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LITERATURE REVIEW

It is necessary that the Mexican cultural values reflected in the film CoCo should be clarified in
order to compare with parallel cultural aspects in Vietnam. This part elaborates on (1) the
rationale of selecting films to convey cultural values; (2) the significant assumptions in Mexico
as well as Vietnam; and (3) Hofstede’s six-dimension model, a tool to make a comparison
related to culture.

1. Films as cultural mirror

Culture is reflected in diverse channels comprising poems, paintings, music, films and so forth.
Among them, films or movies are considered as a better medium to portray the aspects of
cultural life as well as convey its values. To elaborate on this statement, Dudley (1985)
indicates that movie scenes not only brilliantly capture daily life but literally carry cultural
images. Davis (2006) shares this perspective that in terms of Hollywood industry, what makes
a film successful is the reflection on the world through in the way its stories, themes,
characters and perceptions. Correlating film settings, plots and characters with social
activities, Hegab considers films as a cultural mirror which represents, reflect and sometimes
criticizes daily issues. (as cited in Mansour, 2012)

The movie CoCo is throughout carpeted with the belief of the afterlife and family values.
Those values are illustrated in following sections.

2. Mexico’s spiritual belief of the afterlife

In Mexican society, the awareness of the death is regarded equalize other beliefs. As Brandes
(2006) stated, the objective of a mortuary ritual is to “satisfy both the alimentary and
emotional needs off departed souls.” Although there are arguments about the non-existence of
spirits, Cá ndido Reyes Castillo, from Huaquechula in the state of Puebla believed that the loss
of food aroma and taste is a signal of the dead returning. (as cited in Brandes, 2006)

Because of the appreciation of the afterlife, Mexican people annually hold a holiday, called
“Day of the Dead” or “Días de Muertos,” to commemorate their ancestors.

Mexico’s Day of the Dead

The Day of the Dead usually takes place from October 31 st to November 2nd, or some regions
celebrate it on November 1st and 2nd. This holiday is held for celebrants to memorialize their
ancestors and expect them to receive the respect from their descendants. It is believed that
souls return the living world and reunite their families on this holiday. Observant famililies
show their honor by carefully preparing meaningful ofrendas, or altars, within their homes to

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assure their ancestors comfort. On the ofrendas, forbears’ images are put up along with their
favorite possessions belonged to the departed such as books, jewelry, hobbies, scrapbooks, a
Bible and keepsakes. Moreover, the number of photos set on the altars equalize the number of
souls being hosted. Besides the images and belongings, beverage, Pan de Muertos, a
decorated loaf of sweet bread, fruits and other foods are included on the onfrenda for the
departed to enjoy feeding on their essence. (Arquette, K. et al., 2008)

Not mournful or solemn, on the Day of the Dead, people gather together and celebrate the
event with beautiful dances and songs, reignite their link with their ancestral roots through
traditional dress and costumes. On the streets, outside the restaurants and bakery are colorful
pierced paper banners decorated. These papel picados remind of the fragility of life and each
of their colors represents a different meaning. What is more, the decoration of sugar skulls
illustrates the sweetness while salts purify and season the Day of the Dead. (Arquette, K. et al.,
2008)

The Day of the Dead literally reflects the Mexican’s belief of the life after death. More than a
holiday, it also discloses rich values of culture in Mexico.

3. Vietnam’s spiritual belief of the afterlife

Vietnam’s spiritual belief is emphasized by their regard for the customs related to the dead
and their forbears. “The sense of the dead is that of the final” (“nghĩa tử là nghĩa tậ n”) says a
Vietnamese proverb, meaning that funeral ceremonies must be solemnly organized. (Selin, H.
& Rakoff, R. M., 2019) Moreover, according to a common Vietnamese belief, the souls free
from dead bodies attach with their historical identity or places like family’s domestic
ancestral altar. (Kwon, 2017) That is a reason why ancestor worship is an important tradition
in Vietnam.

Two Vietnamese proverbs “Drink water, remembering the spring” and “Eat the fruit,
remembering the tree planter” (“Uố ng nướ c nhớ nguồ n”, “Ă n quả nhớ kẻ trồ ng câ y”)
demonstrate that Vietnamese traditions also deeply honor the ancestors. In his research
about Vietnamese religions, Dang (1995) illustrates that ancestor worship and the veneration
of those who achieved merit in service to their commune or country represent a fine custom
in Vietnam and are infused with a sense of duty. Vietnamese ancestor worship, the process
and events related to the dead are supposed to be linked not only to Catholicism or Buddhism,
but also to Taoism and Confucianism. (Selin, H. & Rakoff, R. M., 2019) However, Dodd et al
(2009) states that no matter what religion, in every Vietnamese household, there is an
ancestral altar in the belief that the dead’s lives continues in another world. With respect to

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their ancestors, Vietnamese people place the ancestral altar in the central position in their
home. Connecting with Vietnamese spiritual belief of the afterlife and ancestor worshiping,
there are three popular festivals consisting of Hungry Ghost Festival, Vu Lan Festival and
Tomb-sweeping Day.

In Vietnam, “Rằ m Thá ng Bả y” or the “full moon of the seventh month” associate with the Day
of Pardons for Sipirits (“Xá Tộ i Vong Nhâ n) and the Vu Lan ceremony (“Vu Lan Bồ n”). Their
rituals occur in Buddhist temples throughout Vietnam. These two festivals are clarified,
followed by Vietnam’s Tomb-sweeping Day which is linked to the tradition of ancestor
worshipping.

3.1. Vietnam’s Hungry Ghost Festival

It is assumed that “Rằ m Thá ng Bả y” is an occasion when these spirits are temporarily allowed
to return the world of the living, and these spirits require certain offerings. (Bodemer, 2005)
These offerings, or ritual items include votive paper clothing, rice gruel, candles, incense,
robes, prayer scrolls, statues and icons, talismans and charms, and ceramics for the altar
purchased for ancestors and wandering spirits (“cô hồ n”) who have no descendants to care
for them.

In terms of wandering souls, observances of “Rằ m Thá ng Bả y” occuring in homes prepare the
offerings and place outside, either in the street or alley behind the house. Hungry ghosts are
invited to partake of ceremonial things. Meanwhile, Buddhist temples spend the last night
during services for “Rằ m Thá ng Bả y” praying for wandering spirits and hungry ghosts in “Đạ i
Lễ Cầ u Siêu” prayer and offering them the ritual feast. Offerings are said to be transmitted
through the smoke of the incense, which is a signal that spirits have partaken of their feast.
(Bodemer, 2005)

3.2. Vietnam’s Vu Lan Festival

The other ritual in “Rằ m Thá ng Bả y” is Vu Lan Festival, or “Vu Lan Bồ n.” As Bodemer (2005)
stated, this tradition has an emphasis on filial piety to parents and ancestors, so that at the
beginning of seventh lunar month, many Buddhist temples and pagodas unfurl banners
inviting people to the services and exhort participants to “bá o hiếu cha mẹ.” Correspondingly,
in Buddhism, filial piety is considered as the most wonderful and meaningful sentiment in the
world. This honor reflects the one’s morality, personality and perception, which makes it
inevitable in a person’s life. (Thich, 2013)

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Each of participants of Vu Lan Festival wear a rose. Colors of roses represent different
meanings, e.g. if a person wear a red rose, their mother is still alive; however, a white rose
symbolize a person’s mother passed away.

3.3. Vietnam’s Tomb-sweeping Day

Another Vietnamese ritual that contributes to the traditions of filial piety is Tomb-sweeping
Day (“Tiết Thanh Minh”). “Thanh” means pure and “Minh” means bright. The Thanh-minh, or
Pure Brightness Festival, occurs during the third lunar month, fifteen days after the spring
equinox and likely to be a clear, sunny day. The cleaning of ancestral gravesites, before which
offerings of incense, food, flowers, and votive objects are placed on, is a common custom.
(McLeod & Nguyen, 2001)

With its emphasis on the renewal and beauty of nature, Tomb-sweeping Day reminds
Vietnamese of their ancestors and inspires descendants with their filial duties. Traditionally,
lots of paper offerings were burnt on this day, but recently, people tend to place a bouquet on
the gravesites because of the Western cultures. (Toan, 2012)

Mexico is considered a collectivistic culture. Thus, it is noticeable that besides the spiritual
beliefs, family values are emphasized in the film CoCo. The aspect of family values in
collectivistic community are analyzed below.

4. Family values in collectivistic community

Fuligni stating cultures that value collectivism tends to emphasize family members’
responsibilities and obligations to one another; in other words, the well-being of children
depends on multiple responsibilities of family members. (as cited in Dubois, D. L. & Karcher,
M. J., 2005) The family influence is indicated in the way of teaching the principle of filial piety
such as honoring, respecting, and obeying parents. (Te, 1989, as cited in Klein, D. M. & Chen,
D., 2000) Furthermore, harmony is considered a keynote of family existence and the
maintenance of society. The roles and ranks of individuals in family are ascribed and
delineated to maintain the harmony. In particularly, the father is the ultimate authority and
extends not only to the children but also to the wife. (Chinn & Wong, 1992; Chan, 1998, as
cited in Klein, D. M. & Chen, D., 2000)

In Latino community, the elderly in family are treated with appreciation. The mother’s role is
the self-sacrificing nurturer and much more important than a wife’s role. What is more,
Latinos are classified as high-context, rather than low-context, communicators. Both verbal
and nonverbal communication takes place within the immediate context of experience. Also,

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in educating a child, Latino parents have a tendency to model and demonstrate rather than
specific verbal explanations. (Klein, D. M. & Chen, D., 2000)

In Asian collectivistic cultures, to some extent, early child rearing encourages infant
fulfillments, and often anticipates infants’ needs so they cannot learn to communicate wants
and needs. (Klein, D. M. & Chen, D., 2000) In addition, children independence is not
encouraged when Asian parents see their children as initially willful and self-centered.
However, the use of “shaming” is a common practice, i.e. children are not allowed to bring
shame to their parents and family. In cultures strongly influenced by Buddhism, the family
includes not only the current extended family, but also all ancestors. This expectation extends
even past the parents’ death, particularly through the Buddhist practice of ancestor worship.
(Te, 1989, as cited in Klein, D. M. & Chen, D., 2000)

The analysis of these cultural values is based on Hofstede’s six-dimension model, which is also
a basis of the comparison between Mexican and Vietnamese cultural aspects.

5. Hofstede’s cultural value dimensions

Hofstede develop cultural value dimensions on the ground of a large project into differences
in national culture across more than 50 countries. This model comprises of six independent
dimensions, particularly, power distance, collectivistic vs. individualistic, feminine vs.
masculine, uncertainty avoidance, orientation and indulgence. Each of them is illustrated
below.

5.1. High/low power distance

According to Hofstede (2003), the score of power distance index (PDI) reflects subordinate’s
fear of disagreeing with their superiors, the superiors’ decision-making styles, and the
subordinate’s preference in their bosses’ decision-making style.

On the high-PDI side, the powerful and the powerless exist a basic suspicion, which may never
fuel but is always present. In the large power distance situation, obedience towards superiors
is a common practice, especially with children. Additionally, children are not encouraged to be
independent. Parental authority plays a crucial role in one’s lives as long as their parents are
alive. Others set an example for children of respecting parents and other elders. With formal
deference, adults behave towards their parents and older relatives although they have been
responsible for their own lives. (Hofstede, G., 2003)

On the contrary, low-PDI illustrates the harmony between the powerful and the powerless.
Particularly, children are treated equally regardless of the other’s status. Thus, formal respect

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and deference are rarely illustrated. In addition, children are encouraged to voice their
opinions and experience their surrounding world. When children grow up, they are capable
of making their own decision, but rarely asking their parents’ permission or advice. (Hofstede,
G., 2003)

5.2. Collectivistic vs. individualistic

This dimension refers to individual’s position and role in a group, whether people are
supposed to take care of themselves or stick with their community. (Hofstede, G., 2003)

Collectivism stands for a society in which people appreciate the strong and cohesive bond
with groups, which assure people’s life in exchange for unquestioning loyalty. In a
collectivistic society, family is considered a smallest unit. Integrating horizontally, people stay
in close contact with their parents, grandparents, and other elders and they can expect their
own offspring and other juniors to maintain close contact with them. But, integrating
vertically, the collectivist family show their respect for their deceased ancestors and cares for
their graves. What is more, family ritual ceremonies such as baptisms, marriages, and,
especially, funerals are extremely important and no one in family should miss any of them.
(Hofstede, G., 2003)

Nevertheless, individualism stands for a society in which the bonds between individuals are
loose. People are expected to care for themselves and their immediate family only. Because of
this, it is believed that people in individualistic culture do not integrate either horizontally or
vertically. When children grow up, they can leave their parents’ homes and take control of
their own lives. Not staying close contact with other family members, grandparents are
supposed to lead lives of their own or be taken care of by nursing homes. The anecdotes of
deceased ancestors quickly fade away and are obliterated. (Hofstede, G., 2003)

5.3. Feminine vs. masculine

This index on this scale refers to the division of emotional roles between male and female
members in a family. (Hofstede, G., 2003)

Femininity stands for a society in which social gender roles overlap and genders are weakly
differentiated. Both men and women are supposed to be modest, tender, and responsible for
soft things in life. In feminine countries, assertive behavior and attempts at excelling are less
regarded. (Hofstede, G., 2003)

In contrast, where masculinity is overrated, inequality between fathers’ and mothers’ roles is
a societal norm. Men are supposed to deal with tougher things while women with softer

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things like feelings, which means that gender differentiation in child socialization is strong.
Moreover, in this kind of society, the competitive characteristic and ambition are supported
among boys and girls. (Hofstede, G., 2003)

5.4. Uncertainty avoidance

The degree of uncertainty avoidance is low or high depending on how either comfortable or
uncomfortable individuals in society feel with unstructured things. (Hofstede, G., 2003)

High score on the uncertainty avoidance scale in Hofstede’s 6-D model demonstrates people
are not comfortable with ambiguity and risk-taking may not be allowed. As a society with a
preference for uncertainty avoidance, family lives are more stressful. Children are expected to
conform with strict rules to protect them from unknown situations. Also, people in this
society are believed to not tolerate the innovations. (Hofstede, G., 2003)

On the contrary, the low score on uncertainty avoidance requires more relaxed attitudes to
accept and adapt foreign things. There are no strict principles and more tolerance of diversity.
Thus, the anxiety is released more through passive relaxation and emotions tend to be more
controlled. (Hofstede, G., 2003)

5.5. Short-term/long-term orientation

This dimension shows the choice of focus on the present or future, i.e. whether people prefer
to maintain time-honored traditions, or they encourage thrifts to prepare for the future.
(Hofstede, G., 2003)

Children growing up in a short-term orientation culture experience two opposing forces. One
is toward immediate satisfaction and enjoying leisure time. The other is toward respecting
rules such as traditions, face-saving or tolerance. And, respect for others is a matter of
principle, and customs of greetings, favors, and gifts as a social ritual. (Hofstede, G., 2003)

5.6. Indulgence vs. restraint

In the 2000s, a sixth dimension is added thanks to the research by Bulgarian scholar Michael
Minkov. (Hofstede, Hofstede & Minkov, 2010). Indulgence or restraint are illustrated by the
way people emphasize the leisure time and the gratification – the satisfaction – of their
desires. (Hofstede, G., 2003)

People in societies classified by a high score in indulgence generally are willing to realize their
impulses and desires with regarding to enjoying life and having fun. They possess a positive
attitude and optimism. In addition, they place a higher degree of importance on leisure time,
act as they please and spend money as they wish. (Hofstede, G., 2003)
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Societies characterized as restrained tend to be cynical and pessimistic. Also, people in
restrained cultures do not put much emphasis on leisure time and control the gratification of
their desires. It is common that people’s actions and perceptions are easily influenced by
social norms and they feel somewhat wrong when indulging themselves. (Hofstede, G., 2003)

6. Why using Hofstede’s cultural value dimensions

There are several reasons why Hofstede’s six-dimension model is selected as a basis of the
comparison between Mexican and Vietnamese culture.

First and foremost, Hofstede was the first to offer a model of culture which is accessible to
operationalize culture and include it as a variable in various models. His large international
project’s outcome is known as the IBM study described and ranked countries along several
cultural dimensions with a concise set of quantitative indices. (Nakata, 2009)

Second, the need for quantitative culture indices became evident through its popularity.
Hofstede’s findings become well-known and are cited 500 times. According to websites
related to science, more and more citations of Hofstede’s consequences are used. Additionally,
Hofstede’s cultural numerical data have been used in over 500 empirical studies. (Nakata,
2009)

Third, Hofstede’s (1980) Culture’s Consequences has a tremendous impact on the field of
cross-cultural studies. By and large, all subsequent research in culture has been conducted on
the basis of Hofstede’s model. Even though Hofstede approach was never claimed to be the
only right way, subsequent research generally did not diverge from the his paradigm.
(Nakata, 2009)

Briefly, an understanding of the scores for each of these six dimensions provides an
understanding of the cultural aspects and tendencies of a nation. Along with providing an
understanding of a single culture Hofstede’s cultural dimensions allow us to compare and
contrast different cultures. The ability to compare a nation which you may know little to
nothing about to your own with a concrete set of values opens the doorway to knowledge and
more importantly an understanding of other cultures.

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Vietnam. Asian Anthropology, 4(1), 115–136. 

Brandes, S. H. (2006). Skulls to the Living, Bread to the Dead: Celebrations of Death in
Mexico and beyond. Oxford, United Kingdom: Blackwell Publishing.

Davis, A. M. (2006). Good Girls and Wicked Witches: Women in Disney’s Feature
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Dudley, A. (1985). Cinema & Culture. Humanities, 6(4), 24-25.

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and Organizations Across Nations (2nd ed.). Beverly Hills, CA: SAGE Publishing.

Hofstede, G., Hofstede, G. J. & Minkov, M. (2010). Cultures and Organizations: Software of
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Klein, D. M., & Chen, D. (2000). Working with Children from Culturally Diverse
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Mansour, D. (2012) ‘Egyptian film censorship: safeguarding society. Upholding taboos’,


Alphaville: Journal of Film and Screen Media, 4.

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Connecticut: Greenwood Press.

Nakata, C. (2009). Beyond Hofstede: Culture Frameworks for Global Marketing and
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Selin, H., & Rakoff, R. M. (2019). Death Across Cultures: Death and Dying in Non-Western
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Toan, A. (2012). Tim Hieu Phong Tuc Viet Nam Qua Nep Cu Gia Dinh Va Le - Tet - Hoi He.
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Thich, N. T. (2013). Chu Hieu Trong Dao Phat. Hanoi: Hong Duc Publishing House.

Van, D. N. (1995). Religion and Beliefs in Vietnam. Social Compass, 42(3), 345-365.
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