Head-Shrinkers Versus Shrinks: Jivaroan Dream Analysis

Author(s): Philippe Descola

Source: Man, New Series, Vol. 24, No. 3 (Sep., 1989), pp. 439-450
Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2802700
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 HEAD-SHRINKERS VERSUS SHRINKS:
JIVAROAN DREAM ANALYSIS

PHILIPPEDESCOLA
Laboratoire Sociale,Paris
d'Anthropologie

betweenmythand dreamhave long been underscored

The similarities and
by anthropologists
thoughneither
psychoanalysts, havebeenableto agreeon theexistenceofsymbolic common
universals
outfromtheideapropounded
to bothdomains.Thisarticlestarts bystructural
anthropology,thatdream
workis a formof'bricolage'similar
to thatpractised
bymythicthought;theanalogybetweenmythand
dreamthusstemsfromtheircommonuseofcertain typesofmental thanfromanidentity
rather
processes,
of symboliccontent.Throughan analysisof the oneiromancy of theJivaroanAchuarof the Upper
Amazon,it is shownthatthemetaphoric ofdreamsdependslesson an iconiclexiconof
interpretation
thedream-book sort,thanon a grammar combining rulesand referential
structural codeshomologous
to theone evidencedbythestructural ofmyths.
analysis

Myth and dream have always echoed each other, eitherspontaneously,wherever

mythicthoughthas survived,or self-consciously,in the debate that opposes the
unconsciousofthemythto themythologyoftheunconscious.The respectivepositions
of a psychoanalyst and an anthropologistmay serveto illustratethe two poles of this
hoaryconfrontation: theformerconsidersmythsas collectivedreams(Abraham1909),
the lattersuggestsinterpreting dreamsaccordingto the methodsof structuralist myth
analysis(Kuper 1979). Irretrievably flawedby the assimilationof 'prelogicalmentality'
to infantilethoughtprocesses,the Freudianambitionof transposingdreamtheoryto
the analysisof mythsis scoffedat by contemporaryanthropologists.Paradoxically,
however,mostanthropologists are equallyreluctantto entertaintheconverseproposi-
tion: indeed,when not simplyignored,Kuper's paperhas been criticised,in particular
forhavingconfusedthe structureof dreamswith thatof the linguisticmechanismsof
theirnarration(Tedlock 1987: 27). Nevertheless,Kuper'sthesisdeservesconsideration:
'the reasoningof the unconsciousand thelogic ofmythicalthoughtare both not only
rigorousbut also similarin kind[myemphasis],perhapsrevealingdeep and significant
featuresof human mentalprocesses'(Kuper 1979: 661). Kuper endeavouredto shore
up thishypothesisby treatingdreams,like myths,as modes of argumentin which a
problem is resolved througha series of rule-governedtransformations of an initial
dream.situation. Applied to dreamnarrativesas told to Georges Devereux (1969) by
a PlainsIndian,thistechniquereliedon two basic devices (permutationand inversion)
to show how the dreamsprogressedthrougha chain of relatedpropositionstowards
a logical solution,or suppression,of the originalemotionalconflict.
In thisarticleI wish to exploresome of theimplicationsof Kuper's approachwhile
adopting a stance ratherdistinctfromhis: instead of tryingto isolate the rules of

Man(N.S.) 24, 439-450

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440 PHILIPPE DESCOLA

transformationthatorganisetheinternalstructureofa dream,I willattemptto elucidate

thestructuralrulesthatgoverna particularsystemofdreaminterpretation,
in thisinstance
thatofan Amazonianpeople, thejivaroan AchuarofEcuador. Ifthestructural analysis
of mythand the Jivaroananalysisof dreams can be shown to operate in identical
manner,thisfactmaybe taken,it seemsto me, as an indicationthatthefieldsto which
homologous for distinctculturalsystemsto ap-
these analysesapply are sufficiently
prehendthemby means of the same intellectualprocedures.

DreaminginJivaroan
culture
ObserversofJivaroansocietieshave repeatedlyemphasisedthe importanceof dreams
in the shapingof dailylife and theirclose connexion with the visionaryexperience
induced by the absorptionof powerfulhallucinogens.At the verybeginningof the
seventeenthcentury,one of the firstaccuratereportson theJivaroneatlystressedthe
pointbystatingthat'theyhave neitheridolsnorworship,know nothingoftheexistence
of God, and have onlyan elementarypaganismfedby the delusionsof dreams'(Diego
Vaca, inJimenezde la Espada 1965: 246, my translation).The religiousdimensionof
dreamingwas also heavilyunderscoredby classicaljivaroanethnography, whichtended
to presentthe world revealed by dreamsand hallucinatoryvisions,in a simplified
platonicfashion,as a domain of trueessences,imperfectly reflectedin the illusionsof
wakinglife(see e.g. Karsten1935: 444 sqq; Harner1972: 134). More recently, Michael
Brown has also insistedon the close linkestablishedby theJivaroanAguarunaof Peru
betweenvisionsprovokedby psychotropicplantsand normaldreams;but he considers
the latterless a channelto a hiddenrealitythana creativemeans of shapingthe future
and of monitoringthe efficacyof magical procedures (Brown 1985: 59-60, 95).
However, his approachis more concernedwiththeinstrumental effectsofthe control
of visionaryexperienceon the acquisitionof personalauthorityand symbolicpower,
than it is with the complex set of rules governingthe day-to-dayinterpretation of
dreams.Thus, verylittleattentionhas been paid until now to the internallogic of
Jivarooneiromancy.
Some 5000 Jivaro-speaking Achuar dwell in the dense rainforest
of the Ecuadorian
and Peruvianupper Amazon along the banks of the Pastaza riverand its tributaries.
Theirwidelyscatteredand generallypolygynoushouseholdsarepoliticallyautonomous
and economicallyself-supporting, owing to highlyefficienttechniques of swidden
gardening,huntingand fishing(Descola 1986). Long protectedby theabsenceofroads
and navigablewatercourses,the Ecuadorian Achuar remainedquite isolateduntilthe
end ofthesixties,at which timecontactswere establishedwithCatholic and Protestant
missionaries. When I began fieldworkin 1976 theinfluenceofthemissionswas already
notablein some parts(Descola 1981; Taylor 1981), but manyAchuarstillretainedthe
characteristic featuresofJivaroanculture,notablyan addictionto feuding.The war-
complexindeedcontinuedto permeateallaspectsofsociallifeandplayeda predominant
partin the individualquest forvisionsand in the imageryof dreams.
The Achuar believe thatall theirdreams(genericterm:kara)directlyor indirectly
forecastsome futureevent. As among the Aguaruna (Brown 1987: 157), the exact
natureof the dreammechanismremainsrathervague: the more common idea is that
the wakan ('shadow', 'representation','reflection')of an individualleaves his body
duringsleep to wanderin a plane ofrealitywheretheeverydaycorporealand linguistic
are suspended.Usually translatedas 'soul', wakanis somewhatakin to the
constraints

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 PHILIPPE DESCOLA 441

Greekpsyche;it denotesconscienceof the selfand is the seat ofintentionality and true

meaning. Dreaming is held then to create a state of singular clear-sightedness,
homologous to the intoxication(nampektin) induced by drugs;itsresultis to establish
a semanticcommunityeitherwith naturalbeingsnormallydevoid of the capacityof
linguisticexpression(especiallyanimals),orwithspirits, magicalobjectsand incorporeal
essencesordinarilymute or invisibleduringwakinglife.
Being veryearlyrisers,theAchuarinterpret theirdreamsimmediatelyupon waking,
in the hoursthatprecede dawn, in orderto inferfromthe contentof theirnocturnal
visions the course of theiractions duringthe day. The transitionalperiod between
sleepand diurnalactivitiesis ofgreatimportanceinjivaroanculture.The usualformality
of house etiquettegivesway to a sense of sharedintimacyas residentsons-in-lawand
eventualmale visitorsjoin the head of the household around his hearthto share a
warminfusionofwayusleaves (Ilexsp.) and freelydiscusssuch criticalmattersas feuding
expeditions,shifting of militaryalliancesor accusationsof shamanisticaggression.It is
also a favouredtimefortellingmythsto childrenand impartingto themthe symbolic
knowledge necessaryto the achievementof adulthood. The period is thusa liminal
pause, dialecticallyopen to thepragmaticand speculativeexegesisofsymbolicimagery
and to the mundane commentaryof individualsocial strategies.
Althoughdreampresentationis usuallyveryschematic,forreasonsthatwill appear
further on, it is exceptionalthatsomeone has no dreamto recall.Such vivid memory
is probablythe resultof discontinuoussleep, fragmented by the wailing of an infant,
the barkingof a dog, a suspiciousnoise, or an insistentfeelingof discomfortwhen a
dyingfirecan no longer stave offthe coolness of the night.Aftereach episode of
intermittent sleep,thecontentsofdreamsarebriefly calledto mind,or even commented
upon betweenspousesin theprivacyofthepalm slatbed, so thatthedefinitivewaking
offersa richpaletteof imagesreadyforexegesis.
All dreamsare presages,but theydo not all predictin thesame manner.The Achuar
distinguishthreebroad categoriesof dreamsaccordingto theircontentand the rules
to whichtheycan be submitted:thekuntuknar
ofinterpretation dream,themesekramprar
dreamand the karamprar dream.
Kuntuknar are a positivepreconditionof huntingand, to a lesserextent,of fishing.
They are not an exclusivemale prerogative,fortheycan be dreamedby women and
evenbypredatoryanimals(dogs,jaguars,anacondas).AlthoughAchuarmen aresolitary
hunters,theyoftenbringalong one of theirwives to handle the pack of dogs; these
belong to women and are trainedand raisedby them. Furthermore,since hunting
(with blowguns and, more seldom, shotguns)also offersan opportunityformarital
sexual relations,sometimes difficultto indulge in within a crowded polygynous
household,thepresenceofwomen on huntingexpeditionsis deemed perfectly natural.
In principle,no man can undertakea huntingexpeditionifhe or his wives have not
dreameda kuntuknar ifhe hopes to encounterbig game
thepreviousnight,particularly
such as peccary.Failingan adequate dream,the huntermightmeet some animalbut
will not manage to kill it.
Kuntuknar are characterisedby the presenceof generallyunknown human beings,
and by the possibilityof a systematicinversionbetween the manifestcontentof the
dream and the message it portends:the particularattributesand behaviour of the
anonymousmen and women thatappear duringsleep are convertedinto signsiden-
tifyingspecificanimal species. Thus, dreamingof a partyof enemy warriorswill be

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442 PHILIPPE DESCOLA

interpretedas an omen forecastingthe encounterof a herd of peccary.The content

of kuntuknar and theirinterpretation mustremainsecret,or at any raterestricted to a
confidentialdiscussionbetween husbandand wife; indeed, should the natureof the
presagereceivedbe publiclydisclosed,thealertedgamewould keep out ofthehunter's
path. Special magicalincantations(anent)can be sung by men at sunset,or played on
thefluteor the two-stringviolin,in orderto 'call' an appropriatekuntuknar duringthe
followingnight;thisis particularly the case when thefreshspoor ofbig game has been
spottedand immediateaction is requiredthe next day.
Mesekramprar dreamsforetella negativeor dangerousevent forthe dreameror his
close kin: a death,an accident,an attackby an animal,a combat with enemies or a
disease sent by a shaman. These bad omens can be dreamtby anyone and theyare
commented on with concern by the household, since their outcome affectsthe
well-beingof the local communityas a whole. Their manifestcontentexhibitsmore
varietythan the imageryof the kuntuknartheyfeatureaggressiveanimals,uncanny
personalexperiences,trifling but irritating incidents,or seductivehuman beings,the
latterbeing generallyanonymousas in kuntuknar. The rule of interpretation mainly
consists,here also, in an inversionbetween the apparentcontentof the dreamand the
messageit portends,in termsof the nature/culture axis: the attributes
and behaviour
of animalsforebodespecifichuman deeds,while human acts announce the actionsof
particularanimals.For example, a dream of chargingpeccarieswill be interpretedas
the presage of a skirmishwith enemy warriors,while a man dreamingof sexual
intercoursewith a woman is thuswarned of a possiblesnakebite.
Karamprar, or penke karamprar ('dream proper'), are dreams wherein a personal
relationshipis establishedwith a being spatiallyremote or ontologicallydistant,but
always known to the dreamer.These beings eitherenterin a dialogue or delivera
message:the meaningof the dreamis thushomologous to its explicitcontentand it
does not requirea key of interpretation. The entitiesthatappear in thiscategoryof
dreamsmay be livingpersonstemporarilyestrangedor absent,deceased relativesor
acquaintances,a whole rangeoftutelaryspirits,magicalobjectsin humanform,certain
kindsof animals,or the embodimentof personaldestiny.
When a close kinsmantravelsfaraway on a tradingexpeditionor a warringparty,
his appearancein a dream expressesgriefforhis absence and concern forhis safety;
dreamingofhimis like establishinga long-distancedialogue aimed at reassurance.Sore
feelingsbroughtabout by quarrels,especiallybetween in-laws,can also be dissipated
throughthemediumofkaramprar dreamswhichbuildup an imageofrenewedharmony
between the protagonistsof the dispute.
The conditionofthedead is a tragicone: condemnedto a desperatesolitude,forever
tryingto temptor coerce the livingintojoining them,theyroam in perpetualhunger
and dissatisfaction.
Karamprar dreamsallow themto visitthe people who knew them
and to air theirgrievances:theywant the food and manioc-beerbowls on theirgrave
replenished,theycomplainofhavingbeen attackedin one oftheiranimalincarnations,
or theysourlyprotestbecause theirkillinghas not yet been avenged.
Althoughthemagicalanentincantationscan be used,amongotherthings,to transmit
petitionsto thespirits,thelattercannotcommunicatewiththeAchuarexceptthrough
the channel of dreams.Nunkui, the garden-spirit, is a frequentvisitorin karamprar
dreamsduringwhich she benevolentlyimpartsinformation to women: where to find
a magicalgardenstone (nantar)and which specificcultigenit is meantfor,how to treat

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 PHILIPPE DESCOLA 443

one of her animal helpers,or what particularcare should be given to a new exotic
cultivar.Nantargardeningstoneshave vampiricalproperties,and theirthirst forhuman
blood is normallyquenched by a substitutemacerationof red achiote. Should the
owner of the nantarforgetthisprecautionary measure,the stonewill appearin dream,
under the guise of a young girl,to protestagainstthis neglect. Nunkui's husband,
Shakaim,who cultivatesthe forestlike a huge plantation,likewise appearsin men's
dreamsto advise themon the bestplace forclearinga garden,or to point out a likely
spot forfindinga namurmagical huntingstone. These messagesfromthe spiritsare
not wholly unexpected.As in the case of kuntuknar, anentspellscan be sung at dusk
by men and women to invitethe visitationin a karamprar dream of a specificspirit
whose counselis deemed necessarybeforeundertaking task.Nocturnalsexual
a difficult
relationsshould be excluded on these occasions, since they tend to prevent the
formationof dreams.
Karamprar dreamsare also one of the channelsthroughwhich arutam, the principle
ofpersonalfate,manifests itselfinphysicalform.Arutamis a verycomplexandpolysemic
conceptinjivaro culture,withimportantlocal variationsin the natureofitsattributes,
so thatany seriousattemptto explainits significancemustperforceescape the scope
of this article.Among the Achuar, arutamis basicallyan impersonaland atemporal
essence thatcan be capturedby any man througha terrifying visionaryexperience
induced by fastingand the repeated taking of tobacco juice and psychotropicplants
of the Daturaand Brugmansia species. Upon revelation,thisessence attachesitselfto
theindividual,givinghimstrength and knowledge,and contributes to shapehisdestiny.
It appearsin visionsas a famedold warriorwho deliversadvice and indicationson the
outcome of imminentwarring expeditions.Arutammay also provoke speechless
karamprar dreamsthatvividlyexpose the futurelife of the dreamerand his or her
achievements;thislattertype of manifestation is the usual way in which the mainly
male-orientedarutamappearsto women.
Kuntuknar and mesekramprardreams evidentlypossesscertaincommon characteristics
thatdistinguishthemfromkaramprar dreams.They are presentedby the dreameras a
mute scene whereina singleaction is performedeitherby oneselfor by anonymous
beings. Although theircontentmust surelybe richerand more complex, they are
alwaysrecountedin thiselementaryfashion,as ifa kind ofprimarycensorshiphad laid
aside theepisodesthatappearedirrelevant to theinterpretation ofthedreamas a whole.
This phenomenologicalstrippingreducesthe contentof the dreamto a singleimage
thatcan be submittedto a generalformulaof inversionor transposition: the attributes
of naturalbeings are translatableinto human behaviour,while culturalactivitiesare
theregisterin whichrelationsto animalsareplayedout. The interpretation ofkuntuknar
and mesekramprar dreamsis thusstrictly metaphorical.
Karamprar dreams,on the otherhand,are recountedextensivelyand in much detail,
exceptwhen theircontentmustremainsecretas in the case of visionssentby arutam.
These dreamsare an exercisein universalcommunication,in so faras theyabolishthe
constraintsimposed by physicaldistance,ontologicalseparationand the solipsismof
naturalidioms. As opposed to kuntuknar and mesekramprar, karamprardreamsare truly
a wanderingofthewakansoul,temporarily freedofthelinguisticand perceptualbarriers
thatnormallyhindersemanticempathywithnon-humanor too-distantlocutors.The
meaning of this categoryof dreamsis always immediate,as it consistsin a message
deliveredby someone previouslyknown to the dreamer,be it under his usual form

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444 PHILIPPE DESCOLA

or some otherappearance.The interpretation ofkaramprardreamsis thenwhollyliteral,

at leastforthosewho claim to have had them.
The classificationofdreamsintoliteraland metaphorical-or indexicaland iconical,
as E. Basso suggests(1987: 92)-is common to manyculturesand reflects theversatility
of dreamingas a predictiveinstrument.'Culture patterndreams',in the terminology
of Lincoln (1970), are usuallyinterpretedliterallyas communicationsfromthe super-
naturalworld,while 'personaldreams'can be submittedto a decodingprocess.Among
theAchuar,theformercategoryof dreamis closelylinkedto the drug-inducedvisions
(waimiakmau) as both use the same imageryin the visual representationof the spirit
world. In fact,culturallyinspireddreamssuch as the karamprar message dreamsare
probablythemselvesa secondaryelaborationoriginatingat leastpartiallyin culturally
definedhallucinations.

Rules ofmetaphorical
interpretation
Since dreamsareaccessibleonlythroughculturally determinedand individuallyfiltered
narrativepresentations,the literal interpretationof karamprar dreams bears more
relevanceto theJivarotheoryofknowledgethanto thegeneralstudyofoneiromancy.
The rulesof metaphoricalinterpretation to which kuntuknar and mesekramprar dreams
are submittedare of more interestin thisrespect,fortheyseem to differmarkedly
fromthe usual techniquesof symboliccorrespondenceapparentlycommon to many
archaicsocieties.The predictivecontentof thesedreamsis revealedthrougha double
and probablysimultaneousprocess:the selectionof a shortsequence and a systematic
inversionortransposition ofwhatissignified.The Achuar,likeseveralotherAmazonian
societies,make use of a simplpprincipleof conversionthatpresupposesa correspon-
dence between fieldsof practiceand setsof notionsusuallyheld to be irreconcilable:
humansand animals,up and down, aquatic and aerial,male tasksand femaletasks.1
However, the conversionprocess is applied here less to the content of the symbols
interconnectedby thesequence selectedforgloss,thanto the relation it expresses;being
of a purely logical character,this relation lends itselfeasily to the operations of
permutationby homology,inversionor symmetry fromwhich the auguralmessage
springs.These permutationsseem to be groundedin an elementarygrammarwith a
probablyfiniteset of rules,some of which are revealedby the studyof a sample of
kuntuknar and mesekramprar dreamswith theircorrespondinginterpretations.2 These
are explainedbelow:

Rulesforinterpreting
kuntuknar
1. Inversion An operativeaction executedby the dreameris invertedterm
ofoperations.
by termto suggesta technicaloperationassociatedwith hunting.
A woman'sdreamofthreading glassbeadsis interpreted as a signthatshewillemptythebowelsofa
largeanimalkilledby herhusband.The interpretation contrastsan operationwheresmall,hardand
hollowedobjectsare addedon a full,flexibleand linearsupport, to an operationwhereinsmall,soft
and fullobjectsare expelledout of a flexible,linearand hollow support;the inversionaffectsthe
directionof the movementsof the hand,the relationbetweencontainerand contained,and the
or artificial
natural originoftheobjectshandled.
A woman'sdreamofspinning cottonis an omenthatshewillpluckthebellyofa mashu(Mitusalvini,
a largeblackcurassowwitha whitebelly)killedby her husband.The matterof bothoperations is
white,butone producesa linearcontinuity (thread)froma fragmented ofvegetalorigin
discontinuity
(cotton),whilethe otherresults
in a fragmented discontinuity obtainedfroma planecon-
(feathers)

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 PHILIPPE DESCOLA 445
tinuityof animal ongin (belly).
A woman's dream of carryinga basket fullof peeled manioc tuberson her back is interpretedas a sign
thatshe will carryin her basket a quarteredpeccary killed by her husband. The exegesis here requires
several ethnographicprecisions. First,like the nantarmagical stones, mamnocsupposedly sucks human
blood throughits leaves; second, manioc tubersare always peeled by women near a riverbefore they
are broughtto the house; third,when a man has the good fortuneto kill several peccaries in the same
herd, he will carryone or two of them whole on his back and will have his wife carrythe rest in
quartersin her basket. The interpretationthus opposes two typesof thingscarriedin a basket: on the
one hand several whole objects of vegetal origin, peeled but formerlyblood-absorbing, and, on the
other,a single fragmentedobject of animal origin,retaininghis skin but exuding blood.

These threewomen's kuntuknar as with all others,by the factthat

are characterised,
the manifestcontent of the dreams refersto autonomous female work processes
(threadingbeads, spinningcotton and gardening),while theirinterpretation features
subordinatetasksin a work process (hunting)where men play the main role.
A man's dream of killing a kuyu (Pipilepipile,the blue-throatedpiping guan, a noisy bird that often
perches on high branches near water), is a presage that he will land big fish.The interpretationcon-
trastsan operation wherein an aerial, motionless and visible animal is killed at a distance (dart) from
the riveredge, to an operation wherein an aquatic, mobile and invisible animal is captured by direct
contact (hook and line), also fromthe riveredge.

What mightconceivablybe taxed as an excessiveattentionto minute detailsin the

trackingofthesestructural correspondencesis largelyan effectof theiranalyticalmode
ofpresentation:thedecompositionofa seriesofchainsofoperationnecessarily amplifies
the distinctiveness
of theirelementarycomponents.However, each of thesechainsis
perceivedby the Achuar not as a sequence of structural properties,but as an integral
kinaestheticimage renderedutterlyfamiliarby common practice,and hence imme-
diatelyevocativeby inversionof its equallyfamiliarcounterpart.
2. Conversion tonatureorofhumantoanimal.All thesekuntuknar
ofculture were dreamt
by men, since theirinterpretationgenerallyreferredto specificallymale tasksin the
huntingprocess:tracking,killingor butchering.
A dream of an enemy warrior party is a sign that one is going to meet a herd of peccary. The
is based on the homology of aggressivebehaviour.
interpretation

A dream of women's faces in tears suspended in a tree means one will find a troop of woolly-
monkeys. The interpretationis based on the homology between the moving sight of tearfulwomen
and the despairshown by femalewoolly-monkeyswhen one of the males is shot down.

A dream of a recumbentwoman exposing her sex is interpretedas a good omen for the hunting of
peccaries. The interpretationis based on the homology between the exposed vulva and the open belly
of the animal in the firststage of butchering.It appears as a clear inversion of Freudian dream sym-
bolism where open wounds usuallysignifyfemalegenitalia.

A dream of hauling up a canoe on the shore is a presage forkillinga tapir.The interpretationis based
on the factthattapirsare oftenkilled while tryingto escape by swimmingin rivers,so thattheirlarge
and cumbersomebody has to be draggedout of the water.

Interestingly enough, tapirsare supposedlytaboo and, althoughsome Achuar do kill

themoccasionally,theirkillingshould not be advertisedin a kuntuknar. The factthat
it is done pointsto the versatility
of a systemof interpretation
based more on rulesof
iconic transformation thanon a fixedsetofsymbolicequivalencespassedon bytradition.
Dreaming of a very stillwarriorwith a complex achiote face design intentlyeyeing the dreamer is a
presage for the killing of a jaguar or an ocelot. The interpretationis based on a homology with the
mottledhead and the crouchingstance of felineswhen theyare about to bound on theirprey.

A dream of an aggressiveenemy warriorutteringthreatsis a sign of meetingpeccaries. The interpreta-

tion is based on a homology with the bellicose behaviour of these animals.

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446 PHILIPPE DESCOLA

A dreamofmanypeoplenoisilygambollingin a riveris anotheromenforpeccary.The interpretation

is basedon thehomologywiththeturmoil
causedbya herdwhilecrossing a watercourse.
A dreamofa manwitha verypale faceis a signone willkilla capuchinmonkey.The interpretation
is basedon a homologywiththewhitishfaceofthismonkeythatcontrasts neatlywiththedarkerfur
on therestofitsbody.
A dreamof a manwitha redbeardis interpreted
as a signforthekillingof a howler-monkey.
The
is basedon a homologywiththebushyrussetfurthatcoverstheneckofthiscommon
interpretation
gameanimal.
Dreamingof a chubbybaby is a good omen forkillingagouti.The interpretation
is based on a
homologywiththisplumprodent,particularly bytheAchuarforitsfatty
appreciated meat.

Rulesforinterpreting
mesekramprar
1. Inversion
on thenature/culture
orhuman/animal axis.
1.1 Mode where the signifier
is animal or naturaland the signifiedis human or cul-
tural.
A dreamof a jaguarprowlingaroundthe house or entering it is a signof an imminentattackby
enemywarriors.The interpretation
is basedon a homologyin aggressive behaviours;
it symmetrically
inverts
thecorresponding
kuntuknarinterpretation.
A dreamof a charging
herdof peccaryis interpreted
as thesignof a skirmish
withenemywarriors.
The homologyis cognatewiththatof the precedingdream,and is equallyan invertedmode of a
kuntuknar
interpretation.
A dreamofbeingattacked by an anacondameansa shamanis sendingmagicaldartsto bewitchone.
is basedon a metaphorical
The interpretation anacondasreputedly
transposition, beingeagerauxiliaries
oftheshamans.
1.2 Mode where the signifier
is human or culturaland the signifiedanimal or
natural.
1.2.1 An action of man on man signifiesan action of animal on man.
oneselfwitha fish-hook,
A dreamofpricking a dart,a needleor a thornis interpreted
as an omenof
snakebite.
A dreamof sexualintercourse
witha womanis interpreted as an omen of snakebite.The phallic
homologyis self-evident,
buttheinterpretation
reverses
theacceptedFreudiansymbolism-asin the
case oftheequationbetweenwoundandvulva-indicating perhapstheminorpartplayedin Achuar
dreamsbysexualrepression.
1.2.2 An action of man on animal signifiesan action of animal on man.
A dreamofeatingminnowsandvomiting themis interpreted
as an omenofbeingstungbya ray.The
is basedon an association
interpretation betweenminnowscapturedby fishing withpoisonousplants
andtheveryrealdangersuchfishing
(barbasco) impliesofbeingstungbya raywhilewadingin shallow
water.
2. Homologyofeffects.
A dreamofbeingsuffocated
by a mosquito-net
is interpreted
as a threatofbeingcrushedto deathby
an anaconda.
A dreamof a vastamountof smallfishfloatingon the riverafterbarbasco is interpreted
fishing as an
omenof an impending Poisonfishing
epidemic(sunkur). and epidemicsare homologousin theiref-
fects:theycausehuge and suddengapsin the populationsof fishesand men alike,and thusoffera
withotherformsofhumanmortality
sharpcontrast andothermodesoffishing.3
3. Metonymical
homology.
A dreamof eatingpalm-grubs is an omenof deathforthedreameror a closerelative.Considereda
delicacyby the Achuar,palm-grubs are nevertheless
associatedwithworms,of whichtheyforma
They are tabooedas a precautionary
symbolicsubstitute. measureeach timethatan infestation
of
wormsis feared(whensowingmaize,forexample).The interpretation playson an inversion
between
eatingpalm-grubsandbeingeatenbyworms.

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 PHILIPPE DESCOLA 447

A dream of wandering in a fog so thick that one cannot see one's hand is interpretedas an omen of
death for the dreameror a close relative.The interpretationderivesfromthe idea that the blurringor
confusionof bodily limitsleads to a dilution of the selfin the environment.

A dream that one's teeth are gettingloose or fallingout, as well as a dream of losing one's hair, are
interpretedas omens of death for the dreameror a close relative.The interpretationis based on a loss
of physicalintegrityin two areas of the body closely associated by the Achuar with ideas of strength
and vitality.4

Likeanygrammar, thesystem ofinterpretation ofkuntuknar andmesekramprar dreams

isbothhighly normative andcapableofgenerating anindefinite numberofstatements.
Itworksbycombining a finitenumberofcodeswitha finite numberofrules:itselects
in theinfinite diversityof dreammaterial thoseimagesofrelations thatpertainto a
zoological,technological or sociologicalcode,and submits themto thesimplerules
ofconversion (inversion andhomology)thatwillendowthemwithan auspiciousor
ominousmeaning.
The system enablestheAchuarto avoidrecourseto a fixedsetofcorrespondences
betweenstereotyped symbols and auguralmeaning,ofthetypecommonin popular
dream-books. Thereobviouslyexistsomesymbols, thetranslation ofwhichremains
constant andalsoreversible (forexample,theequationbetweenaggressive animalsand
enemywarriors). However,therangeoftheseautomatic interpretationsis necessarily
verynarrowin a culturewheredailyactivities are strictlyconditioned by presages
obtainedthrough dreams.Indeed,a system ofsymbolic equivalences dulyregistered
by tradition wouldhaveto possessa degreeof exhaustivity impossible
practically to
reachin orderto establish a functional
correspondence betweenthediversity ofdream
imagesandthediversity ofconcretesituations theyaresupposedto predict.
The Achuararecertainly consciousoftheelementofhazardinlinking theoutcome
of theirfutureactionsto the unpredictable whimsof theirdreamsand theyhave
developedcultural meansto cope withit.Thesearethevastlydiversified andspecific
anentsongsintendedto 'call' eithera kuntuknar dreamor theadviceofa supernatural
entity.The recitationofanent functionsto a certainextentasa kindofauto-suggestion
inducinga mentalimageryand an emotivepredisposition highlypropitious to the
appearance ofthedreamsthattheyanticipate. Thus, certainkinds of dreams arenot
totallyspontaneous or fortuitous events,but ratherthe confirmation of a previous
theyfeedon a specific
intentionality; setof'diurnal residues'(inFreudian terminology)
purposefully selectedbythewould-bedreamer.
However,it is mainlyin theinterpretive processthatthecontentofdreamslends
itselfto the necessitiesof circumstance. This is particularly so withkuntuknar and
mesekramprar dreams, definedas suchat thetimeofexegesisbythemanypossibilities
ofinversion thatone oftheirnarrowly codedsequencessuggests. By side-stepping the
constraintsofa standardised dreamlexiconwhereineachregistered symbolwouldcall
fora fixedtranslation, theAchuarhave openeda largefieldof exercisefortheir
analyticalcapacitiesin orderto meettheirpracticalneeds.Anyrelationwithinany
dreamcan therefore becomesignificant, so long as it pertainsto one of the codes
selectedfordreamexegesisandcan be submitted to one or anotherruleoftransfor-
mation:inversion betweencontainer and content,transposition of theculturaland
naturalregisters,oppositionofattributes, homologiesor reversal ofform,operation,
behaviouror effect.

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448 PHILIPPE DESCOLA

Structural
and Freudianapproaches
todreams
The mannerin which the Achuar interpretsome of theirdreamsbears an evident
resemblanceto the structuralmethodofmythanalysissetforthby Levi-Strauss.While
Levi-Straussbringsto lightthe intellectualproblemsthatthe mythtriesto resolveby
studyingthe relationsbetween latentpropertiesrevealedby characters,situationsand
concatenationsofnarrativesequences,theAchuardissectthedreamimageryto extract
elementary relations,themselvessuggestiveby homologyofotherrelationsthatdesired
or dreadedeventsmightmaterialise.Levi-Strausssplitsup the empiricaldata of myths
to discoverthe formulaof a relationof ideas, whereasthe Achuar breakup nocturnal
imagesinto minimallogical unitsto draw fromthempracticalindications.
This paradoxical affinityof method probablypoints to an affinityof object: the
long-assertedanalogybetween dreamand mythwould thenbe based on theiridentical
manner of moving fromthe sensible to the intelligible,fromthe concrete to the
abstract.In thesameway thatmythicalthoughtworksout structures byfitting together
residuesofevents(Levi-Strauss1962: 32), dreams,accordingto Freud,organiseresidual
images by condensation and displacement,in order to express metaphoricallyan
unresolvedemotionalconflict.5Both operationsexpressa logic of relations:the myth
encodes relationsby using a repertorycomposed of heterogeneouselementstaken
froma specificsocial and naturalmilieu,while theprimaryprocessesat work in dream
production take as theirobject one's systemof relationswith one's entourageand
physicalenvironment.6In thissense, dream work is as much a formof bricolageas
mythis held to be (Levi-Strauss1985: 257). The individual unconscious and the
collectiveunconsciousare probablyrelatedless by contiguity,derivationor universal
archetypes,than by the use of identicaldevices forthe encoding of the diversityof
realityin elementarysystemsof relationships.
Such an idea would no doubt appear somewhathereticalto a Freudian.As Levi-
Strausshimselfrightlyobserves(1985: 251), Freud denied the existenceof a grammar
ofdreamoperationswhile,on theotherhand,he admittedthepossibility ofconstituting
a universaldictionaryof dreamsymbols.This positionis partlya consequence of the
incapacityof thefounderofpsychoanalysis fullyto rejecta realistview of symbols;but
above all it stemsfromhis tendencyto reduce the unlimitedsignifiers of dreamsto a
unique signifiedof a sexual nature,therebygrantingto the psycho-organiccode the
exorbitantprivilegeof functioningas a universalkey forthe interpretation of dreams
and myths(1985: 247-55).
The Achuar have explored a different path. Instead of attributing
a constantsig-
nificationto dream symbols,they emphasisethe logical operationsthroughwhich
symbolsare connected;it is not themetaphoricalexpressionof dreamtobjects thathold
a divinatoryvalue, but the metaphoricalconstructionof theirrelations.
Furthermore,
therulesofinterpretation used by theAchuarillustratecertainelementsofthepossibly
extensivegrammarof dream codes that psychoanalysishas reduced mainly to the
repressionofsexualimpulses;in thepresentcase,thedecodingofdreamimagerydraws
upon threelimitedreferentialdomains (technicalacts, the animal world, social be-
haviour),whereinsexualityplaysonly a minorrole, and indeed figuresmore oftenas
the signifierthan the signified.These dream codes-technological, zoological and
sociological-are thusakin to mythiccodes, in thattheyare endowed with semantic
functionsexpressingthrougha particularlexicon certainbasic propertiesof the dream
structure.Since these propertiesare purelyformal(e.g. a homology), theycan only

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 PHILIPPE DESCOLA 449

become expressiveas presageswhen theyoperateas a mode ofcorrespondencebetween

two codes (e.g. zoological and sociological).However,just as a familyofmythschooses
selectivelyamong all conceivable codes (Levi-Strauss1985: 246), a given structural
systemof dreaminterpretation probablyselectsonlya fewreferential codes among the
existingrange.Ifthisis thecase,we need a comparativegrammarofdreamsthatwould
tryto elucidatehow each culturechooses and combines,accordingto itsown formula,
a smallset of rulesand codes amongstall those thatare accessibleto it.
Because of the necessarilylimitedscope of its object, ethnography-of dreamsor
ofanythingelse-is a permanentinvitationto pursueinferences.Althoughthistempta-
tion rarelyleads to sound theory,it sometimeshelps to throw lighton a universal
problem,by showinghow a particularculturehas worked out a new approach to it.
Levi-Strausshas alreadygiventhejivaro creditforhavingprecededFreudby inventing
a mythof genesis farmore imaginativeand subtle than the thesison the origin of
societypresentedin Totemandtaboo.He sumsup thecomparisonbywritingthat'when
mythswantto reasonlike thepsychoanalyst, theycertainlyneed no help' (Levi-Strauss
1985: 245, mytranslation). It mightbe fairto reversethisproposition,and pay another
tributeto a people usuallybetterknown forits fiercenessthan its hermeneutics,by
suggestingthatwhen dreamswant to reason like the structuralist, theycan do with
the help of theJivaro.

NOTES

This articleis a revised version of a communication presented at the symposium 'Forms and uses of
dreams in Amerindian societies', organised by Michel Perrin at the 46th InternationalCongress of
Americamsts,Amsterdam,4-8 July1988; I thankM. Perrinand the participantsfortheirhelpfulremarks,
as well as Ann-ChristineTaylor and Joanna Overing for their later comments and linguisticassistance.
The research on which the article is based was conducted with A-C. Taylor among the northern
Ecuadorian Achuar of the Pastaza Province in the course of severalfieldtrips(September 1976 to August
1978, March and April 1979 and June to September 1984). I gratefullyacknowledge the financialassis-
tance of the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique,the College de France and the Fondation
Fyssen,as well as the institutionalsupportin Ecuador of the InstitutoNacional de Antropologia e His-
toria,the PontificiaUniversidad Cat6lica del Ecuador and the Federaci6n de Centros Shuar.
1 For examples,see Da Matta (1970) on the Apmaye and Reid (1978) on the Maku.
2 I recorded the dreams and their interpretations both informally,while they were being discussed,
and throughseveralsystematicsessionswith informantsof both sexes.
3 On the relation between poison fishingand epidemics in Amerindian thought, see Levi-Strauss
1964: 284-5.
4 Dreams referringto a confusionof the limit of the selfor to a loss of bodily integrityare common
among small-scale societies in lowland South America. Thomas Gregor argues that such dreams are
typicalof those 'person-centred'systems,relativelylacking in cohesive corporate groups, so common in
Amazonia; the concern for boundaries implicitin these dreams would thus be part of a 'largerquest for
identity'(Gregor 1981: 719).
5 This analogy presupposesof course an acceptance of the structuralistconception of mythicthought.
A more psychological perspective, focusing on the process of myth narration,resultsin the type of
opposition between dream and myth set forthby Waud Kracke: 'the dream, especially if told, moves
fromsensoryimageryto verbal form,while the mythmoves fromlanguage to sensoryimagery' (1987:
37). Such a contrastdisappearsif one keeps in mind that,before expressingitselfas a movement fromthe
language of the narratorto the sensoryimageryit arouses in the listener,the mythexistsas an operation
throughwhich sensoryimageryhas been encoded in verbal form.
6 Although they are of a same nature, the encoding mechanisms at work in mythologyare rather
more complex than those of oneiromancy.As M. Perrinremarks,this is probablybecause '...myth must
satisfythe mind, whereas oneiromancymust deal with the passions and distressesof everydaylife' (Perrmn
1986: 517, my translation).

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450 PHILIPPE DESCOLA
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in modern

L'oniromancie Jivaro: inconscient mythique ou grammaire structurale?

Resume
Anthropologues et psychanalystesn'ont cesse de soulignerles convergences entre mythe et reve, sans
arrivertoutefoisa s'entendresurl'existenced'universauxsymboliquescommuns aux deux domaines. Cet
article part de l'idee avancee par l'anthropologie structuraleque le travail du reve est un 'bricolage'
homologue a celui pratiquepar la pensee mythique,l'analogie entremytheet reve relevantd'une identit6
des processus mentaux et non d'une identite des contenus symboliques. Prenant comme illustration
l'oniromancie desJivaroAchuar du Haut Amazone, on faitapparaltreque l'interpretation metaphorique
des reves depend moins d'un lexique iconique du type clefdes songes que d'une grammairecombinant
de meme nature que ceux isoles par l'analyse structurale
des reglesstructuraleset des codes referentiels
des mythes.

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