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Dams and Destruction: The Case Study of Indus Delta, Sindh, Pakistan

Article  in  Environmental Justice · February 2019

DOI: 10.1089/env.2018.0035

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 ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE
Volume 12, Number 2, 2019
ª Mary Ann Liebert, Inc.
DOI: 10.1089/env.2018.0035

Dams and Destruction:

The Case Study of Indus Delta, Sindh, Pakistan

Abdul Hadi

ABSTRACT

Large Dams being the symbol of development and progress have been regarded one of the impressive
Downloaded by 95.15.52.96 from www.liebertpub.com at 04/06/19. For personal use only.

conquests of human intelligence in maneuvering over nature in terms of using the natural resources. The
ideology of development and progress has kept the continuance of the construction of dams, never
questioning the irreversible harmful impacts of dams or evaluating whether the promised benefits of dams
have actually been realized. The dams on the Indus River have been constructed without getting the
consensus of lower riparian Sindh, a federating unit of Pakistan, also the home of Indus Delta. This study
focused on dam-induced environmental injustice befallen on deltaic people of Indus Delta and used
existing documents, research questionnaires, interviews, and focus group discussions to derive the data.
This study found that the water of Indus River was being diverted through dams, canals, and other water
diverting mechanisms by upper riparian, Punjab, another federating unit of Pakistan, resulting in social
and ecological disaster in Indus Delta and its communities. The deltaic communities of Indus River, who
have historical and traditional rights on the Indus River, paid the huge price of dams in terms of irreparable
damages to their livelihood along with other impacts, including physical, cultural, and spiritual well-being.
The affected deltaic communities demanded that water diverting mechanisms built in upper riparian,
Punjab, without the consensus of lower riparian, Sindh, must be dismantled and a water accord signed by
both riparian parties must be implemented by the government of Pakistan.

Keywords: dams, Indus Delta, environmental justice, Sindh, Pakistan

INTRODUCTION over nature. The ideology of development and progress

has kept continuing the construction of dams, never ques-

T he development policies of the global South are

generally formulated on the basis of explicit or im-
plicit assumption that a model of good life prevails in the
developed countries of the global North. The question
concerning the attainment of this good life by the poor
people is answered in terms of a ‘‘catching-up develop-
ment’’ path. That is, those who have an aspiration to
attain the ‘‘good life’’ must follow the path of industri-
alization, technological progress, and capital accumula-
tion taken by developed countries.
Large dams being the symbol of development and
progress have been regarded as the conquest of humans
Dr. Abdul Hadi is an Assistant Professor at Department of
Sociology, Faculty of Arts and Sciences, Harran University,
xanlıurfa,’’ Turkey.
‘‘S
tioning the irreversible harmful impacts of dams or evalu-
ating whether the promised benefits of dams have actually
been realized. The steadily mounting evidence and research
studies revealed that dams have not achieved the targets for
which they were made. Instead, development agencies and
governments are exaggerating the benefits of dams and
grossly underestimating the social and ecological impacts of
dams. The World Commission on Dams (WCD) reveals
that on average, dams fail to achieve their promised targets.
Rather than achieving promised targets, dams have badly
impacted both nature and society, resulting in livelihood
insecurity for the ‘‘ecosystem people.’’ It also found that
‘‘Pervasive and systematic failure to assess the range of
potential negative impacts and implement adequate miti-
gation, resettlement, and development programs for the
displaced, and the failure to account for the consequences of
large dams for downstream livelihoods have led to the

48
 IMPACTS OF DAMS ON INDUS DELTA
impoverishment and suffering of millions, giving rise to
growing opposition to dams by affected communities
worldwide.’’1
Richter et al. argue that studies such as WCD put focus
on the impacts incurred on people living near the dam
construction site. However, these studies mainly ignore
the severe impacts of dams befallen on downstream
populations in the wake of alteration in river flow, which
causes the degradation of freshwater ecosystem provid-
ing them livelihood and food security.2 With the degra-
dation of the freshwater ecosystem, the ‘‘ecosystem
people’’ undergo severe loss of livelihood and food se-
curity along with other impacts, including physical, cul-
tural, and spiritual well-being.
In Pakistan, the dams on Indus River have been
constructed by the upper riparian, Punjab, without get-
ting the consensus of the lower riparian, Sindh, blatantly
violating the accord signed by both parties before being
the part of the federation of Pakistan. The dams and
other water diverting mechanisms built in Punjab have
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massively reduced the flow of freshwater of Indus River
into lower riparian Sindh—the home of Indus Delta—
resulting in irreversible and irreparable damage to the
people of Sindh and specifically the communities living
in the deltaic region. This research was conducted to
gauge the social and environmental impacts of dams on
the Indus Delta and deltaic communities residing in the
subdistricts Kharo Chan and Keti Bandar, which are
parts of the district Thatta, Sindh, Pakistan.
This study aimed to lift the curtain on the contradic-
tory nature of development and progress ideology, which
justifies the construction of dams and overlooks negative
socioenvironmental impacts of large dams. It also fo-
cused on dam-induced environmental injustice befallen
on deltaic people living in subdistricts Kharo Chan and
Keti Bandar of district Thatta. The objectives of this
study were as follows: (1) to assess the perception of
deltaic people regarding dams built on Indus River; (2) to
know whether deltaic communities are informed and
consulted before the construction of dams; and (3) to
provide information regarding who gets the benefits and
who pays the price of the dams.
METHODOLOGY USED IN THIS STUDY
This study comprised both primary and secondary data;
the secondary data were derived from existing documents,
official statistical data, published materials, reports, and
Internet sources. The primary data were obtained through
research questionnaires, interviews, and focus group dis-
cussions (FGDs). After getting a representative sample
1 3
WCD. Dams and Development: A New Framework for
Decision-Making. The Report of the World Commission on
Dams. (London: Earthscan Publications Ltd, 2000). ; xxxi.
2
B.D. Richter, S. Postel, C. Revenga, T. Scudder, B. Lehner,
A. Churchill, and M. Chow. ‘‘Lost in Development’s Shadow:
The Downstream Human Consequences of Dams,’’ Water Al-
ternatives 3 (2010): 14–42.
49
from the research area by using a stratified cluster sam-
pling technique, a research questionnaire was administered
to 311 local residents, including the heads of villages. In
addition, to spot in detail the difference and similarities in
the approach of local people and communities regarding
dams, interviews with key informants and FGDs with local
people were conducted.
ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE PERSPECTIVE
The environmental justice movement started in the
United States against the disproportionate distribu-
tion of environmental hazards among people of color.
However, outside the United States, the term envi-
ronmental justice has been broadly used to include the
poor, powerless groups, indigenous communities, and
ethnic minorities. Environmental justice struggle moves
beyond the struggle against the disproportionate distri-
bution of environmental hazards. It could include the
conflict surrounding the use of carbon sinks, conflicts of
displacements from large dams, the struggle of eco-
system people and indigenous communities to protect
their natural sources of livelihood, and many other cases
around the world. Currently, both environmental jus-
tice and human rights movements are fighting for social
transformation and democratization by challenging so-
cially and ecologically deteriorating policies of state and
multinational corporations concerning the construction of
large dams, mineral extraction, and unsustainable human
development projects. Environmental justice principles
outline three main concepts such as no community should
bear an unequal burden of environmental pollution nor
should it be deprived of environmental benefits, and a
transparent decision-making process is needed where the
voice of communities is included.3
The question at the center of environmental justice is
who pays the cost and who get the benefits from mega-
development projects and policies oriented toward eco-
nomic development? The advocates of environmental
justice argue that environmental injustice incurs on people
of color, ethnic minorities, indigenous people, and pow-
erless and vulnerable groups since they experience unequal
exposure to environmental hazards, injustice, unfairness,
and inequality in the environmental decision-making pro-
cedure, inadequate environmental enforcement, and social
injustice coming out of these above injustices.4
Gurr, Homer-Dixon, and Renner argue that postcolo-
nial governments and postrevolutionary states abuse their
absolute power to repress and assimilate communal
groups and usurp their resources. Similarly, the dominant
ethnic group in any country considers the natural rights of
A. Vanderwarker. Water and environmental justice. In: J.
Christian-Smith, P.H. And Gleick, H. With Cooley, L. Allen, A.
Vanderwarker, and K.A. And Berry. A Twenty-First Century
U.S. Water Policy. United States of America: Oxford University
Press, 2012.
4
R.R. Kuehn. ‘‘A Taxonomy of Environmental Justice,’’
Environmental Law Reporter 30 (2000): 10681–10703.
 50
indigenous people, and ethnic minorities as expendable in
the pursuit of economic development.5,6,7 Local people,
indigenous communities, and ethnic minorities do not sit
idle regarding the injustice incurred by them. To protect
their identity, survival, and livelihood, the ecosystem
people and indigenous communities oppose imprudent
development projects and fight for environmental justice.
Among these megaprojects, large dams have raised
serious environmental justice concerns all around the
world since dams bring economic benefits for some
people at the cost of other vulnerable, powerless com-
munities and ethnic minorities. Many research studies
have found that the huge cost of large dams is borne by
the poor, marginalized, and vulnerable people of society,
whereas the benefits of dams go to the people who are
already well-off. WCD findings reveal that the dispro-
portionate share of social and environmental costs of
dams is borne by poor people, powerless groups, and
future generation without getting a due share of eco-
nomic benefits. Hence, poor people, powerless groups,
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and indigenous communities experience environmental
injustice by paying the huge price of large dams.8
INTERPROVINCIAL WATER CONFLICT IN PAKISTAN
Pakistan is not a country composed of only one nation
but is a conglomeration of sociocultural differing nation-
alities—Punjabi, Sindhi, Baluch, and Pashtuns. The Pakis-
tani State was created by putting together ethnic groups that
had never before been united in the same polity before
British rule. However, British imperialists decided to divide
India for strategic reasons and purposely set out to create a
new state called Pakistan—a federation—which is run by a
dominant province Punjab, since Punjab controls armed
forces and key political institutions.9
The River Indus with its five tributaries and the agri-
culture based on this river system have been the mainstay
of economy of the former northwestern Indian territories,
now constituting Pakistan. The genesis of the water dis-
pute historically lies between two main riparians (cosh-
arers and beneficiaries), the British annexed states of
Sindh and Punjab, much before they became provinces of
Pakistan. Punjabi soldiers and officers in the service of
the British military were rewarded for their role in sub-
duing the indigenous rebellion against the British in 1857
in India with grants of agricultural land. To irrigate this
5
T.R. Gurr. ‘‘Why Minorities Rebel: A Global Analysis of
Communal Mobilization and Conflict Since 1945,’’ Interna-
tional Political Science Review 14 (1993): 161–201.
6
T.F. Homer-Dixon. ‘‘Environmental Scarcities and Violent
Conflict: Evidence From Cases.’’ International Security 19
(1994): 5–40.
7
M. Renner. Fighting for Survival: Environmental Decline,
Social Conflict, and the New Age of Insecurity. (New York:
W.W. Norton & Company, 1996).
8
WCD. Dams and Development: A New Framework for
Decision-Making. The Report of the World Commission on
Dams. (London: Earthscan Publications Ltd, 2000). ; xxxi.
9 11
S.S. Harrison. Pakistan: The State of the Union. Special
Report. Center for International Policy, 2009.
HADI
land, British engineers began to divert the water from the
tributaries of the Indus in 1859 without seeking the
consent of Sindh, whose rights were perceived to be al-
ready established under international and subcontinental
laws, which safeguard the rights of the lower riparian.
Due to their obvious imperialist bias in favor of Punjab,
the British did not view the grave injustice being done
to Sindh. In 1934, when Punjab started demanding the
construction of the Bhakra Dam on the tributary of the
Indus, Sindh opposed it vehemently. Having noticed the
opposition, the British brought both the Sindh and Punjab
parties to the table for negotiations. These negotiation
documents contain the agreement reached finally in 1945
known as the Sindh-Punjab Water Agreement. The treaty
allocated 75% of the waters of the main stem Indus River
to Sindh, with the remainder going to Punjab. The treaty
further allocated 94% of the water from the five eastern
tributaries of the Indus River to Punjab, with the residual
water going to Sindh.10 In addition, the treaty provides
that in the future, Punjab cannot construct any dam on the
River Indus or on any of its tributaries without the consent
of Sindh. However, the blatant violation of this water
accord started since the creation of Pakistan.
With the creation of Pakistan in 1947, Punjab was
divided between India and Pakistan. The partition of
Punjab cut across the rivers and canals of the Indus Basin
irrigation system, making Indian Punjab the upper most
cosharer (riparian) of Indus tributaries, Ravi, Bias, and
Sutlej. Similarly, the Pakistani provinces of Punjab and
Sindh are cosharers numbered 2 and 3, respectively. To
make arrangements for the division of water of Indus
River basin with Indian Punjab, the federal government
of Pakistan appointed ministers and officials of West
Punjab. It was injustice to Sindh. In Pakistan, Punjab, due
to its dominant and dominating positions in politics,
economy and the military were in charge of decision
making in relation to water management and distribution.
Without the knowledge of Sindh, they illegally and
wrongfully entered into a colossal, undeclared, secret,
and surreptitious collusive deal with Eastern Punjab, in-
habitants of former undivided Punjab. At last, as a result
of that secret deal, the authorities of the Indian Punjab
illegally and unjustly got three entire rivers of the Indus
system for very little money. All these decisions were
done without the knowledge of Sindh.11 It was totally a
blatant violation of the Sindh-Punjab water accord.
Before the creation of Pakistan, there was only one
barrage built on the River Indus. Since the creation of
Pakistan, 19 barrages, 43 canal systems, and 38 take-offs
have been constructed along with 3 major storage dams
and 12 link canals. A vast majority of these water pro-
jects have either been built in the upper riparian Punjab
or for the benefit of its agriculture. The large dams on
Indus River have reduced the flow of freshwater into
10 _
A.A. Michel. The Indus Rivers: A Study of the Effects of
Partition. (London: Yale University Press, 1967).
R.B. Palijo. Sindh-Punjab Water Dispute. (Center for Peace
& Civil Society [CPCS], 2011).
 IMPACTS OF DAMS ON INDUS DELTA 51
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FIG. 1. Map of Pakistan and map of Sindh (province of Pakistan).

lower riparian (Sindh) the home of Indus Delta. Before
the creation of Pakistan, the Indus Delta received 94
million acre feet of water and now the situation is so
devastating that the Indus River dries up hundreds of
miles before reaching the delta, causing disaster to Indus
Delta and its inhabitants.

RESEARCH AREA

This study was conducted in the Indus Delta region,

located in the district of Thatta, Sindh (Figs. 1 and 2).
There are four subdistricts of Thatta falling on the
coastline, namely Kharo Chan, Keti Bandar, Ghorabari,
and Mirpur Sakro. However, Keti Bandar and Kharo
Chan subdistricts, being in close proximity to the Arabian
Sea, have been the worst affected due to virtual stoppage
of Indus freshwater flow resulting in the encroachment of
sea, which has devoured hundreds of villages so far in
these subdistricts alone. This study collected data from
the two subdistricts, namely Keti Bandar and Kharo
Chan, aiming to find out the impact of dams on com-
munities living in this region.

KHARO CHAN AND KETI BANDAR (THE TWO

SUBDISTRICTS OF THATTA DISTRICT, SINDH)

Kharo Chan and Keti Bandar, subdistricts of Thatta, FIG. 2. Research area Keti Bandar and Kharo Chan,
lie along Sindh Province’s coastline of *350 km, a District Thatta, Sindh.
 52
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significant part of which comprises the delta of River
Indus. Kharo Chan has 1 union council, 41 revenue vil-
lages, and 4385 households.12 Whereas Keti Bandar
consists of 43 dehs [cluster of villages]. The estimated
2011 population of both Keti Bandar and Kharo Chan
was 63,824.13
In Kharo Chan subdistrict, at least 117,823 ha of land
was lost due to sea erosion, of which 81% fell in the
category of ‘‘totally eroded by sea.’’ A similar extent of
land was eroded and encroached by the sea.14 As a result,
people lost their homes and their livelihoods, including
the marginal grazing lands they possessed and the small
plots of cultivable land. The lost land includes healthy
mangrove forests and inhabited creeks, reducing the
stock of fuel wood and energy supplies that local com-
munities rely on. Fishing, the single most important
source of income for many families, has become highly
unreliable.
The destruction of the delta and loss of livelihood have
caused an out-migration from the coastal areas in general
and from Kharo Chan and Keti Bandar in particular. The
World Bank survey of two coastal districts Badin and
Thatta found that during the years 2000–2004, nearly
12
Government of Sindh. Status of Education Survey Data
Functional Schools, Govt. of Sindh, 2001.
13
WWF. Socio-Economic Baseline Study of Pakistan’s
Coastal Areas. 2012.
14
Government of Sindh. Board of Revenue, Hyderabad, 2004.
HADI
FIG. 3. Sample of
the study.
FIG. 4. The level of
education of respon-
dents.
27% of the households indicated out-migration from
among their families in coastal areas. The whole family
moved out in 57% of the cases of out-migration; only
part of the family moved out in 31% of cases.15
FINDINGS
Demographic characteristics and socioeconomic
conditions of respondents
This study sample consisted of 81% male and 19%
female (Fig. 3). The fewer ratios of female participants in
this study were due to the sociocultural norms that pre-
cluded women exposing themselves before stranger men.
Considering the human development indicators, peo-
ple of this area were deprived of many basic amenities.
Owing to poverty and lack of educational facilities, more
than 60% of the study sample were illiterate, whereas
only 1% completed their graduation (Fig. 4). Almost
66% of respondents (Fig. 5) depended on fishing as their
main source of livelihood, whereas less than 1% of re-
spondents worked in the public sector. The majority of
local people getting their livelihood from fishing and
farming indicate their dependency on natural resources
15
World Bank. Socioeconomic Study and Proposal for Live-
lihood Improvements: Badin and Thatta Districts, Sindh, Paki-
stan. Agriculture and Rural Development Sector Unit, South
Asia Region, 2005.
 IMPACTS OF DAMS ON INDUS DELTA
FIG. 5. The source
of income of respon-
dents.
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FIG. 6. Annual in-
come of respondents.
and these resources are under serious threat due to lack of
freshwater flow from the river.
In terms of this head count index, between 1981 and
2005, the proportion of Pakistanis living below USD 1.25
declined from 73% to 23%.16 However, the proportion of
Sindhis living below USD 1.25 increased. This study
found that nearly 80% of the households lived below the
poverty line in the deltaic region. Poverty can be noticed
by seeing the household’s annual income in Figure 6.
Respondents’ annual income, 63.34% of them, was be-
tween 501 and 1000 USD, and there was almost 8% of
respondents who lived less than 500 USD annually.
Social and environmental impacts of the dams
on the Indus deltaic communities
The socioeconomic conditions of people indicate the
adverse impacts of dams on deltaic people. The degrada-
tion of delta and the miserable lives of people witnessed
how far the deltaic people paid the price of these dams.
Dams have inflicted irreparable damages to their livelihood
and deltaic ecosystem. Neither were they informed nor
consulted about the dams. They did/do not have any say in
16
WWF. Socio-Economic Baseline Study of Pakistan’s
Coastal Areas. 2012.
53
the decision-making process. When inquired about the
positive impacts of dams from people, they stated that there
were no positive impacts. Rather, dams benefited upper
riparian especially its big farmers at the cost/expense of
Sindh. This has raised the question of environmental jus-
tice, that is, who pays the price and who gets the benefits.
Impacts on family relationship
People affected by dams in rural areas have close ties
with the land. As a result of imprudent development
projects, these people experience hardships and are badly
impacted. Yet, among these communities, vulnerable groups
such as women are the worst hit. Imprudent development
projects change production relationships and exacerbate
power inequalities among genders and push women fur-
ther to confine them within their homes. For example, in
Brazil, the construction of dams exacerbated unequal re-
lationships between men and women. Impoverishment and
destructuring of families in the wake of forced displace-
ment resulted in increased domestic violence.17 Hence,
these projects not only engineer a physical infrastructure
but also a masculine social order.
17
WRM. Brazil: Women Affected By Dams—Changes in
their Lifestyles. World Rainforest Movement, 2010.
 54
The Indus deltaic families, having lost their livelihood
due to the decrease in freshwater flow, are facing deep
social, economic, and psychological effects. They live in
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poverty and despair. Nobody can expect happiness and
peace within a family living such a miserable life. This
study found that the loss of livelihood badly affected
family relationships. Yet, it did not increase domes-
tic violence. It can be seen in Figures 7 and 8 that, in
contrast to 27% respondents, 70% respondents viewed
that dams deteriorated gender relationships within the
households, compared with nearly 80% of respon-
dents who stated that there was no increase in physical
violence.
Psychological impacts
Disruption of delicate ecological balance in the Indus
deltaic region has resulted in the loss of livelihood.
People protest and demonstrate against the construction
of dams, but their voice is unheard. Instead, many other
dams are either under construction or being planned. This
nondemocratic attitude of state has led people to feel
marginalized and is pushing a significant number of
people to consume drugs to reduce their stress and pain.
It can be seen in Figures 9–11 that between 71% and 82%
respondents said that upstream dams had negative psy-
HADI
FIG. 7. Impacts on
family relationships.
Deterioration of gender
relationships.
chological effects on them. Upstream dams increased
stress and feeling of marginalization among them, and
their aspiration about the future was lost. The imprudent
development projects of dams have made them feel that
their rights are being robbed on the pretext of national
development.
The people feel their living conditions were miserable
and pathetic. There were increasing stress and tension
among the local people. Their dismal living condition was
reflected in the statement of an old woman who said that
they were filthy because they had no water for bathing;
they drank contaminated water and suffered from diseases.
On top of that, she said they could survive hunger, but
needed water and embankment to stop sea encroachment;
otherwise, they would get inundated.
Their sense of hopelessness and helplessness mani-
fested during FGDs where FGD participants revealed that
‘‘We did protests, demonstrations, and hunger strikes but
all this was an exercise in futility. Sindh is a small
province so the voice of Sindhi people is not heard by
power corridors; in the eyes of the Federation and Pun-
jab, we are antidevelopment; but the truth is, in the name
of development our resources are exploited and used by
the big province (Punjab). There is no one who can listen
to our grievances. Politicians hoodwinked us at the time
of election and go into hibernation for five years till the
FIG. 8. Impacts on
family relationships.
Increase in domestic
violence.
 IMPACTS OF DAMS ON INDUS DELTA
FIG. 9. Psychological im-
pacts. Increased stress.
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FIG. 10. Psycholo-
gical impacts. Loss of
aspirations about the
future for self or chil-
dren.
next election time approaches.’’ Their sense of frustration
and marginalization was also evident in the words of a
woman social activist, whose words resonated imminent
worries: ‘‘We depend on freshwater, so dams must be
decommissioned for our survival. We are struggling
against upstream dams. If we need to sacrifice our lives for
the revival of Indus River, we will not be reluctant to do so;
we are already dead, at least our children will get benefits
from our struggle.’’ Likewise, an old man interviewee ar-
gued that they had better cultivable lands than Punjab,
without freshwater they are barren. He added ‘‘we cannot
do anything. Upper riparian stops our water to fill dams.
When they get inundated, they let water flow to us. If they
do not get inundated, we will be deprived of water, which
we get now for a month or two.’’ Losses of livelihood and
economic pressures result in many psychological issues.
Incidents of suicide are on the rise, especially among
young people and women.18
Social and cultural impacts
The Indus Civilization was one of the world’s earliest
civilizations. The demise of this earliest known civiliza-
18
Action Aid Pakistan. Degradation of Indus Delta: Lives of
2 Million Poor Are At Risk, Action Aid report, 2005.
55
tion assumed to be due to shifting of the mighty Indus
River is once again in danger due to imprudent develop-
ment policies, which led to the construction of many large
dams. The construction of dams on the Indus River has
caused the reduction of freshwater flow at downstream
resulting in environmental degradation at the Indus Delta
and social disruption in the lives of fisherfolk (Mohanas)
living in the deltaic region. Unbearable living conditions
force these fisherfolk to move away from their villages in
search of alternative means of livelihood. This search
brought harm to the cultural diversity of the soil of Sindh.
With migration, women often being socially secluded in
typical Pakistani society lose social relationships.
As seen in Figure 12, 72% of respondents agreed that
their social ties were lost due to upstream dams. During
FGDs, the majority of participants stated that dams dis-
rupted their social life and damaged social ties. It forced
many of their relatives and friends to out-migrate and made
them too poor to visit and meet them. During one interview,
an old woman disclosed that social ties were disrupted due
to huge numbers of out-migration, and remaining people
were fighting with each other on petty issues.
Dams badly damaged the cultural life of local com-
munities. When asked about the upstream dam’s impact
on their social life, Figure 13 indicates that 73.63% of
respondents talked about the impoverishment of their
 56 HADI

FIG. 11. Psychologi-

cal impacts. Feeling
marginalized.

FIG. 12. Impacts on

social life. Social ties
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lost.

FIG. 13. Impacts on

cultural life. Culture
impoverished.

culture. An old man during one interview narrated that

people of this region were very prosperous and lived a
happy life. Cultural festivals such as Mela and Malakhra
were arranged and celebrated, but things changed after
the construction of dams since these cultural festivals
were no longer affordable due to prevailing poverty.

Economic impacts
Dams have caused adverse economic impacts on mar-
ginalized people across the world. The construction of
Kariba and Cahora Bassa dams has altered the flow of
Zambezi River. As a result, marginalized people and
wildlife of the Zambezi have been badly affected. The
Volta River Project has adversely affected the downstream FIG. 14. Economic impacts. Reduction in living standard.
 IMPACTS OF DAMS ON INDUS DELTA
FIG. 15. Economic impacts.
Reduction in annual income.
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communities. They experienced profound environmental
and socioeconomic impacts and major disruptions in their
predam livelihood sources and patterns.19 In Pakistan,
people living in the downstream, especially deltaic com-
munities, have been adversely affected due to the Mangla
and Tarbela Dams.20
The flow of Indus water stops seawater from in-
truding much into the surface and subsurface water
resources inland. With the reduction in freshwater flow
and encroachment of the sea, deltaic ecosystem and
ecosystem people have suffered a huge loss. Fertile and
cultivable lands of this area have been converted into
seabed and brought economic devastation to the local
people. Hundreds of villages have been devoured by
sea, thousands of people were forced to abandon their
homes and lands, and their other properties have been
lost. The Government of Sindh has conducted a survey
in Thatta and Badin Districts and revealed that more
than 486,000 hectares of land were eroded or lost to the
seawater in both these districts, dislocating a quarter
million people. Other estimates put the figure at
567,000 hectares of the land lost to the sea.21 It is es-
timated that up to 0.5 million hectares of fertile land in
Thatta and adjoining areas22 or about 12% of the total
cultivated area in the entire province is now affected by
seawater intrusion.23 Degradation of fertile lands forces
19
J. Moxon. Volta: Man’s Greatest Lake. (London: Andre
Deutsch, 1984), 162.
20
T. Scudder. The Future of Large Dams: Dealing with So-
cial, Environmental, Institutional and Political Costs. (First
published by Earthscan, 2005), 222.
21 _
A.A. Memon. Devastation of the Indus River Delta. In:
Proceedings, World Water & Environmental Resources Con-
gress 2005. (Anchorage, Alaska: American Society of Civil
Engineers, Environmental and Water Resources Institute, May
14–19, 2005).
22
IRIN. Pakistan: Intruding sea water threatens Indus river.
UN Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs In-
tegrated Regional Information Networks article, 2001.
23
IUCN. Indus Delta, Pakistan: Economic Costs of Reduction
in Freshwater Flows. Case Studies in Wetland Valuation # 5,
2003.
57
agricultural communities to switch over their livelihood
to fisheries, but fishing, the single most valuable source of
livelihood for many families, has become highly unreli-
able. The impact of resource degradation and unreliable
source of livelihood has impoverished communities that
were once happy and prosper. Despite the fact that the
poverty profile of Pakistan has increased manifold, people
of rural Sindh and especially deltaic communities have
been pushed to abject poverty, finding it very hard to make
their ends meet. As shown in Figures 14 and 15, 84% of
respondents said that upstream dams adversely affected
their living standard and 98% of respondents expressed
that the level of income decreased.
The reduction in Indus water flow has caused severe
economic downturn among the people of rural Sindh.
Being unable to cultivate their fertile lands, people are
abandoning cultivation altogether since it is no more
profitable. According to the Government of Pakistan,
during 1972–1990, there was a reduction of a total of
9.03% cultivated area in Sindh.24 A survey research car-
ried out in five districts of Sindh indicated the growing
poverty in Sindh. According to findings, nearly 70% of the
household live below the poverty line in these districts.
Also, it revealed that the most deprived districts of Sindh
are the two deltaic districts, namely Thatta and Badin.
In FGDs, when participants were asked about the life
of deltaic people before and after the construction of
upstream dams such as the Tarbela Dam, they said that
their lands had been fertile, and crops such as rice had
been grown. They would tend to animals, everyone had a
reasonable possession of livestock, and fodder was easily
available. However, when dams started to be built up-
stream, their livelihood opportunities dwindled as thou-
sand acres of agriculture land were encroached by the
sea. This situation forced them to shift from agriculture
to fishing. However, fish catch declined.
24
Government of Pakistan. Statistical Supplement of Eco-
nomic Survey 2006–07. Ministry of finance, Islamabad, 2008,
14.
 58
Dams have badly impacted the sources of livelihood of
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local communities. A female interviewee said, ‘‘Our men
go fishing, sometimes they come back without a catch of
fish, that day we remain hungry because we have nothing
to eat.’’ An old woman activist said ‘‘We used to get
freshwater nearby our homes, now we buy water for
drinking, which is unhygienic and causing many water-
borne diseases.’’ A young male interviewee said that he
heard from his parents that before the shortage of water,
prosperity prevailed, they used to be happy, but things
changed, they live miserable lives. Even they had no
access to hygienic drinking water causing water-borne
diseases.
Environmental impacts
The stoppage of Indus River water to flow to Sindh has
created an ecological disaster in Indus Delta. The Indus
Delta along with another seven of South Asia’s river
deltas is on the verge of disaster and being sunk faster.25
Historically, before the construction of dams on Indus
River, freshwater flows to the Indus Delta have been
about 150 million acre feet. That flow brings along with
it nutrient-rich silt, which enriched the soil and increased
the fertility of areas along the banks. Furthermore, the
discharge of Indus flow to the sea does not let the sea
encroach the inlands. After the reduction in freshwater
flow, the saltwater has been intruded up to 100 km north
of the sea.26 Saltwater intrusion has badly damaged the
mangrove system of Indus Delta.27,28 It is estimated that
25
N. Narayanan. Dams Blamed for South Asia’s Sinking
Deltas, 2014.
26
A.M. Kazi. Overview of Water Resources in Pakistan, Na-
tional Seminar. ( Jamshoro, Pakistan: University of Sindh,
2004).
27
WCD. Dams and Development: A New Framework for
Decision-Making. The Report of the World Commission on
Dams. (London: Earthscan Publications Ltd, 2000). ; xxxi.
28
World Bank. Socioeconomic Study and Proposal for Live-
lihood Improvements: Badin and Thatta Districts, Sindh, Paki-
stan. Agriculture and Rural Development Sector Unit, South
Asia Region, 2005.
HADI
FIG. 16. Environmen-
tal impacts.
the area has shrunk to only 160,000 to 200,000 hectares29
out of 345,000 hectares along the entire coastal area of
Sindh. Some estimates indicate that today it is reduced to
nearly 70,000 hectares in area.
As seen in Figure 16, between 87% and 99% of re-
spondents said that reduced environmental flow ad-
versely impacted the ecosystem of the Indus Delta. The
resilience of the ecosystem has dwindled; sea level has
risen; the sea has been encroaching; and mangroves have
been damaged. Lack of environmental flow caused storm
surges and cyclones. During FGDs, participants narrated
that dams obstructed the flow of freshwater, which is the
lifeline of an ecosystem resulting in the destruction of
mangroves and surge of storms and cyclones.
Dam beneficiaries
Patrick McCullay states that the domination of rivers
indicates the clearest connection between the control of
both nature and people.30 A vast majority of dams, bar-
rages, and canals have either been built in the Punjab or
benefited the agriculture sector of Punjab. Hence, Punjab
has been stealing the water of Sindh to irrigate its barren
lands. As a result, the fertile and cultivable lands of Sindh
turned into barren lands and barren lands of Punjab
turned fertile. Punjab has been blatantly violating the
Sindh-Punjab water accord signed by both parties in 1945
and stealing Sindh’s water at greater scale on different
pretexts.
As shown in Figure 17, 60.77% of respondents said
that Punjab (upper riparian) benefited from dams,
whereas nearly 1% said that the army was the beneficiary
of the dams. An overwhelming majority of the deltaic
people were of the opinion that dams built on the Indus
29
S. Brohi. Fisheries Livelihoods in Pakistan. Pakistan Fish-
erfolk Forum, 2001.
30
P. McCully. Silenced Rivers: The Ecology and Politics of
Large Dams: Enlarged and Updated edition. 7 Cynthia Street,
London, UK: Zed Books Ltd, 2001.
 IMPACTS OF DAMS ON INDUS DELTA
FIG. 17. Beneficiar-
ies of the dams.
River benefited Punjab, whereas costs of dams were be-
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ing borne by Sindh.
DISCUSSION
The Indus Civilization is one of the world’s earliest
civilizations. The demise of this earliest known civili-
zation assumed to be due to shifting of the mighty Indus
River is once again in danger due to imprudent devel-
opment policies, which led to the construction of many
large dams. The ideology of development and progress
in Pakistan has kept the continuance of the construction
of dams, without the consent of lower riparian Sindh,
ever questioning the irreversible harmful impacts of
dams on Sindh. The steadily mounting evidence and
research studies demonstrated the damaging destruc-
tive impacts of dams and this study corroborates these
findings and research studies.
Punjab’s violation of the Sindh-Punjab water accord
signed by both parties has wreaked havoc on Sindh. Be-
fore the creation of Pakistan there was only one barrage,
but now many dams, barrages, and link canals have been
constructed. A vast majority of these have either been built
in Punjab or benefited the industries and agriculture lo-
cated in Punjab. As a result, the share of Sindh, the home
of Indus Delta, from Indus water has been drastically re-
duced. The Indus Delta received 94 million-acre feet of
water, before the creation of Pakistan, but now the Indus
River dries up hundreds of miles before reaching the delta,
causing disaster to the Indus Delta and its inhabitants. The
destruction of the deltaic ecosystem has resulted in the
abject poverty in this region.
People of Sindh, specifically the deltaic communities
facing environmental injustice, demand environmental
justice. It includes that the Sindh-Punjab water accord
signed by both parties before the creation of Pakistan
must be implemented; dams, canals, and other water di-
verting mechanisms built without the consensus of Sindh
must be decommissioned. Sindh must be given its due
share of water to bring back prosperity and happiness in
Sindh, especially to the deltaic communities.
59
CONCLUSION
The inequitable distribution of water in Pakistan has
wreaked havoc on Sindh. Before the creation of Pakistan,
there was only one barrage, but now many dams, bar-
rages, and link canals have been constructed. A vast
majority of these have either been built in Punjab or
benefited the industries and agriculture located in Punjab.
Despite the fact that the poverty profile of Pakistan
increased, deltaic communities pushed to abject poverty
find it very hard to make their ends meet. This study
found that the majority of people in this region lived off
on natural resources, which were also under serious
threat due to lack of freshwater flow from the Indus
River. The deltaic communities who have historical and
traditional rights on the Indus are paying the price of
dams in terms of irreparable damages to their livelihood
and food security along with other impacts, including
physical, cultural, and spiritual well-being. This study
found that an overwhelming majority of people perceived
that dams were being constructed to benefit the lands and
industries of upper riparian Punjab at the expense of
Sindh. Environmental injustice is perceived by people as
they regarded that Punjab was stealing the water of Sindh
to irrigate its barren lands. As a result, the barren lands of
Punjab turned fertile, whereas the fertile and cultivable
lands of Sindh turned barren.
With the reduction in freshwater flow and encroach-
ment of the sea, deltaic ecosystem and ecosystem people
suffered a huge loss. Hundreds of villages have been
devoured by sea, and fertile and cultivable lands of del-
taic region have been converted into seabed, bringing
economic devastation to the local people and resulting in
the out-migration of thousands of people.
This study also corroborated previous studies regard-
ing the environmental impacts of dams. This study re-
veals that the resiliency of the ecosystem dwindled; sea
level was rising; the sea was encroaching; and mangroves
were being damaged. Lack of environmental flow caused
storm surges and cyclones. The aforementioned adverse
impacts faced by lower riparian due to construction of
 60 HADI

dams indicate that lower riparian Sindh is paying the decommissioned. They demanded that the losses incurred
price of dams. by deltaic people must be compensated. Sindh must be
The irony is that deltaic communities were/are neither given its due share of water to bring back prosperity and
informed nor consulted about dams. They learned about happiness in Sindh, especially deltaic communities.
the dams either through print or electronic media. On top
of that, deltaic communities are not regarded as dams’
affectees and, in turn, are not viewed as eligible to get
AUTHOR DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
compensation. In these circumstances, thousands of people
feel compelled to out-migrate in search of livelihood.
No competing financial interests exist.
Those who are still residing in this region are not sitting
idle on the injustice incurred on them. To protect their
Address correspondence to:
identity, survival, and livelihood, they oppose the impru-
Abdul Hadi
dent development projects and fight for environmental
Department of Sociology
justice, but so far, their grievances have not been ad-
Faculty of Arts and Sciences
dressed; this has generated a feeling of powerlessness and
Harran University
marginalization and many people started consuming drugs
Sxanlıurfa 63200
to alleviate stress caused by poverty and feeling of help-
Turkey
lessness and hopelessness. Their environmental justice
demanded that dams, canals, and other water diverting E-mail: ahadi@harran.edu.tr;
mechanisms built without the consensus of Sindh must be hadijarwar@gmail.com
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