, sparring prepares the boys for fighting in single
combat, Zulu stick fighting is essentially playful in nature.
Schoeman (1975:166) says that playing sticks at festivals such as the iphapu (lu
ng festival) provide an opportunity for Zulu boys and men to experience first-ha
nd different strategies, techniques, and rules. Derwent et al. (1998:36) argue t
hat a challenge to play sticks can only take place at a wedding, but other sourc
es contest this viewpoint. For example, stick fights challenges have been report
ed at the first fruits festivals (Clegg, 1981:8), the installation of a new trad
itional leader (Larlham, 1985:13), and inter-district fighting (Clegg, 1981:8).
Stick fighting also occurs at social gatherings such as beer drinking (Stewart,
Interview, 1996), an imbizo (Zulu, Interview, 1996), the iphapu festival (Schoem
an, 1982:49), courtship (Stewart, Interview, 1996), and the thomba ceremony (Ell
iot, 1978:143). These sources do not indicate the nature of the combat, e.g., wh
ether it was ukungcweka or a challenge.
Stick fighters begin to fight competitively at public ceremonies and social gath
erings at about 18 years of age (Ntuli, Interview, 1996). The youngest fighters
are about 15 years old, but it is unusual for a boy to start fighting publicly b
efore he has fully passed puberty. When a boy reaches puberty, he receives a sec
ond name that is indicative of a contribution he made to the community (Stewart,
Interview, 1996). This second name, or isithopo, may be self-composed or grante
d by peers and parents. Either way, the second name gradually develops into a pe
rsonal izibongo that mediates an individual’s personal and social identity (Brown,
1998:87). This is mentioned because during a stick fight, the fighter is called
by his second name, and his friends recite the story of how he acquired this se
cond name (Stewart, Interview, 1996; Mzobe, Interview, 1996). Dumisani Mbhense (
Personal Communication, 1996) points out that the recital of praises by the figh
ter’s peers is an enjoyable aspect of the action. Consequently, izibongo are state
ments of friendship among a combatant and his friends/family.
Leitch (Interview, 1996) points out that stick fighting is considered an activit
y for the young. Thus, a man will usually stop fighting in his mid-thirties, by
which time he has earned respect as a proficient stick fighter. Older men assume
responsibility for upholding the fabric of society, and become mentors to the y
ounger men. Furthermore, to "retire" from stick fighting while your reputation a
s a fighter is intact is a means of ensuring that you remain respected as a warr
ior in your older days.

Dumazulu stick fighters in Hluhluwe area, 1996.

6b. Surrogate and Professional Stick Fighters

Although Zulu people consider it chivalrous to fight one’s own fight, it is accept
able to stick fight on behalf of another person. Such a person might be an aggri
eved younger brother who lacks experience in the skill, or someone who is unable
to fight at the time. For example, a migrant labourer can request a man back at
home to fight on his behalf. As such, he does not have to leave his work to sti
ck fight and settle the issue at hand (Fighting sticks, Episode 1, [S.a.]).
Stick fighting can also take place on a "professional level". Leitch explains th
at a professional stick fighter, or ishinga, travels around in search of stick f
ights (Interview, 1996). According to Mzobe (Interview, 1996), the term ishinga
refers to a very brave and even rude person. Unlike "social fighters", to use Le
itch’s (Interview, 1996) phrasing, an ishinga’s only ambition is to demolish the opp
osition and earn another victory as the top stick fighter. His only reward is so
cial recognition. He normally uses well-worn fighting equipment, and has an unke
mpt appearance. Men tend not to fight him, since the element of play is seemingl
y lacking in the ishinga’s approach to stick fighting. Mzobe (Interview, 1996) sta
tes that in cities such as Johannesburg, amashinga can fight for prizes or money
. However, social stick fighting normally does not have an economic reward for t
he participants involved.

7. Rules and Protocols of Stick Fighting

7a. Introduction

Stick fighting takes place at different times, occasions, and places. As informa
tion about technical aspects of Zulu stick fighting appears in The Fight Master,
34: (2), 2001, it will not be repeated here. However, the rules and protocols o
f stick fighting deserve some attention.
For the most part, stick fighting takes place outside the cattle enclosure of a
homestead (Ntuli, Interview, 1996). If a stick fight does take place inside the
cattle enclosure, it is a fight among the men of that family, or umuzi. (Other p
eople would not fight inside another’s cattle enclosure, due to the presence of a
family’s ancestors in the enclosure.) However, should a stick fight be connected t
o the chief, then the fight might take place in his cattle enclosure (Stewart, I
nterview, 1996).
Other than this, there is no space specifically set aside specifically for stick
fighting. Instead, a space is selected to suit the needs of the occasion (Leitc
h, Interview, 1996). In urban areas such as Johannesburg, stick fights take plac
e on Friday or Saturday evenings in the hostels (Ndlangavu as cited by Krog, 199
4:42).

7b. The Role of Elders

The action and structure of a stick fight follow a common, recognisable pattern.
The reason is that for Zulus, stick fighting is a gentleman’s game, and specific
rules and protocol govern its practice. Breach of rules or protocol is unaccepta
ble, as it indicates that the fighter does not have confidence in his own abilit
ies to beat the opponent by the rules (Ntuli, Interview, 1996). A man only prove
s his supremacy at stick fighting in a fair fight, or "impi yamanqanu", where th
e rules are followed (Derwent, et al., 1998: 83).
Derwent et al. (1998:63) state that a stick fighter voices a challenge to indica
te that he is ready for fighting. Elders should grant permission for a fight bef
ore any challenge is made. Mbhense (Personal Communication, 1996) calls a challe
nge "inselelo". At public ceremonies the warrior captain, or umphathi wezinsizwa
, is supposed to regulate the activities, but induna sometimes fulfil this funct
ion (Mbanjwa, Interview, 1996).
The person regulating the fight should make sure that the correct sticks are uti
lised, that "the weight is the same, that there is no possibility of your advers
ary being unduly hurt" (Ndaba, Interview, 1996). His task is thus to ensure that
the rules are followed, and that a fair fight takes place. Warrior captains can
remain in command up to their late forties, and would only engage in a stick fi
ght when forced to assert their authority (Leitch, Interview, 1996). A man fight
s his peers, and not someone significantly younger or older that himself.

7c. The Ukugiya (Solo Display of Skills) and Associated Izibongo (Praises) and I
zigiyo (Chants)

Once people have gathered around the selected space, the stick fighters take tur
ns demonstrating ukugiya (solo display of stick fighting skills) against imagina
ry opponents. Ukugiya derives from fighting in single combat, and is where each
individual can display his own characteristic style (Dalrymple, 1983:160). Histo
rically, ukugiya prepared fighters psychologically for warfare and reaffirmed th
e army’s superior skills, and today ukugiya still takes place before a stick fight
(Leitch, Interview, 1996).
Ukugiya do not follow set floor- or step patterns (Dalrymple, 1983:160), and are
usually accompanied with praises, called izibongo, and war cries and chants, ca
lled izigiyo (Gunner & Gwala, 1994:1). Izigiyo are characterised by a militarist
ic phallocentrism, and often liken men to powerful totems such as bulls or lions
that are self-reliant and "fiercely individualistic" (Derwent et al., 1998:70,1
36).Gunner and Gwala (1994:230) cite an example:
Igoso: Yaphind’ inkunzi!
Abanye: Yahlaba!
Gunner and Gwala (1994:231) translated this war chant into English:
Leader: The bull came again!
Others: It stabbed!
Credo Mutwa (1992:12) also uses a Zulu izigiyo in his play uNosilimela:
Ikhalaphi?
Induku zethu
Sizwa ngothi
Ikhalaphi?
Gunner and Gwala (1994:230) document this chant, too, although their documentati
on differs slightly from Mutwa’s in terms of spelling and punctuation. Gunner and
Gwala’s last line also differs from Mutwa’s, reading "Ukuthi Ikhalaphi". Anyway, the
ir English translation (1994: 231) of this izigiyo reads:
Where does it call from?
Our stick?
We can tell by the smell of blood!
Where it calls from!
Izibongo occupy a distinctive cultural space, and served a political function wi
thin the stratified Zulu monarchy (Brown, 1998:50). Izibongo in the ukugiya befo
re a stick fight is understood in relation to izibongo recited at other occasion
s, but remains distinctly different from those. For detailed accounts of the var
ious izibongo and discussion of their social significance, compare Gunner and Gw
ala (1994) and Brown (1998).
Izibongo in the ukugiya often link the fighter with a powerful animal. For examp
le, Shaka’s izibongo often referred to him as lion or elephant (Brown, 1998:98). I
zibongo can also associate a fighter with the heroic deeds of his ancestors (Lei
tch, Interview, 1996). These observations echo in the izibongo of Siyabonga Mzob
e, recited by himself as an example of the manner in which his friends praise an
d encourage him during a stick fight:
Habu, Habu kaluphonjwana,
awumuhlabi, uyamshosholoza.
Thatha mfo kaMzobe,
mbulale!
Mzobe translated the praise as:
Small horns,
you don’t stab him, you are showing him.
Take it son of Mzobe,
kill him!
The ukugiya is therefore a statement of the fighter’s own ethos; a statement of hi
mself as warrior, a celebration of youthful masculinity, and a display of physic
al prowess that can include re-enactment of heroic battles of the past. The prai
se is not necessarily serious, but can include comic elements such as jokes and
humorous physical actions intended to amuse onlookers (Leitch, Interview, 1996).
Although Gunner and Gwala (1994:1) point out that izigiyo and ukugiya are closel
y associated with "war and martial prowess", they add that in contemporary South
 African life, "they stress a potential rather than constant all-embracing link
with war and the martial". Thus, the ukugiya is not performed exclusively as an
introduction to physical conflict. Instead, it has transcended its historical ro
ots to become a celebration of youthful masculinity:
The ukugiya dance is often wild, flamboyant, athletic and even balletic. It ofte
n shows the exuberance and vigour of youth, particularly male youth, rather than
harking back to the old martial ties and the days when men in the regiments (am
abutho) performed ukugiya and were praised after battle. These warlike ties can,
however, be called upon, depending on the context of place and time where the d
ancing and praising happens to be. (Gunner and Gwala, 1994:1-2)
The ukugiya is still performed before faction fights (Ntuli, Interview, 1996) an
d stick fights (Clegg, 1981:10). Its continued use in stick fights is perhaps in
recognition of stick fighting as a form of symbolic warfare.

7d. The Challenge to Fight

Following the performance of a ukugiya, the challenge takes place. Mbhense (Pers
onal Communication, 1996) calls a challenge inselelo, or "I challenge you to fig
ht".
The challenge is unambiguous and clearly distinguishable from the action. The ch
allenge often involves the challenger slowly circling the fighting space while b
randishing his shield, then bounding across the space up to the chosen opponent
and shouting Nansi Inkunzi, or "here is the bull" (Derwent et al., 1998:63).
To accept the challenge, a man from the opposite party steps forward, and replie
s, "And here’s another bull" or nansen yinkunzi! Another reply to inselelo is woz’uz
ithane izinduku or "sticks understood" (Alegi, 1997).

7e. The Contest

Fighters do not rush into an attack after the challenge is accepted. Instead the
y square up and exchange blows to the shields, thus giving each other a chance t
o warm up to the situation. Stewart (Interview, 1996) believes that the warm-up
also gives the fighters a chance to detect a weakness in their opponents’ defence.

Graham Stewart (read: Cracker) with shield, in Hluhluwe, 1996

The intensity of the action increases after the initial prodding, causing the fi
ght to escalate (Fighting Sticks, Episode 1, [S.a.]). During this portion of the
fight, the men consciously focus on the weak points of the opposition.
One of the basic rules of a stick fight is that stabbing is not allowed. (Zulu,
Interview, 1996). In addition, a club or a stick with a knob is not used in a ch
allenge match (Ntuli, Interview, 1996). Furthermore, if a fighter drops his stic
k, it is honourable to give him a chance to pick it up before resuming the fight
(Fighting Sticks, Episode 1, [S.a.]). The main aim is to strike the opponent’s he
ad (the action is termed ukuweqisa). Thus, all the blows delivered to the body a
ttempt to create an opening in the opponent’s defence, in turn allowing the stick
fighter to strike his opponent’s head.
Foul play includes hitting a man with your shield and tripping him (Zulu, Interv
iew, 1996). If a man falls down, he should not be hit, but rather receive a chan
ce to regain his composure before the fight continues (Fighting Sticks, Episode
1, [S.a.]). Frustration or weariness can motivate a combatant to cling to the op
ponent, or grab hold of him or his weapons. Such practices are inadmissible in a
stick fight. Locking shields in the air can cause combatants to wrestle rather
than stick fight, and should be avoided.

7f. Introducing Non-traditional Methods into a Stick Fight

Although Ntuli (Interview, 1996) believes that techniques from other martial art
s can be incorporated in a fighter’s technique, the consensus is that stick fighte
rs should maintain the style of stick fighting by conforming to the techniques s
pecific to the art. Stick fighters are thus concerned with the style of their di
scipline, and should not incorporate techniques foreign to the style as a means
of defeating the opponent (Stewart, Interview, 1996).

7g. Determining the Winner

A stick fight ends when one of the combatants is severely beaten or when the fir
st blood is drawn (Stewart, Interview, 1996). The fighting is stopped by the inq
wele (Ntuli, Interview, 1996), the induna (Mbanjwa, Interview, 1996), the warrio
r captain, or the elders (Fighting sticks, Episode 1, [S.a.]). According to Msim
ang (1975:166), combatants can also stop the fighting by exclaiming khumu, "it i
s enough", or maluju, meaning "hold it". The victor should accept the surrender
with humility, as a "recognition of limit and self-restriction in spite of the m
oment of triumph" (Ndaba, Interview, 1996). Ndaba further points out that the vi
ctor should also take into consideration that the triumph is his, because of the
opponent. As such, stick teaches participants sportsmanship, e.g., how to win o
r lose with grace.

7h. Injuries
The injuries sustained in a stick fight can be quite severe, and typically invol
ve broken wrists and ribs (Leitch, Interview, 1996). First aid consists of placi
ng cow manure (Shakaland, Home-video recording, 1996) or a handful of earth on a
wound (Elliot, 1978:144). Should the victor have inflicted a wound on the loser’s
head, he accompanies the loser to the river or any source of water, and helps h
im to wash his wounds as a token of goodwill (Leitch, Interview, 1996). Neither
hostility nor resentment remains after a stick fight.
Although stick fighters never intend to kill a man in a stick fight, Mzobe (Inte
rview, 1996) recalled how a small boy accidentally killed another with a blow to
the temple. The inqwele was held responsible for the incident, and the small bo
y did not receive punishment. Clegg (1981:9) points out that adults are also not
taken to court if a man is killed in a stick fight, but Mbanjwa (Interview, 199
6) contradicts his statement.

8. Stick Fighting and the Larger Community

8a. Inter-District Stick Fights (Umgangela)

8a. (1). Background

Under Zulu rule, KwaZulu-Natal was divided into various regions, districts, and
inter-district areas under the rule of the king, chiefs, paramount chiefs, local
chiefs, and headmen (Clegg, 1991:8). This traditional organisation was a fertil
e breeding ground for competition and rivalry. Feuds about the possession of lan
d inflamed tension between leaders, and disputes over territory were settled by
means of stick fighting (Leitch, Interview, 1996). Stick fighting was thus a met
hod of defending a group’s territory, and asserting its boundaries.
Clegg, in reference to the Thembu clan of the Natal Midlands, argues that tradit
ional districts were no longer practically in use after the arrival of European
farmers in the late nineteenth century. Nonetheless, Zulus still operated within
their traditional territorial boundaries. Limited offers of employment on the f
arms created further tensions regarding the occupation of traditional land among
the indigenous people, perpetuating the practice of stick fighting into the pre
sent (1981:9).
Although such classical expressions of command and land distribution have offici
ally been replaced by European structures, a strong sense of competition between
traditional districts remains prevalent in the Natal Midlands (Clegg, 1981:8).
Traditional leaders in KwaZulu still exert influence over their communities and
competition between regional leaders is common (Zulu, Interview, 1996). The imag
inary boundaries of traditional territories are still maintained as a "conceptua
l construct", or what Clegg (1981:9) terms "phantom districts".
While Clegg specifically directs his study towards the Thembu clan in the Natal
Midlands, the notion of "phantom districts" is equally applicable to clans livin
g in the Nongoma area. Zulu (Interview, 1996) identifies areas in and surroundin
g Nongoma with names different to the official names available. These "phantom"
areas are further recognised by the appearance of landmarks and the characterist
ics of the landscape (Clegg, 1981:9; Zulu, Interview, 1996).
Clegg states that inter-district tensions were traditionally expressed during so
cial rituals involved with the spring festival and weddings (1981:8-9). Schechne
r (1985:230) supports the origin of ritual in conflict:
In both animals and humans rituals arise or are devised around disruptive, turbu
lent, and ambivalent interactions where faulty communication can lead to violent
or even fatal encounters. ...The interactions that rituals surround, contain, a
nd mediate almost always concern hierarchy, territory, and sexuality
Stick fighting serves as a social ritual that redirects the potentially dangerou
s interactions between people in hierarchical or territorial conflicts: "In the
classic system these tensions [competition between districts] were expressed and
contained in certain rituals. ...One of the most important elements in expressi
ng and containing inter-district competition was theumgangela" (Clegg, 1981:8).

Manzabelayo Zulu and Dukubonge Shongwe sparring in Nongoma, 1996.

8a. (2). The Umgangela

The umgangela is a highly organised, "pre-arranged inter-district stick fighting

match" with set rules. Clegg (1981:8) suggests that the umgangela as social rit
ual, although expressing a violent subtext, actually contains and controls the p
otential violence. Stick fighting thus "sublimates violence", in Schechner’s terms
, providing a socially sanctioned release for aggression while strengthening and
reaffirming the social fabric of the society. Stick fighting is thus an endless
postponement of violence, enacting or channelling violence in such a way as not
to endanger the immediate social environment. Potential antisocial impulses are
transformed into an interactive and constructive process of socialisation.
The inter-district umgangela incorporates various layers of meaning within a wel
l-known structure. Clegg (1981:9) states that such an umgangela takes place duri
ng the summer (e.g., between November and January). At an inter-district umgange
la, men from the same region wear costume pieces to identify them as belonging t
o a certain region. Costume thus makes a statement about a group’s social solidari
ty, and can manifest itself in many forms, from sashes to hairstyles. Zulu (Inte
rview, 1996) states that men from the same region should display something ident
ical in their way of dressing for the event. Stick fighters of a region may take
a collective name as a means of identification. Informants at Nongoma use the c
ollective name Mshanelo, or broom, as a metaphor for fighting prowess (Zulu, Int
erview, 1996). Additionally, fighting sticks may be decorated to co-ordinate wit
h the men’s clothing.
Three or four districts may be represented at the inter-district umgangela, form
ing "companies of men singing and shouting their war cries" (Clegg, 1981:9). The
stick fight takes place on a predetermined space at an agreed date. Clegg expla
ins that the war captains of the districts (known to each other) come together a
nd lead the companies into rhythmic movements, thus displaying their district’s po
tential ability to conquer. They also make a symbolic statement about going into
other districts and courting the sisters of the men in the conquered district.
Next, well-known stick fighters from each district break away from the group and
perform their ukugiya, or ritual solo combat. Should a fighter do an impressive
ukugiya, he is unlikely to be challenged. However, the ukugiya can also give cl
ear indications of the shortcomings of a warrior’s technique or display habitual a
ctions that provide clues as to how he can be beaten. As soon as a weakness is n
oticed, an opponent challenges the warrior by walking up to him during the cours
e of the ukugiya (Clegg, 1981:9). In theory, normal etiquette applies, but Clegg
(1981:9) mentions that inter-district stick fights can take place in long lines
of 40-50 people (imigangela), where it is difficult to maintain the ethos of st
ick fighting.

Manzabelyo Zulu and Dukubonge Shongwe posing in their team costumes for the umga
ngela, 1996.
8a (3). Spectators and Officials

Spectators are always present during stick fights to acknowledge what happened (
Mbanjwa, Interview, 1996), and to judge if the fight was fair (Fighting sticks,
Episode 1, [S.a.]). Although spectators play an integral role in the proceedings
of a stick fight, they are not to interfere with the fighting.
Spectators consist mainly of men and young unmarried women in traditional attire
(Mamthetwa as cited by Zulu, Interview, 1996). Men whistle, women ululate, and
the spectators generally show a verbal appreciation of exciting actions (Zulu, I
nterview, 1996). The reaction of spectators can enhance the performance of the f
ighters, and the fight is followed with great enthusiasm (Leitch, Interview, 199
6).
Although the duties of the warrior captains, or umphathi wensiswa, include maint
aining order during the fights (Leitch, 1996), Clegg (1981:9-14) believes that t
he umgangela cannot contain the tension between the districts. This can lead to
violent encounters; hence the development of the isishameni style of dancing, wh
ich is today a more socially acceptable expression of conflict in KwaZulu-Natal.
Leitch (Interview, 1996), with reference to KwaZulu, is of the opinion that the
escalating violence in contemporary Zulu society is a direct result of the decl
ine in the practice of stick fighting. Faction fighting can be seen as a modern
manifestation of tensions between parties, but is by no means an acceptable meth
od of resolving conflict through physical interaction (Ntuli, Interview, 1996).

8a. (4). How Umgangela Differ from Faction Fights

The ritual combat of an umgangela is significantly different from faction fighti

ng, during which induku and ubhoko are utilised as real weapons. Moreover, facti
on fights are not governed by the same rules as a stick fight: in faction fights
, the intention is to cause harm and the fight erupts as an expression of aggres
sion (Ntuli, Interview, 1996).
Leitch (Interview, 1996) indicates that since there is little restraint on the u
se of weapons in a faction fight, participants are not restricted to the use of
induku and ubhoko. In contrast, Zulu (Interview, 1996) emphasises that no "meann
ess" should be involved in district fighting; the umgangela is an opportunity fo
r "playing" and "peaceful fighting", and determining who the best fighter in the
region is.
Ntuli (Interview, 1996) recalls that in his youth, "tribal wars" in the Gingingd
lovo-Dokodweni (KwaZulu) area assumed the form of a stick fight.Regional stick f
ighting is still prevalent today in the Nongoma area (Zulu, Interview, 1996). St
ick fights between people of Mtunzini and Durban also take place (Mbanjwa, Inter
view, 1996), although traditionally stick fighting was not as prominent in Natal
as in KwaZulu (Clegg, Personal Conversation, 1996).
In any event, faction fights are armed brawls, whereas inter-district stick figh
ting is consciously a game, loaded with symbolism familiar to both the fighters
and the observers.

8b. Stick Fighting and Rites of Passage

8b. (1). Introduction

Most societies have rites of passage that are regarded as the "passport to adult
status" (Elliot, 1978:142). Mlotshwa (1988:5) states that such rites of passage
indicate the transition from one set of socially identified circumstances to an
other. They are concerned with personal development, and include the celebration
of transitional stages in life such as birth, puberty, marriage, and death.

8b. (2). The Thomba (Male Puberty) Ceremony

In Zulu society, the thomba or male puberty ceremony marks the "attainment of ph
ysical maturity, and the occasion is a very important one both for the individua
l and for his kraal [village]" (Mahlobo & Krige, 1934:166). Elliot (1978:142) is
of the opinion that a puberty rite is not only significant in terms of its soci
al function, but is also pivotal in a young man’s spiritual development. Stick fig
hting is a prominent element of male puberty rites, and so forms part of the sym
bolic passage of a male to the adult world. However, since Mahlobo & Krige (1934
:166-181) analyse the thomba ceremony in detail, for the purposes of this articl
e, a brief overview of selected aspects of the ceremony is all that is necessary
.
The thomba ceremony starts after a boy experiences his first nocturnal emission,
thus providing concrete evidence that he is entering a new phase of his life (E
lliot, 1978:143). The boy follows a customary, set procedure to announce the eve
nt publicly. Firstly, he gets up before dawn, secretly steals his father’s cattle,
and drives the herd to a place where they will not be easily located. The fathe
r, on noticing the missing cattle and son, announces the news and prepares the a
ppropriate intelezi for the event. Secondly, the boy’s peers follow the example of
stealing their fathers’ cattle and join the cattle with the stolen herd. As soon
as the boy is found, the area around his stomach is smeared with "crab mud" and
he must swim in nearby water (Mkhonza, 1984:19). Thirdly, the cattle must be fou
nd. Although Elliot (1978:143) acknowledges that differences exist among various
clans, the observation provided is in accordance with the account given by Brya
nt (1949:654).
According to Elliot (1978:143), the first attempt to reclaim the cattle involves
sending girls of the local kraals to return the boys and cattle home. Both girl
s and boys carry sticks and shields, and a stick fight erupts between the sexes.
Gender roles are clearly delineated in the Zulu society, and stick fighting bel
ongs to the sphere of the man (Ndaba, Interview, 1996). Since the socially ascri
bed gender role for women does not include warfare or martial arts (Ndaba, Inter
view, 1996), it is highly unusual to find instances where women wield the sticks
. The thomba ceremony serves as an example of such an exception to the rule.
The fight presumably takes place in the space selected to hide the cattle. Ellio
t (1978:143) insists that the girls observed were experts with the fighting stic
ks, although they were eventually beaten in combat by the boys and chased home.
Bryant, however, describes quite a different outcome of events:
the girls, armed with their switches, were mustered and despatched to bring both
cows and truant back. A brisk battle, in which sticks were liberally used all r
ound, naturally ensued out on the veld between the rival sexes; but soon the big
ger girls got boys and cows together on the run and drove them in one big scampe
r all back home.
Ritter (1957:16) states that both sticks and switches were employed in such a ba
ttle. Elliot (1978:143) argues that whipping switches were traditionally used, b
ut were replaced by fighting sticks. On the supposedly rare occasion that the gi
rls won, the boy reaching puberty was labelled a weakling (Elliot, 1978:143). Ma
hlobo & Krige (1934:157-1181) do not give an account of any practice similar to
the fighting girls. It is thus difficult to determine whether the custom has its
origin in ancient traditions, or whether it is a relatively modern development.
Leitch (Interview, 1996) maintains that it is very seldom that girls fight the
boys at a contemporary thomba ceremony, due to the decline of attention to the i
ntricate details of the ritual.
If the girls did not succeed in recovering the stolen cattle, the fathers of the
kraals go to fetch their cattle and boys. A stick fight between the boys and th
e men then takes place, usually with devastating consequences for the inexperien
ced boys. Once back at home, the boy undergoing the thomba ceremony is given int
elezi and beer drinking begins. Further rituals take place over a number of days
, and throughout the rest of the ceremony, the boy is constantly instructed on t
he appropriate patterns of social behaviour (Elliot, 1978:144).
It appears that participants in the ceremony are fully aware of the symbolic nat
ure of their interactions. Furthermore, the playful subtext of the fighting acti
ons is evident at all times. The boys are presumably engaged in sparring rather
than actual stick fighting.

Sotho men playing with sticks during a ceremony that celebrates the transition t
o manhood. (The youths sit in front of the men, and are not visible in the photo
.) Sotho sparring is distinct from Zulu stick fighting.

8b. (3). The Iphapu (Lung) Festival

During the iphapu (lung festival), stick fighting manifests itself in a highly o
rganised format (Schoeman, 1982: 51).
Schoeman explains that participation in the iphapu festival is the sole privileg
e of herd boys. Herd boys are unmarried men and boys ranging in age from about 7
-25 years. When a kraal slaughters a cow, certain parts of the beast are reserve
d for the herd boys only (1982:48). These parts include the heart, lungs (iphapu
), and smaller fleshy parts of the animal such as the ears, spleen, and upper li
p (Msimang, 1975:167). The lungs and the best meat received are not eaten in the
kraal, but are taken away by the senior boy to a space specifically selected fo
r the lung festival (Schoeman, 1982:48).
Strict criteria govern the selection of a suitable space. Schoeman (1982:48) ide
ntifies some of the determining factors. Firstly, the space should be located in
an area high enough to keep a watchful eye on the surrounding area and possible
enemies. Secondly, the space chosen should accommodate the need for privacy and
safety of participants. Msimang (1975:166) points out that the area should be s
uitably private to play the game of stick fighting without being disturbed by th
e women of the kraal. Thirdly, a substantial amount of rocks should be available
. The rocks are to be shifted around in order to produce a sound that is clearly
audible throughout the surrounding area.
The sound functions as an invitation to the iphapu festival for other herd boys
of the area. The boys drive their herds of cattle in the direction of the sound,
and once assembled at the designated space, the younger boys are sent to collec
t wood for a fire. The boys barbecue the lungs, cut them into pieces, and distri
bute the pieces for consumption among the participants. Meanwhile, the izingqwel
e (senior boys) stuff the pleura with choice meat. The pleura are barbecued excl
usively for the ingqwele (leader of the herd boys), and juniors only get a taste
if a piece of the meat is offered to them as a reward for courage or bravery (S
choeman. 1882:48-49). Next they barbecue the heart of the animal, cut it to piec
es, and divide the meat between the izingqwele (senior herd boys). Schoeman (198
2:49) clarifies the action by providing a technical description of the procedure
involved in eating the heart.
During the iphapu ceremony, juniors can challenge the leadership of their senior
s. Boys from throughout the area gather to witness a challenge and acknowledge t
he victor as leader (Msimang, 1975:166). A challenge occurs within an accepted s
tructure of events. Placing fat from the piece of lung reserved for the izingqwe
le on a stick and daring boys to take it away and eat it constitutes a challenge
. The senior is expected to accept the challenge. Boys other than the most senio
r can turn down or ignore a challenge, unless the challenge is directed toward t
hem by name, but by doing so, they acknowledge the current izingqwele as the und
isputed leader (Schoeman, 1982:50-51). The izingqwele can also invent a reason f
or a youngster to go and see if all is well with the cattle. Upon his return, th
e youngster is told that another boy made inflammatory statements about him, or
about his mother’s private parts. The statements might well have been made, but ar
e very likely a fabrication. In either case, the boy is morally obliged to accep
t the challenge and initiate a fight.
A stick fight at the iphapu festival continues until a combatant emerges as the
victor (Schoeman, 1982:50-51) or until one of the pair exclaims "khumu!" (Msiman
g, 1975:166), meaning, "It is enough". The spectators are fully involved in the
fight, and the participants are enthusiastically encouraged and well-executed bl
ows receive praise. Afterwards, the victor receives praise and applause from the
whole congregation of boys, while the loser is subjected to playful jests and l
aughter.
Organised raids on the herds of cattle belonging to neighbouring kraals also tak
e place during the lung festival. The intention of these raids is never to steal
cattle. Instead, the intention is to create a playful scenario that provides a
motivation for a stick fight.
These cattle raids have the potential of involving a large number of boys and yo
ung men in what is essentially a game of tactics. Firstly, a group of spies is s
elected from the younger boys participating in the festivities. The spies are th
en dispatched to establish when and how the raid will take place. The ingqwele m
ay even accompany the boys on this expedition. Secondly, the cattle are brought
to the grazing fields of the attackers. When the cattle are found missing, the v
ictims arrive en masse to claim back their cattle, with the result being a stick
fight. Should the victims lose the stick fight, then their cattle are not retur
ned to them. Instead, they have to seek the assistance of older men, who negotia
te with the attackers. The older men are supposed to be embarrassed by the actio
ns of the youngsters, and will scold them thoroughly before attempting to retrie
ve the cattle. The cattle are given back to the men immediately upon their arriv
al, and the victims return home while enduring joking remarks from the attackers
(Schoeman, 1982: 49-52).
After engagement in the necessary action, the cattle thieves return to their hom
e kraal, where the rest of the meat (ears, lip and spleen) is eaten and washed d
own with Zulu beer (Msimang, 1975:166). It is highly probable that yet another f
ight between groups of boys will erupt after the general feasting back at home.
Schoeman (1982:52) claims that the highly structured and hierarchical nature of
the programme gives rise to an almost political organisation among the herd boys
. Authority flows down from the senior ingqwele to the izingqwele, and from the
izingqwele to the ordinary herd boys. The organisation, the power structures, an
d the negotiations required following cattle raids are simply reflections of the
power structures existing in the wider community.

Dukubonge Shongwe showing the cushions (isibusha) inside the shield.

8c. Courtship

Traditional Zulu courting custom dictates that a boy should discover where the g
irl he admires collects water, and "waylay" her on her way to or from the water.
A girl, or intombi, can accept or reject the boy’s advances by changing her custo
mary route to the water. Should she have another admirer, then the boys may test
their skill in stick fighting in an attempt to win her favour (Stewart, Intervi
ew, 1996). Ntuli (Interview, 1996) points out that the girl would always be pres
ent to observe the outcome of such a fight.
According to Stewart (Interview, 1996), the outcome of this contest might furthe
r develop into a fight between two groups of boys. This is most likely to occur
if the loser is seriously aggrieved, or wishes to challenge the outcome of the f
ight. The loser will inform his friends about the fight, and provide a handy exc
use for his weak performance. The loser’s friends might well be aware that the exc
use is fictional, since it is generally accepted that the better stick fighter s
hould win a stick fight. However, they willingly suspend their disbelief in orde
r to have an opportunity to stick fight. The victor anticipates the loser’s action
s, and in turn, notifies his friends about the fight that took place. Both parti
es then patiently wait for an appropriate opportunity (such as a wedding) to eng
age in a clash of arms, one party to restore its friend’s honour and impress the i
ntombi, the other to again prove its superiority and impress the intombi.
Ntuli (Interview, 1996) believes that many stick fights are caused by rivalry fo
r female attention. Stewart (Interview, 1996) points out that should a boy be to
o shy to confront a girl with his amorous advances, his sister or a female frien
d can come to his assistance and court the girl on his behalf. The female will d
ress in male attire, complete with induku, ubhoko, and ihawu. She might display
arrogance or aggression (associated with masculine behaviour), and might even st
ick fight, although not to the extent that a boy would.
Additionally, a young man or boy might carry a stick heavily decorated with bead
work as an indication that he is interested in a particular girl. The stick is n
ot utilised for fighting purposes, although it is carried with his fighting stic
ks (Shakaland, Home-video recording, 1996).

8d. The Umshado (Wedding) Ceremony

A Zulu wedding is a public event that takes place over a period of about three d
ays (Dalrymple, 1983:121). It involves specific rituals in various stages of the
ceremony that Dalrymple (1983:121-194) and Bryant (1949:533-604) have described
in detail. Therefore, I will only pay attention to the role that stick fighting
plays in the occasion.
Nowadays stick fighting often takes place before a wedding ceremony to settle an
y disputes between parties (Larlham, 1985:6). However, Mbanjwa (Interview, 1996)
and Dalrymple (1983:131) indicate that stick fighting can also take place after
the wedding ceremony. For example, the last afternoon of the wedding observed b
y Dalrymple (1983:121-131) concluded with older men drinking beer in the cattle
enclosure while younger men fought with sticks.
Ntuli (Interview, 1996) indicates that stick fighting is an expected part of a Z
ulu wedding, and that participants will engage in a fight even if there are no d
isputes to be settled. Accordingly, men attend the wedding fully prepared for a
stick fight. Young men might also decorate their bodies and their hair with bead
work, or dress up in beautiful pants and string vests to impress the girls prese
nt. Mzobe (Interview, 1996) notes that to this day, Zulu men often dress in trad
itional attire for a wedding, and even hire the appropriate clothes if they do n
ot possess their own.
Stick fighting takes place at a wedding to impress the girls and to build a repu
tation as a stick fighter of calibre (Leitch, Interview, 1996). A man might even
pretend to be interested in another man’s girlfriend to provoke a fight (Shakalan
d, Home-video recording, 1996). Alternatively, a man might intentionally overdre
ss and appear very arrogant in order to anger other men (Stewart, Interview, 199
6).
It seems that people at the wedding are aware of the playful dynamics operating
in the attempts to provoke a stick fight, and go along with the game. Zulu (Inte
rview, 1996) sees a wedding as an opportunity to "play umgangela", suggesting th
at the action is not an overly serious competition between men.
As always, a suitable space for the fighting is selected. This space must be in
view of the wedding party, but not disturbing the proceedings. The warrior capta
in chooses the ground, usually situated on a hillside that overlooks the wedding
. (Although level ground is preferable, steep slopes will not prevent a stick fi
ght from taking place.) The place at which a stick fight happens is termed umgan
gelo, and spectators delineate its space by forming a human circle big enough to
accommodate the action (Leitch, Interview, 1996).
To ensure correct protocol, the fighting takes place under the supervision of th
e warrior captains or leaders of the group. There is a specific structure in the
flow of events. Firstly, people gather around the selected space and the men ta
ke turns to ukugiya. Larlham (1985:6) states that the performance of a ukugiya s
erves as a challenge to any man who wishes to display his prowess as a stick fig
hter. Dalrymple (1983: 160), however, indicates that a person who disrupts an uk
ugiyaat a Zulu wedding risks a stick fight. After the performance of a ukugiya,
the challenge takes place.
Mzobe (Interview, 1996) points out that a man could challenge another by teasing
him. At his sister’s wedding in 1995, Mzobe’s peers jokingly remarked that his lean
physique would hinder him in a stick fight. Mzobe accepted this challenge in an
attempt to prove his fighting skills. The challenge is unambiguous and clearly
distinguishable from the action.
To begin the stick fight, a man from the opposite party accepts the challenge by
taking a step forward. The resulting fight can incorporate comical elements des
igned to entertain the spectators and infuriate the opponent (Leitch, Interview,
1996). The reactions of the spectators vary according to the course that the fi
ght takes. The spectators exclaim their delight at a good manoeuvre and watch qu
ietly as the fight grows serious. Ululating girls assist in building the excitem
ent, and perform their stamping dance (ukuggiza) (Larlham, 1985:8), thus encoura
ging the fighters to prove their superiority at stick fighting. As soon as a man
is defeated, another from the opposition takes the stage. A great number of men
can partake in the stick fighting depending on the following of the bridal part
ies (Stewart, Interview, 1996). Leitch (Interview, 1996) indicates that five or
six hundred men can be engaged in the fighting, without any fatalities occurring
.
Stick fighting at weddings has been discouraged of late, due to the serious natu
re of the injuries that might occur. Mafisa (Personal Communication, 1996) state
s that stick fighting at Zulu weddings is no longer a common practice, and only
occurs in the rural areas.

Johannes Bofelo, on right, during a Sotho ceremony celebrating the boy’s transitio
n to manhood. (Bofelo was not an initiate, but the person who performed the surg
ery.)

9. Conclusion

Traditional stick fighting, as performed in the rural areas of KwaZulu-Natal, co

ntinues to serve as a process of socialisation, and to transmit the social norms
of the community in which it operates. In recent years, stick fighting has beco
me politicised to the extent that this practice, which once played an instrument
al role in building the pride of the Zulu nation, has come to be regarded with c
ontempt or suspicion by some. Contemporary practices of stick fighting such as o
ccurs in the hostels of mines, in the parks of Johannesburg, or in the competiti
ve team sport played by men travelling to countries such as Japan, is a faint ec
ho of the art’s traditional richness and social importance. In a country historica
lly associated with the violation and exploitation of indigenous cultures in all
spheres of life, vibrant arts such as Zulu, Pedi, Xhosa, Sotho or Ndebele stick
fighting are long awaiting the recognition and respect that these arts deserve:
fighting arts that are uniquely, and proudly, South African.
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Endnotes

EN1. Providing Western names for these trees is problematic, as amongst other di
fficulties, the names vary according to regions and dialects. uMquambathi, or pr
otea roupellia, is commonly known as the silver sugarbush. It is found in Zulula
nd and the Transkei (Pooley, 1993:86). uMazwende, or artabotrys monteiroae, is c
ommonly found in northern Zululand, where it is known as the red hook-berry tree
(Pooley, 1993:94). uMazwende can also refer to the uMazwende-omlhope tree, or m
onanthotaxis craffa, which is renowned for its magical properties. This latter t
ree is commonly called the dwaba berry (Pooley, 1993:94). The ibelendlovu tree,
kigela africana, is popularly identified as the sausage tree. Its wood is not ve
ry hard, but it is tough (Pooley, 1993:94). uMphahla is a tree from the Brachyla
ena species, and umthathe or ptaeroxylon obliquum is generally referred to as th
e sneezewood tree (Pooley, 1993:448). Available Western botanical resources do n
ot list uMunquma.
EN2. The induku is also called umshiza, umzaca, isikhwili, isiqwayi, imviko, and
umqambathi, depending on the regional discourse (Mzimela, 1990:21). For example
, informants in Nongoma favour the name isikhwili, while informants in Mtunzini
and Hluhluwe favour the name induku.
EN3. The action of striking with induku can be called ukugadla, ukushaya, ukubho
nya, ukuqunsula, or ukuvithiza (Mzimela, 1990:21).
EN4. uPhindamshaye, or the adenia gummifera, is a poisonous climber often used f
or medicinal purposes (Pooley, 1993:338). The phind’umuva is an unfamiliar species
of plant, identified as a creeper by Buthelezi (Interview, 1996). Cene seems to
be a generalised term indicative of a number of small aloes.
-----------------------------------------------
About the Author
Dr. Marié-Heleen Coetzee lectures at the drama department of the University of Pret
oria in stage movement, educational drama and theatre, and drama and film studie
s. She was previously on faculty at the University of Zululand (1994-2000). Whil
st based in Zululand, her research focused on the cultural-anthropological and p
hysical dynamics of Zulu stick fighting and its application to theatre. Most of
her research on the cultural-anthropological aspects of stick fighting was condu
cted and documented between 1995-1996 as part of the research project "Playing S
ticks: An Exploration of Zulu stick fighting as performance". She has addressed
national and international conferences on her field of study, taught at national
and international stage combat workshops, and published academically. Additiona
lly, she has directed, performed in, and choreographed various theatrical produc
tions. She serves on the executive board of the South African Performers’ Voice an
d Movement Educators (SAPVAME) and on the Artistic Advisory Committee of the Int
ernational Organisation of the Sword and the Pen (IOSP). She initiated and organ
izes the annual "Rendezvous South Africa!" international stage combat workshops.
InYo: Journal of Alternative Perspectives Sept 2002