Indian Political Science Association

THE EMERGING TRENDS IN THE NON-ALIGNED MOVEMENT

Author(s): SURENDRA CHOPRA
Source: The Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 47, No. 2 (April - June 1986), pp. 161-
177
Published by: Indian Political Science Association
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/41855843
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 THE EMERGING TRENDS IN THE
NON-ALIGNED MOVEMENT
SURENDRA CHOPRA

The end of the Second World War ushered in a new pat

relationship in world politics. Some of the old states emerg
and impoverished out of the war- ravaged world and a large nu
new states acquired independence as a result of decolonisation.
accompanied by the division of the world into two power bloc
by the USA and the Soviet Union. Each vied with the other to
a ' sphere of influence',1 exploiting the poverty of the old sta
backwardness of the new ones. The US tried to exploit the
communist expansion in these states while the Soviet Union t
keep as many of them out of the sphere of the American inf
possible. In other words, it has yielded place to a new kind of
alism with advantages of the past without the approbium of its
tations.2 The US donned the mantle of UK, France, Holland and all
other imperialists of the yore. Apart from its desire to control the
supply of strategic raw material, oil and secure its markets, the US
strategy had been emphasis on East-West issue and de-emphasis on
various regional or local problems to solidify a strategic consensus bet-
ween the US and the other lands threatened by the Soviet Union and
heavy reliance on arms sales abroad to cement their consensus.3

The Soviet Union vigorously supported decolonisation first and the

anti-neocolonial stance of the third world, later. It would not permit
the US dominance over the Indian Ocean, Persian Gulf and exercise
sway over the Pacific and the Mediterranean. It would not like its

The Indian Journal of Political Science , Vol., 47, No. 2. April-June, 1986.
Abridged version of a paper presented at the XIII World Congress of the
International Political Science Association held at Paris, 15-20, July, 1985.

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162 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

policy of helping the liberation movements in various parts of the world

checkmated.

It was during such a state of world politics that some states thought
of a new strategy, preferred to keep away from the bloc rivalry and
charted an independent path. Initially this approach was given various
terms, some derisive others complimentary, still others value-free and
was viewed as nothing more than a "verbal exercise."4 The words used
to characterise this approach were "non-commitment", non-involve-
ment", "neutrality" or "neutralism", an ideology of "revolutionism"
of the post-colonial period and Utopian.5 Despite the fact that the
non-aligned are not neutral states and are not comparable to the small
states of the 19th century, many writers have persisted in maintaining
that non-alignment is merely a synonym of neutralism.6 Even distingui-
shed scholars like Hans J. Morganthau,7 L. Martin, his co-authorss
and Sayesh* made a similar mistake. Neutrality, however, is a legal
concept which stipulates a code of conduct during war where a neutral
state has to treat both the belligerents equally and enjoys certain rights
and duties according to recognised principles of international law.10
Non-alignment, on the other hand, is a positive concept which entails
a certain code of conduct though not recognised by law but governed
by the general principles of inter-state behaviour developed over the
years. This approach was termed immoral, dubious and unrealistic.
Initially, the Soviet Union, China and the USA were almost unanimous
in pouring a chorus of denunciation on this approach.

The ideology of non-alignment views the international political

system differently from both American democracy and Soviet Commu-
nism. Throughout their modern history, many of the new states have
been the body upon which the rival great powers trampled. Their
attitude towards international politics stems from a search for a uniquely
independent identity and role in the world. They have played a role
which is not subservient to any of the superpowers.

The first statesman to articulate fviews in this connection was Nehru

even before India became independent. He said: "We propose as far
as possible, to keep away from the power-politics of groups, aligned
against one another which have led in the past to world wars and
which may again lead to disasters on an even vaster scale."11 But when

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 THE EMERGING TRENDS IN THE NON-ALIGNED MOVEMENT 163

Nehru became the Prime Minister of free India he gave a sharper focus
to his ideas and put them into practice.

Over the years the contours of non-alignment have undergone

changes and many new trends have emerged. These trends have been
the result of various geo-political and socio-economic factors. First of
these trends is the number of the members has grown from 25 at
Belgrade in 1961 to 101 at New Delhi in 1983. The rise in number has
not added much to the strength of the movement as member states with
all kinds of alignments have entered it to play the game of super-
powers, some openly, others clandestinely, resulting in the increase of
the influence of the superpowers on the movement. Second, the move-
ment radicalised in the seventies and showed preference for the socialist
bloc, because the Soviet Union and its allies always supported the
movement in its fight against imperialism, colonialism and neocolonia-
lism in contradistinction to the attitude of the USA. Third, a number
of states having bilateral conflictual relations have joined the move-
ment. In 1961, out of 25 members, no two countries had conflictual
relationship while in 1983, 24 members had armed conflicts at one
point of time or the other and 29 members had conflictual relationship. 12
This phenomenon has resulted in airing bilateral disputes. For example,
sharply opposed views on questions like Kampuchea and Afghanistan
were expressed in New Delhi Summit which could only weaken the
movement. Finally, the emphasis has shifted from anticolonialism to
anti-neocolonialism. The movement has started emphasising more and
more, a democratic and just international economic order by putting
an end to the unjust, oligarchic Bretton woods system which led to the
demand for a new international economic order. The purpose of this
paper is to examine how the emphasis has shifted more to economic
problems. A brief background to the evolution of such a policy would
be in order.

Whereas the traditional non-alignment had a distinct political

philosophy, the new non-alignment has a positive economic philosophy.
The traditional non-alignment focussed on equi-distance from the
superpowers, the new non-alignment has "identified the capitalist
developed countries as totally responsible for its economic plight.18 In
other words, it moved from anti-colonialism to anti-neocolonialism.
The yawning gap between the income from the raw material produced

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164 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

by the third world and the one from the finished goods was as much
the result of colonial past as the neocolonial present. It has been realis-
ed that poverty is the anti-thesis of peace. But this change was neither
sudden nor accidental, it was the result of evolution, gradual realisation
and maturity of the third world countries.

The non-aligned countries have been playing a pivotal and catalytic

role in the field of international economic relations.14 Though the
non-alignment movement was essentially political, it was inspired by
the urge to avoid involvement in power rivalries so as to concentrate
on economic goals. It was natural in this context that common
economic aspirations of the members find a place in its deliberations
and declarations. At Belgrade Conference, Jawaharlal Nehru had
asked the non-aligned nations to accept that:

We are socially and economically backward countries and it

is not an easy matter to get rid of this inheritance of backward-
ness and underdevelopment. It requires clear thinking, it
requires action and it requires a tremendous amount of
hard work.16

The Belgrade Conference demanded that the gains of technologi-

cal advancement be applied to all fields of economic development to
hasten the achievement of international justice. President Tito of
Yugoslavia proposed the holding of a world conference within the UN
framework to consider the economic problem of the South. To this
effect a resolution was passed at the General Assembly of 1961 despite
Northern opposition.16 This resolution called upon the United Nations
to consult the member governments regarding the holding of a con-
ference on international trade and the possible agenda of such a
conference. Ultimately in 1962, the North abandoned its opposition
and agreed to a decision of the ECOSOC of the same year to convene
UNCTAD17 which was done in 1964. The concept of the NIEO
originated then.18

The Second Conference held in 1964 emphasised the need for the
peaceful settlement of all world issues and to strengthen solidarity in
the struggle against imperialism and colonialism. A programme of
peace and international cooperation was adopted at the Cairo Summit
in 1964.

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 THE EMERGING TRENDS IN THE NON-ALIGNED MOVEMENT 165

But the Third Conference held at Lusaka devoted itself conside-

rably to the demand for a change in the international economic rela-

tions. Hence a shift in the political economic paradigm of the move-
ment was fully asserted at the Fourth Non-aligned Summit at Algiers
in September 1973. An appeal was made for the establishment of the
New International Economic Order.19 The Declaration and Program-
me of Action for the Establishment of the NIEO was subsequently
adopted at the Sixth Special Session of the UN General Assembly in
1974. 20 Apart from the philosophy of the NIEO, the wording of the
resolution showed a marked influence of the decisions taken at the

Algiers Summit. * Algiers Summit and the beginning of a new phase

was characterised by a comprehensive and consistent approach towards
the problems of the less developed countries and towards evolving
suitable methods for transcending unequal economic relations.21

Thus between Lusaka and Algiers, the movement had transformed

and converted into a highly organised international economic pressure
group for the reorganisation of the international economic system.22
The transformation showed some other distinctive features; first, the
change in the level of attention given to economic issues of developing
countries; second, the shift from mere reform of international economic
relations towards a radical change in the internàtional economic order;
third, the formation of a semi-permanent organisational institution to
handle economic issues; and the drastic change in the agenda of the
international order, giving priority to economic issues of under-develop-
ment.28 Thus from a ''primarily political strategy individually and
collectively followed by the new states, it has transformed itself funda-
mentally into a collective economic movement".24

This orientation was carried forward by the Colombo Conference

which welcomed the resolution adopted at the 29th session of the UN
General Assembly regarding the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties
of States and condemned the unhelpful attitude of the developed count-
ries towards the implementation of the Charter and other related
resolutions. It sought complete restructuring of international economic
order including: a) fundamental restructuring of international trade
with special reference to the terms of trade, ensuring fair and remunera-
tive price in real terms for primary export products; (b) fundamental
reitructuring of world production on the basis of a new international

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166 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

division of labour; (c) radical overhauling of the international monet-

ary arrangements by removing the dominant role of international
currencies in international reserves; (d) adequate transfer or resources
on an assured, continuous and predictable basis; (e) urgent and adequate
solution to the problem of external debt particularly of the "least
developed and the most seriously affected nations"; and (f) financial
and technological assistance to the developing nations for the^develop-
ment of their agriculture.25 An important development was that it
emphasised that the parity in decision-making between developing and
developed countries should be ensured.

The self-reliance paradigm developed at Lusaka was transformed

into "collective self- reliance" which included 1) the determination of
developing countries to guarantee their legitimate economic rights in
international dealings through the use of their collective bargaining
strength; 2) the preparedness of developing countries to follow the road
of economic development and justice; and 3) the willingness of develop-
ing countries to explore and pursue the possibilities of cooperation
among developing countries in financial, technical, trade and industrial
fields.

The Colombo Conference also welcomed the "exemplary unity"

of the non-aligned states at the UNCTAD-IV and in the General
Assembly of the UN towards Global economic issues.26 The Havana
Summit too seems to have emphasized the economic aspect more than
the political one. Whilè reiterating the Lusaka-Algiers-Colombo strate-
gies, the Economic Declaration asserted that any permanent solution to
the problems of developing countries necessitated a radical restructur-
ing of international economic relations through the establishment of
the NIEO.27

The Seventh Summit of the NAM expressed grave concern at the

world economic crisis and its particularly adverse consequences for the
developing countries. It noted that world production had declined by
1.2% in 1981 and had registered further decline in 1982. The recession
in the developed world had resulted in unemployment in excess of J0%
of the labour force which is as depressing as the Great Depression of the
late twenties and thirties. The developing countries had suffered a
loss of foreign exchange on account of: a) fall in export earnings by

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 THE EMERGING TRENDS IN THE NON-ALIGNED MOVEMENT 167

$ 150 billion; b) rise in debt service payment by $ 37 billion and c) fall

in private bank lending by $ 75 billion.

The final declaration identified the following contributory factors

towards ' 'aggravating the international crisis" particularly affecting the
developed countries: (1) squandering of vast human and material
resources on an unproductive and wasteful arms race; (2) inward look-
ing policies adopted by leading developed countries; (3) financial and
monetary crises confronting developing countries characterised by (a) a
decline in global liquidity coupled with dwindling reserves, b) mount-
ing debt burden, (c) decline in concessional flows for development, (d)
hardening in the conditionally of financial assistance, and e) increasing
obstacles imposed by developed countries on access to international
capital markets; (4) adverse trading conditions characterised by (a)
protectionist barriers imposed by developed countries, (b) steady deterio-
ration in the terms of trade of developing countries specially non-oil
exporting ones, and (c) the contraction of commodity movements, the
collapse of commodity prices and the organised manipulation of the
prices of raw materials; (5) the insecurity and insufficiency of food
supplies; and (6) other factors like limitations on access to technology
and continuing brain drain.

The declaration accused some of the developed countries for asym-

metrical interdependence, as a result of their negative attitude, for
they neither allowed nor facilitated the "adoption of an integrated
approach to the solution of interrelated economic problems."

The Final Declaration of the Seventh Non-aligned Summit

lamented that for the first time since the Second World War there had
been a decline in the per capita GDP of many developing countries.
It reiterated that the international economic crisis was merely a cyclical
phenomenon, rather a symptom of structural maladjustment marked,
inter alia , by increasing imbalances and inequalities to the detriment of
the development prospects of the developing countries. There seemed
to be no hope of anything, according to the declaration, of a viable
economic system "without a basic and fundamental change in the
approaches and policies of the developed countries with respect to the
establishment of the New International Economic Order." While

stressing the interdependent character of the international situation, it

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168 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

suggested the necessity of dialogue between the developed and the

developing countries and to "act in unison in order to influence the
course of international economic cooperation decisively and in the right
direction and focussing on points of substance with a view to tackling
the immediate and structural problems facing the world economy and
to promote the establishment of the NIEO to which the NAM was
committed.28 It was an integral part of the general struggle of their
peoples for political, economic, cultural and social liberation including
the "attainment of full and permanent sovereignty and control over all
types of natural resources and economic activities."2*

The declaration reiterated : "Progress in the developing coun-

tries would help rejuvenate the stagnating economies of developed
countries." The declaration was a bold attempt at squarely accusing
the countries responsible for bleeding the third world white. The
political part is spread over some 54 pages while the economic part
over 65 pages.30 The Belgrade Conference had, however, dismissed
the economic aspect in just 42 lines, i.e., about two pages.

At the Seventh Non-aligned Summit, the Heads of State or

Governments of non-aligned countries stressed their determination to
continue to work for strengthening and promoting international
cooperation. Special importance was attached to vastly enhanced
cooperation among non-aligned and other developing countries as an
essential part of the NIEO and as an instrument for building it.
Cooperation among developing countries is also an important instrument
for the restructuring of international economic relations. Economic
cooperation among developing countries could be a valuable instrument
for promoting rational and efficient use of human, material, financial
and technological resources available in developing countries for their
individual and collective welfare. But this cooperation among develop-
ing countries is not a substitute for cooperation between developed and
developing countries and cooperation among them is not directed
against any country or group of countries. They called upon the
developed countries and international organisations to help promote
such cooperation in the interests of all round stability and progress.

The New Delhi documents are more incisive than those issued

earlier in conveying the urgency of the problems which the members

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 THE EMERGING TRENDS IN THE NON-ÀLIGNED MOVEMENT 169

the movement faced. Moreover, it elevated the analysis of the

economic problems to the global plane by not confineing to the
problems of the NAM alone. Its prescriptions ' 'encompassed" the
entire international system, for those who drafted the documents were
not unmindful of the economic problems caused by stagflation staring
the developed countries in their face.51 Presumably, it was because of
this reason that the outcome of the Summit was warmly welcomed.
Even New York Times , "applauded its draft as a polemic-free appeal.32

The following factors seem to have motivated the Non-aligned

Movement to concentrate on the economic issues of underdevelopment:

(i) As a result of detente there was resurgence of political economy

perspective of international relationship. East-West detente had
replaced the Gold War which had caused the separation of economics
from the study of international politics and security-related issues seem
to be the subjects of high politics.

(ii) The third world sought the help of the United Nations and its
agencies to solve the problem of economic development and the UN
had responded to their development needs;35 yet no qualitative results
in the existing lop-sided economic system were possible. The Club of
Ten headed by the US held the strings on the matters of international
trade, aid and transfer of technology. The hostile attitude of the US
became evident at the time of the first meeting of UNCTAD in 1964
when the leader of her delegation vehemently opposed trade preferences
to meet the development needs of the poor countries. In 1971, Presi-
dent Nixon announced the unilateral repudiation of the convertibility
of the dollar into gold, the abandonment of stable exchange rates and
the starting of a regime of floating rates contrary to the basic philo-
sophy and assumptions of Bretton woods. 3 4 In this connection, James
Lee Ray writes: "If a 'banana republic' had tried such a strategy,
it would have been disastrous for its international economic
standing."35

(iii) After the declaration of Second Development Decade, started

an era of developing countries' assertiveness. These nations perceived
that their economic and political power vis-a-vis the developed
countries, sufficiently warranted a strategy of effective "trade
unionism," to change the rules of the game and thereby wrest a greater
2

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170 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

share of world wealth and power. They wanted to participate in the

decision-making process of international economic matters, to protect
their interest and to assert their claims as the members of international

community. Vietnam war and OPEC challenge also contributed to

the strengthening of such a perception.*6

(iv) Developing countries reinforced their efforts at the restructu-

ring of the international economic system i.e., Brettonwoods System
which reflected unequal power-structure and was not responsive to the
development needs of the developing countries. These institutions
lacked legitimacy as they were devised when most of the developing
countries were not free in 1943 - 45. Emphasis on this aspect has been
laid again and again in the non-aligned declarations.37

(v) Functioning of the Brettonwoods twins, i.e., the IMF and the
World Bank had caused political irritation and created an impression
that they were tending to perpetuate economic hegemony of the West.
Even in matter of trade, developing countries expressed dissatisfaction
with the pattern of international trade as it did not yield adequate
export income owing to tariff and non-triff barriers. These countries
maintained that though tariff had been reduced on items of interest to
western countries, it remained considerably high on raw materials.
Since they were late in the process of industrialisation, their exports
ought to receive preference in the developed markets. Even the GATT
was not free from the influence of Western powers as its principles were
basically defective.

All this made them realise that their de jure political decolonisation
was replaced by de facto economic colonisation,38 known as neocolo-
nialism. This new system of economic imperialism subjected them to
coercion, subverted their identity, ended their national control over the
natural resources and made them more vulnerable to political
incursions and denied them autonomy in economic pursuits.39

(vi) Despite the announcement of detente by the superpowers,

the small states were being sucked into the global power politics and
these states felt that the present international system had given them
neither security nor development.40 According to Mahbub-ul-Haq,
international relations were dominated by feudalism instead of demo-
cracy and equality of opportunity.41

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 THE EMERGING TRENDS IN THE NON-ALIGNED MOVEMENT 171

(vii) Psychological compulsions, i.e., underdevelopment syndrome

also played an important role. Grievances of the developing countries
about the loss of dignity and recognition conspired to influence this
syndrome. Development has been one of the major planks of the
economic aspect of the non-aligned movement. It had always thought
that independence had no meaning without development. In the
Belgrade Summit, Indonesia's Ahmed Sukarno pointed out that
major problems of contemporary international relations arose from the
two processes, the process of independence and the process of develop-
ment. He said that they were inseparable like Siamese twins.42 It
seems that initially the ruling elites of the non-aligned countries had
not articulated their views on economic development. But as they
achieved maturity by rubbing shoulders with the elites of the more
advanced among the developing countries and those of the developed
ones, their national independence was stabilised to some extent and the
problem of nation-building was also met considerably. They started
articulating their views on the problem of economic development and
a "new awareness of the structural imbalance between the developed
arid the developing nations was clearly discernible."43

(viii) The non-aligned movement provided new dimensions to

the strength and stature of developing countries. It served as a morale
booster to the developing countries and emerged as an International
Economic Pressure Group.

During the post-Lusaka phase, closer collaboration between the

non-aligned countries and socialist world was natural. The socialist
world had been extremely sympathetic to the non-aligned cause, the
initial response of Stalin and Mao notwithstanding. It made it
difficult for the imperialists to redominate the former colonies either
directly or with the remote control devices. They tried to redominate
by adopting the strategy of dividing some of their colonies. This
strategy of the imperialists unfolded in South Asia and West Asia.
Though the fallout of the physical surgery on Palestine and India still
has its impact and the imperialists continue to support one against the
the other, yet by and large the socialist-non-aligned collaboration has
checkmated the imperialist design to divide and exploit considerably.
In spite of their (newly independent countries') "inner contradictions...

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 172 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

their lack of military muscle and power, their economic backwardness

they have become a force to reckon with;..44

The theory of equi-distance is not what non-alignment really stands

for. Nehru had categorically rejected this characterisation of the non-
aligned movement. It stipulates support to all those forces who op-
pose colonialism, neo-colonialism with all its concomitants, including
using multinational corporations as trojan horses, creating global
market in its exploitative form and creating dependencies.45 In the
third world, various models of dependency have emerged as a result of
the above strategy of the first world, e.g., "total dependence model"
as it developed in Africa,46 "dependence with military bases," as it did
in Taiwan and South Korea,47 "mini partnership model"48 as it
operates in countries like India. As the name implies in the first
model, the economy is totally dependent on the MNCs, while in the
second case the local collaborationist bourgeois have a role to play but
their economies are an appendage to the US economy and in the third
case major share of profits go to the originators of the MNCs and a
mere pittance is left for the collaborationists.

The changing emphasis does not necessarily mean that the non-
aligned movement lost its political moorings of "downgrading of their
common international political objectives"49 or by implication accept-
ing the view that the political aspect of international politics was the
domain of haves while have-nots concern themselves primarily with the
economic issues. In order to influence the international economic system
politics has to be "commanded." Colombo Conference had given an
unequivocal warning:

It is incontestable that there is an integral connection between

politics and economics, and it is erroneous to approach econo-
mic affairs in isolation from politics. A complete change of
political attitude and the demonstration of a new political
will is an indispensable prerequisite for the realisation of the
new international economic order.50

Conclusion

At Belgrade, 25 members of the international community had

assembled under the clouds of a severe cold war thickened by the test-
ing of the thermo-nuclear weapons by the two superpowers which was

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 THE EMERGING TRENDS IN THE NON-ALIGNED MOVEMENT 173

threatening the world peace. A clear political and economic philo-

sophy emerged, though dominated by political issues, presumably
because the elites of the non-aligned countries did not understand the
complexities of the international economic system and financial mana-
gement at that time and had not yet realised the implications of the
Brettonwoods twins. Over the years certain new trends have emerged.
With the increase in membership, the movement has become more
heterogeneous, many states with dubious alignments, open and clande-
stine have entered the movement. Again, in 1961 conflictual relation-
ship between the members was totally absent, while in the seventh
summit out of 101 members, 24 had armed conflicts on one occasion or
the other and 29 had conflictual relationships between themselves.
This conflictual relationship has enabled the superpowers to adopt an
intrusive strategy. Thus the influence of superpowers on the NAM
has increased.

But the most important trend in the transformation of the move-

ment has been the realisation of the need of the new international
economic order. The idea of traditional non-alignment underwent a
dramatic change with Lusaka Summit in 1970. While the main plank
of the classical non-alignment was anti-colonialism, anti-neocolonia-
lism became the hallmark of new non-alignment.51

The Seventh Summit of NAM gave a fillip to the basic ideology

of non-alignment. It highlighted the need of a three-pronged strategy
mapped at Lusaka, Algiers, Colombo and Havana - North-South Co-
operation, individual and collective self-reliance, South-South Coopera-
tion - to bring about structural changes inv the international econo-
mic order and building the countervailing power to break the North-
South deadlock for global negotiations. The New Delhi Summit
transformed the movement into a global one. It took a global view of
the current economic crisis. The strategy of the new non-alignment is
to establish a new international economic order with a view to reform-
ing the unjust and undemocratic Brettonwoods institutions, for the
non-aligned countries perceive that the real threat to the independence
of the developing countries comes not merely from the military but the
economic power of the superpower as well.

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174 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

NOTES

1 . See Kaufman, Edy, The Superpowers and their Spheres of Influ

the U.S. and the Soviet Union in Eastern Europe and Latin Americ
Martins Press, New York. 1977, p. 10.
2. Surendra Chopra, "US Strategy in South Asia", Patr
4 May 1984.
3. Greene, Fred, "The United States and Asia in 198V', Asian
Survey Vol. 22, No. 1, 1982, p. 1.
4. See Heimsath, H. G, "Non- Alignment Reassessed : The
Experience of India", in Hilsman Roger and Good, Robert G. (eds.)
Foreign Policies in the Sixties , Baltimore, 1965.

5. It has been discussed in detail in Lyon Peter, Neutralism , 1964.

Also see ns. 8, 9, 10, Infra.
6. Wiliets, Peter The Non-Aligned Movement : The Origins of a Third
world Alliance , Popular. Bombay, 1978, p. 19.

7. Morganthau, Hans. J, "Neutrality and Neutralism", Tear Book

of World Affairs , 1957, London, Vol. II, pp. 47-75.
8. Martin, L.W. (ed.) Neutralism and Non- Alignment: The New States
in World Affairs, Praeger, New York, 1962.
9. Sayesh, F. A, The Dynamics of Neutralism in the Arab World,
San Francisco, 1964.

10. For details, see Oppenheim, L. International Law , Vol. II. 7th
edition, London, pp. 624-678.

11. Nehru, Jawaharlal India's Foreign Policy , Government of

India, New Delhi, 1949. p. 3. The term non-alignment was claimed
to have been used by V. K. Krisnna Menon in 1953-54 in the United
Nations, Brecher Michael, India and World Politics: Krishna Menons
View of the World , London, 1968, p. 3.

12. Bojana Tadic, a Yugoslav Scholar examined this point at

length in her oral presentation at the conference on "Bandung
(1955-85): Transformation of the World", held in Cairo, 24-28 April,
1985.

13. Mohammad El-Sayed Salim, "The Political Economy of

Non-alignment in Mohmmed El-Sayed Salim (ed.) Non-Alignment
in a Changing World , Cairo, 1983, p. 85.
14. See Government of India, Economic Declaration: Seventh Non-
aligned Summit, Ministry of External Affairs, New Delhi, March 1983,
p. 56.

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 THE EMERGING TRENDS IN THE NON -ALIGNED MOVEMENT 175

15. Cited in Lall, K. B, "Nehru and International Economic

Cooperation/' in Nanda, B.R. (ed.) Indian Foreign Policy: The Nehru
Tears , Vikas, New Delhi, 1976, p. 185.
16. See for details, Spero J. E, The Politics of International Economic
Relations , St. Martins Press, New York, 1977, pp. 168-169.
17. A/Res, 1803 (XVII), 14 December 1962.
18. The underpinnings of it were provided by writings of Paul
Prcbisch, the president of UNCTAD who also worked for the Economic
Commission for Latin America during 1950s. On the basis of empiri-
cal research, he demonstrated that after the Korean War, the terms of
trade between LDCs which exported raw materials and imported
manufactured goods had declined. See for details, United Nations,
Annual Report of ECIVA: The Economic Development of Latin America and
Its principal problems , New York, 1950. Also see, Saksena, K. P. "The
United Nations and the North- South Conflict/' in Rajan M. S. and
Ganguly, Shivaji (eds.) Great Power Relations : World Order and the third
World, Vikas, New Delhi, 1981, pp. 73-74.

19. See A/9330 and Corr. 1 September 1973.

20. See A/Res. 3201 (S. VI), 1 May 1974, declaring the establi-
shment of a New International Economic Order and A /Res. 3202
(Š-VI) 1 May 1974, adopting a Programme of Action for the establish-
ment of a New International Economic Order.

21. See Singham, A. W. (ed.) The Non-aligned Movement in World

Politics , Lawrence Hill, London, 1978, p. 183.
22. For a perceptive analysis, See Santosh Kumari t India and
the Politics of New International Economic Order , Ph.D. Thesis, Guru
Nanak Dev University, Amritsar, 1984.
23. N. 12

24. Bandyopadhyaya, J., North Over South'. A Non-Western P

ctive of International Relations , South Asian Publications, Delhi
p. 206.
25. Certain food exporting countries had gradually bec
dependent on imported food. Algiers, once an exporter of food
imports two-thirds of its cereals. Iranian agriculture has also ex
ced downward trend. Indonesia, once self-sufficient in rice is n
leading importer. Same is true with Zaire. Bashai, Abdal A.
alignment: Noffth-South and South-South,' in Mohammd E
Salim, (ed.) no. 29, p. 103.
26. For details, see Documents of the Gatherings of Non-ali
Countries , 1961-1978, Belgrade, 1979, pp. 194-210.

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176 THE INDIAN JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

27. Final Declaration, Conference of Heads of State or Government of

Non-aligned Countries , Havana, September 1974, pp. 3-7.
28. N. 20

29. Ibid.

30. For a highly critical comment on this aspect, see "The No

Aligned Summit; Assembly of the Self-Righteous, " South, No
May 1983, p. 8:
31. For similar reasoning, see Subramanyam, K. ''New Tur
NAM's Economic Goals - III, Times of India , 19 March 1983.
32. New York, Times , 13 March 1983.
33. The First and Second UN Development Decades were declar
ed in 1960 and 1970. UNCTAD was set up in 1962, UNIDO was
established in 1965, UN Capital Development Fund was set up in
1966.

34. Meitzer, R. I. "The Politics of Policy Reversal: The US

Response to Granting Trade Preferences to Develping Countries and
Linkages Between International Organisations and National Policy
Making," International Organisation , Vol. 3, No. 4, Autumn 1976, p.
654. Also see Baldwin, David A. "International Political Economy
and the International Monetary System," Review Essay, International
Organization , Vol. 32, No. 2, Spring 1978.
35. See Ray, J.L, Global Politics , Houghton Mifflin, Boston,
1979, pp. 190-192.
36. Trucker, R. W. "Oil and American Power," Commentary ,
Vol. 63, No. 1, 1977, p. 29.
37. Seventh Non-aligned Summit Documents , Final Declaration Delhi,
1984, p. 82.

38. E. Laszlo et. al., (eds.) The Obstacles to the New International
Economic Order , Pergamon, New York, 1978, p. 17.

39. See for details, Knorr, K.E.: The Power of Nations: The politi-
cal Economy of International Relations , Basic Books, New York, 1975, pp.
252-254.

40. Sisir Gupta, "Great Powers Relations in World Order and

the Third World," in Foreign Affairs Reports , Vol. 27, Nos. 7-8, July-
August 1978, p. 134. Also see Government of India, Indira Gandhi's
speech at the Fourth Non-aligned Summit at Algiers, 6 September 1973,
New Delhi, p. 15.

41. Mahbib-ul-Haq, The Poverty Curtain : Choices for the Third

World , OUP, Delhi, 1978, p. 163.

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 THE EMERGING TRENDS IN THE NON-ALIGNED MOVEMENT 177

42. Misra, K.P., "Ideological Bases of the Non-aligned Move-

ment" News From Non-aligned World , Vol. 6, No. 1, November 1984.

43. Bandhyopadhyaya, J, n. 24, p. 210.

44. Dutt, V. P. "Non-alignment in a Changing World: An
outline" in Saini, M. K. (ed.) Aspects of Non- alignment, Delhi, 1981,
p. 17.

45. Saini, M.K,, Politics of Multinationals'. A Pattern in neo- colonia-

lism, Gitanjali, New Delhi, 1981.
46. For details, see Amin Samir, Neo-Colonialism in West Africa ,
New York, 1978. Also see Caparaso J.A., "Dependence, Dependency
and Power in the Global System: Structural and Behavioural Analysis,"
International Organization, Vol. 32, No. 1-2, Winter, 1978, pp. 13-43,
Dos Santos, "The Structure of Dependence" in Fann K. T. and Hodges
D.C. (eds.). Readings in US Imperialism , Boston, 1977, and Singer
M .R. Weak States in a World of Powers : The Dynamics of International
Relationships, Free Press, New York, 1972.

47. Amin, Samir et al., Dynamics of Global Crisis, Monthly Review,

New York, 1982, pp. 57-60. Also see Holsti K.J., et. al., (eds.) Why
Nations Realign: Foreign Policy Restructuring in the Post-war World,
Allen & Unwin, London, 1982, pp. 201-210.
48. See Gaurishanker V., Taming the Giants : Transnational Corpor-
ations, New Delhi, 1980. Also see Herald Mimoz, "Strategic Depend-
encies: Relations Between Core Powers and Mineral Exporting
Periphery Countries, in Kegley W. and McGowan, (eds).,
The Political Economy of Foreign Policy Behaviour, Sage, London, 1981,
pp. 191-210.
49. N. 13.

50. Cited in Bandhyopadhyaya, n. 13.

51. See for details, Surendra Chopra, "The Impact of Bandung

Conference on the NAM," (Mimeó), a paper presented at the confer-
ence on "Bandung (1955-85): Transformation of the World," held in
Cairo 24-28, April 1985.

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