The Conurbations

THE CONURBATIONS: The Major Problem Areas
Author(s): PAUL BRENIKOV

Source: The Town Planning Review, Vol. 32, No. 3/4, LAND USE IN AN URBAN
ENVIRONMENT: A General View of Town and Country Planning (OCTOBER 1961 - JANUARY
1962), pp. 25-76
Published by: Liverpool University Press
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2
Chapter
THE CONURBATIONS
The Major Problem Areas
by PAUL BRENIKOV
The was concerned with the social and economic

previous chapter changes
that have occurred in Britain during the last hundred years that bear on
town decisions in and with the nature of some of the
planning general
forces causing those changes. This chapter deals with a particular aspect of these
forces?their effects on the development and use of land and their influence
in certain special areas of Britain?the major urban concentrations together with
their hinterlands?here referred to as conurbations.
The the largest towns have been the foci not only of
regions surrounding
wealth and industry during the whole of the period in question, they
population,
have been and still are the stage for conflicting interests which raise fundamental
use. The land within and near the conurbations has therefore
questions of land
become subjected to special pressures and strains. This feature of 'land pressure'
and all the problems that it involves, marks them off as areas of a distinctive kind.
From the planner's point of view the conurbations are key areas. At the present
time they raise many grave and complex land use problems. In the past they have
a in the of British and the
played significant part development planning thought
British planning process. It now seems certain that in future the conurbations
will exert a growing influence. They command special consideration in a
general
review of British planning.
The location of the conurbations with which this chapter is concerned
general
is shown in . the discussion that follows
diagrammatically Figure Throughout
these areas are treated as whole regional units of a special kind. Itwill be argued
that a regional approach is essential for the effective planning of a conurbation,
since the function of a conurbation, the forces that bring about its development
and the special problems that occur from the operation of these forces are regional
in character. It is held that both historically and at the present time the British
has attempted to solve these regional problems by means of
planning system

26 LAND USE IN AN URBAN ENVIRONMENT
local Development Plans and local The consequences of this

Planning Authorities.
are examined in relation to those environment and land
approach problems of
use that are most and most within the conurbation areas.
urgent highly developed
In conclusion, consideration is to the in
given changes policy and approach that
seem to be needed.
The the Conurbation

Development of Concept
The nature of these key areas and their location within the country as a whole
were
already clearly evident by the beginning of the twentieth century. The
in these centres had grown very in comparison with the
population large rapidly
rest of the country and itwas this fact that first drew attention to them. Itwas
clear too, that the whole character of Britain had been transformed the
during
the a new
preceding century following gradual emergence of type of urban form.
The older and simpler idea of a 'town' as the normal focus for development was no
to describe the which had now become
longer adequate highly complex regions
the main centres of activity. the second half of the nineteenth century a
During
number of observers had already commented on the in emphasis from town
change
to it was not until 191c when Patrick Geddes
region but published his study,
Cities in Evolution, that the major consequences of the nineteenth century urban
revolution were made
apparent.
In thiswork1 Geddes discussed themain features of these new urban
regions,
the forces that to create them, and the processes that influence their
helped
He also coined the term now used to describe such an area ?a
growth.
conuibation. Geddes that conurbations,
perceived although already well
were to increase still further in
established, importance, and in extent. He
that this new of urban form, an urban a cluster
anticipated type region comprising
of small and towns in an area of limited size and all
large closely linked by
economic ties, was to be of not in economic terms but in
special consequence only
an administrative and social context also. He too that the forces
recognised
conurbations into were
bringing being powerful economic and social pressures,
and that transport played a dominant part in the actual process of urbanisation.
He also drew attention to a fact of to
particular importance contemporary
reformers who to into a more efficient,
sought guide physical development
economica], healthy and pleasing pattern. This was that although a conurbation
as a distinct urban an
developed physically region with identity and unity of its
own, the accepted system of local administrative boundaries subdivided this
unit in an arbitrary fashion and
larger prevented any effective expression of
policies suited to its special needs. He saw the need for, and advocated, the
preparation of surveys and that would cover a wide urban
development plans
not as a whole. a
region of this kind, piecemeal but Figure 6, which attempts
modern interpretation of the 'extended' conurbation areas of Merseyside and
South-East Lancashire, illustrates the of area that functions as an urban
type
region to-day.

centres
are
shown
by
of
density
population.
Important
centres
outside
the
(Based
population
the
density
conurbations
named.
of
on
M.H.L.G.
maps
are
main 1951).
Fig.
Main
2?The 1931
for
and
Concentrations
Population
England
in
The
Wales.
and
of
are
recognised
the
by
Registrar
General
and
used
for
statistical
purposes
are
Fig.
Wales.
Conurbations
England
I?Standard
in
and
The
that
conurbations
in
outlined
red.

The value of Geddes' conception

was not for some
practical appreciated
time. Such interest as there was in conurbations was academic and
specialised.
In spite of its theoretical advantages, the application of the conurbation concept
seemed impossible, since to do so would involve radical
changes
in local admini
stration which were not then considered or Moreover, many
practical necessary.
of those most directly concerned at that time with the practice of town planning
as a function of central or local were limited in their notions of the
government,
scope and nature of the subject itself. and able to apply established
Although ready
to familiar, small-scale did not seek to evolve the new
techniques problems, they
methods needed for effective planning on a wider scale since they were un
convinced or unaware of the need for it. Studies of conurbations from the
of view most of the inter-war were therefore
planning point during period
limited in number and scope. In practice were confined to extended
they largely
surveys and advisory planning schemes. Few of these projects were effective as a
means for theway land was used. Statutory town control of
guiding planning and
land use, considered as a minor function of local government, remained firmly
tied to the local government unit.
The Report of the Barlow Commission marks the turning point in the recog
nition of the value both of and of the conurbation idea. The circumstances
planning
to the of the Commission and their terms of reference
leading up appointment
ensured that attention would be directed specifically towards the 'concentration of
industries or of the industrial population in towns or in
particular
areas of
large
the country'. In the report itself the close between economic
relationship
land use problem areas and the conurbations was demon
problem areas, clearly
strated. In of their conclusions the Commissioners showed that
framing many
they had the particular needs of the conurbations very much inmind.
as a result of the Barlow Commission's the special
Although Report
and the special difficulties of the conurbations came to be more
significance
and the need to plan for them as whole units was
generally recognised clearly
a use on a
demonstrated, practical and acceptable system of guiding land regional
scale within the big urban regions did not materialise. The new
legislation brought
in after the Second World War the necessary powers, but these powers
provided
were not used to form Authorities for the conurbations.
Regional Planning
Official Advisory Plans were commissioned, some of which were to have a
influence on and ; for a brief
powerful planning policy planning techniques period
the offices of the Ministry of Town & Country were on a
Planning organised
but within the urban the local remained the
regional basis, regions authority
effective unit for statutory
planning purposes.
The Standard Conurbations
In one however the conurbations received some official

respect recognition,
if on a very restricted scale. They
were used as units for the collection of
statistical information by the Registrar General. The publication, in 19 /6, of a

THE CONURBATIONS 29
special volume of the 19ci Census dealing with Greater London and Five Other
Conurbations marked not only the first officiai
recognition of the value of the
conurbation concept but the first step towards the possibility of its practical use.
It also involved the definition of 'officiar conurbation areas.
areas seem
Unfortunately the principles employed in the selection of these
to have been more related to the restricted definition of a conurbation as a
closely
to the broader con
large continuously built up area, rather than concept of the
urbation as an urban This restricted definition was justified on the
region. grounds
of administrative convenience, and in consequence the Officiar conurbation
areas consist of those or are
groups of local authority districts which either include
to the towns2. Six areas have been defined in this
immediately adjacent largest
way: Greater London, South-East Lancashire, theWest Midlands, West Yorkshire,
Merseyside and
Tyneside. These now comprise the official or standard con
To the extent that official statistics are areas as
urbations. compiled for these
whole units they are now as a
special character of their own
recognised having
and some of coherence.
degree general
the boundaries of the standard conurbations, illustrated in
Although Figure
3, are clearly too narrowly drawn for the purpose of land use guidance, they can
be used as a convenient starting point for the study of the broader conurbation
areas of which A considerable amount of information is now
they form part.
available on the standard conurbations. More will be available after the Census of
1961. While the techniques employed for purposes of definition and the physical
characteristics differ in each individual case, sufficient similarities exist for
to be made. Some estimate can also be formed of the
general comparisons general
of the standard conurbations within the country as a whole.
significance
At the Census of 19CI, the area covered by the six standard
although
conurbations only amounted to 3.6% of the country as a whole, between them
they contained almost 17million persons?38 % of the total population of England
and Wales*. The proportion of the total population of the country living in the
standard conurbation areas does not appear to have varied very since the
greatly
late nineteenth century, the rate of population growth
differs from
although
conurbation to conurbation and from the national These variations are
average3.
of particular in relation to the past and future development. Con
significance
siderable differences in gross population density also occur within and as between
the different standard conurbations.
It is important to differences between the conurbations
recognise the basic
themselves. In all respects the Greater London area is unique. In size, population
and influence it overshadows all the others and it has problems of a very special
kind. The West Midlands conurbation, with Birmingham as its focus and the
industrial towns of the Black Country a urban complex closely
forming large
associated with this centre, provides an interesting example of rapid growth
economic prosperity. Of all provincial conurbations
deriving from sustained
* At the of the total
1961 Census, the six standard conurbations contained 16.9 million persons?36.7%
population of England andWales.

Fig. 3?Local Government Boundaries and Standard Conurbations
The local authorities named are also planning authorities. Each of these prepares a local develop
ment plan for that part of the conurbation that falls within its boundaries. All the maps are to the same
scale.

THE CONURBATIONS 31
theWest Midlands has themost favourable economic structure and its

growth has
been continuous. Itwas
hardly halted by the inter-war depression.
The two great northern conurbations the Pennines in South-East
flanking
Lancashire and West Yorkshire have characteristics of a different kind.
Topo
difficulties are more acute here and in each of them urban
graphical development
is over a area which contains
spread large many important secondary centres as
well as the major focal points ofManchester and Leeds. The economic structure
of these areas, and diverse, is on the whole less favourable
although complex
to than that of the Metropolis and the West Midlands. In
rapid development
their physical form and industrial structure both these major concentrations still
reflect the influence of the earlier period of conurbation to a marked
development
degree.
The two standard conurbation areas, Mersey side and Tyneside
remaining
are different. These coastal concentrations are smaller and more
again very great
than their inland Here a river or has acted as a
compact counterparts. estuary
feature and focus for urban Each has distinctive
dominating development.
features. In Merseyside, for example, the nature of the estuary itself and the
dominance of make for special conditions. In Tyneside,
Liverpool physical
conditions in the Valley of the Tyne and the period of rapid
growth during the
late nineteenth century have produced a concentrated and narrow band of
for miles the formed in the
development 14 along river, great days of coal that came
and went in little more than a century. In the past,
Merseyside and Tyneside have
suffered severely from unemployment and economic
instability.
2 shows that a number of
Figure large concentrations of urban population
occur outside the six standard conurbation areas. Some of these are of
long
are new but are
standing. Others relatively developing very rapidly. The highly
urbanised industrial valleys of South Wales (classed as a separate conurbation by
and the line of towns that extend in a belt
Geddes) major long through the East
Midlands from Barnsley through Sheffield, and Leicester to
Nottingham Coventry,
the two of these extra-conurbation concentrations. Smaller
represent largest
in size, but growing in importance, are the Bath-Bristol area and the extended
ribbon of development along the south coast from
Hastings through Portsmouth
and Southampton to Bournemouth. These may well form the nuclei for con
centrations of a new and different kind.
This brief and simple review of the six standard conurbations
suggests that as a
these areas have and are a dominant role in the
group special played playing develop
ment of the country as a whole. Their characteristics and their
special importance
have emerged more and more clearly since 1919 and especially since the Barlow
Report. The distribution of population in 19 ci within two groups of conurbations
is shown in Figures 4 and . There seems little doubt that these six areas,
with their hinterlands (perhaps supplemented a limited number of
together by
new focal are now to attract on a
points that starting development big scale) will
an the next This
play equally important part during fiftyyears. preliminary review
also that there is amarked distinction between two of conurbations.
suggests groups

}2 LAND USE IN AN URBAN ENVIRONMENT
Fig. 4?Population Distribution in South-Eastern and Central England, 1951.

This shows the grouping of population, by density, in and near the two 'favoured' conurbations
ofWest Midlands and Greater London. The zone inwhich population occurs at high densities extends
beyond the boundaries of the standard conurbations. This is particularly clear in the case of Greater
London. The economic hinterlands of these two major conurbations are now on the point of over
lapping. Ifand when this takes place, the area shown will contain the largest and most favoured zone
for economic development in the whole country.
(Figs. 4 and 5 are based on the population density map of theMinistry of Housing and Local Government, 1951 )
The and the rate of that attaches to the four conurbations in

pull general growth
the Northern group seems to be less than is the case with theWest
noticeably
Midlands and Greater London. The of the one group as
gradual waning compared
with the of the other is one of the most fundamental
rapid expansion perhaps
that has taken in Britain since 1919. It is too as a factor
changes place recognised

THE CONURBATIONS 33
Fig. 5?Population Distribution in North-Western England, 1951
This shows the grouping of population, by density, in and near three 'less favoured' conurbations
?Merseyside, South-East Lancashire and West Yorkshire. Geddes suggested that Merseyside and
South-East Lancashire might be considered as a single unit. This map shows how closely linked these
two have now become. The wide spread of the high population density area emphasises the seventy
of the land shortage problem in all three conurbations.
that contributes of our current social and economic problems.

to many The
redress ot this has been an important objective of public policy since
disparity
the depression years.
The conurbations can be considered, therefore, as key areas from two
as focal the concen
points of view. First, points of great importance where

tration of population, and activities of all kinds produce acute

development
of and which are reflected in
problems special magnitude complexity: problems
over the use of land. And as two con
sharp conflicts secondly representing
of urban environment within Britain, one and
trasting types dynamic capable
of rapid and development, the other static and
growth becoming progressively
less able to respond to the need for Problems related to land use and
change.
environment are the concern of town and country As both
particular planning.
of are in forms in the conurbations, this
types problem present highly developed
seems a reason for a concentration of effort in and around these
strong planning
areas to resolve the internal strains from heavy pressure on land
special resulting
and to reduce the differences between the two sorts of environment.
Within the conurbations these major objectives of are at once most
planning
worthwhile and most difficult to achieve. Yet a great deal on the
hinges ability
of the to deal with the and national in
planning process local problems centred
these special areas. So much so, that the ultimate success or failure of British
as a whole
planning may well be decided by what happens in the conurbations
the next few decades. Past experience in Great Britain suggests that
during
to control and
ability reshape the growth of major urban regions effectively?
which must be a central objective of on how far it is
planning?depends possible
to influence not and but the forces that produce them.
only growth redevelopment
The forces themselves are of many kinds, social,
political and economic. Their
effects are most marked in the areas where the pressures on land are
greatest.
assessment of past and future policy for planning in the
Any performance
conurbation areas must therefore be concerned with the nature and
particularly
effects of these forces.
Forces affectingLand Use
In terms of their influence on the of land the total effect of the

development
various social and economic forces has the one hand,
broadly been two-fold. On
there has been a natural formost new to be located in a
tendency developments
few favoured areas. This concentration of and economic activity
population
has been the main force in the initial formation of the conurbations. It
driving
remains On the other hand, a second of forces has
powerful today. group grown
up whose effects run counter to this trend and give rise to dispersal rather than
concentration. less effective on the national scale this second
Although perhaps
group of forces has become very powerful indeed within the conurbations them
selves. Thus, on the national scale concentration continues to take while
place,
within the conurbation and developments of all kinds disperse
regions population
themselves over an area.
ever-increasing
It is possible, in to two groups of forces, those
general terms, distinguish
to the concentration of and those to its
leading development leading dispersal.
This distinction is of value in the future of the conurbations, for the
considering
forces for concentration are those which foster the conurbations
making existing

THE CONURBATIONS
and may create new ones, while those

making for dispersal
exert a
powerful
influence on the way in which a concentration will grow once it is established.
An examination of the nature and the relative strengths and weaknesses of the
forces within each group provides a useful approach to an understanding of the
conurbations and an appreciation of their particular problems and needs.
CONCENTRATING FORCES
Inmost of the forces leading towards concentration the economic element

is very strong. Economic activities needing land for their operations will gravitate
those places which seem to afford the greatest combination of
naturally towards
the extent to which they do so depending on the relative mobility
advantages,
of the undertaking involved. It is this attraction towards a point of economic
which historically has been the main force, for
advantage conurbation-building
each of the major conurbations is, or has been, an advantage point of this type.
This process of attraction can be cumulative. Once the initial
advantage
of any
area to be the very fact of its exploitation becomes an
particular begins exploited,
in itself and the area to exert a further attractive force of its own
advantage begins
As accumulate, development accumulates with them;
making. advantages
and ancillary activities of all kinds being drawn in. Land values
population
increase and so create an additional incentive to further development; and sites
not worth the cost of are into use. This force of
formerly exploitation brought
attraction affects both the individual developers and the population as a whole.
can take of internal and external economies of scale in
Developers advantage
markets for their products and a larger labour force, while
production, larger
the whole population draws advantage from the better range of employment and
economic opportunity afforded by an expanding area.
These economic factors remain in force today. In some respects their in
fluence has been increased by recent changes. New methods of transport and
the mobility of
power generation have greatly extended industry. Modern
business organisation (which tends to favour the larger unit) and the rapid growth
of office employment which seems to rely on a 'big city' environment for its
are added influences further concentration. New or
personnel, leading towards
industries in move into areas with
rapidly expanding particular directly
established advantages.
The social forces that give rise to greater concentration, more
although
diffuse, are also of great significance. In the earlier period of conurbation develop
ment these social forces were largely
the product of the better opportunities
afforded by the expanding towns compared with the less prosperous countryside
and they caused heavy inward migration. Today the strictly enonomic pressure
to move may be less but the belief that a large city will provide the
powerful,
opportunities and benefits of a higher standard of living?better facilities for
education, entertainment and the wider horizons of a more
cosmopolitan society
?acts as a social incentive. These attractions, real and are an
powerful imagined,
in the concentrating of population into the conurbations.
important factor

Fig. 6?The Extent of the Merseyside and South-East Lancashire Conurbations.
This map, based on information an thesis

from unpublished M.A. by Elizabeth
Gittus, gives an the extent the and South-East Lancashire
interpretation of of Merseyside
conurbations compared with those
defined by the Registrar General in 1951. It indicates
threezones within each conurbation :
The Urban Tract, in thin red line, based on
(1) population density. This corresponds
to the standard conurbation areas. Possible are shown
modifications by dotted red
lines.
(2) The Settlement Area in pecked black line, based on to work. This can
journey
be modified by the inclusion certain towns
of larger peripheral (named) which have
close connectionswith themain centres
of Liverpool and Manchester.
(3) The Trade Area in hard red line. This encloses the urban over which the
region
twomain centres exert a It can be that in practice the
powerful influence. argued
trade areas overlap along the line and that the
Warrington-Wigan separation shown
is
artificial.
Boundaries are shown in termsof whole local
authority units. County Boroughs?
separate planning Authorities?are shaded.

THE CONURBATIONS 37
DISPERSING FORCES
the concentrating forces appear to have lost little, if any, of their

Although
influence, their effects have been partly offset by the operation of a second group
of forces acting in the opposite direction and giving rise to dispersal. In the
conurbations this dispersal takes the form of movements from the centre of the
urban area outwards towards the periphery.
The outward of population and of uses directly concerned with
dispersal
residence has been a characteristic feature of the conurbation for a long time.
not only has this type of population movement
During the last fiftyyears however,
increased enormously in scope and volume, but a wide range of other uses,
and commercial activities, have also been affected
including industry, shopping
and have begun to move out from the centres of the conurbations on an increasing
scale. While it is difficult to cause and effect with certainty, three
disentangle
a out
factors seem to have played major part in stimulating this great surge of
ward movement?the desire to avoid the consequences of congestion, the desire
formore space and the rapid changes in themeans of communication.
to be a
The first of these factors?congestion?appears by-product of
nineteenth century conditions. this period the conurbations were
During
the effects of the concentrating forces were dominant
developing very rapidly,
and themeans of movement limited. In consequence the towns that grew up on
the points of greatest advantage within the conurbation areas were
compact.
These towns prospered, but part of the price paid for this prosperity was in
a environment within the towns themselves.
creasing congestion and deteriorating
The demand formore space grew up as a reaction against these conditions. Space
tomeet the more elbow-room was within the older,
growing demand for lacking
so it was obtained short-distance movements to the
congested centres, through
of the conurbation where was available and the
perimeter adequate space
of a location within the conurbation area could be retained.
advantages
At first the demand for more space and the means to obtain it by outward
movement was confined to a few activities and to a limited section of the
most prosperous. But as prosperity increased, both the desire
population?the
and the means to move were extended to an section of the urban
ever-increasing
The 'chain reaction' of outward movement, once set up,
population. grew very
A house with a in the once the privilege of a few,
rapidly indeed. garden suburbs,
became the of most middle-class families in the years between the wars.
goal
it is a practical objective for the great majority of all families living
To-day
within the inner areas of the conurbations.
In the conurbations therefore the natural form of development?peripheral
been re-inforced by a very powerful internal trend leading to
growth?has
General movements of this kind imply a considerable increase in the
dispersal.
means of The forces to could not have had such a
mobility. leading dispersal
if they had not been supported by changes in the transport
powerful influence
and there are close connections
system. Extensive changes have in fact taken place
between the successive waves of outward growth from the centres of the con

urbations and the methods of transport available at the time. The tramcar, the
suburban railway and the omnibus have each contributed its own distinctive
section to the urban area. The latest form of mass transport?the
growing
motor vehicle?is now its contribution. So far as dispersal is
private adding
concerned this last phase has proved to be the most significant of all. The
conferred by private motor extent of
degree
of mobility transport and the
itmakes are so much greater than that provided by any other
dispersal possible
means, that the of mass of cars has now
consequences ownership private emerged
as one of the greatest influences affecting the future form of the con
single
urbations. Its have not yet been fully worked out.
implications
The economic of the conurbations may be
history of the development
studied in the of the interplay between these two sets of forces?the
light
this approach it is possible to distinguish
concentrating and the dispersing. Using
three main phases of conurbation development. During
the first of these phases,
which lasted almost up to 1914, the forces of concentration were particularly
In most conurbations retained their form to
powerful. consequence compact up
this time.
During
the second phase, from 1919 to 1939, the general influence of
these forces was weakened. Much outward occurred
concentrating dispersal
and new development took place at lower densities. Concentration of economic
and industrial continued, but this was directed towards a few
development
selected conurbations The rate of in these favoured centres was
only. growth
more In the last phase, from 1946 to the present
greater and rapid than elsewhere.
time, the effects of selective concentration have persisted and have been ac
a further and more
companied by powerful upsurge of the forces making for
dispersal.
These successive phases of conurbation development are
closely associated
with broad in the national economic and industrial structure discussed
changes
in the previous was characterised
chapter. The early phase of general concentration
in a number of conurbations on a narrow range of
by increasing dependence
on coal power and rail transport. The con
heavy and staple industries based
traction of these basic industries lay at the roots of themany severe difficulties and
tensions these conurbations
experienced during the period between the wars.
Their as focal declined In contrast to the decline in some
advantages points sharply.
conurbations a attraction was exerted other more favoured centres?
stronger by
London and theWest Midlands?which were able to offer the kinds of facilities
and the type of location required by a new group of industries. The
expanding
industrial structure of these more favoured conurbations was thusmodified in the
period between the wars by the process of selective concentration and their
physical form by the dispersal of workers and residents.
Further have taken place in the economic and industrial structure
changes
of the conurbations since 1946. Selective concentration has continued
although
this is now
considerably modified by national policy. The sharp decline of basic
industries has been arrested or has worked itself out while secondary industries,
as in the inter-war years, have
expanded still further and dispersed themselves

THE CONURBATIONS 39
even more
widely within the conurbations. The most
rapid changes however
have taken on a form that raises new The industrial
problems. group that has
most war includes themanufacture of
expanded rapidly since the heavy chemicals,
steel, power generation and oil refining. New developments in these fields have
involved the construction of units with very
exceptionally large special site
requirements. These conditions can be satisfied with the very
special only
greatest difficulty within the conurbations and some major developments had to be
located wherever these conditions could be found. These
large 'self-locating'
units (not
necessarily of themselves large employers of labour) exert a powerful
attraction on
secondary and ancillary industries whose employment capacity can
be very This provides an additional incentive to the
large. dispersal of industry
(and employment of all kinds) which otherwise have settled in or near the
might
conurbations.
In contrast to this trend in industries
manufacturing making for greater
dispersal, the post-war expansion which has taken place in the non-manufacturing
group has produced pressures of an opposite kind. The increase in the amount
of employment provided by this sector has been substantial. It has also been
concentrated to a very marked within the central areas of the
degree great
conurbations. Moreover the operation of this
concentrating force has been
since offices, which new
particularly selective provide the bulk of the employment
made available, are not subject to the locational control of the Distribution of
Industry Acts.
The now
re-deployment of manufacturing and non-manufacturing industry
is rise to further in the economic and industrial
taking place giving changes
structure of the conurbations. Moreover, since act in to one
they opposition
another, a very uneasy balance has been struck in the conurbation areas between
the two sets of forces
responsible for those changes. The locational advantages
drawing development towards the conurbation continue to exert their influence,
but the area over which these can now be obtained has been
advantages greatly
extended. The present balance between national concentration on the one hand
and local dispersal on the other is so that
precarious slight alterations in the
of particular forces can have and consequences. It
strengths rapid wide-spread
is the
delicacy of this balance which makes the operation of effective control over
the use of land practicable in the conurbations and provides an
planning with
opportunity to exert its influence as a third force. Both sets of forces however
create many severe centre in the conurbations, and it is with
problems which
these problems that statutory is
planning particularly concerned.
Land Use Problems
The range of in the conurbations from the operation of the

problems deriving
forces so far described is Some?the slums for example?
large and complex.
are as old as the conurbations themselves and are a from the others?
legacy past,
such as the inadequacy of storage space for massed motor vehicles?are the

4-0 LAND USE IN AN URBAN ENVIRONMENT
the past decade. In scale the problems extend from the very large,
product of
the nation as a whole, to the very small, involving the detailed needs of
affecting
an individual area. But whatever the scale or age of the problem questions of
land use are raised. Moreover, each is so closely bound up with others
problem
none can in isolation. on land occur as a
that be considered Heavy pressures
result of these problems. Within the limited compass of a conurbation private
more are to
firms and families are looking for space; Public Authorities trying
banish the slums, improve schools, roads and and find sites for re
open spaces
schemes. All these operations require land. Within the conurbation
housing
the supply of suitable land is very limited. Fierce conflicts and controversies
occur over the way land should be used. All the conurbations are faced with
inter-related land use problems of the same basic type. Although the physical
the social and economic characteristics of a particular conurbation
setting and
of the problems the same basic features constantly reappear.
modify the form
To study these it is necessary to simplify and group them. The
problems
most basic division is perhaps that of scale. Here we may distinguish two major
one hand we can recognise a broad series of problems all related
groups. On the
to the use of land within the conurbation areas. Peripheral expansion, central
area and slum clearance are examples of what we may call
congestion, decay
internal or regional problems. On the other hand, there is a second group of
one conurbation area with another,
problems
which stem from the relationship of
and with the remainder of the country as a whole. The disparity between the
favoured' and 'less favoured' movements, the
conurbations, general population
of industry, power and communications are of this class. So
dispersal examples
far as the conurbations are concerned these are external or national in
problems
scale.
The include matters which politically and socially are
regional problems
most and with which local authorities are most usually concerned. In
pressing
the in this group have received most attention from local
consequence problems
and central authorities during the past fiftyyears. More is known about them and
has been made towards their solution. The national problems
greater progress
have been the subject of serious attention and study for a much shorter period.
Their nature and the type of solutions possible for them are less well-known.
It is likely however that in the long term their influence will be very great and in
more attention will have to be directed towards this class of problem.
consequence
REGIONAL PROBLEMS
as a severe of them are a

Taking the regional problems group the most
from the past. The slums, substandard dwellings, blight, decay and con
legacy
are in themain an outcome of the early period of conurbation development.
gestion
Each conurbation contains considerable areas of slum property. The survey of
November 19 c4 estimated that out of just over 13million permanent houses in
and Wales some 8 co,000 were unfit for human habitation.
England (6.c%)
Since the test of fitness applied was that of the Housing (Repairs and Rents),

THE CONURBATIONS
Act 19?4, these dwellings can be described as statutory slums. Nearly half of
these, some 430,000 dwellings, were located within the six standard conurbations.
Conditions varied between individual conurbations ; South-East Lancashire with
with 96,000 for
128,000 slum dwellings and Merseyside together accounted
one of the nation's statutory slums, while Greater London's share
nearly quarter
was one twentieth. A list of standard conurbations
only about arranged according
to the proportion of the total within them classed as statutory slums
dwellings
in 19c reads as follows:
28. S.E. Lancashire West Midlands

Merseyside ?/0; i6.c%; 12.8%;
West Yorkshire Tyneside 7.0%; London 1.9%.
12.0%;
have taken place since 1955, the general picture that
Although changes
emerges is still valid. The White Paper of February 1961 Housing in England
Wales5 gives a more recent indication of the scale of the statutory slum problem
and the extent to which the conurbations contribute to it. In this respect those
conurbations whose period of greatest growth coincided with the early phase of
conurbation development bear a very heavy burden. Although
the statutory
slum problem is no means confined to the conurbation areas?some places
by
outside the conurbations contain higher proportions of statutory slum property?
nevertheless this problem ismade especially pressing in certain conurbations by
reason of its size and concentration. The existence, in an affluent societv, of
considerable numbers of families enduring monstrous living
conditions within
few areas close to the centres of the major
relatively lying regional capitals,
constitutes a human and political problem of the firstmagnitude. A great deal of
the effort, energy and capital available for urban improvement is devoted to
this particular purpose by the authorities in every conurbation.
While this concentration of effort is completely justified in human terms and
should surely be increased inmagnitude, a related of substandard
problem?that
as distinct from statutory slum in the long run prove to be of even
housing?may,
from its statutory slums every conurbation contains
greater significance. Apart
areas of mixed
development built during Victorian and Edwardian times
large
inwhich in these areas are not
higher density housing predominates. Dwellings
as statutory slums. consist rather of down-at-heel
technically classed They
to the end of their useful lives. The actual physical condition of
buildings drawing
these buildings can vary a great deal. But even when they are structurally sound, as
a for twentieth century
a class
they
cannot
provide satisfactory environment
needs without extensive modifications. Assistance is given for improvement
living
schemes, but on grounds of cost alone, it is doubtful ifunder normal circumstances
worthwhile formore than a small fraction of
improvement would be considered
the whole. The problem presented by the seemingly endless streets of tightly
that comprise the middle sections of all British
packed, sub-standard dwellings
conurbations is a intractable one.
particularly
First, because of its great size. Unlike the statutory slums, the actual
number of substandard dwellings is not accurately known. No general review

has been made nor have any uniform tests or standards been devised. Such
evidence as we have however suggests that the numbers are very great indeed.
The Conurbation volume of the 19C1 Census for shows that in the
example,
as a whole just under one half of the 13.1 million households did
country (48%)
not have the exclusive use of all of the five 'household covered
arrangements'
the in the Census returns?i.e., water, a
by housing questions piped cooking
stove, a kitchen sink, a water closet and a fixed bath. This could be regarded as a
reasonable minimum for modern it is
living conditions?though noteworthy
that it does not include either space or facilities for a car. Of the .2
garaging
million households in the standard conurbations, were in the same
47% position.
The proportion of households without exclusive use of these
arrangements varied
in the individual conurbations but in no case did it fall below
slightly 43%
or rise above In spite of the fact that these
(Merseyside) 49% (Greater London).
returns at best a very indirect indication of the
provide probable numbers of
sub-standard not
dwellings yet slums, they suggest that the proportion may be
frighteningly high. If this type of examination is restricted to the central and
inner of the standard conurbations contained in the Census volume, the
rings
proportion is still.
higher
A measure of the mass and of the problem of sub-standard
toughness
lies in the fact that both the and the economic incentive to
dwellings machinery
renew or remodel these areas to be almost at the present
appear wholly lacking
time. Essential repairs to individual are carried out, but very
buildings large
sums would have to be re-invested in order to
rectify the general obsolescence of
the area as a whole. There is no that this kind of re-investment is con
sign
on such a scale. Private investors find other and better uses for their
templated
money and public authorities, the only alternative agency at present available,
have their hands full with statutory slum clearance. In consequence, it seems
likely that the broad belt of sub-standard that surrounds the central area
housing
will remain a feature of the conurbation for some considerable time. Large
tracts of this sub-standard those in the less favoured
housing area?particularly
conurbations?could descend to the level of the
statutory slum very rapidly. A
special effort will be needed to prevent this from and until some
happening,
means is found for about in these
satisfactory bringing comprehensive changes
areas, the reservoir of potential slums within the conurbations will remain
dangerously large.
The problem of
congestion, like that of slum and sub-standard dwellings, has
its in the past. It is a a
origins multiple problem occurring in variety of forms and
from a number of different causes. In a conurbation, reaches a
congestion high
level in two main areas, within the central area and in the zone of older
develop
ment to it. In both instances the causes of
immediately adjacent underlying
are the
congestion concentrating forces. These forces converge on the central
areas of the conurbations and it is in the central area itself that
congestion in all
its forms reaches its
greatest intensity. The zone of maximum advantage is small
and since users?often unsuited as a location the
many neighbours?desire there,

THE CONURBATIONS 43
value of land is
correspondingly high. Developers build as as can
intensively they
to equate land and costs and a investment. In the centre,
high building profitable
therefore, congestion of buildings, uses and high land values occur together. These
factors, in combination and draw in traffic on an
acting generate ever-increasing
scale, producing the congestion of vehicles which is now severe and
widespread
in conurbation.
every major
The concentration of administration, business and activities at
shopping
the key point of the conurbation has continued from the nineteenth century to the
present time. Many influences have contributed towards this intensification of
use in the central area. The of a central location at the heart of the
advantages
conurbation, the extent to which the value of a site can be
exploited through
the number and size of
multi-storey development, undertakings seeking such
locations and the resources available to them, have all increased
during the past
In the amount of
fifty years. consequence employment provided by the central
area and the amount of and traffic within ithas also increased.
activity generated
this of concentration of use, one influence from the past
Against background
still acts powerfully?for as well as the most valuable district, the central
being
area is also the oldest part of the conurbation. Its of streets and
general layout
blocks may have survived for almost a hundred years with relatively few modifi
cations. circumstances?wholesale destruction in war, the
Very exceptional
clearance of a large pocket of blight or radica] changes in the economies of
central area development?are required
before major
changes
in the
general
can occur. This tendency to perpetuate the historic form of the central
layout
area has an influence on one of of
important aspect congestion?congestion
traffic. With the incentive of rising values more refined techniques for intensive
site are the results are super-imposed
development constantly being applied, but
on a street and block constructed to serve the needs of another age. The
pattern
over-intensive use floods the streets (which cater for
heavy traffic generated by
vehicles not only inmotion but also at rest) and chokes movement to a standstill
as the network is compelled to bear ever heavier loads. In time
aged transport
this sequence can and does destroy the and so the value of the central area
advantages
itself. Traffic-generating uses that can do so begin to avoid the chaos by seeking
sites outside. The now come to be so
disruptive effects of traffic congestion have
motor vehicles so much more measures to
powerful, and multiply rapidly than
cater for their needs can be put into effect, that in the conurbations the problem
of trafficwith its visible urgency and the heavy cost of counter measures, causes
attention to be focused on this particular aspect of congestion at the expense of
others.
Congestion in the inner ring the central area,

although less
surrounding
intense than at the centre itself, also presents many The
big problems. general
form of the inner ring was set during the nineteenth century when it developed
as the main residential district for the and artisan classes, interspersed
working
with industry and other non-residential uses. The needs and the standards of the
time?a short journey to work by tram or on foot and large numbers of easily

constructed, low-cost houses that conformed with minimum public health

met streets often on a
requirements?were by compact bye-law gridiron plan.
From the first these areas were tightly-packed, although they were a great im
on what had gone before. not are the
provement Today, only dwellings, schools,
roads and other uses out of keeping with modern needs, but the level of congestion
in the area as a whole makes it inevitable that when improvements take place,
uses and a considerable to be
many of the proportion of the population will have
re-accommodated elsewhere.
Other regional problems are associated with the major phase of conurbation
between the wars when themain advantage laywith the forces leading to
growth
this phase facilities for transport were constantly improving,
dispersal. During
land for development was generally available at low cost and the restraints
on its were few or absent In
imposed by public policy development altogether.
consequence, outward expansion of urban development proceeded unchecked,
and large areas were developed on the perimeters of all the conurbations. The
outcome of this outward growth?urban sprawl?at that time was
generally
as beneficial. To some extent thiswas true. The immediate in
accepted change
condition was usually for the better. Public authorities as well as private interests
a considerable part in movements of this kind. It is
played stimulating only when
these movements are considered as a whole and in that are seen to
retrospect they
have raised at least asmany problems as they solved. Some of the reasons for this are
now clear. In the first place a common characteristic of most of new
peripheral
was its was
development relatively low density. Land cheap and the prime incentive
tomove was the desire for more space. Secondly, the uniformity of the type of
structures built, a sustained demand for them and a powerful new form of agency (for
authorities became involved in house building on a large scale in connection
public
with their slum clearance schemes) all made for the utilization of extensive areas for
a class of use?mainly of public
single housing. Thirdly, lack guidance
allowed
to take in a or
development place haphazard way along the lines of least resistance
most immediate this was in the form of ribbons the
advantage. Frequently along
routes. The consequences of this unco-ordinated are
developing transport sprawl
well known. Much land was wasted and more sterilised by ill-considered layouts.
a of use produced
Uniformity of building types and the dominance of single class
visual and social monotony. services in these were
Ancillary dormitory suburbs
overcrowded or so of the residents' needs had to be
lacking altogether, many
catered for elsewhere. Considerable distances the homes
separated occupants'
from their places of work, so daily journeys increased in length and volume. This
caused heavy peak-load congestion and placed further strains on the extended
on the at or
transport system and people themselves. Apart from the difficulties
near the areas of development, the uncontrolled of the suburbs accentuated
growth
elsewhere in the conurbation. The centre, crowded to
problems occurring
was little used after hours. The of the
overflowing by day, working population

THE CONURBATIONS 4-5
residential sections of the inner or in

ring either declined changed drastically
this in turn towards its
composition and contributed physical decline.
The and social costs incurred as a result of this phase of un
long-term
controlled peripheral development have never been satisfactorily established, but
there are a number of reasons for supposing that they are
high and persistent. By
cleaner and more conditions were obtained
peripheral growth, spacious living
considerable numbers of conurbation residents. Some reduction was also made
by
in the area as a But of
density of the urban whole. the price these improvements
has been heavy in terms of confusion, inconvenience and decline in the older parts
of the conurbation, to which must be added the individual strain of long journeys
to work. The costs are still in all the conurbations,
particularly
in
being paid
those that expanded between the wars.
rapidly
most is of
Perhaps the pressing of the major regional problems shortage
land for development. This is in all the conurbations. In some
shortage general
it is now very acute. The is and is related to the
shortage partly physical long
period of sustained outward that took place between the wars. This
growth
absorbed much of the vacant area capable of easy and rapid development.
growth
it is also partly a consequence of public policies affecting land use. Since
Today
1946, limits have been set on the amounts of land allowed to pass from non
urban to urban uses and in the conurbations these limits have been strict. The
forces giving rise to urban have therefore been
growth by peripheral expansion
forced to operate within an area both limited in size and constantly shrinking.
The affects developers of all kinds?public and private. The need to
shortage
land both of has increased as the area shrank and there is
develop by types agency
severe acres that remain. arise over the
competition for the few Frequent conflicts
claims of different classes of use and since 19?3 the scarcity of land has been
reflected in the sharply rising prices paid for it. Land capable of development
and within easy reach of the conurbation centre is constantly appreciating in
value, especially where consent for is available.
development
These conditions of scarcity, conflict and high values and prices have added
to the other
problems of the conurbations. Little progress can be made with
many of these other problems without the development of further land. Local
and other
authority projects, especially housing schemes large-scale developments
connected with slum clearance, have become progressively more difficult to
in
carry out. Private developers have experienced increasing difficulties securing
land for their own use. and heavy competition have made the main
High prices
tenance of control and the establishment of unprofitable but
development
desirable uses?such as open spaces?more and costly.
socially public complex
Some conservation has been possible the more intensive use of the
through
of development this implies runs counter to
remaining lands, although the type
the current demand formore space. But itmay be regarded as certain that this
cannot with the extent of the demand?
expedient alone possibly keep pace
particularly for housing?which shows no prospect of slackening. There is in
fact every reason to suppose that itwill increase furtherwith the rapid growth in

the number of separate family units and the level of It

high general prosperity.
seems certain therefore that under remain a
present conditions land shortage will
serious in all conurbations unless radical are made in current land
problem changes
use on
policy peripheral growth.
NATIONAL PROBLEMS
National or external, as distinct from or internal are of a

regional problems
different order of since concern the of one conur
magnitude, they relationship
bation with another and with the country as a whole. The most urgent of these
national problems concern decline and decay?in this case however not of sections
within a conurbation but of the conurbation as a whole. The slump of the inter
war did more than the economic weaknesses of certain conurbations,
years expose
its effects were more The division of the British conurbations as a
far-reaching.
whole into two Favoured and the Less Favoured?which
groups?the emerged
at that time has been discussed in the
previous chapter. This distinction now
seems to have become an established feature. From the national as well as the local
point of view the consequences of this division have been serious.
This
disparity, which manifests itself by marked differences in the level
of general prosperity, remains as the major national problem affecting the con
urbations. Vigorous and sustained action at local and national levels, to regulate
the distribution of industry, has prevented a repetition of thewholesale movements
of population and industry that were a feature of the inter-war years. But the
drift from the Less Favoured to the Favoured areas still continues. In land use
terms the position varies between the different conurbations in the Less Favoured
group. But in the group as a whole the rate of outward is lower, con
growth
centration in the centre less intense, slums and areas the
blighted larger and
occurrence of new and redevelopment
large scale development less frequent
than is the case with the Favoured centres. The existence of one group of
large
areas of land that are either static or in slow decline while
intensively developed
at the same time others grow and at an rate continues to be a
expand alarming
national of the first
planning problem magnitude.
A further factor which has a on the
powerful influence problems in both the
and national groups is the
regional machinery of local government itself. The
is of critical
organisation of local administration importance when considering land
use since the main executive
problems agencies for dealing with these problems
are the local authorities.
Although their powers and duties are regulated and
directed in accordance with Central Government policy, the pattern of local uses,
is their direct concern. Difficulties arise in all parts of the
broadly speaking,
over the status, function and extent of local authorities. But in the
country
conurbations these difficulties are unusually and are of It
complex long standing.
can be that these difficulties date from the introduction of the present
argued
system of local government units. Expressed in its
simplest form this system
established two main kinds of local from the special provisions
authority?apart
made for London. A set of authorities, which in practice were the
all-purpose

THE CONURBATIONS 47
a two-tier into
great towns, and system of Counties sub-divided County Districts
and
non-County Boroughs.
Not did this system have themerit of relative itwas
only simplicity, perhaps
intended to achieve a of balance by the major authorities into
degree dividing
two groups ; on the one hand, with
powerful urban authorities (County Boroughs)
rural and the smaller urban areas (Counties with their County Districts and
large
on the other. As conflicts of interest could be to
non-County Boroughs) expected
arise between the groups some degree of parity between the protagonists was
desirable. Moreover, to to the pattern, for
give permanence although machinery
minor adjustments and alterations was allowed for, major were
making changes
made much more difficult. In particular, the critical change from non-County to
status
County Borough required special procedures.
Whether accident or these provisions
originally incorporated by design,
have exerted a very powerful influence on the conduct and progress of
planning
in the conurbations. The basic conflict of interests between the two major
groups of local authorities and the inflexibility of the framework have aggravated
the difficulties of establishing consistency and co-ordination in land use
policies.
The reasons for this appear to stem from the nature of the area itself and the type
of problems involved. Whatever criteria be adopted for the extent of a
defining
conurbation area, it seems clear that formany of its functions the area
important
is and operates as a single regional unit. Figure 6 gives an indication of the
large
units in Merseyside and South-East Lancashire. For administrative
regional
the are not are sub-divided
purposes conurbations recognised. They by boundaries
determined in themain by historical accident and political convenience. Figure 3
illustrates the extent to which the six standard conurbations are now split up.
Geddes, in his first examination of the conurbations before the FirstWorld War
had emphasised the difficulties that arise from this fragmentation. Since that time
these difficulties have greatly increased. Authorities of many kinds, major and
minor, are represented in the conurbations, but inmost of them the central areas
are divided among a of County Boroughs while the perimeter
relatively small group
and hinterland fall within the aegis of the Counties and County Districts. This
sub-division has become progressively less realistic. Figures 4 and c show that the
area now extends well
built-up and densely populated beyond the boundaries
of the central authorities and the hinterland reaches deeply into the neighbouring
the two groups is such that no
County area. The balance of power between
seems even minor can
major change possible by
mutual agreement, and changes
occur with considerable since the expansion of one group is
only difficulty
deemed to take place at the expense of the other.
The of this situation is inmarked contrast to the essentially regional
rigidity
nature of the with which the various authorities have to contend. So
problems
far as themajor problems are concerned administrative boundaries are meaningless
and the fact of separate administrative systems a serious inconvenience. Inmany
cases the have been most serious: administrative
consequences fragmentation
makes the assessment of the problems themselves?often a difficult task?more

difficult still. Administrative severance makes the co-ordination of policies,

often essential for the of any effective solution, almost impossible to
application
achieve, since one group will view the proposals and even the estimates of need
advanced by the other in terms of and in the balance of
advantage disadvantage
local administrative power rather than in relation to the problem itself. In some
conurbations this situation has advanced so far that a position of virtual stalemate
has been reached over a number of important land use issues the areas
affecting
as a whole.
* * *
At the of this chapter itwas that the conurbations are

beginning suggested
areas in the of land use in Britain. The interaction of the con
key planning
most
centrating and dispersing forces will remain the powerful general influence
in the of land uses within the conurbations. If
determining general disposition
is to exert effective control over the future of these
planning policy operation
forces, the extent of the influence it can exert within the conurbations?the
key points?is of critical importance. The growing dominance of Greater
London?the most Favoured area of all?the relative decline of the Less Favoured
group and the extension of the effective area of all the conurbations due to
increased as major
mobility, will also persist features of the future national
pattern of land use. for the conurbations cannot be based on
Planning policy
unco-ordinated efforts to solve the individual internal a
problems of particular
area, but will need to be directed farmore towards these broader issues.
The Evolution Planned Solutions

of
The extent to which and theories have been to
planning principles brought
bear on conurbation problems has varied a great deal the past fiftyyears.
during
was too limited in its
For much of this
period planning scope and operation to be an
effective influence on the natural forces
affecting the conurbations. Nevertheless,
conurbation problems have played a considerable part in the of
development
and ideas. The kind of conditions that the need for
planning thought pointed
reform and provoked action in the early years of the century were most obvious
in the conurbations, and the conurbations a convenient
provided testing ground
for
many experiments.
In the first instance in the conurbations and ideas about the scope
planning
and nature of itselfwere concerned with small-scale urban
improvements.
planning
These ideas and the approach which were restricted in scope.
they involved
as
They dealt with matters such piecemeal slum clearance, the improvement of
of on major roads, the
points congestion setting of important public buildings
and the provision of better As a result of the first
public parks. experiments in
relatively simple small-scale urban improvements of this type, it became clear
that this limited was not of the involved,
approach capable solving problems
since the causes of the confusion, and so
underlying squalor ugliness typical of the

THE CONURBATIONS 49
conurbations were complex and ran very deep. This realization

brought about
the of a number of new ideas and theories on the nature of
gradual development
cities, on the forms urban development should take and on
techniques for urban
of these were to be of considerable to con
improvement. Many importance
urbation since they presented a new approach to urban
planning problems which
the urban area, and in some cases the urban to be seen as a whole.
required region,
Thus ideas for comprehensive networks of ring and radial roads, for example,
or for systems of and open spaces embraced a view of the
public parks general
town as a whole. The notion of re-grouping uses within the town to form
'character zones' implied a complete re-arrangement of the fabric of the whole
urban area. Proposals for low density suburbs, satellite towns and
garden
cities separated from the main urban area by a involved a major
'green belt',
redistribution of population throughout
the whole region.
The development of these ideas and the working out of their implications
took place relatively slowly. Their application in the conurbations, where the
need for major changes was most evident, took place more slowly still. Before
the FirstWorld War and for some time after it, little was known about themajor
forces urban development in the conurbations and analytical survey
affecting
methods suitable for were almost
planning purposes completely undeveloped.
Powers and techniques for the development of land were also very
regulating
limited. In cases where schemes were very
planning prepared they proved
instruments for effective control. In consequence, theories
imperfect although
and concepts relating to the major problems of the conurbations developed
little could be done to influence the form or content of the
steadily, relatively
major urban areas in accordance with these ideas. Planning in the conurbations,
as elsewhere, was very restricted both in scope and effect.
In spite of these restrictions definite, if limited, progress was made towards
some in the conurbations, notably in those aspects of
planned re-organization
concerned with reform. A start was made in
planning directly housing clearing
some of the worst slums in the cities. New such as the open
great concepts
suburb' layout for residential areas, the idea of the planned 'garden city'
'garden
and techniques for regulating the form and nature of new developments on the
of the conurbations were pressed forward. Such ideas, which coincided
fringe
with a reaction against the type of environment produced by the development
trends of the time, received a measure of public and official support. Some
of suburb' were built on the of the con
examples 'garden development fringes
urbations. The first Garden City was founded. The Housing and Town Planning
Act of 1909 enabled limited attempts to be made in the form and
regulating
areas means of
layout of
buildings
in
newly developing by planning schemes and
controls. 1914 a selection of new ideas had been introduced
planning By important
into and a few first attempts had been made to grapple with some of the
planning
of the conurbations by means of planning techniques, but on a
regional problems
very small scale and with very limited effect. Broader concepts related to the
more extensive conurbation such as schemes for
problems, combating congestion

LAND USE IN AN URBAN ENVIRONMENT
to groups of new towns and suburbs, for the

by planned decentralization planned
control of or for and surveys extending
general peripheral growth, large-scale plans
over the town or as a whole, remained theories The broader
region only.
advocated by Geddes and others, implied an outlook too far removed
approach
from the established system of administration and contemporary ideas on the
nature of a
to form basis for effective action. In the long-term, however,
planning
the influence of these broader concepts was very great, for they extended the
field of planning and the scope of the planners' activity. Gradually the planner
came to be less exclusively concerned with the preparation of designs for small
scale improvements and more with the interaction of a wide variety of factors
use of land. This of emphasis was of particular importance
influencing the change
as came to be more with the problems of the conurbations,
planning engaged
cases not be solved in terms of design
since in these the major problems could
alone.
* * *
The next major phase of development occurred during the inter-war period.
The early theories and ideas were developed still further and others were added.
Influences affecting the conurbations and giving rise to a substantial increase in the
size of the built-up area played a significant part in fostering this process. To
overcome the of the FirstWorld War building took place on a substantial
shortages
scale and local authorities (now charged with the duty of providing dwellings)
schemes. The design of these schemes reflected
began large-scale development
the influence of the garden city and garden suburb. Many of the new extensions
to the conurbations were laid out along these lines. The rapid increase in the
extent of the built-up area within the conurbations gave added force to the
argument for
more and more effective methods of controlling develop
general
ment in or near the great cities, and planning legislation was extended and pro
cedures were simplified. The preparation of definite plans for the new extensions
was made for local authorities. Model Clauses were issued
obligatory larger
which gave greater substance to the idea of control through 'character zoning'
and density.
In spite of these increased powers, there appears to have been little real
in the scope and content of the planning schemes operating within the
change
conurbations. Many of these plans were confined to newly-developing areas and
were with a limited range of objectives in which better
largely pre-occupied
designs
for
housing
estates and improved roads predominated. Apart from
schemes for central area and slum clearance, the special problems
improvement
of the conurbations remained untouched.
great
the value of the conurbation as a unit for planning purposes and the
Although
special character of the conurbation problems were generally unrecognised by
central and local some was made towards a wider
government, progress concept:
control of environment rather than a local scale.
on a
planned regional
Amendments to made it possible for a number of local authorities to
legislation
to prepare a joint and this was done to an
group together planning scheme,

THE CONURBATIONS Si
extent. By the 1930^ a of and

increasing large part England Wales?including
all the conurbations?were covered by joint schemes of some kind.
nearly
few of these schemes, which normally were only advisory,
were
Although
effective in the guidance of land use, they enabled considerable progress to be made
in the development of ideas. On occasion specific proposals thatwere regional in
were made for a conurbation as a whole. For the Greater
scope example,
London Regional Planning Committee made a firm proposal for a Greater London
green belt which
was later confirmed by a special Act of Parliament. The
of these joint planning schemes involved extensive survey work.
preparation
In consequence the collection and use of survey material came to be better
understood, the nature of themain problems became clearer, and possible means
a were worked out in
of
solving variety of major problems principle.
But though the advisory schemes and surveys of the i92o's and 3o*s focused
attention on the conurbations as areas of particular importance in planning and
to content and range of the planning schemes, theywere not
helped improve the
able to influence the way the conurbations developed nor check the growth of
the problems within them. The dominance of the conurbations as population and
functional centres continued to grow during this period, and the expansion of the
area intensified land use problems of all kinds. Urban sprawl into the
built-up
and the ribboning of development the main roads from the
countryside along
conurbations occupied a deal of attention and gave rise to many
great public
as a result of the better
protests. Nevertheless, understanding and greater
interest in the problems of conurbation growth fostered by the regional planning
schemes, it became evident thatmany of the major problems were not isolated
difficulties peculiar to individual towns, but were related to a general pattern of
extensive the basic functions of urban centres and operating on a
change affecting
scale. It that if any effective remedies were to be found
regional suggested too,
for these major difficulties, particular attention should first of all be paid to the
social and economic forces causing these changes to take place, and that planning
must be with factors of this kind.
directly concerned
This view was greatly strengthened by the onset of the great depression which
added heavy unemployment and economic collapse to the existing problems of
a
some conurbations. The importance of healthy economic and industrial
structure to the future development of the great towns, their significance in the
economic life of the country as a whole and the need for a clear-cut policy with
to the location and development of industry as part of the planning frame
regard
work were set out in sharp relief by the events of the time. Largely in response
to this need a new series of concepts related to economics and concerned with
came to be in planning theory. These were
employment provision incorporated
of relevance to the conurbation areas as centres of and
particular industry employ
ment. Decentralization of industry, diversification of industrial structure and
for industrial development the medium of the
planned provision through trading
estate were the most usual means advocated for new
achieving objectives?such
as 'industrial balance* and better employment concern
opportunities. Growing

over in the as a whole,

unemployment, first 'special areas' and then in the country
coupled with the continuous drain of to the midlands and the south,
population
the need for a re-examination of the distribution of
emphasised comprehensive
resources on a national scale, a taskwhich the were
advisory regional plans quite
unable to fulfil.
This need was met
by the appointment of the Barlow Commission in July
937- Their Report marks the end of one epoch in British planning and the
It drew on the
beginning of another. experience and the lessons of the whole
range of
planning activity during the inter-war years, activities that had covered a
very wide field in theory and practice. It
brought together
in a
single document,
a basis of for future action with to the
policy regard development and control of
land. As well as this policy the Commissioners were also concerned
determining
with down a broad framework within which and land use control
laying planning
as an essential function of as a
(which they regarded government) could function
viable force, in the conurbations where the were severe.
particularly problems
Their causes and
investigations into congestion, into the consequences of selective
concentration into favoured areas and the on the social consequences
emphasis laid
arising from the drift of population and
industry
into London and the Home
led them to stress the need for
Counties, planned decentralization of both
as a means of
population and industry controlling
the further growth of
large,
congested conurbations. The methods which
they suggested for this purpose?
garden cities, garden suburbs, satellite towns, trading estates and the redevelop
ment of
existing smaller towns?were not of themselves new. Some had been the
subject of theoretical examination and even small-scale experiment by British
between the wars. What was new was the Commissioners' whole
planners
approach to and land use questions. This came out in the
planning clearly proposal
that dispersal from the conurbations and control over the use of
big regulative
land should be on a national and not as a
planned comprehensively regional scale,
series of local This the function of on a
improvements. placed planning quite
different and the framework the Commissioners wished to establish was
footing,
intended to make this new approach a
practical possibility.
Their chief means for was the a 'Central
doing this setting up of Authority
national in scope and character'6 which was to act as the co-ordinator of
planning
to
policy and provide regulative control over land use for the country as a whole.
Itwas also to be themain force for a definite
driving implementing policy for the
key problem areas?the conurbations. This
policy
was directed at three
major
the of the
objectives: re-development congested urban areas, the deliberate
dispersal of industry and population from them and the conscious planning of the
location of to achieve better balance and
manufacturing industry greater diversifi
cation. It is that the last of these aims, planned relocation of
significant
manufacturing industry?one with which the commissioners were
especially
concerned?was intended to on a and not on a local
specifically operate regional,
basis. It also raised issues of as
special significance for all the conurbations they
were main centres of industrial activity.

THE CONURBATIONS 53
The publication of the Barlow was followed a
Report by period of great
intellectual activity. all practical work was
Although planning suspended during
the Second World War, a new Central Government was created which
agency
became the
Ministry of Town and Country Planning in 1943. This central agency
a number of new ideas and theories linked with the basic
developed policies
proposed in the Report, many of which have now become
accepted practice.
Advances made were in a number of fields of con
particular importance for the
urbations. These included techniques for decentralization, methods for compre
hensive central area and the out of a wide range of
redevelopment working
standards to be used in Plans and in for New Towns.
planning Development designs
In these standards attention was to the survey and
devising particular paid analysis
of facts to scientific rather than Serious attempts
according empirical techniques.
were made to establish a a number of
principles of fundamental kind. In addition,
were made in At the of the new Minister,
experiments regional planning. request
were for some
Advisory Regional Planning schemes prepared by consultants
conurbations and it was intended that these should form the basis for future
local Development Plans.7
The results of this were
preliminary work incorporated in the comprehensive
legislative programme enacted in the late i94o's. The Distribution of
Industry
Act of 194c, the New Towns Act of 1946, and the Town and
Country Planning
Act of 1947 are the foundations of modern British the first of
planning. Under
these, permanent controls were established over the location of all
manufacturing
industry. The second made provision for New Towns, sponsored by the Central
Government, which were intended to assist in the task of decentralizing the
conurbations. These were substantial Greater however,
major changes. changes,
were in new
brought by the Planning Act which created planning machinery
for the country as a whole, established new forms of control, a new system of
Development Plans and gave extensive powers to the new Minister of Town and
Country Planning.
So far as on a scale for the conurbations was concerned,
planning regional
the impact of these was less than have been expected. The agencies
changes might
with the new Plans and exercising
charged duty of preparing the Development
control over development were the local authorities?the Counties and
larger
A central feature of the revised was the
County Boroughs. system Development
Plan prepared by a local authority for a specific local area. There was no provision
within this system for statutory
Development Plans on a scale. There
regional
seem to have been a number of reasons for this omission. From the administrative
point of view it
was as well as easier and more convenient, tomake use of
logical,
the established machinery of Local Government for The local
planning purposes.
authorities already had considerable in matters. Any
experience planning
alternative system would involve setting up special bodies since there were no
suitable in existence who could be given planning powers
regional authorities
In the conurbations, where the need for regional planning was acknowledged to
be most urgent, the difficulties of setting up a new authority for the special

S4 LAND USE IN AN URBAN ENVIRONMENT
of were considered too to such a course. Moreover,

purpose planning great justify
it seemed that this need was for in other ways.
specifically catered First, through
the Advisory Plans which would act as a and framework for the
Regional guide
more detailed local of the individual local
plans, secondly by the co-ordination
the offices of the (which at that time were on a
plans by Ministry organised
basis) and the powers of the Minister him to
regional lastly by special enabling
combine a number of local into a Board for
planning authorities single Joint
Itwas considered thatwith these the of
planning purposes8. safeguards planning
the conurbations as a whole would take place without further provision for
The new were and it was
regional planning. planning powers comprehensive
that would be used in a in areas of
expected they comprehensive way especially
special difficulty.
In contrast to the powers and
comprehensiveness of the new machinery,
the policies to be carried out were no means so
by clearly established. A number
of were but these were not drawn to form a
general objectives accepted, together
coherent whole. The conurbations, which had from the Second World
emerged
War with their old
problems greatly increased by the results of enemy action and
the cessation of the war years, were clearly in urgent need of a
building during
definite policy for improvement and Steps had been taken,
redevelopment.
the various to establish what themajor
through Regional Advisory Plans, problems
were and were terms the
explore the kinds of solution that possible. In
general
lines of action proposed were in accordance with established
planning theory.
and were to be met to New
Congestion overcrowding by planned dispersal
Towns and satellite movement
neighbourhood units. Industrial and planned in
dustrial provision were to be catered for in new or estates.
improved trading
or areas were to be rebuilt in accordance with new
War-damaged blighted
standards. Definite controls were to be exercised over the remainder of the
area to
built-up prevent outward sprawl, and encourage the provision of facilities
that were so as to lead towards a measure of self-sufficiency in the
lacking
various The some conurbations
neighbourhood units.
growth
of by inward
migration and the loss of population in others was to be offset by the use of the
machinery of planning control. The ideas these schemes received a
underlying
deal of
great public support during and immediately after the Second World
War. The need for major was a was
changes accepted and great deal expected
from the new now that
powers were available to carry them into effect.
plans
It seemed to the
planners and the public that the major regional and national
problems centred in the conurbations were now going to be overcome.
Policies in the Conurbations, I94J-1961

Planning
From 1947 onwards the various local planning authorities in the con
urbations have been with the dual task of
fully occupied preparing statutory
Plans and
Development exercising development control. A great deal of progress
has been made towards more
planned reconstruction and redevelopment, perhaps

THE CONURBATIONS 55
than in any other comparable of time, but the objectives set at the end
length
of the Second World War have not yet been achieved. The
regional and national
of these vital areas of the still In some instances, as, for
problems country persist.
in and the have
example, redevelopment overspill, problems greatly increased.
The events of the last thirteen years that this limited progress towards
suggest
themajor objectives of the not constitute amajor failure of as a
plans does planning
means of environment within the conurbation areas. It is rather the
regulating
outcome of shifts of in in the forces at work within the
emphasis policy, changes
conurbations and under-estimation of the effects these have
changes brought
about. In addition, the of was subjected to a
although organization planning
number of it has never been
changes, properly adapted for the purpose of planning
these complex areas as a whole. can in the
Planning only guide development right
way if the are dealt with at the scale. Since 1947 changes in
right things right
in a
policy have occurred variety of fields ; they have particularly affected housing,
the New Towns, location of on which
industry, the scale planning has been
conservation of land and the financial basis of Since
organised, planning.
conurbation problems are very concerned with matters of this kind,
largely
each in policy has had a on in the conurbation
change profound effect planning
areas.
A major shift of emphasis in occurred in the first phase of
housing policy
reconstruction. Great stress was laid on the for the con
post-war programme
struction of new houses. To meet the acute created by the war this
shortage
was accelerated every means. The was national,
programme by possible shortage
but conditions were particularly difficult in the conurbations that have suffered
heavily from enemy action because of the large numbers of families involved.
Local Authority themajor part in this
building played re-housing programme.
The acquisition of sites and the construction of new estates on the perimeter of
the existing built-up area occupied a great deal of the time and energy of the new
authorities in the conurbations the early post-war years. Private
planning during
slum clearance, central area redevelopment and the of
building, rebuilding
blitzed areas?all of which had been considered as of the
forming part planned
restricted. Because of its size, and
post-war building programme?were urgency,
social implications, the was accorded
far-reaching re-housing programme priority
over other of construction for some time a
types and large share of national
resources was directed to this end. The effect of this in the conurbation
policy
areas was to add further extensions to their outer limits?sometimes on sites
which had not for development.
originally been intended
A different kind of extension to the residential areas of the conurbations
to take on an a further
began place increasing scale after 19C1 when, with
in the restrictions on were
change policy, private building progressively removed.
at low same
The demand for privately built houses?frequently density and in the
form as indeed. At the same time the activities
pre-war?increased very rapidly
of the local housing authorities were directed more towards slum clearance and
or clearance schemes and were
provision for families overcrowded displaced by

c6 LAND USE IN AN URBAN ENVIRONMENT
diverted from for The structure of the

building general needs. housing subsidy
system was varied to make this policy change effective.
In the immediate post-war was laid on the
period therefore special emphasis
construction of at the expense of other forms of
houses?frequently development.
of all kinds was in the conurbations, but their
Redevelopment badly needed long
extensive areas of statutory slum and sub-standard property
housing waiting lists,
meant that attention continued to be directed towards Further
housing needs.
more, national economic difficulties, on a scale that could not easily have been
foreseen, placed heavy restrictions on the amount and scope of redevelopment
for other No clear statement of on central area re
purposes. general policy
was made. In from the reconstruction of sites
development consequence?apart
area in the conurbations took
totally destroyed by war?central redevelopment
occur themost
place very slowly during this early period. Moreover, when it did
usual form of renewal was on a There were few attempts to
plot-by-plot basis.
renew the of the central area as a whole. Without the a
layout support of firm
Central Government the local authorities found much
policy planning piecemeal
to resist.
redevelopment very hard Although past experience had demonstrated
the problems that haphazard could produce, the incentive was
rebuilding lacking
to put forward on a scale.
planned redevelopment proposals comprehensive
were taken which restricted future schemes when came
Frequently decisions they
to be
prepared.
A also took place in the Central Government attitude towards the
change
New Towns. These had first been considered as the most effective way of
satisfying
needs for further and as a means of the policy of
housing achieving
planned dispersal from the conurbations. After the first series of sites were defined,
the more costs
development of the New Towns took place slowly and the initial
were than had been For this reason, and on
greater expected. political grounds,
to be considered as an
they ceased by the Government acceptable solution.
An
alternative technique was put forward which involved the extension of smaller
towns
existing by bringing in the surplus population from the conurbation areas.
The Town Act provided the
Development machinery for this purpose. Whilst
this policy was in operation no further New Towns were established. This
alteration of
policy had grievous consequences in the conurbation areas since it
to reach cities and
proved impossible agreements between 'exporting' large
smaller towns on like the scale In
'importing' anything needed. particular, the
financial provisions of the Act so that the difficulties of
proved unsatisfactory
out were
carrying long-distance dispersal greatly increased. Many conurbation
authorities therefore to obtain further extensions in order to
sought peripheral
meet the demands from the extended slum clearance
housing arising programme.
In contrast to the that took place in
changes housing, policy concerning the
location of industry and the economic future of the Less-Favoured conurbations
remained In themain this followed the pre-war concept of
relatively consistent.
to on sites in those areas where
persuading manufacturing industry develop
further employment was needed. The pre-war system of
Government-sponsored

THE CONURBATIONS S7
estates was extended and control was operated through

the
trading general '
Certificate so as to divert from 'Favoured
Development system development
conurbations. Further incentives were offered to firms prepared to build in
Areas' where the level of was Amendments
'Development unemployment high.
to the Distribution of Act defined additional Development Areas and
Industry
varied the form of financial incentive, but no major change in policy took place
till the Local Employment Act of i960 which abolished the Development Area
and in a form of financial incentive that could be
system brought simplified applied
to any area where the level of was or where there was a risk
unemployment high
that severe unemployment occur. were also made
might Specific arrangements
for overspill reception areas. In the
planning
field difficulties experienced with
industrial development were the result of conflicts in policy between separate
Government Departments rather than in For industrial control
changes policy.
(unlike the administration of housing which after 19ci became the responsibility
of the Minister concerned with planning) has always remained the province
of the Board of Trade. Although in theory the Board of Trade are concerned with
location only and the actual siting of the factory itselfwithin the approved
general
area is a matter for in practice conflicts occur, particularly in
planning control,
the conurbation areas where different terms of reference produced different
of location. The Board of Trade were primarily concerned with the
policies
and the economic structure of areas
prevention of unemployment strengthening
were not the
known to be weak. They directly concerned with long-term
of the authorities. In the conurbations where some
objectives planning plans
called for a dispersal of industry as well as population, planning and industrial
were liable to fall badly out of step, and did so in more than one con
policy
urbation.
Parallel with these developments in national policy on and industry,
housing
there was a in outlook on the scale at which could be operated
big change planning
most The provision of the 1947 Planning Act, which allowed for the
effectively.
of statutory regional planning through the merging of a group of local
possibility
planning
authorities into a single joint planning board, were not used. Instead, a
shift of emphasis took place in the opposite direction. With this change in
town and country came to be more and more as a local
policy planning regarded
at a local authority level. The Regional Advisory Plans
activity best conducted
were not revised to meet Ministerial action at regional level
changing needs.
were
was reduced and the
regional
offices closed. County Planning Offices
first encouraged and then required to delegate their powers of development
control to the larger County districts in the conurbations. This retreat from the
to the local scale has made comprehensive planning for the needs of a
regional
conurbation as a whole administratively impossible. The need for a regional
view grew more evident since most of the basic problems in each conurbation
were seen to be in character and incapable of being resolved by a series of
regional
individual local Development Plans. But the progressive shift away from regional
ism as a policy has made the co-ordination of the separate local plans, once they

S* LAND USE IN AN URBAN ENVIRONMENT
are submitted, almost to carry into effect, since there is no single

impossible
concerned with the framework.
planning agency directly regional
have also occurred in land-use the con
Major changes policies affecting
servation of land. These concern the conurbations directly. In the of
early part
the post-war period land conservation was directed to the
policy mainly
of uses from urban encroachment. A revitalised
preservation agricultural agri
cultural active in resisting to urban uses. The
industry proved very changeover
of the conurbations were the scenes of many conflicts of this type.
fringes
Pressure to develop land has continued to increase, however, and the combined
effect of the lifting of restrictions on private development and the abolition of the
has further extensive claims on land. The ordinary
development charge produced
process of control not have withstood this pressure without
development might
some further and this was found in the new policy with regard to
strengthening
This called for the definition of, and strict development control
green belts.
within, broad belts of land on the perimeter of all the conurbations. When
is reached on the area to be defined as green belt, this special reserve is
agreement
intended to become a permanent feature of the local Development Plan.
The green belt policy has received the active support of theMinistry and is
intended to provide an effective check on unwanted outward growth. In great
measure it has been successful in this immediate objective, but its potential
effects be to and are certain to obstruct, an overall
may prevent, improvement
of environment within conurbations in a reasonable time. In a number of
ways
the green belt policy as it now stands has raised new problems and intensified old
ones. For acute for all types of
example, the problem of land shortage?already
residential uses?has been further increased. The price
development, particularly
of land not within the green belt has reached very high levels.
undeveloped
Prices may rise still further, for in spite of the shortage the demand for land has
been more than maintained and for its use is intense.
competition Development
control ismade more difficult by these inflated land prices. And, since it runs
counter to the demand formore space, this policy can only be sustained by
general
administrative support from the Central Government. The balance of
powerful
force and counter-force in the conurbations is It seems absurd
very precarious.
to screw down the safety valve without effective provision for
making any
alternative fulfilment of need or release of pressure.
* * *
The major changes that have occurred in the financial provisions of the 1947
Act have also seriously influenced the progress of planning in the
Planning
conurbations. For the abolition of the development charge released a
example,
on new of general social and
check development and re-established the operation
economic forces as the main factors affecting the use of land. The shift in policy
embodied in the Town and Country Planning Act of 19C9 which restored the
payment of market price for land compulsorily acquired for planning and other
purposes, has introduced a new factor whose full effects are not yet clear. But it

THE CONURBATIONS 59
seems that within the conurbations, where intense competition has
probable
increased the market value of land, increased initial costs will
greatly discourage
sites within the central area for
acquisition of comprehensive redevelopment by
These in
local authorities. changes policy and the gradual re-emergence of the
influence of natural forces previously held in check, have affected the
greatly
results achieved by planning in the conurbations the past decade. The
during
major and land
regional problems?slums, blight, congestion shortage?have
The gap between the Favoured and Less Favoured conurbation areas
persisted.
in to reduce it
widens, spite of efforts through Development
Plans and the
control system. Looking back over the events of the decade, it
development
seems evident that the effectiveness of the local the authorities
plans prepared by
within the conurbations has been modified by a number of factors, not all ofwhich
could have been foreseen when the new planning machine was set to work.
Major Post-War
Difficulties
the most powerful of these factors has been the continual shortage
Among
of land for all types of development. The cornbined effects of forces of con
centration and dispersal has meant that this shortage has been most active where the
demand is highest?within the conurbation areas. It was intended that the
Plan should on the basis of survey, the quantities of
Development anticipate,
land likely to be needed for all purposes during the next twenty years and allocate
to these needs. at the time when most of the initial
according Unfortunately,
work for the was the conditions governing
survey statutory plans being done,
still reflected the shortages and policies of the early post-war years.
development
The post-war housing drive and the growing volume of private development after
19C2 reduced the allocated reserves of landmuch more rapidly thanwas expected.
The local authorities in the conurbations are now faced with
planning
sustained and demands from land uses of all those of the
heavy kinds?including
local authorities themselves?for sites within an area that is constantly
development
in size and constantly rising inmarket value. The pressure on planning
shrinking
authorities to amend their Development Plans and bring in land held as a long-term
reserve for immediate use, is very in the Favoured conurbation
heavy, particularly
so
areas. With
strong Central Government support the green belt has been held
far, but in view of the land that now exists it seems that
grave shortage unlikely
it can be held indefinitely against the great pressure generated by the forces
to
leading dispersal.
THE DUAL PROBLEM OF OVERSPILL AND REDEVELOPMENT
This of land has a direct bearing on the second major

general shortage
that has from post-war planning experience in the conurbations?
problem emerged
the double problem of redevelopment and overspill. So many factors are involved
in this problem, the difficulties have proved so intractable and it has been
practical
surrounded by somuch controversy, that it is often difficult to see its nature at all
issues of policy are in fact involved. A central objective of
clearly. Fundamental

6o LAND USE IN AN URBAN ENVIRONMENT
since the war has been the overall improvement of standards

planning policy
?particularly the older parts of the conurbation
housing standards?throughout
areas. It was that this objective could only be achieved re
recognised through
and provision for some at least of this redevelopment has been
development,
incorporated in the proposals of the Development Plans. Conditions within these
older areas, when matched against the minimum space standards advocated,
showed that the deficiencies involved were considerable and extended into many
different types of use?schools, open spaces and other facilities were badly needed.
In consequence when clearance and redevelopment it became clear that a
began,
substantial part of land now occupied by congested
or sub-standard
dwellings
would have to pass to other uses. The number of persons that could be rehoused
on this reduced area
frequently fell far short of the existing population?even
when allowance had been made for very intensive re-use of the cleared sites by
at cost. The a
multi-storey building high probability of such surplus had been
anticipated by planning theory, and the second and consequent major objective
of the plans was the planned dispersal of the uses
surplus of population and other
into self-contained units from the main urban mass. conurbation
away Many
Plans assumed that the
Development overspill generated by redevelopment would
be re-accommodated in this
way.
the surveys on which the Plans were based established
Although Development
the size of the and so for an
general redevelopment overspill problem they did
individual local authority area only. The full
implications of the proposals for the
conurbation as a whole, and the difficulties of these objectives in
achieving
a of local authorities, have
practice through fragmented system only recently
become quite clear. They are now known to be very
large indeed.9
A further reason for this tardiness in the extent of the problem
recognising
was because the pace of itself was slow in the early post-war
re-development
But when work on the clearance and worst areas
period. redevelopment of the
?the to the need to suitable sites to
statutory slums?began speed up, provide
rehouse displaced families became much more This need has been
urgent.
affected in the decision to strict control
seriously by changes policy, by impose
the use of the green belt) over the amount of land released for
(through develop
ment purposes,
by the unwillingness of the Central Government to sanction the
construction of further New Towns and
by the unwillingness of the displaced
families to move distances. In consequence the problem of finding and
long
suitable sites to cater for either of the two main techniques
developing overspill by
in the Plans?short distance or movements?
proposed Development long distance
became very difficult.
In the conurbations, where land is so serious and the numbers of
shortage
families re-accommodation so the sites
needing large, problem of finding suitable
has now become almost impossible with a belt framework. Short
rigid green
distance movement to sites close to themain area (the method favoured
built-up
most local authorities) inhibited are the and the cost of land.
by by shortage high
Substantial movements have taken place successfully only by
longer-distance

THE CONURBATIONS 61
means of a New Town. In

theory, the possibility of long-distance overspill
movements still remained open to the local authorities after the change in policy
over additional New Towns. The Town Development Act procedure was indeed
for this very purpose. In practice very few such schemes have matured.
designed
The deadlock produced by this situation has only recently been partly relieved by
the proposal to construct two further New Towns for conurbation areas that are
in difficulties with overspill.
special
difficulties however are by no means limited to those associated
Overspill
with policy decisions and land shortages. Intricate problems of finance and local
administration have also arisen from the need to carry out the redevelopment and
in the local Development Plans. The successive
overspill proposals incorporated
of the housing subsidy structure have helped to meet some of the
re-organisations
incurred by placing high density redevelopment schemes and new building
charges
for overspill in a special category. But this system is limited to
housing.
No
for ismade for the loss of rateable value which may
special provision, example,
arise from the and transfers taking place as a result of redevelopment in
changes
other types of use. The risk of financial losses resulting from a redistribution of
and other facilities has been a powerful factor in the
population, industry reducing
effectiveness of the Town Development Act. From the administrative point of
view, the planned transfer of population over long distances and on the sub
stantial scale implied in the Development Plans has two major disadvantages.
Such a redistribution would upset the balance of local power, and the technical
in organizing movements of this kind impose strains on the
problems involved
technical staffs of all but the very largest local authorities. This is in marked
contrast to the of skill developed over the years
high degree by many local
authorities in the construction of large-scale peripheral housing estates. From the
local authorities' point of view therefore, the most satisfactory solution to the
of overspill reception lies in the continuation of peripheral expansion
problem
?a course which runs counter to basic
planning policy.
and overspill is more than a problem in technical and
Redevelopment
administrative social are also involved. The tensions
terms?grave problems
from the transfer of large numbers of families from one type of en
resulting
vironment to another of a very different kind can be great. These tensions are
when the type of population moved is artificially selected
aggravated by social
class or age structure. The problem of providing the employment, shopping,
school, open space, health, welfare and other facilities required for the organi
zation of a new town rather than a housing estate is very complex. When this
has to be done through the present framework of local authority powers and
functions and within a congested conurbation region, very difficult problems of
co-ordination and occur. Indeed, it now seems that the most serious
organisation
so far as the conurbations are concerned is not the selection of suitable
problem
to deal with
redevelopment and overspill, but the creation of an
techniques
capable of effectively co-ordinating the very wide range of operations
organisation
necessary.

Apart from replacing the slums and the outworn residential areas, the
Development Plans within the conurbations also make proposals for the renewal
and reconstruction of at least of the central commercial and administrative
part
area. These schemes for central area were intended to reduce
redevelopment
a more effective use of these
congestion and provide layout for the future highly
areas. The extensive war suffered central London and some
specialised damage by
an
provincial conurbations provided opportunity for undertaking comprehensive
on a scale that would otherwise have not been possible. In
redevelopment
the amount of distinct from
practice comprehensive redevelopment?as rebuilding
?that has taken place in the central areas of the conurbations has been
trifling.
This failure to renew the fabric and the con
layout within the heart of the
urbations may prove in the run to have been the most serious
long planning
failure of all. A great many factors have contributed to this failure, but here also
it is administrative and financial difficulties rather than lack of technical skill
which seem to The of central area re
predominate. process comprehensive
development involves a number of special problems of acquisition,
design,
and control which are not of a local
management part authority's normal work.
Above all, since planned comprehensive in the central areas of the
changes
conurbations can best be achieved direct ownership of the land, the
through
is faced at the onset with the need to
developing authority acquire substantial
sites at very these sites are subdivided into a
high values. Frequently multiplicity
of small ownerships. land in this way implies substantial financial
Buying
resources tomeet the extensive first costs (since landmust now be at its
acquired
market value) and special organization skills to realise the financial benefits of
Few local authorities can command these skills
comprehensive redevelopment.
and except for special cases very little risk-capital for re-investment in this way
has been available from public funds since the war. In consequence, most local
authorities have had to accept piecemeal owners on
rebuilding by private
individual sites as the only practical way of about reconstruction in the
bringing
central area. The extent to which this private re-investment has taken
place
varies a deal between the Favoured and Less Favoured
great conurbations,
Greater London receiving by far the greatest share. The free play of natural forces
runs counter to the objectives of for it is within a central area
planning policy,
that the potential benefits of comprehensive rather than piecemeal redevelopment
are
greatest, and it is the Less Favoured rather than the Favoured conurbations
which stand in the need of central area re-in vestment. The fact that
greatest
new areas
they receive less capital and that redevelopment within their central
forms a particularly fragmented pattern is perhaps themost unsatisfactory aspect of
all statutory in the conurbations.
post-war planning
In this chapter it has been

suggested that the performance of planning itself
and the value of the Development Plans can be measured by the extent to which
both have been able to influence the social and economic forces that give
general

THE CONURBATIONS 63
rise to development and in the use of land. The most valuable lesson of
changes
British experience has been the importance of these forces to the
planning
process. It is now evident that in a number of important respects the power and
effectiveness of the forces and trends, so far as the conurbation
Development
Plans are concerned, has been under-estimated or even
ignored.
The two groups of forces leading either to national concentration towards
the conurbations or to local dispersal within them, have continued to operate
was itself a declared
very powerfully. Dispersal objective of many of the local
Plans, but the amount of movement which the social and
Development voluntary
economic forces were to was not This outward surge
produce fully anticipated.
of development to more
satisfy the demand for space has involved the local
authorities in the conurbations in constant to prevent a
planning struggles
of inter-war urban and constant difficulties over
repetition sprawl shortage of
land.
While in some respects the volume of this

voluntary outward movement
has been much greater than anticipated, in others it has fallen well below the
level. Some industrialists, commercial undertakers and a
expected proportion
of the other users located in the central area have been very
congested unwilling
to move distance from their location?unless circumstances
any away present
forced them to do so. This is an indication of the
continuing power of the
concentrating forces. A further effect of the concentrating forces has been to
a limit on the extent of the area over which movement will take
place voluntary
the size of this area is increased
place. Although being constantly (positively by
means of
improvements in the mobility and negatively by the shortage of land)
resistance to movement over distances is This resistance has had a
longer great.
on those local
great effect Development Plans in the conurbations which proposed
movements.
long-distance
A more powerful, and
perhaps less expected effect of the concentrating
forces has operated on a national scale. all the conurbations have con
Although
tinued to attract some from the less urbanised parts of the country,
population
selective concentration into the Favoured group at the expense of the Less
Favoured has also continued. The attractions
drawing population, industry,
and new of all kinds into theWest Midland, and above all
capital developments
into the Greater London have to be far more extensive
region proved powerful,
and persistent than was believed to be the case when post-war planning policy
was formed.10 The of this selective concentration was
being re-emergence
delayed during the early post-war period when the mobility of the population
was reduced new
by the housing shortage and the quality of development
restricted by economic difficulties. Once these limitations ceased to operate the
old problems of to the south
disparity and drift re-emerged.
This remains the
central problem in conurbation
planning.
the conurbations have also been
Planning proposals within greatly affected by
a number of influences whose were not at the time when
operations apparent

were
general objectives and policy being formed. It can now be seen that some
of these new influences have
special significance. Their importance is certain
to increase in future. Some new influences are discussed below.
examples of these
New in the Conurbations

In?uences
The disruptive effect of vehicular on the central
congestion city and the
increase in the area over which a
major daily journey to work is now possible
are both well known. These however are some of the of the
only consequences
motor vehicle in the conurbations. The demands created by
space large numbers of
vehicles inmotion and at rest are so
great and the growth in their numbers so
that the satisfaction of even a
rapid, part of these needs will necessitate major
in the form and of urban areas. As this revolution in the
changes layout general
means of is now an established fact and there is little or no likelihood of
mobility
the sooner or later these to be met.
trendbeing reversed, heavy demands will have
Few, if any, of the present Development Plans in the conurbations make provision
for vehicles on like the scale now known to be needed. new
anything Apart from
major roads, provision will also have to be made for segregation of vehicles and
for access and circulation roads and for
pedestrians, parking spaces, private
garages. Moreover these kinds of provision will be needed not only in the central
area, but in all parts of the conurbation. The
implications of these established
needs have not yet been worked out in terms of a suitable road network,
fully
nor have forms of are
development been evolved which capable
of
satisfying
them
in the conditions of overall land which exist in the conurbations. This
scarcity
is a serious matter since it iswithin the conurbations that the
particularly highest
concentrations of additional vehicles will occur and the number of
largest
journeys will be made.
The space demands created by the
ever-growing numbers of vehicles will be
matched by those arising from the
growing demand for housing. Various attempts
have been made to estimate the extent of future needs for the country as a
housing
whole. A recent calculation B.
by J. Cullingworth11 suggests that, when slum
clearance and replacements are taken into account, of the order of
something
four million new be required the next twenty years. This
dwellings may during
is tentative and may prove to be conservative. But it is certain that the
figure
demand for is much and will be more sustained than was
housing greater,
assumed to be the case even ten years Itwas then that
commonly ago. being argued
the acute post-war was over, that the of a for
housing shortage objective dwelling
each separate family had been substantially achieved and that attention should be
concentrated on providing every familywith a fit
dwelling, through slum clearance.
The position where each separate family has a separate of some kind
dwelling
has not been reached in any of the conurbation areas. At the present rate of
a
progress it will be long
time before it is achieved.
Overcrowding
in
good
as well as obsolescent and slum
quality property still persists and local authority
lists in the problem areas are still very a
housing waiting large. Moreover,

THE CONURBATIONS 6?
of some kind merges as a social
target, into that of
a
dwelling steadily, dwelling
of a reasonably kind.
good
The demand for does not derive primarily from or
housing overcrowding
slum clearance. A separate has been a major objective of most families
dwelling
for a considerable time. Full employment and greater general prosperity means
that more families than ever before are now a better house with more
seeking
and that the those the means to achieve this objective
space proportion of with
is
constantly growing. Social preferences and the value placed on privacy
high
as ensure that the
part of the rising standard of
living, great bulk of housing
demand is, and will continue to be, for a suburban home with a garden. In the
conurbations the demand for this type of accommodation, as more and more
families seek to improve their environment, will be much larger and more sustained
(quite apart from that generated by slum clearance and redevelopment) than
was considered Plans were
probable when the Development being prepared.
Recent work has also shown that a further and unexpected impetus
to the
demand for will be the rise in the rate at which separate
housing generated by
households are formed out of the total population12. This is
being directly
relevant to the problem of future housing demand in the conurbations, since the
national increase in the number of separate households is to take
expected place
at a much more rate than and much of our is concen
rapid formerly, population
trated in the conurbations. A recent estimate suggests that by 1978 the national
increase in the number of separate households may be between 1 2
3% and 2%.
The 13. million households recorded in the 19ci Census for the country as a
whole may thus rise to between 1 c and 16millions by 1978. The same calculation
terms of additional needed in
suggests that the reflection of this rise, in dwellings
the country as a whole the period 19C8-1978, may be between a minimum
during
of 300,000 and a maximum of i.c millions on the
(depending proportional
increase selected) even after a substantial allowance has been made for provision
of extra units conversions to existing property. To thismust be
dwelling through
added the numbers arising from the need to replace statutory slum and obsolete
are known to be of this type must be specu
property which heavy. Calculations
lative, but it seems reasonable to that the total national demand
accept housing
may be of the order of four million the period 19C8-78 and that
dwellings during
a very of this demand will be concentrated in the conurbations?
high proportion
or near the favoured conurbations. It is now clear that the land
particularly in
demands from this cause will be very heavy and sustained and will impose a great
strain on the green belt, on the Development Plans and on the
planning machinery
in the conurbations the next twenty years?a strain which will exceed
during
have had to face up to now. It is unlikely that it can be met by the
anything they
of the Plans as now stand.
proposals Development they
Since the Development Plans were prepared there have been major changes
in the national economy. Much of with regard to industry and
planning thought
is still based on concepts at the time of the Barlow Report
employment developed
which examined economic conditions in the late i9 3o's. Since that time so

many major changes have taken place in almost every aspect of British industry
that few, if any, parallels can be drawn with
safety between conditions then and
now. Yet the economic in many Plans
concepts incorporated Development
seem to take little account of the of the new economic situation in
consequences
which full employment, a new methods and
greatly changed energy situation,
new are are a
products principal features. These economic changes producing
further redistribution of and The final outcome of their
population industry.
effects is uncertain but the is to
general pattern of change beginning emerge13.
Some features of this new pattern are illustrated in
Figure 7.
It seems con
likely that these changes will have pervasive and profound
sequences for the conurbations. These areas have been foci of ind
always principal
ustrial activity. To some extent this still holds but a of
good, significant proportion
new industrial are now to locations away from central districts
projects gravitating
of are
big cities. The fact that expanding industries taking up
sites either outside
the conurbations or within a broad belt associated with the two
altogether,
Favoured conurbations, may increase the future difficulties of
substantially planning
industrial and for the group of conurbations outside this
employment provision
Favoured area. It has been main reason
argued14 that the why the northern
have not pace with the national rate of economic lies in the
regions kept growth
nature of their industrial structure. These with the
regions, compared country
as a whole, contain or
higher proportions of industries that have expanded less
concentrated more, and lower of industries that have more
proportions expanded
or contracted less. If a similar comparison ismade between the Favoured and
Less Favoured conurbations the is even more marked.
disparity
This position, it has some points of
although similarity with that examined
by the Barlow Commission, differs from it in a number of
important respects.
Control over the location of a
industry, full employment and greater general level
of prosperity have so far
prevented the depressions and large-scale movements of
industry and population of the inter-war years. The Less Favoured
typical
conurbations have received a share of industries but, as the previous
expanding
a share that falls far short of their needs. From the industrial
chapter suggests,
of view the size of all the conurbations has extended
point considerably since
the war. In the Favoured areas the zone of economic influence, within which
journeys towork and the transport of semi-finished products takes place, isnow so
extended that in the case of the area the outer limits enclose most
Metropolitan
of south-eastern It seems that the connection between
England. along motorway
theWest Midland and the areas the
Metropolitan spheres of influence of the two
conurbations are at the point of If this occurs itwill form, in effect,
overlapping.
a and (in British terms) a few
single, gigantic economic region. At points beyond
this main zone, into which the bulk of national is now concen
prosperity being
trated, some new growing points are developing. These are centred on particular
features such as water harbours or abundant water
deep supplies. Within the
main zone smaller industrial are more scattered. This
plants becoming tendency
to scatter is more marked as labour and land becomes more scarce
becoming

THE CONURBATIONS 67
Fig. 7?Some Major Post-War Developments in England and Wales

The map shows the distribution of major post-war industrial developments in England and Wales
in relation to the National Motorway system and the Super-grid. These major features will exert a
powerful influence on the general pattern of all kinds of future developments.

within the established industrial areas of Greater London and theWest Midlands.
a wide
In consequence range of county and market towns in a broad belt of
the Midlands and the Home Counties are on a
greater scale
receiving industry
than ever before.
This redistribution of industry and in response to new forces,
employment
most in the two Favoured conurbations, is a
although highly developed having
effect on the form of all the conurbations. The industrial of
powerful importance
the hinterland is
growing very rapidly and this stimulates the spread of housing,
over a wide area to form a
population and other developments very large, loosely
urbanised region. The extension of the conurbation in this way a
produces
decline in the functions of the traditional centre, as a focus for office
except
employment. The boundaries of one conurbation become blurred and
merge
almost into those of its a conurbation,
imperceptibly neighbours. Within the
to move one
ability and the need rapidly from part to another, the number and
of journeys made and the
length congestion of trafficproduced by thesemovements,
all increase In consequence the old radial pattern of movements from
together.
centre to is a new one inwhich criss-cross movements
periphery being replaced by
over the whole
region predominate.
The trends produced by these new influences,
greatly increased demands for
suburban the loose of over a wide area, the
housing, scattering development
decline of the traditional centres as focal points, the move
reorganization of the
ment pattern and the of a number of new focal
development points dependent
on ease of access, all these run counter to of the contained in the
many concepts
local Plans now
Development prepared for the conurbations. The economic and
social forces these results were not effective at the time most
producing fully
were drawn up. these forces are very so
plans being Today powerful, powerful
indeed that new concepts and new to be
techniques will need developed if the
are to
plans modify and influence the future development of the conurbations
satisfactorily.
Suggestions for Future Volley and Organisation

It seems that a number of tentative conclusions can be drawn from the
evolutionary changes that have occurred in the conurbations during the past fifty
years. The experience gained and the results achieved from attempts to regulate
solve major problems and
growth, anticipate future needs by means of planning,
also provides useful pointers to ways inwhich for the conurbations could
planning
be made more effective in the critical ahead.
period
The first point that emerges from this review is the fundamental
significance
of the conurbations within the as a whole. This extends into
country significance
many fields and includes major social, political and economic issues as well as
matters connected with and land use. The conurbations
directly development
have been key areas for the whole of the covered in this review.
fiftyyear period
are areas and it is certain that will continue to act as focal
They key today they
points for development and land use problems for at least a similar period in future.

THE CONURBATIONS 69
it is clear from the considerable
Secondly, changes taking place in the form
and extent of the conurbations, that none of them are in a state of
equilibrium and
that further major are inevitable. Thus, it is certain that the
changes although
conurbations will continue to be areas, it is certain that in future
key equally
their form and the nature of the influences will exert will be
they very
different from what are nature of this
they today. It is the change
in form, with
some inevitable that is the critical question.
loosening up,
some at least of the social and economic forces which
Thirdly, bring about
and in the conurbations can now be and their effects
growth change recognised
studied. Studies of this kind are critical and should an
play increasing part in the
of since careful of the forces and their effects
framing planning policy, by analysis
it is
possible to anticipate?but only
to a limited
degree?the likely trends of
seem to be so
change. The influences of these forces powerful that it is not
to resist their effects
possible directly and permanently through planning controls.
Indirect control, which makes use of the forces themselves as part of the con
is to be farmore effective. This form of control is
trolling mechanism, likely
as the two major
possible groups of forces affecting the conurbations?the
to act in a
concentrating and the dispersing?tend opposition until point of
balance is reached between them. This balance is so precarious that
planning
control, although a relatively weak force compared with the other two, can
exercise a one direction or the other
powerful influence which may be exerted in
as dictates.
policy
it can be seen that the conurbations, as areas where on
Lastly, pressure
scarce land is use
particularly acute, contain land problems of very special kinds.
These problems fall into broad groups: those which are internal and
regional,
out of conditions within the conurbation itself, and those which are
arising
external and national and concern the of one conurbation with
relationship
another and with the country as a whole. All these problems involve questions
of land use and are inter-related. raise local issues and
closely Although they
involve actions and decisions in these problems are never local.
particular places,
are either or national in scale. The most serious of these
They regional problems
is the the Favoured and the Less Favoured
continuing disparity between
conurbations.
from instances such as the belt, the slum clearance
Apart particular green
drive or New Towns, and controls are conceived and
planning policies planning
executed at the local level. The mechanism in the present
principal planning
system is the local and the Plan. At Central
planning authority Development
Government level serious efforts are made to co-ordinate these local
Development
Plans, but effective machinery for the purpose is lacking. In the conurbations,
this failure to co-ordinate and lack of clear are
policy aggravating inevitable and
very serious difficulties. The difficulties are increased by the rigid framework of
local authority boundaries and also certain activities
by the fact that intimately
connected with land use?in particular the location of industry and the planning
of themajor road network?are
already regulated nationally, but by policies that

JO LAND USE IN AN URBAN ENVIRONMENT
do not seem to have been fully attuned either to the objectives of planning or to
the needs of the conurbations. A co-ordination of broad policies, as well as
Plans, is needed.
Development badly
Under present conditions the series of local Development Plans prepared by
the various local authorities cannot provide a satisfactory basis for the public
of land use in a conurbation. A number of to the present
guidance changes
for will be before real can be made
organisation planning required any progress
towards the major problems of the key conurbation areas. The need is
solving
must be fundamental. Mere readjustments to the
urgent and the changes existing
Plan system will not serve. are needed in
Development Changes policy and
administration as well as in
technique.
In these it is essential that the conurbation should be
framing changes
considered?at least for a undivided urban
planning purposes?as single, region.
This is no more than a as now stand. This step is a vital
recognition of facts they
for until it is taken no
one, satisfactory adjustment of the machinery of planning
seems
possible.
A number of critical to be taken at national and
policy decisions need regional
level with to the conurbations. At the present time there is little in
regard
dication of any areas
general policy for the future development of these special
either collectively or The that have been
individually. principles generally
are based on the recommendations
accepted and applied within the conurbations
of the Barlow Commission. While these principles to meet new
(adapted
economic and social conditions) may form the basis for a never
policy, they have
been clearly thought out or expressed as a policy. Nor is it certain that all of
these principles should be
accepted to-day without modification, since some of
them run counter to the of the social and economic forces. At least
general push
threemajor decisions need to be taken before any can be formulated.
general policy
First, itmust be decided whether or not the present geographical pattern
of conurbations should be as permanent.
regarded Apart from Greater London,
the conurbations are a reflection of the 19th century distribution of
industry
and population. It can be that this arrangement is outmoded and that new
argued
centres of
population and industry should be encouraged to develop which would
replace them. There is indeed substantial evidence that the social and economic
forces are initiating major if unchecked, could about a
changes which, bring
of an earlier in which most and was
repetition pattern population industry
centred in the south and east. It is sometimes held that itwould be in the national
interest for this trend to be allowed to work itself out, unhindered
by planning
controls. It seems hardly a
likely that national policy for the conurbations based
on these on social or
principles would be acceptable political grounds. Whatever
the short-term the or
advantages might be, decay planned decline of the major
centres of the north-west and north, does not, in view of the social and material
seem any more
capital invested in them, practical today
as a
long-term objective
than it did at the time of the Barlow Commission's Report.

THE CONURBATIONS 71
if it be
Secondly, accepted that something like the existing pattern of major
centres must be retained, a decision must be taken on the central issue of how the
disparity between the Favoured Midlands and South and the Less-Favoured North
West and North can be overcome more
effectively. The Barlow Commission
to redress the balance a over the
sought through system of national control
location of reinforced restrictions on future
manufacturing industry, by growth
and by planned decentralisation. These remedies have been applied since 1946.
not halted it. Decentralisation
They have checked the southward flow but has
been attempted, with varying degrees of success. The outward spread of the
conurbations has been halted?only for a the green belt.
expanding time?by
Since in these matters the requirements of policy run counter to the trends of
social and economic some modifications are Controls over
forces, necessary.
and effective. to be
industrial location have proved practical They need
and extended to include office employment as well as
strengthened manufacturing
also need to be farmore closely integrated with land use planning.
industry. They
It seems less certain that decentralisation in its present form is so valuable?
as it is in the Less Favoured conurbations where the con
particularly applied
forces are weak. further
centrating attracting development already Although
from the Favoured conurbations needs to be encouraged, it is the
dispersal
forces which need the support of policy
concentrating rather than the dispersing
in the Less Favoured areas. the new and powerful elements which have
Among
since the Barlow Commission made its review are the almost universal
emerged
motorcar and the new In ten or less the
motorway system. years motorways,
illustrated in will have become the chief communication
diagrammatically Figure 7,
network of the country. As such they could play an important part in a policy
for the redevelopment and rehabilitation of the Less Favoured conurbations,
road and land use planning are closely connected.
provided planning
a broad decision must be taken on what the ultimate form of the
Lastly,
At the present time planning in the conurbations
great city of the future will be.
is very severely
handicapped by
the lack of any clear image. Here, part at least of
the answer is provided by the current trends of development. Inmany parts of the
world the loose, multi-centred urban region, directly dependent on its transport
on a core. In Britain,
system, is replacing the centralised city focused single
and make it inevitable that a variation of
increasing mobility expanding prosperity
this pattern will be established here, modified by the scale of the country and the
of land. While itmay be possible to modify this pattern still
general shortage
further through and the forces creating the
planning policy planning controls,
extended urban region are too powerful to be reversed or even restricted for long.
Future policy must take account of this change.
The principal need for in the present system of planning arises because
change
it is not to broad over urban regions, of which
designed implement policy large
the conurbations are the chief Between the controlling Ministry,
example.
on the national scale, and the local planning authority preparing a local
working
Development Plan there is now a yawning gap in the planning organisation.

Fig. 8?Proposals and Projects for Dispersal from Greater London

This figure indicates the very wide spread of proposed and executed
dispersal projects throughout
South-Eastern England. Recent schemes now extend well beyond the boundary of the London Region.
Ihis lo be filled by the creai ion of a

gap needs regional planning agency
lor each
of the conurbations. an authority of this kind, the Minister
Only supported by
and by the local authorities and
provided with adequate powers and finance, can
deal with the national and of the conurbations. It is
regional problems recognised
that the creation of such a raises many difficulties and embarrassments,
body
in the administrative and measures are
particularly political fields. Special justified
because the problems of the conurbations are so extensive and
urgent and their
so
significance great.

THE CONURBATIONS 73
The type of a
regional body proposed could make special contribution in a
number of ways. Among its principal tasks would be the out of a frame
working
work of general policy related to the needs of the region as a whole, the
existing
Plans co-ordinated to fit into this framework. Details
Development being general
of policy would vary according to the balance of social and economic forces
within each conurbation, but the principal distinction would be between those
areas. Whereas
adopted for the Favoured and the Less Favoured in the Favoured,
would be to forces to
regional policy designed strengthen the leading dispersal
and limit those giving rise to further concentration, in the Less Favoured the
major objectives of policy would be to build up the concentrating forces, while
dispersal would take place only on the scale calculated to serve the minimum
needs of motor
transport.
To this end, in the one case the regional authority's principal function would
be to act as a Board encouraging and initiating re-investment
Regional Development
in the conurbation a series of
through planned major works, including central
area urban renewal and industrial and commercial
redevelopment, expansion.
en
For these purposes public and private agencies would be
employed, with
and financial assistance from the Board. Great stress would also
couragement
need to be laid on the rapid development of an open, non-radial
regional road
network direct links with the national motorway system. While the
providing
scale of the regional problems in the Less Favoured areas must involve a con
siderable amount of and movements over short distances
redevelopment overspill,
some modification
would predominate.
This would certainly necessitate of the
belt
present green system.
In the other case the regional authority would operate primarily as a
force encouraging dispersal over a wide area, imposing strict
decentralising
limits on peripheral expansion and seeking to damp down the over-active forces
of concentration. In it would be concerned to as many
particular provide
disincentives as fiscal means as well as land use controls?on
possible?through
scale developments within the central area. This type of activity seems to be
large
a extension of the present general policy for Greater London and the
logical
West Midlands. Extensive decentralisation proposals are in existence or planned
for both these areas. The scale of some of the proposals for Greater London are
illustrated in Figure 8.
It is not intended that the regional planning authorities should take over the
function of the local planning authorities or usurp powers now held by the
Minister. Their function would be to support, not supersede, the
existing
at national and local level. Since their primary purpose
planning organisation
would be to act as a policy making and co-ordinating body concerned with major
questions of regional land use, development
and redevelopment, they would not
be required to prepare a statutory regional plan of a detailed kind. The preparation
of detailed plans and the day-to-day control of development would remain with
the local planning authorities. The regional authority would be under the control
of theMinister and directly responsible to him.

The powers to the need only be few, but they are critical.
granted authority
To substance to their decisions itwould be necessary for all statutory
give policy
Plans within the conurbation to receive Ministerial
Development approval if,
and only if, they are in conformity with the declared policy of the regional
It would also be essential for the to have money
authority. regional authority
made available to it from the Central Government funds for capital works and
re-investment schemes initiated and
sponsored by the regional authority itself.
This would carry with it the duty of an annual
preparing and submitting report
to Parliament. An annual could a convenient occasion not
report provide only
for reporting progress, but also for issues out the
raising controversial pointing
main obstacles to further progress and them for debate.
presenting public
The execution of such a
proposal for each conurbation will be difficult.
Matters such as the composition of the extent of
regional authority itself and the
the area over which it should exercise control are very critical. An indication of the
kind of area which could be involved in the case of and South-East
Merseyside
Lancashire is illustrated in 6. are matters on which it would be
Figure They
difficult to since must vary with the needs of the different
dogmatise arrangements
conurbations. But itwould be desirable for the Board of the to be
authority kept
as small as It should include as well
possible. representatives of outside interests
as those of the central and local authorities. The person chosen as full-time
chairman should be of national stature and have the services of a small,
expert
staff. The extent of the conurbation area would on the nature of
largely depend
the problems to be solved. Neither the standard conurbations nor the
special
review areas would answer the purpose. In area controlled
principle, the by the
Board should be to enable most of the main conurbation
sufficiently extensive
to be solved within its It should also be subject to
problems compass. periodic
review.
* * *
Local administrative within the conurbations are now

arrangements being
subjected to review by a Parliamentary Commission. The Royal Commission on
Local Government in London has
already presented its recommendations which
include a proposal for a Greater London Council as a
planning authority.15
Evidently the need for reform in the review areas is admitted and
special being
acted upon. It is submitted that the of in the conurbation
experience planning
since the war?indicates that an active for
areas?particularly authority planning
purposes of the type here proposed could provide the means for bringing about
major improvements. Major improvements which would bring about a sub
stantial in the and to one half of the
change living working environment of up
and to solve many of the
population help urgent planning problems centred in
the conurbations. Above all the Boards as
setting up of Regional Development
overall authorities in the Less Favoured conurbations would enable the
planning
great problem of disparity to be tackled on the right scale and with co-ordinated
instead of disjointed These major objectives are well worth while and
policies.
should be a incentive to and reform of a radical kind.
surely powerful change

THE CONURBATIONS 75
Since the 1930*5 the Less Favoured conurbations have tried to broaden the
basis of their economy. They have in fact done so to an appreciable extent. But
their difficulties still persist. The and the heavy
resulting financial stringency
burden of a poor environment from the last century discourage the breadth of
view, confidence and boldness that are the pre-requisites of full recovery. These
call for national re-investment on a substantial scale. Such a re
problems
investment would yield ample returns.
Town and country planning and land use controls can play a great part in
this re-investment, for planning is now inevitably becoming an important branch
of Government nationally and locally. The events of the past fifty years have
its value to the community. Its will increase in the years
proved significance
ahead. But for all its greater importance, planning cannot demand more than a
reasonable allocation of the nation's and effort. A of the
manpower large part
resources available for this purpose should surely be concentrated where they are
most needed?in the key conurbations, which together contain almost half the
a of the nation's skill and wealth, and most of our
population, large proportion
worst
problems.
NOTES AND REFERENCES
Patrick Geddes. Cities in Evolution; revised edition, Williams and Northgate, London 1949.
2 The exact definitions of the standard conurbation areas are given in the introduction to the Conurbation
Volume of the 19^1 Census.
3 At the mid-year estimate of June i960, the six standard conurbations contained 36.9% of the total
population of England andWales. If the hinterland of each of the standard conurbations is taken into account,
it appears that just over half of the population lives in or near a conurbation. The table below attempts an
estimate of this kind. The population figures for the extended conurbation areas are only approximate since
case.
slightly different techniques have been used in each
TOTAL POPULATION IN STANDARD AND EXTENDED CONURBATIONS, JUNE i960
Conurbation ft.G.'x Standard Area Extended Area
Total
% of Total Total Population
Population Wales
England <&_ (OOO) (approximate)
(OOO)
Greater London 8,210 17.9 i2,2oo
S.E. Lancashire 2,423 5-3 2,700
West Midlands 2,309 5?? 3,400
West Yorkshire 1,699 3-7 2,000
Merseyside .. 1,387 3-0 ,900
Tyneside *55 1.9 ,200
All conurbations 16,883 36?9 23,400
England & Wales

4 Slum Clearance (England <SlWales) ; Cmd. 9?93> H.M.S.O., London 1955.

Housing in England &, Wales; Cmnd. 1290, H.M.S.O., London 1961.
6 Barlow Commission Report, paragraph 428, conclusion 2.
7 The Advisory Regional Plans for Greater London and Merseyside were published by H.M.S.O. in 194^.
The plan for theWest Midlands was not published. No official advisory plans seem to have been prepared for
S.E. Lancashire, West Yorkshire or Tyneside.
8 These powers are conferred by Section 4 (2) and the first Schedule to the Town and Country Planning
Act, 1947.
9 Reliable and up-to-date figures for the amounts of 'overspill' from each conurbation are very difficult to
obtain. A recent estimate by Mr. Neville Borg suggests that about two million persons may be involved. The
bulk of this ismade up from five great towns; Greater London (^ , ), Manchester (240,000), Birmingham
(200,000), Liverpool (1^0,000) and Leeds (70,000). The balance ismade up from smaller towns?mainly in
the conurbations. See Neville Borg, Overspill, A Short Study of the Essentials,' Journal of the Town Planning
institute,Vol. XLVII No. ,May 1961, pp. 116-122.
10 A. G. Powell 'The Recent Development of Greater London' Advancement of Science, Vol. XVII,
No. 6 ,May i960, discusses some of the factors giving rise to post-war concentrations in Greater London.
11 J. B. Cullingworth Housing Needs and Planning Policy, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London i960,
Chapter VI.
12 See Cullingworth, op. cit., Chapter IV and A. G. Powell, Discussion on 'the Family Unit' in the
Report of the Town and Country Planning Summer School, Southampton, 19^9.
13 The nature of this pattern is discussed in S. L. G. Beaufoy 'Modern Industrial Developments and
Land Planning', Report of the Town and Country Planning Summer School, Oxford 19 ?7, and J. R. James 'Land
Planning in An Expanding Economy', Journal of the Royal Society of Arts, No. 5:024, Vol. CVI, July 19^8.
14 J. Sykes 'Location of Industry and Population', Journal of the Town Planning Institute,Vol. XLV, No. 6,
May 19?9, pp. 126-130.
The Report of the Rojal Commission on Local Government in Greater London, Cmd. 1164, H.M.S.O., i960;
provides an extensive examination of the administrative and technical problems involved in the planning of the
London region.


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THE CONURBATIONS: The Major Problem Areas

Author(s): PAUL BRENIKOV

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The Major Problem Areas

The was concerned with the social and economic

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local Development Plans and local The consequences of this

The the Conurbation

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The value of Geddes' conception

The Standard Conurbations

In one however the conurbations received some official

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theWest Midlands has themost favourable economic structure and its

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Fig. 4?Population Distribution in South-Eastern and Central England, 1951.

The and the rate of that attaches to the four conurbations in

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Fig. 5?Population Distribution in North-Western England, 1951

that contributes of our current social and economic problems.

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tration of population, and activities of all kinds produce acute

Forces affectingLand Use

In terms of their influence on the of land the total effect of the

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and may create new ones, while those

Inmost of the forces leading towards concentration the economic element

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Fig. 6?The Extent of the Merseyside and South-East Lancashire Conurbations.

This map, based on information an thesis

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the concentrating forces appear to have lost little, if any, of their

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Land Use Problems

The range of in the conurbations from the operation of the

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as a severe of them are a

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28. S.E. Lancashire West Midlands

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Congestion in the inner ring the central area,

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constructed, low-cost houses that conformed with minimum public health

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residential sections of the inner or in

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the number of separate family units and the level of It

National or external, as distinct from or internal are of a

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difficult still. Administrative severance makes the co-ordination of policies,

At the of this chapter itwas that the conurbations are

The Evolution Planned Solutions

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conurbations were complex and ran very deep. This realization

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to groups of new towns and suburbs, for the

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