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2015 Global Islamic Circulations and Su PDF
2015 Global Islamic Circulations and Su PDF
2015 Global Islamic Circulations and Su PDF
S P A C E S
A N D
I S L A M I C
C O S M O P O L I T A N I S M
I N
A S I A
1 4 -‐ 1 5
J A N U A R Y
2 0 1 5 ,
S I N G A P O R E
T h i s
c o n f e r e n c e
i s
j o i n t l y
o r g a n i s e d
b y
A s i a
R e s e a r c h
I n s t i t u t e ,
N a t i o n a l
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S i n g a p o r e ,
a n d
I n t e r n a t i o n a l
C e n t r e
f o r
M u s l i m
a n d
n o n -‐ M u s l i m
U n d e r s t a n d i n g ,
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S o u t h
A u s t r a l i a
Particularly
when
compared
to
other
ASEAN
member
states
possessing
Muslim
minorities
living
at
the
extremities
of
Southeast
Asia’s
“Islamic
arc”
(Tagliacozzo,
2013),
Islam
in
Thailand
has
been
remarkably
well
studied.
What
themes
might
new
arrivals
to
the
study
of
Islam
encounter,
the
printing
off
of
which
may
require
the
sacrifice
of
a
small
forest?
Studies
specifically
dealing
with
dynamics
in
the
Malay
far-‐south
include
Malay
responses
to
modernization,
development,
and
environmental
degradation.
Few
describing
Thai
assimilation
fail
to
analyze
the
reformation
of
pondok
schools,
and
language
policies.
Another
cluster
of
studies
address
the
heterogeneity
of
Muslim
communities
between
the
far-‐south,
Southern
Thai-‐speaking
upper
south,
Central
Plains,
and
North
Thailand.
A
number
of
studies
based
on
fieldwork
north
of
the
Malay
heartland
have
interrogated
the
dynamics
of
co-‐existence
between
Buddhists
and
Muslims.
The
history,
inner
workings,
and
impact
of
reformist
and
revivalist
movements
have
also
been
well
documented. 1
Outnumbering
all
these,
however,
are
publications
analyzing
aspects
of
armed
rebellions
in
Pattani,
Yala,
and
Narathiwat
before
the
amnesties
of
late
1980s,
and
after
2004.
Should
military
intelligence
prove
to
be
an
oxymoron
(as
many
have
suggested)
investigations
of
insurgent
ideologies
by
scholars
may
have
a
role
to
play
in
(hopefully
peacefully)
resolving
ASEAN’s
most
deadly
subnational
conflict.
While
it
is
conceivable
that
some
may
celebrate
the
expansive
literature
on
Muslims
in
Thailand
that
continues
to
expand,
these
both
appear
to
follow
existing
lines
of
enquiry,
and
studies
of
the
insurgency
dwarf
contributions
by
anthropologists
and
historians
perhaps
providing
hereunto
ignored
insights
into
the
context
for
present-‐day
rebellions
are
conducted.
Equally
concerning,
are
that
assessments
of
southern
Malayness
between
Malay-‐
speaking
districts
of
Songkhla
Province
and
districts
bordering
on
the
Malaysian
border,
are
increasingly
based
on
fieldwork
in
Pattani.
As
I
have
argued
elsewhere,
Thai
and
reformist
influences
are
greater
in
Pattani
than
in
either
hulu
Yala,
or
Narathiwat
on
Kelantan’s
backdoor
(Joll,
2011b).2
This
paper
presents
preliminary
findings
from
an
on-‐going
project
best
described
as
a
historical
ethnography
of
Sufi
orders
(turuq,
tariqa
[sg.])
in
Thailand.
This
is
an
aspect
of
Thai
Islam
about
which
next
to
nothing
has
been
written.3
I
describe
the
most
visible
and
viable
Thai
turuq
that
I
have
come
encountered
during
my
multi-‐sited
1
For
the
first
doctoral
dissertation
dealing
with
the
South
Thailand’s
most
influential
reformist
leader,
Dr
Ishmael
Lutfi
Japakia,
see
(Muhammad
Ilyas
Yahprung,
2014)
2
The
following
are
based
on
fieldwork
outside
of
Pattani
(Cornish,
1997;
Helbardt,
2011;
Pas-‐Ong,
1990;
Patya,
1974;
Tsuneda,
2009;
Unno,
2011)
3
Uman
Madaman
wrote
a
doctoral
dissertation
on
Thai
tariqa
(Madaman,
1999)
and
Rajeswary
Brown
has
includes
fascinating
material
on
a
range
of
turuq
in
her
Islam
in
Modern
Thailand:
Faith,
Philanthropy
and
Politics
(2013,
pp.
54-‐56,
69-‐74,
91-‐52,
123-‐128,
185-‐128)
DRAFT
COPY
–
Not
To
Be
Quoted
Without
Permission
From
The
Author
1
W I L D
S P A C E S
A N D
I S L A M I C
C O S M O P O L I T A N I S M
I N
A S I A
1 4 -‐ 1 5
J A N U A R Y
2 0 1 5 ,
S I N G A P O R E
T h i s
c o n f e r e n c e
i s
j o i n t l y
o r g a n i s e d
b y
A s i a
R e s e a r c h
I n s t i t u t e ,
N a t i o n a l
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S i n g a p o r e ,
a n d
I n t e r n a t i o n a l
C e n t r e
f o r
M u s l i m
a n d
n o n -‐ M u s l i m
U n d e r s t a n d i n g ,
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S o u t h
A u s t r a l i a
fieldwork
in
Muslim
communities
between
Central
Thailand,
and
the
Malay-‐speaking
far-‐south.4
This
began
in
late
2012
and
is
ongoing.5
This
paper
begins
by
interrogating
reasons
for
scholarly
disinterest
in
Sufism,
which
I
argue
is
related
to
a
wider
disinterest
with
Thailand’s
traditionalist
majority
of
which
it
is
an
important
constituency.
This
paper’s
second
substantive
section
provides
details
about
when,
from
where,
and
by
whom
Sufi
orders
established
before
the
mid-‐19th
century
became
embedded
in
Thailand’s
religious
landscape.
This
is
followed
by
a
treatment
of
how
from
existing
tariqa
were
revitalized,
and
new
orders
imported.
I
conclude
by
pointing
out
that
the
orders
present
in
Thailand
confirm
that
that
Muslims
and
Islamic
movements
in
Thailand
are
more
similar
to
–
than
distinct
from
–
those
elsewhere
in
Southeast
Asia
during
this
period.
The
number
of
pages
is
not
the
only
aspect
of
this
paper
that
is
limited.
Space
means
that
I
have
chosen
to
summarize
both
my
most
important
findings
(frequently
in
the
form
of
figures)
and
principal
arguments.
Even
without
limits
on
word
count,
my
treatment
of
certain
themes
will
be
more
detailed
once
all
fieldwork
has
been
completed.
My
sincere
hope
is
that
this
paper’s
insights
into
Thailand’s
previously
neglected
Islamic
constituency
will
compensate
for
these
limitations.
Unstudied
majorities:
Benign
amnesia
or
malicious
neglect?
Whilst
scholarly
interest
in
modernist,
revivalist
and
reformist
Islamic
movements
is
understandable
given
the
impact
that
these
have
had
on
the
religious
landscape
in
Thailand,
over
recent
decades
Thailand’s
largest
Muslim
constituency
has
been
almost
completely
neglected.
What
I
am
referring
to
is
Thailand’s
“traditionalist”
majority.
What
do
I
mean
by
this
term?
Based
on
my
analysis
of
attitudes
to
merit-‐
transference,
I
have
previously
proposed
that
Muslims
in
South
Thailand
may
be
divided
between
traditionalists,
revivalists,
and
reformists.
I
pointed
out
that
members
of
the
revivalist
Tablighi
Jama’at
included
both
traditionalists
and
reformists
(Joll,
2011b,
pp.
46-‐51,
64-‐66).6
As
is
well
known,
this
movement
came
from
a
Sufi
stable
(See
Ingram,
2009,
2011;
Sikand,
2007).
Traditionalists
are
sometimes
inadequately
defined
by
whom
they
are
not,
namely
reformists
perturbed
about
by
practices
not
performed
by
either
the
Prophet
(Ar.
sunna)
or
his
rightly-‐guided
successors.
Most
traditionalists
view
taqlid
(Ar.
blind
imitation)
as
4
To
be
clear,
this
is
far
from
a
comprehensive
summary
of
all
the
orders
that
I
have
encountered.
The
most
important
turuq
not
be
included
here
include:
The
Ahmadiyyah-‐Qadriyyah
of
Sheikh
Mahmud
al-‐majzub
(Madrasah
Nurul
Iman
Hulu,
2009):
the
movement
with
no
known
silsilah
established
by
Thai
convert
from
Petburi,
by
the
name
of
Mat’
Buri
in
Bluka
Seno,
Narathiwat;
A
movements
with
evidence
of
Naqshabandi
influence
led
by
an
ethnic
Khmer
mualaf
(Ar.
convert)
from
Surin
known
as
Ajarn
Nawi
that
frequented
the
caves
of
Yaha
before
April
2004;
and
Ayat
Pa’
(empat)
of
Dusun
Nyoir
which
in
the
late
1940s
was
involved
in
altercations
with
the
Thai
police,
and
was
influenced
by
the
invulnerability
cult
led
by
Kyai
Salleh
during
and
immediately
after
the
Japanese
occupation
of
the
Thai/Malay
Peninsula.
5
During
2012,
fieldwork
was
conducted
in
the
following
places:
September
8
(Bangkok);
October
2-‐4
(Narathiwat);
November
12
(Bangkok);
November
16-‐18
(Narathiwat);
December
12-‐16
(East
Bangkok).
In
2013,
my
movements
were
as
follows:
January
24-‐30
(Songkhla,
Satun,
Krabi,
Phuket,
and
Pattani);
February
18-‐23
(Narathiwat
and
Yala);
March
15
and
19-‐27
(Bangkok,
and
Narathiwat);
April
21-‐24
(Krabi,
Satun,
and
Bangkok);
May
18-‐24
(Kota
Baru,
and
Narathiwat);
June
23-‐28
(Phang-‐nga
Bay);
July
26-‐27
(Phang-‐nga
Bay);
August
4-‐6
(Narathiwat);
October
19-‐22
(Ayutthaya);
November
28
(Ayutthaya);
December
12-‐20
(Bangkok
and
Ayutthaya);
December
30,
2013-‐Jan
2,
2014
(Ayutthaya).
Fieldwork
during
2014
was
undertaken
in:
January
9-‐15
(Narathiwat
and
Songkhla);
February
20-‐22
(Kota
Baru,
Kelantan);
May
3-‐6
(Bangkok,
Ayutthaya,
and
Mae
Sot);
May
9-‐10
(Songkhla);
November
13-‐16
(Bangkok);
December
12-‐13
(Bangkok).
6
Although
even
the
most
conservative
reformists
made
merit
for
the
dead,
these
emphasized
the
efficacy
of
pious
acts
by
children
(PM.
anok
solleh),
sedekoh
jariyah
(particularly
mosques),
and
(under
strict
conditions)
posthumous
performances
of
the
haj.
By
contrast,
traditionalists
assisted
the
deceased
in
a
number
of
ways,
the
most
important
of
which
were
a
regime
of
funeral
feasts,
and
teams
of
ritual
specialists
being
hired
to
read
the
Qur’an
over
the
grave
for
up
to
40-‐days.
Merit
made
by
anak
salleh
may
be
most
efficacious,
but
others
are
permissible.
DRAFT
COPY
–
Not
To
Be
Quoted
Without
Permission
From
The
Author
2
W I L D
S P A C E S
A N D
I S L A M I C
C O S M O P O L I T A N I S M
I N
A S I A
1 4 -‐ 1 5
J A N U A R Y
2 0 1 5 ,
S I N G A P O R E
T h i s
c o n f e r e n c e
i s
j o i n t l y
o r g a n i s e d
b y
A s i a
R e s e a r c h
I n s t i t u t e ,
N a t i o n a l
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S i n g a p o r e ,
a n d
I n t e r n a t i o n a l
C e n t r e
f o r
M u s l i m
a n d
n o n -‐ M u s l i m
U n d e r s t a n d i n g ,
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S o u t h
A u s t r a l i a
unproblematic.
This
permits
them
to
perpetuate
a
range
of
practices
ranging
from
the
recital
of
the
qunut
during
pre-‐dawn
subuh
prayers,
to
celebrations
Mawlid
al-‐nabi.
Although
innovations,
these
are
bid’ah
hasanah
(Ar.
commendable
innovations)
–
not
(often
Indic)
accretions
any
of
which
dance
dangerously
close
to
shirk.7
It
is
difficult
to
over-‐exaggerate
the
importance
of
Sufi
orders
(turuq,
sg.
tariqa)
on
traditionalist
Muslims
in
Thailand.
Most
traditionalist
mosques
influenced
by
Sufism
conclude
salat
with
(sometimes
lengthy)
wird
(Ar.
litanies),
whose
elements
may
be
counted
on
prayer
beads
(Ar.
tasbih)
avoided
by
reformists.
In
many
of
Central
Thailand’s
traditionalist
mosques,
wird
are
often
followed
by
the
selawat
marhaban.
Its
performance
involves
worshippers
filing
past
the
Imam,
shaking
(and
sometimes
kissing)
his
hand,
and
forming
a
circle
to
his
right.
Once
everyone
has
been
greeted
in
this
manner,
the
salawat
is
sung
one
last
time
(at
a
slower
pace),
followed
by
the
Imam
offering
a
final
dua.
The
most
common
Malay
term
for
feast
(kenduri)
is
a
corruption
of
a
Persian
term
kanduri
which
refers
to
tablecloths
used
during
annual
feasts
commemorating
the
death
of
a
Sufi
saint
(See
Saheb,
1998,
p.
61).
Over
and
above
what
sometimes
resembles
mild
obsessions
with
security,
syncretism,
and
trans-‐national
Salafism,
other
reasons
exist
for
Thai
Turuq
having
been
hereunto
understudied.
Sufi
orders
in
Thailand
lack
the
numbers
found
elsewhere
in
South
and
Southeast
Asia,
for
a
number
of
reasons.
Although
some
of
the
earliest
articulators
of
Islamic
modernism
and
reformism
were
members
of
Sufi
orders,
certain
Sufi
practices
and
doctrines
were
singled
out
by
local
reformists,
particularly
after
Wahhadiyyah
successes
in
the
early
1800s
and
1920s.8
Less
affected
were
turuq
advocating
a
sober
juristic
Sufism
described
by
Mark
Sedgwick
as
Tariqa
Muhammadiyya.
I
argue
that
this
was
best
exemplified
by
Sheikh
Abu
al-‐Abbas
Ahmad
b.
Idris
al-‐
Hasani
al-‐'Ara'ishi
al-‐Fasi
(aka
Ahmad
ibn
Idris)
(1749-‐1837)
after
whom
the
Ahmadiyyah
is
named. 9
Sedgwick
notes
that
while
few
might
be
unfamiliar
with
the
Wahhabiyyah
and
Salafiyyah,
before
the
mid-‐
19th
century,
it
was
reformed
Sufism
that
possessed
the
potential
to
transform
the
Islamic
world.
This
ultimately
proved
ineffective
in
saving
Islam
from
both
the
“legalistic
pedantry
of
the
scholars”,
and
“empty
syncretism
of
popular
Sufism”
by
reorienting
Islam
to
the
Prophet
in
“law,
practice,
and
spiritual
method”
(2004,
p.
101).
The
impetus
for
this
and
related
movement
was
the
crisis
brought
about
by
widespread
Muslim
subjugation
by
mostly
Western
powers.
Although
the
mostly
Malay
Muslims
of
the
Thai/Malay
Peninsula
were
unique
in
their
experience
of
the
militarized
Buddhist
colonialism
of
Rama
I
to
III
from
the
1786,
this
may
have
similar
impacts
on
Muslims
attitudes
to
Sufism,
reformist,
and
modernism
as
the
1857
Indian
mutiny
about
which
so
much
has
been
written.
Brannon
Ingram’s
analysis
of
the
Fatawa-‐yi
Rashidiyya
of
Rashid
Ahmad
Gangohi
(d.
1905)
points
out
that
although
himself
a
member
of
the
Chishtiyyah
order,
Sufi
practices
that
“may
have
been
permissible
at
one
point”
should
be
abandoned
by
Muslim
in
light
of
Muslim
decline
under
British
(Ingram,
2009,
p.
485).
The
decline
of
Sufism
in
South
Thailand
can
be
connect
with
most
traditional
pondok
schools
having
been
converted
into
state-‐funded
private
schools
teaching
Islam
(PSTI)
where
both
the
Thai
national
curriculum
and
Islamic
studies.
This
began
as
early
as
the
1930s
but
became
widespread
in
the
1960s
(Liow,
2009;
Madmarn,
1989,
1990)?
Before
the
Japanese
occupation,
most
of
South
Thailand’s
Sufi
Sheikhs
were
either
babo
(PM.
pondok
owners,
lit.
father)
or
senior
pondok
tok
guru
(PM.
religious
teachers)
who
were
not
only
7
Rong-‐eng
(Ross,
2011),
Ma’yong,
and
forms
of
shadow
puppetry
(known
as
nang
talung,
or
wayang
kulit)
(Sweeney,
1972;
Wright,
1981)
have
all
been
accused
as
leading
Muslims
into
shirk,
as
these
are
associated
with
seeking
assistance
from
ancestral
spirits.
8
To
name
but
a
few,
Ibn
Taymiyya
(d.
1329)
was
a
Qadriyyah
(Hourani,
1981),
Muhammad
‘Abduh
(d.
1905)
was
inducted
into
the
Madaniyyah
(Sedgwick,
2009,
pp.
2,
4-‐8,
12-‐13,
86-‐88),
and
Hassan
Al-‐Banna
(d.
1949)
was
a
Hasafiyyah
(Ryad,
2006,
p.
302).
9
This
is
in
no
way
connected
with
the
Ahmadiyyah
of
Mirza
Ghulam
Ahmad
(d.
1908)
DRAFT
COPY
–
Not
To
Be
Quoted
Without
Permission
From
The
Author
3
W I L D
S P A C E S
A N D
I S L A M I C
C O S M O P O L I T A N I S M
I N
A S I A
1 4 -‐ 1 5
J A N U A R Y
2 0 1 5 ,
S I N G A P O R E
T h i s
c o n f e r e n c e
i s
j o i n t l y
o r g a n i s e d
b y
A s i a
R e s e a r c h
I n s t i t u t e ,
N a t i o n a l
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S i n g a p o r e ,
a n d
I n t e r n a t i o n a l
C e n t r e
f o r
M u s l i m
a n d
n o n -‐ M u s l i m
U n d e r s t a n d i n g ,
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S o u t h
A u s t r a l i a
inducted
by
local
babo,
Kyai
in
Indonesian
Pesantran,
or
from
Sheikh
while
studying
in
the
Middle
East.
In
order
to
induct
(Ar.
bai’ah)
anyone
into
a
tariqa,
one
must
have
received
either
written
or
oral
permission
(Ar.
ijazah)
to
function
as
guides
(Ar.
murshid).10
The
widespread
–
but
by
no
means
complete
–
registration
of
Malay
pondoks
brought
about
drastic
changes
to
contacts
between
local
murshid
and
their
murid.
In
parts
of
the
Malay
far-‐south
where
Sufism
was
once
active,
Muslims
wishing
to
both
consolidate
Islamic
practice
and
grow
in
knowledge
and
piety,
are
now
more
likely
to
join
the
Tablighi
Jama’at.
This
is
partly
due
to
ritual
elements
associated
with
some
tariqa,
being
practiced
by
Muslims
involved
in
armed
rebellion
against
the
Thai
state.11
Although
a
serious
set-‐backs
for
movements
whose
religious
credentials
had
been
called
into
question
by
reformist
activists,
the
past
involvement
of
Sufism
in
rebellions
against
British
and
Dutch
colonial
forces
require
the
revisiting
of
assumptions
that
Salafism
is
inherently
violent,
and
Sufi
uniformly
peaceful
(See
Woodward
et
al.,
2014). 12
From
the
beginning
of
the
20th
century
some
turuq
avoided
interference
from
Bangkok
by
reducing
their
public
profile.
I
can
personally
testify
to
the
relative
ease
with
which
individuals
and
institutions
dispensing
ijazah
and
practicing
wird
south
of
the
Golok
River
in
Kelantan
and
north
of
Songkhla’s
district
of
Chana
can
be
located.
Turuq
in
Central
Thailand
might
openly
engage
with
insiders,
agnostics
–
even
adversaries
–
through
websites,
social
media,
and
television
stations.13
Nevertheless,
those
in
the
Malay
far-‐south
have
required
considerable
time
and
energy
to
not
only
locate,
but
to
establish
sufficient
rapport
to
secure
permission
to
ethically
undertake
grounded
ethnographic
fieldwork.14
Without
wishing
to
labour
the
point,
I
argue
that
there
is
a
connection
between
the
lack
of
fieldwork
being
conducted
among
rural
traditionalists
in
Pattani,
Yala,
and
Narathiwat
(where
Sufism
is
the
strongest)
and
the
shortage
of
studies
of
Sufism
in
Thailand.
Others
have
overlooked
Sufism
out
of
ignorance
that
many
of
the
most
famous
‘alim
from
Patani
were
actively
involved
in
orders
such
as
the
Shattariyyah
and
Ahmadiyyah. 15
Although
some
biographers
anachronistically
present
19th
century
scholars
as
proto-‐Salafists,
lines
of
analysis
suggest
ignorance
at
what
I
have
referred
to
as
the
jurist
Sufism
of
the
Tariqa
Muhammadiyya.
Skeptics
about
the
involvement
of
10
The
criteria
for
induction
varies
greatly
between
orders,
and
well
known
religious
leaders
known
to
have
links
with
tariqa
never
inducted
anyone.
Some
orders
required
aspiring
murid
to
perform
the
5
wajib
prays
for
40
days
behind
their
future
murshid.
Others
required
the
memorization
of
standard
wird.
I
am
aware
of
one
order
which
will
only
consider
inducting
someone
who
has
recited
their
order’s
prayer
of
repentance
(Ar.
istifah)
40,000
times
over
a
10-‐
day
period.
11
Ismael
Yusof
Rayalong,
who
is
best
known
as
Ustadz
Soh,
was
a
local
religious
leader
from
the
village
of
Kuwa
in
Yala’s
districts
of
Krong
Pinang
who
led
a
clandestine
group
known
as
Hikmat
Allah
Abadan
(the
Brotherhood
of
the
Eternal
Judgment
of
God).
Ustadz
Soh
was
educated
in
an
Indonesian
pesantran
and
had
close
contacts
with
Tanah
Merah
in
Kelantan
where
he
trained
ten
local
religious
teachers
in
the
30s
and
40s
for
three
years
from
2000.
They
returned
to
their
villages
where
they
recruited
young
men
in
their
late
teens
and
early
20s.
Ustadz
Soh
claimed
to
possess
“supernatural
powers
that
would
help
them
fight”.
He
taught
recruits
zikir,
and
wird
which
they
were
instructed
to
perform
70,000
times
per
day
over
a
40
day
period.
Doing
so
would
permit
them
to
become
both
invisible
to
their
enemies
and
invulnerable
to
any
bullets
and
blades
(PM.
air
tawa)
(International
Crisis
Group,
2005,
p.
21).
For
more
on
the
involvement
of
specific
tariqa
in
South
Thailand
in
rebellions,
see
(Aeusrivongse,
2006;
Madrasah
Nurul
Iman
Hulu,
2009,
pp.
48,
103-‐104;
Pitsuwan,
1985,
pp.
251-‐255;
Satha-‐Anand,
2006,
pp.
19-‐22;
Wilson,
1992,
p.
53;
Yegar,
2002,
p.
87).
12
A
range
of
tariqa
are
British
Malay
are
mentioned
by
the
following
(Bayly
et
al.,
2007;
Cheah,
2006;
Cheah
Boon
Kheng,
1981,
2012;
Farrer,
2009;
Harper,
1998;
Malhi,
2010;
Syed
Muhammad
Naguib
Al-‐Attas,
1963)
13
See
Taqwa
TV
http://www.youtube.com/channel/UCQASMFj4d9SMrzptFEO_GZA
14
Most
of
the
fieldwork
on
which
this
study
is
based
began
in
October
2012.
15
The
following
provide
details
about
the
role
of
Patani’s
‘‘ulama
besar
in
Sufism
(Ahmad
Fathy
al-‐Fatani,
2009;
Lukmanul
Hakim
Darusman,
2010;
MHD
Mustaqim
MHD
Zarif,
2008;
Muhammad
Ali,
2006,
2007;
Narongraksakhet,
2010)
DRAFT
COPY
–
Not
To
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Quoted
Without
Permission
From
The
Author
4
W I L D
S P A C E S
A N D
I S L A M I C
C O S M O P O L I T A N I S M
I N
A S I A
1 4 -‐ 1 5
J A N U A R Y
2 0 1 5 ,
S I N G A P O R E
T h i s
c o n f e r e n c e
i s
j o i n t l y
o r g a n i s e d
b y
A s i a
R e s e a r c h
I n s t i t u t e ,
N a t i o n a l
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S i n g a p o r e ,
a n d
I n t e r n a t i o n a l
C e n t r e
f o r
M u s l i m
a n d
n o n -‐ M u s l i m
U n d e r s t a n d i n g ,
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S o u t h
A u s t r a l i a
Patani’s
religious
aristocracy
in
the
Shattariyyah
and
Ahmadiyyah
can
safely
be
assumed
to
have
not
read
Perayot
Rahimmula’s
(1990)
treatment
of
Sheikh
Wan
Ahmad
b.
Muhammad
Zain
Mustafa
al-‐Fatani
(Sheikh
Ahmad
al-‐Fatani)
(1856-‐1908)
and
Francis
Bradley’s
portrayal
of
Sheikh
Daud
b.
Abdullah
b.
Idris
al-‐Fatani
(Sheikh
Daud
al-‐Fatani)
(1740-‐1847)
(2010).16
Rahimmula
relates
that
as
well
as
functioning
as
a
Shattariyyah
murshid,
Sheikh
Daud
was
also
inducted
into
the
Samaniyyah.
He
may
have
had
direct
contact
with
its
founding
Sheikh,
Muhammad
b.
Abdul
Karim
Samman
al-‐Madani,
and
was
a
contemporary
of
another
famous
Samaniyyah
Shaykh,
'Abd
al-‐Samad
bin
'Abd
Allah
al-‐Jawi
al-‐Falimbani
(1704-‐1789).17
Orders
established
before
the
19th
century
The
previous
section
discussed
the
reasons
for
Sufism
having
been
overlooked
in
what
has
otherwise
been
an
extensively
studied
Muslim
minority.
This
concluded
with
suggestions
that
some
of
Patani’s
most
important
Sufi
personalities
have
been
presented
as
proto-‐Salafists
active
during
what
Michael
Laffan
has
recently
argued
to
have
been
a
significant
century
for
Sufism
(2014).
This
section
describes
orders
established
in
Thailand
before
the
developments
in
the
19th
century.
I
concentrate
below
on
the
Shattariyyah
of
South
Thailand,
and
the
Qadriyyah
whose
arrival
in
Ayutthaya
can
be
traced
to
the
16th
century.
It
is
significant
that
these
turuq
possess
the
longest
history
in
the
modern
nation-‐state
of
Thailand
known
before
the
1930s
as
Siam,
that
in
the
century
before
1786
exerted
loose
influence
over
its
southern
suzerain
states.
David
Morgan
and
Anthony
Reid
in
their
introduction
to
the
3rd
volume
of
the
New
Cambridge
History
of
Islam
(covering
the
period
between
the
11th
to
18th
centuries)
comment
that
in
South
and
Southeast
Asia
during
this
period,
the
“earliest
and
most
influential
Muslim
writers
and
teachers”
were
affiliated
with
the
Qadriyyah
and
Shattiriyyah
orders
whose
founders
were
“followed
in
life
and
revered
in
death”
(2010,
p.
10).
Michael
Feener
has
argued
that
sources
from
the
late
13th
century
are
the
earliest
solid
evidence
of
the
active
involvement
by
Southeast
Asian
‘ulama
in
what
he
refers
to
as
“cosmopolitan
scholarly
circles
active
in
the
Middle
East.”
Specifically,
an
Arabic
work
of
“Sufi
historiography
containing
notices
of
one
Abu
‘Adb
Allah
Masud
b.
Abu
Allah
al-‐Jawi
was
a
teacher
in
the
Yemeni
port
of
Aden
who
was
highly
regarded
by
his
famous
Arabian
pupil
‘Abd
Allah
b.
Asqad
al
Yafi’i
(d.
1367).”
18
Feener
asserts
al-‐Jawi
to
have
been
a
“pivotal
figure
in
the
early
development
of
the
Qadiriyya,”
that
exerted
a
“lasting
impact
on
the
development
of
South
East
Asian
Islam”.
Yafi’i
was
one
of
many
at
the
time
who
demonstrated
influences
from
both
‘Abd
al
Qadir
Jilani
and
the
cosmological
conceptions
of
Ibn
al
‘Arabi
such
as
the
wujûdiyya.
As
is
well
known,
this
proved
to
be
a
source
of
considerable
controversy
in
Aceh
in
the
16th
centuries
(2010,
pp.
471-‐471).
Michael
Pearson
claims
that
Ibn
Battuta
noted
the
dominance
of
the
Qadiriyya
while
visiting
the
South
Western
coast
of
India
in
the
mid-‐14th
century
(2010,
p.
384).
I
finally
note,
that
while
studying
in
the
Middle
East
in
the
mid
17th
Century,
The
Sumatran
scholar
‘Abd
al
Ra’uf
mentions
in
his
autobiographical
‘Umadt
al
Muhtajin,
that
the
scholarly
circles
he
attended
in
the
Middle
East
were
led
by
active
Qadiriyyah
and
Shattariyyah
(Feener,
2010,
p.
493).19
16
Rahimmula
relates
that
while
still
a
child
in
Patani,
Sheikh
Daud
encountered
a
“great
Sufi
from
Yemen”,
who
rubbed
his
head
while
offering
a
dua
that
Allah
would
bless
this
child,
and
that
he
would
be
a
“glittering
star,
a
full
moon,
a
shining
sun
and
the
greatest
‘ulama
of
the
Malay
soil”
(Rahimmula,
1990,
p.
200).
Among
his
earliest
influences
in
Mecca
were
Patani
Malay
who
led
study
circles
(Ar.
hallaqah)
in
Mecca’s
al-‐Haram
Mosque.
A
certain
Sheikh
Muhammad
Saleh
bin
Abdur-‐Rahman
al-‐Fatani
is
described
as
a
learned
man
in
both
the
Shariah
and
Tasawwuf,
specifically
the
Shattariyyah
tariqa.
17
See
(Rahimmula,
1990,
pp.
193,
203,
204).
18 th
For
a
more
thorough
treatment
of
these
13
century
personalities,
see
(Feener
et
al.,
2005)
19
Qadiriyyah
and
Shattariyyah
influence
is
also
noted
by
the
following
studies
(Gibson,
2007,
pp.
55,
57,
61-‐62,
71,
119)
(Azra,
2004,
pp.
13,
15-‐17,
19-‐20,
47-‐18,
56-‐17,
85-‐16,
145-‐146)
DRAFT
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–
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The
Author
5
W I L D
S P A C E S
A N D
I S L A M I C
C O S M O P O L I T A N I S M
I N
A S I A
1 4 -‐ 1 5
J A N U A R Y
2 0 1 5 ,
S I N G A P O R E
T h i s
c o n f e r e n c e
i s
j o i n t l y
o r g a n i s e d
b y
A s i a
R e s e a r c h
I n s t i t u t e ,
N a t i o n a l
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S i n g a p o r e ,
a n d
I n t e r n a t i o n a l
C e n t r e
f o r
M u s l i m
a n d
n o n -‐ M u s l i m
U n d e r s t a n d i n g ,
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S o u t h
A u s t r a l i a
The
strength
of
the
Shattariyyah
in
South
Thailand,
is
in
part
explained
by
the
extensive
intermarriages
between
families
producing
some
of
the
most
influential
of
Patani’s
‘ulama
(Rahimmula,
1990,
p.
402).
Bradley
(2010,
pp.
524-‐536)
identifies
three
lineages.
Two
of
the
most
important
are
the
Keresik
lineage
derived
from
Sheikh
'Abd
Allah
b.
Idris
al-‐Fatani
(Sheikh
Daud
al-‐Fatani’s
father),
and
the
Bendang
Daya
lineage
established
by
Sheikh
Hajji
Mustafa
b.
Muhammad
Faqih
al-‐Fatani
(which
Sheikh
Ahmad
al-‐Fatani
is
connected
to).
One
of
the
many
ways
that
these
are
linked,
is
Sheikh
Ahmad
al-‐Fatani
marriage
the
niece
of
Sheikh
Daud
al-‐Fatani’s
nephew
(Muhammad.
b.
Isma'il
Da'udy
al-‐Fatani)
who
he
adopted
1845.
Some
miss
the
importance
of
Sufi
in
Sheikh
Daud
al-‐Fatani’s
writings
given
the
frequency
with
which
he
combined
two
or
more
fields
of
knowledge
in
any
one
treatise.
This
complicates
clear-‐cut
classifications
about
its
contents
as
fiqh,
usul
aldin,
or
tasawwuf.
Ibrahim
Narongraksakhet
cites
nine
titles
specifically
dealing
with
tasawwuf
(2010,
p.
8
these
are
listed
on
p.
268).20
These
were
written
before
Patani’s
woes
in
the
1780s
after
which
Sheikh
wrote
about
both
jihad,
and
a
range
of
social
problems.
Tasawwuf
return
as
his
primary
focus
in
works
produced
between
1817
and
1834.21
These
include
original
works,
and
translations
of
works
by
luminaries
such
as
Abu
Hamid
Muhammad
al-‐Ghazali
(1058-‐1111).
Among
the
best
known
and
widely
read
of
Sheikh
Daud’s
works
(still
read
today)
is
his
translation
of
al-‐Ghazali’s
Minhai
al
‘Abidin.
The
presence
of
a
short
glossary
in
his
Al-‐Manhal
al-‐Ṣāfī
fī
Bayān
Ramz
Ahl
al-‐Ṣūfī,
suggests
that
to
have
served
as
a
“primer
to
many
basic
Sufi
doctrines
(Bradley,
2013,
p.
5).22
It
is
widely
accepted
that
before
the
arrival
of
the
Ahmadiyyah
(described
below)
the
most
important
tariqa
throughout
the
east
coast
of
the
Thai/Malay
Peninsula
was
the
Shattariyyah.
Rahimmula
notes
that
over
and
above
the
pursuit
of
“spiritual
perfection”
and
“esoteric
knowledge”
tok
guru
in
Malay
South
Thailand
were
revered
for
their
mystical
powers
through
which
they
were
able
to
cure
sicknesses,
repel
sorcery,
locate
lost
objects,
and
predict
future
events
(1990,
p.
403).
The
Qadriyyah
was
the
second
Sufi
order
which
became
a
mass
movement
in
Thailand
before
the
mid-‐19th
century.
Those
unfamiliar
with
the
cultural
geography
of
Islam
in
Thailand
may
be
intrigued
about
the
role
of
Muslims
in
the
Ayutthaya
that
between
1569
and
1767
functioned
as
the
capital
of
Siam.
Following
Baker
(2003),
Geoffrey
Gunn
describes
Ayutthaya
as
a
polity
uniquely
“self-‐sufficient
agrarian
kingdom
sited
in
a
large
and
fertile
plain
supporting
wet-‐rice
cultivation”
that
was
also
deeply
involved
in
“maritime
networks
in
the
Gulf
of
Siam
and
the
Malay
Peninsula”
since
Srivijaya’s
decline.
As
such,
Ayutthaya
represented
a
hybrid
“maritime-‐territorial
political-‐economic
system”
(Gunn,
2011,
p.
62).
In
the
late
15th
century,
Siam
secured
control
of
the
ports
of
Martaban,
Mergui,
and
Tenasserim
and
the
portages
between
these
and
its
capital
(Chutintaranond,
1999,
2002).
These
made
avoiding
the
Melaka
Straits
possible,
which
was
not
only
plagued
by
pirates,
but
faced
new
threats
in
the
form
of
Portuguese.
As
a
secure
entrepot
located
100
kilometers
up
a
navigable
river,
Ayutthaya
became
as
accessible
to
Indian,
Arab,
and
Persian
merchants
(from
its
west),
as
Chinese
and
Japanese
Junks
(from
the
east),
and
Malay,
Javanese,
and
Makasarese
traders
(from
the
south).
Baker
and
Phongpaichit
refer
to
these
western
portages
being
central
to
ushering
in
an
extended
period
of
unparalleled
prosperity
at
a
time
when
Melaka
(its
most
formidable
southern
competitor)
was
in
decline
(2014,
pp.
10,
13).
20
For
Narongraksakhet’s
list
see
(2010,
p.
268).
21
Bradley
specifically
mentions
the
following
works
by
Sheikh
Daud
al-‐Fatani
(1818,
1824a,
1824b,
1825,
1828,
1829,
1834a,
1834b,
1913,
nd).
22
For
more
on
Al-‐Manhal
al-‐Ṣāfī,
see
Muhammad
Zain
bin
Abdul
Rahman
(2000).
DRAFT
COPY
–
Not
To
Be
Quoted
Without
Permission
From
The
Author
6
W I L D
S P A C E S
A N D
I S L A M I C
C O S M O P O L I T A N I S M
I N
A S I A
1 4 -‐ 1 5
J A N U A R Y
2 0 1 5 ,
S I N G A P O R E
T h i s
c o n f e r e n c e
i s
j o i n t l y
o r g a n i s e d
b y
A s i a
R e s e a r c h
I n s t i t u t e ,
N a t i o n a l
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S i n g a p o r e ,
a n d
I n t e r n a t i o n a l
C e n t r e
f o r
M u s l i m
a n d
n o n -‐ M u s l i m
U n d e r s t a n d i n g ,
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S o u t h
A u s t r a l i a
Figure
1:
Ports
and
Routes
across
the
Bay
of
Bengal
1580-‐1600
(Source:
\Subrahmanyam,
1990,
p.
150)
Leonard
Andaya
points
out
that
during
the
sixteenth
and
seventeenth
centuries,
Muslim
political
power
reached
its
peak
through
the
(Indian)
Mughal
(1526-‐1858),
(Persian)
Safavi
(1501-‐1722),
and
(Turkish)
Ottoman
(1342–1924)
Empires.
In
all
these,
Persian
language
functioned
as
the
language
of
diplomacy
(1999,
p.
122).
Marcinkowski
(2014,
pp.
3-‐5)
describes
the
Qotb-‐Shahi
dynasty
(1512–1687)
of
Deccan
kingdom
centered
in
Golconda
(present-‐day
Hyderabad),
as
an
important
centre
for
Twelver
Imam
Shi’ites.
From
the
second
half
of
the
16th
century,
Masulipatam
functioned
as
the
principal
gateway
to
Ayutthaya
via
(Siamese
controlled)
Tenasserim
(see
figure
1).23
Mughal
pressure
from
the
north
in
second
half
of
the
17th
century
led
to
decline
of
the
Qotb-‐Shahi
dynasty.
Through
the
combined
effects
of
instability
in
their
South
Indian
base,
and
the
expansion
of
international
trade
under
the
Safavid
ruler
Shah
Abbas
II
(r.
1642–66),
Persians
in
Ayutthaya
–
who
arrived
from
South
India
or
directly
from
Iran
–
were
numerous
enough
in
the
late
17th
century
were
secured
royal
patronage
for
their
annual
ta’zia
procession
witnessed
by
French
visitors
in
the
1680s
(Marcinkowski,
2014,
p.
5).
The
most
famous
Persian
immigrant
to
Ayutthaya
in
the
late
17th
century,
was
a
merchant
by
the
name
of
Sheikh
Ahmad
Qomi
(1543-‐1631)
who
(with
his
brother)
arrived
from
south
India.
These
reorganized
the
management
of
foreign
trade
into
the
Department
of
the
Left
(Krom
Tha
Sai)
and
the
Department
of
the
Right
(Krom
Tha
Khwa).
They
were
given
responsible
for
the
latter,
which
oversaw
Ayutthaya’s
interests
to
its
south
and
west.
During
the
1610
and
1620s,
increase
numbers
of
South
Indian
merchants
became
established
in
Ayutthaya
(1999,
p.
125).
The
role
of
foreigners
such
as
Sheikh
Ahmad,
is
one
of
numerous
similarities
between
Melaka
and
Ayutthaya
(See
Ho,
2013).
These
are
not
the
only
insights
explaining
Qadriyyah
presence
in
Ayutthaya.
Few
theories
about
how
Islam
became
a
significant
part
of
Southeast
Asia’s
religious
landscape
fail
to
supply
some
new
insights,
but
I
view
many
to
have
inadequately
conceptualized
population
movements,
and
diasporic
hybridity.
My
arguments
about
the
role
played
by
creole
ambassadors
born
on
both
sides
of
the
Indian
Ocean
(Joll,
2012),
are
a
23
Pires
mention
Persian
merchants
in
Pegu
in
the
sixteenth
century
(Cited
in
Andaya,
1999,
p.
125)
DRAFT
COPY
–
Not
To
Be
Quoted
Without
Permission
From
The
Author
7
W I L D
S P A C E S
A N D
I S L A M I C
C O S M O P O L I T A N I S M
I N
A S I A
1 4 -‐ 1 5
J A N U A R Y
2 0 1 5 ,
S I N G A P O R E
T h i s
c o n f e r e n c e
i s
j o i n t l y
o r g a n i s e d
b y
A s i a
R e s e a r c h
I n s t i t u t e ,
N a t i o n a l
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S i n g a p o r e ,
a n d
I n t e r n a t i o n a l
C e n t r e
f o r
M u s l i m
a n d
n o n -‐ M u s l i m
U n d e r s t a n d i n g ,
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S o u t h
A u s t r a l i a
specific
aspect
of
my
wider
concern
to
emphasize
connections
over
comparisons
through
which
the
complex
and
mediated
nature
of
Islamic
transmissions
are
brought
into
focus
(Joll,
2011b,
pp.
27-‐33).
Port
cities
between
Patani
and
Ayutthaya
were
among
the
most
important
sites
for
material,
cultural,
and
ideological
exchange
in
present-‐day
Thailand,
but
ships
docking
there
arrived
from
both
the
east
and
the
west.
Torsten
Tschacher
refers
to
such
multi-‐directional
circulations
as
“circulating
Islam”
(2009a,
pp.
49,
62).
How
did
the
Qadriyyah
arrive
in
Ayutthaya?
Reconstruction
and
conjecture
are
inevitable
in
historical
enquiries
where
source
materials
are
unavailable.24
Muslims
in
Ayutthaya
claim
that
a
man
known
as
Sheikh
Samat
Maimun,
or
Shah
Allah
Yar,
who
became
most
widely
known
as
Tok
Takia,
arrived
in
the
mid
16th
century
from
India.
Some
assert
that
he
was
originally
from
the
village
of
Takia
in
Lucknow,
Northern
India,
while
others
allege
that
the
term
takia
originates
from
the
term
“takie”
which
refers
to
a
knowledgeable
person.
Tok
Takia
arrived
in
Ayutthaya
with
three
companions
who
subsequently
travelled
further
south,
settling
in
parts
of
Central
Thailand
and
as
far
south
as
Rayong.
In
addition
to
be
a
Qadriyyah
possessing
miraculous
powers
(Ar.
karamah),
Tok
Takia
was
also
a
dai
(Ar.
Muslim
missionary)
who
converted
a
local
Abbot
by
the
name
of
Diwan
Chao,
after
proving
that
his
magical
powers
were
more
potent
than
his.
The
Abbot’s
temple
(Th.
wat)
was
converted
into
a
mosque,
which
became
known
as
Wat
Khaek
Takia.25
His
house,
which
after
his
death
in
1579
was
converted
into
a
maqam,
was
constructed
in
1554
during
the
reign
of
King
Chakkraphat
(r.
1548-‐1569).
Before
his
death,
King
Mahathammaracha
(r.
1569-‐1590)
bestowed
upon
Tok
Takia
the
title
Chao
Phrakhun
Takia
Yokin.
From
what
we
know
of
Ayutthaya
and
its
contacts
with
the
Indian
subcontinent,
it
is
no
surprise
that
Indians
were
in
Ayutthaya,
but
where
would
an
Indian
Qadriyyah
like
Tok
Takia
have
come
from?
Although
unapologetically
engaging
in
speculation,
answers
to
this
question
might
begin
with
identifying
the
most
important
Qadriyyah
saints
in
parts
of
India
known
to
have
contacts
with
Ayutthaya
at
the
beginning
of
the
16th
century.
The
Qadriyyah
personality
best
fitting
this
description
is
Syed
Sahul
Hameed
Nagore
Andavar
of
Tamil
Nadu
(1504-‐1570)
who
is
known
as
Sahul
Hameed,
Shahul
Hamitu,
or
Nagore
Andavar. 26
Notwithstanding
the
Chishtiyyah
order
having
arrived
in
the
Indian
subcontinent
as
early
as
the
12th
century,
the
Qadiriyyah
subsequently
introduced
by
Mohammad
Ghouse
Gwalior
who
Saheb
claims
to
have
been
Sahul
Hameed’s
spiritual
guide.
Sahul
Hameed’s
parents
(Syed
Hassan
Kuthos
and
Bibi
Fatima)
settled
in
Uttar
Pradesh,
after
emigrating
from
Baghdad
during
the
rule
of
Sultan
Feroz
Shah
Thugluk
of
Delhi.
The
saint
was
both
a
13th
generation
Sayyid,
and
5th
generation
descendent
of
Sayyid
Abdul
Qadir
Jilani.
(Saheb,
1998,
p.
56)
Ronit
Ricci
comments
that
narratives
involving
teachers
or
holy
men
commonly
cite
them
travelling
long
distances
to
preach
Islam.
Sahul
Hameed
was
a
key
converting
figure.
Hagiographies
contain
troupes
common
in
Tamil
accounts
of
saints
whose
conception,
birth,
and
childhood
all
contained
miracles.
In
the
case
Sahul
Hameed,
this
included
prophesies
that
he
was
destined
to
spread
Islam,
ilmu
tassawuf
(mysticism)
and
ilmu
tauhid
both
throughout
the
Indian
subcontinent,
and
into
adjoining
countries.
Being
as
much
a
teacher
as
a
saint,
he
“cured
the
sick
while
still
a
young
child,
recited
the
entire
Qur'an
by
the
age
of
eight,
and
subdued
fierce
tigers
with
the
gaze
of
his
eyes”.
As
he
grew
older,
he
studied
with
the
great
masters
of
the
time.
This
required
traveling
to
distant
places
where
he
converted
“thieves
and
kings
alike”.
After
returning
from
Jeddah,
eventually
reached
Tamil
Nadu
where
he
converted
a
Hindu
king
after
rescuing
him
from
an
evil
spell.
The
grateful
monarch
gifted
the
land
on
which
his
maqam
(or
dargah)
in
Nagore
is
constructed
that
is
widely
known
as
Nagore-‐e-‐Sharif
(Ricci,
2011,
p.
195).
The
importance
of
Nagore-‐e-‐Sharif
24
Ayutthaya
was
completely
destroyed
by
the
Burmese
in
1767.
25
Khaek
refers
to
any
foreigner,
but
was
a
common
way
of
referring
to
South
Asians.
26
Syed
Sahul
Hameed
Nagore
Andavar
was
born
on
10
November
1504,
and
died
on
10
November
(10
Jamathul
Akhir)
AD
1570.
DRAFT
COPY
–
Not
To
Be
Quoted
Without
Permission
From
The
Author
8
W I L D
S P A C E S
A N D
I S L A M I C
C O S M O P O L I T A N I S M
I N
A S I A
1 4 -‐ 1 5
J A N U A R Y
2 0 1 5 ,
S I N G A P O R E
T h i s
c o n f e r e n c e
i s
j o i n t l y
o r g a n i s e d
b y
A s i a
R e s e a r c h
I n s t i t u t e ,
N a t i o n a l
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S i n g a p o r e ,
a n d
I n t e r n a t i o n a l
C e n t r e
f o r
M u s l i m
a n d
n o n -‐ M u s l i m
U n d e r s t a n d i n g ,
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S o u t h
A u s t r a l i a
in
South
India,
Sri
Lanka,
Singapore,
and
Malaysia
has
been
widely
commented
on
(see
figure
2).
27
Not
only
do
local
mosques
and
maqam
architectural
mimic
the
mother
mosque,
but
the
raising
of
flags
central
to
all
festivals
(urs)
at
Nagore-‐e-‐Sharif
are
also
central
to
those
held
in
satellite
mosques.
In
this
respect,
Ayutthaya
is
no
exception
to
this
(widely
documented)
rule.
Figure
2:
Places
visited
by
Syed
Sahul
Hameed
Nagore
Andavar
of
Tamil
Nadu
(Source:
Saheb,
1998,
p.
59)
However
tempting
it
might
be
to
suggest
Tok
Takia
having
been
influenced
by
the
dynamic
Qadriyyah
movement
that
spread
elsewhere
in
Southeast
Asia,
such
speculation
must
consider
the
publication
of
Claude
Guillot
and
Ludvik
Kalus
(2000)
discovery
in
Mecca
of
a
grave
to
Hamzah
al-‐Fansuri,
which
is
dated
1529.
As
is
well
known,
his
death
had
long
been
dated
at
1590
(Drewes
et
al.,
1986,
p.
3).
Poems
penned
by
him
contain
some
of
the
earliest
references
to
`Abd
al-‐Qadir
al-‐Jilani
in
Southeast
Asia,
and
it
was
widely
assumed
that
he
spent
time
in
Ayutthaya.
Nevertheless,
he
may
not
have
encountered
the
Qadriyyah
established
of
Tok
Takia
there
for
a
number
of
reasons
which
I
consider
below.
The
timing
of
Hamzah
al-‐Fansuri’s
death
is
not
the
only
detail
about
which
no
consensus
now
exists.
Some
assert
that
Hamzah
al-‐Fansuri
was
born
into
a
Persian
family
on
the
north-‐
western
port-‐city
of
Fansur
(or
Barus),
and
travelled
to
a
number
of
places,
including
Ayutthaya.28
These
assume
the
Persian
toponyms
“Shahr
Nawi”
(the
City
of
boats
and
canals)
or
Shahr-‐i
Nav
(the
New
City)
to
denote
Ayutthaya.
Braginsky
suggests
this
this
to
have
been
a
fairly
widespread
toponym
that
may
have
referred
to
a
place
near
the
Acehnese
palace
(2001,
p.
28).
It
was
through
contacts
with
Ayutthaya’s
sizable
Persian
community
that,
Hamzah
al-‐Fansuri
experienced
a
number
of
life-‐changing
mystical
insights
involving
`Abd
al-‐Qadir
al-‐Jilani.
Christoph
Marcinkowski
and
Syed
Muhammad
Naquib
Al-‐Attas
(1970)
claim
his
family
to
have
hailed
from
Sumatra,
but
that
he
himself
was
born
in
Ayutthaya
(Marcinkowski,
2009,
p.
397).
Marcinkowski’s
positions
on
interpret
stanzas
contained
the
mystical
metaphor
for
“existence”
(Ar.
wujud)
that
he
glosses
as
states
of
being,
or
existing
pertaining
to
non-‐beings.
That
Ayutthaya
was
his
literal
–
not
just
spiritual
–
birthplace
are
based
on
his
analysis
of
verses
such
as
the
following.
29
Hamzah
Shahr
Nawi
terlalu
hapus
[Hamzah
of
Shahr
Nawi
is
truly
effaced]
Seperti
kayu
sekalian
hangus
[like
wood,
all
burnt
to
cinders]
Asalnya
Laut
tiada
berharus
[His
origins
is
the
ocean
without
currents]
Menjadi
kapur
didalam
Barus
[he
became
camphor
in
Barus].
30
27
Malaysia
(Khoo
Salma
Nasution,
2009,
2014),
Singapore
(Tschacher,
2006,
2009a,
2009b),
and
Sri
Lanka
(McGilvray,
2004,
2013;
McGlivray,
2013).
28
This
is
the
position
taken
by
Martin
van
Bruinessen
(van
Bruinessen,
1994,
p.
114)
and
Braginsky
(1999)
who
follow
Brakel
(1969).
29
See
also
(Marcinkowski,
2006)
30
Cited
in
(Marcinkowski,
2004,
p.
32)
DRAFT
COPY
–
Not
To
Be
Quoted
Without
Permission
From
The
Author
9
W I L D
S P A C E S
A N D
I S L A M I C
C O S M O P O L I T A N I S M
I N
A S I A
1 4 -‐ 1 5
J A N U A R Y
2 0 1 5 ,
S I N G A P O R E
T h i s
c o n f e r e n c e
i s
j o i n t l y
o r g a n i s e d
b y
A s i a
R e s e a r c h
I n s t i t u t e ,
N a t i o n a l
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S i n g a p o r e ,
a n d
I n t e r n a t i o n a l
C e n t r e
f o r
M u s l i m
a n d
n o n -‐ M u s l i m
U n d e r s t a n d i n g ,
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S o u t h
A u s t r a l i a
In
the
following
stanza,
Hamzah
al-‐Fansuri
connects
his
birth
(zahirnya)
–
not
wujud
–
with
Shahr
Nawi
Hamzah
Shahr
Nawf
zahimya
Jawi...
[Hamzah
of
Shahr
Nawi
is
born
(also:
'has
the
appearance
of)
a
Malay].
31
Ultimately
unanswerable
are
questions
such
as
whether
Hamzah
al-‐Fansuri’s
parents
left
Barus
for
Ayutthaya
where
he
was
born
before
returning
while
he
was
still
an
infant,
or
(having
been
born
in
the
Ayutthaya),
he
remained
in
Siam,
returning
to
Barus
after
the
death
of
his
parents
(Marcinkowski,
2004,
p.
33).
Van
Bruinessen
interprets
“found
existence”
(mendapat
wujud)
as
Hamzah
al-‐Fansuri
experience
of
initiation
into
the
Qadriyyah
in
Ayutthaya
(Ar.
bai‘ah).
`Abd
al-‐Qadir
is
mentioned
the
following:
Hamzah
Fansuri
sedia
zahir
[Hamzah
Fansuri,
originally
earthly]
Tersuci
pulang
pada
Sayyid
Abdul
Qadir
[Was
purified
when
he
turned
to
Sayyid
`Abd
al-‐Qadir]
Dari
sana
ke
sini
terta'ir-‐ta'ir
[He
fluttered
about
from
place
to
place]
Akhir
mendapat
pada
diri
zahir
[And
finally
found
Him
manifested
in
himself]
This
appears
to
refer
to
an
initiation
that
“ultimately
led
to
a
mystical
experience
of
unity”.
Hamzah
nin
ilmunya
zahir
[This
Hamzah's
knowledge
is
manifest]
Ustadnya
Sayyid
Abdul
Qadir
[His
teacher
was
Sayyid
`Abd
al-‐Qadir]
Mahbubnya
selalu
hadir
[His
Beloved
is
ever-‐present]
Dengan
dirinya
nentiasa
satir
[Though
constantly
concealing
Himself]
Van
Bruinessen
rejects
suggestions
by
Al-‐Attas
that
Hamzah
that
was
a
Qadriyyah
khalîfa
(1970,
p.
11),
that
Al-‐Attas
acknowledged
being
based
on
circumstantial
evidence.
Indeed,
he
wrote
much
more
on
Ibn
‘Arabi
(1963,
pp.
22-‐23).
Van
Bruinessen
cites
prose
works
by
Hamzah
al-‐Fansuri
containing
systematic
mystical
metaphysics
mentioning
neither
Abd
al-‐Qadir
al-‐Jilani,
nor
the
Qadiriyya.32
Furthermore,
Shamsuddin
of
Pasai
who
is
widely
referred
to
as
his
spiritual
successor
never
refers
to
`Abd
al-‐Qadir
al-‐Jilani
(van
Bruinessen,
2000).
The
Shattariyyah
of
South
Thailand
and
Qadriyyah
of
Central
Thailand
described
above
are
two
orders
established
well
in
present-‐day
Thailand
before
the
19th
century.
The
following
section
delineates
the
personalities
involved
in
either
revitalizing
existing
orders,
or
introduced
entirely
new
ones.
Both
these
are
summarized
in
figures
6
and
7
below.
Revitalizers
of
the
old
and
importers
of
the
new
I
begin
this
section
by
presenting
a
brief
outline
of
the
career
of
Sheikh
Muhammad
‘Ali
Shukri
(1848-‐1932)
widely
revered
in
Ayutthaya
as
a
Wali
who
revitalized
the
Qadriyyah
in
Ayutthaya
and
led
to
its
expansion
to
Bangkok,
and
Phatthaya.
The
second
Sufi
movement
summarized
below,
is
the
Ahmadiyyah
derived
from
Sheikh
Ahmad
ibn
Idris
(1760–1837)
mentioned
above.
This
arrived
on
the
east
coast
of
the
Thai/Malay
Peninsula
in
the
late
1800s
and
developed
a
following
that
challenged
what
appears
to
have
been
a
Shattariyyah
monopoly
on
Sufism
in
the
Malay
far-‐south.
The
third
significant
development
in
the
history
of
Thai
turuq
is
the
importation
of
a
tariqa
influenced
by
the
Ahmadiyyah
to
the
cosmopolitan
Siamese
capital
of
Bangkok
in
the
early
20th
century.
This
was
achieved
by
a
Hijazi
Sheikh,
Khalid
al-‐Bakri,
who
established
the
Ahmadiyyah-‐Shadhiliyyah
that
best
known
in
Thailand
as
the
Pha
Khiaw
(Th.
green
cloths)
but
whose
members
refer
to
as
the
Shazuliyyah.
This
currently
commands
a
following
comparable
to
that
of
31
Cited
in
(Marcinkowski,
2004,
p.
33)
32
Abu
Yazid
Bistami,
Junayd,
Hallaj,
Rumi,
Ibn
‘Arabi,
Jami,
and
‘Attar
are
mentioned.
DRAFT
COPY
–
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To
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Quoted
Without
Permission
From
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Author
10
W I L D
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A N D
I S L A M I C
C O S M O P O L I T A N I S M
I N
A S I A
1 4 -‐ 1 5
J A N U A R Y
2 0 1 5 ,
S I N G A P O R E
T h i s
c o n f e r e n c e
i s
j o i n t l y
o r g a n i s e d
b y
A s i a
R e s e a r c h
I n s t i t u t e ,
N a t i o n a l
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S i n g a p o r e ,
a n d
I n t e r n a t i o n a l
C e n t r e
f o r
M u s l i m
a n d
n o n -‐ M u s l i m
U n d e r s t a n d i n g ,
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S o u t h
A u s t r a l i a
Ayutthaya’s
Qadriyyah.
The
Ahmadiyyah-‐Badawiyyah
is
the
third
tariqa
in
Thailand
with
active
followers
in
their
thousands
–
the
vast
majority
of
whom
live
in
the
Southern
Thai-‐speaking
upper
south.
This
was
introduced
there
in
the
1950s
by
two
Southern
Thai-‐speaking
Muslims
who
had
studied
in
Kelantan
under
Haji
Abdullah
Tahir
(1897-‐1961),
a
well
known
Kelantanese
Babo
and
student
of
Tok
Kenali.
The
most
important
personality
in
this
movement
is
Tok
Khruu
Ae
(1923-‐1986)
of
Koh
Yao
Noi,
a
man
widely
respected
and
revered
as
a
man
rewarded
for
his
piety
with
karamah.
Sh.
Ahmad
Khatib
bin
‘Abd
al-‐Ghaffar
al-‐Shambas
(1802-‐1872)
Sh.
‘Abdullah
bin
Ibrahim
Sh.
‘Abd
al-‐Karim
(b.
1840)
Sh.
Mhd.
‘Ali
bin
‘Uthman
(aka.
Sh.
Mhd.
‘Ali
Shukri)
(1848-‐1932)
Sh.
‘Abd
al-‐Rahim
bin
Muhammad
Nur
Sh.
‘Abd
al-‐Raman
bin
Isma’il
Sh.
Mhd.
Tewfik
bin
Yusuf
Figure
3:
summarize
Sheikh
Muhammad
‘Ali
Shukri’s
most
important
teachers,
and
successors
The
first
Sufi
personality
to
have
revitalized
an
existing
tariqa
in
Thailand
was
Sheikh
Muhammad
‘Ali
bin
‘Uthman,
better
known
as
of
Sheikh
Muhammad
‘Ali
Shukri
(1848-‐1932).
He
was
born
in
Siam’s
Qadriyyah
heartland
of
Ayutthaya
and
his
ornate
maqam
is
located
next
to
Masyid
Aliyiddarol,
in
the
village
of
Phu
Khao
Thong
within
sight
of
one
of
Ayutthaya’s
largest
stupas
dedicated
to
King
Narai
(r.
1656-‐1688).
He
studied
under
a
local
Qadriyyah
by
the
name
of
Sheikh
Abdullah
bin
Ibrahim,
locally
known
as
Tok
Khruu
Abdullah
Soon
(Th.
Abdullah
the
teacher)
who
studied
in
Mecca
with
the
famous
Sh.
Ahmad
Khatib
bin
‘Abd
al-‐Ghaffar
al-‐Shambas
(1802-‐1872)
who
combining
the
devotional
practices
of
the
Qadriyyah
and
Naqshabandiyyah. 33
His
ability
to
study
under
a
Malay
from
Borneo
is
explained
by
most
Muslim
communities
in
Central
Thailand
at
the
time
being
ethnically
Malays
who
were
bilingual
in
Thai
and
Malay.
The
high
regard
with
which
Tok
Khruu
Abdullah
Soon
is
locally
held
is
demonstrated
by
his
maqam
being
built
next
to
that
of
Tok
Takia.
Both
these
are
annually
visited
during
the
festivals
held
at
Phuu
Khao
Thong
which
are
centered
around
the
Aliyiddarol
mosque
and
of
Sheikh
Muhammad
‘Ali
Shukri’s
maqam.
In
addition
to
having
studied
under
Tok
Khruu
Abdullah
Soon,
Sheikh
Muhammad
‘Ali
Shukri
travelled
at
a
young
age
to
Mecca
where
he
studied
under
Sheikh
‘Abd
al-‐Karim
(b.
1840)
who
functioned
and
Ahmad
Katib
Al-‐Sambas’
successor. 34
Following
his
return
to
Ayutthaya,
Sheikh
Muhammad
‘Ali
Shukri
led
a
Qadriyyah
revival
through
which
new
communities
were
established
in
Minburi,
along
the
Saen
Saep
Canal
around
present-‐day
Praram
9
(See
figure
7).
In
Nonthaburi
and
Patthaya
Qadriyyah
mosques
are
named
Masyid
Sheikh
Muhammad
‘Ali
Shukri,
but
there
is
no
evidence
of
Qadriyyah
influence
moving
out
of
Central
Thailand.
I
summarize
Sheikh
Muhammad
‘Ali
Shukri’s
most
important
teachers,
and
successors
in
figure
3.
During
the
decades
that
Sufism
in
Central
Thailand
was
being
revitalized
by
of
Sheikh
Muhammad
‘Ali
Shukri,
similar
developments
are
discernable
in
South
Thailand.
Arguably
the
most
important
of
these
are
associated
with
Sheikh
Ahmad
ibn
Idris
(1760–1837).35
Mark
Sedgwick’s
Saints
and
Sons
(2005)
provides
the
33
(Laffan,
2011,
pp.
54,
56,
61,
136,
145;
Mulyati,
2002,
pp.
37-‐45)
(van
Bruinessen,
1994,
1995,
2000)
(Hurgronje,
2007,
pp.
278,
287,
296)
34
(MHD
Mustaqim
MHD
Zarif,
2008)
(Bradley,
2010)
(Hurgronje,
2007,
pp.
293,
296–298,
300–302)
35
Readers
interested
in
the
accounts
of
the
career
of
Sheikh
Ahmad
ibn
Idris
should
consult
(Bang,
1997;
O'Fahey,
1990;
O'Fahey
et
al.,
1987;
Thomassen
et
al.,
1993;
Vikør,
2004;
Voll,
1973)
DRAFT
COPY
–
Not
To
Be
Quoted
Without
Permission
From
The
Author
11
W I L D
S P A C E S
A N D
I S L A M I C
C O S M O P O L I T A N I S M
I N
A S I A
1 4 -‐ 1 5
J A N U A R Y
2 0 1 5 ,
S I N G A P O R E
T h i s
c o n f e r e n c e
i s
j o i n t l y
o r g a n i s e d
b y
A s i a
R e s e a r c h
I n s t i t u t e ,
N a t i o n a l
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S i n g a p o r e ,
a n d
I n t e r n a t i o n a l
C e n t r e
f o r
M u s l i m
a n d
n o n -‐ M u s l i m
U n d e r s t a n d i n g ,
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S o u t h
A u s t r a l i a
most
recent,
comprehensive,
and
authoritative
treatment
of
this
enigmatic
Moroccan
sheikh.36
Sedgwick
suggests
that
the
terms
“Idrisi”
and
“Ahmadi”
are
best
conceived
as
“devotional
practices,
Sufi
orders,
and
individuals”
traceable
to
both
Ahmad
ibn
Idris,
and
“perpetuated
by
his
followers”.
The
confusing
variety
of
names
which
are
often
loosely
applied
include
the
“Idrisi”
state
of
‘Asir
that
existed
for
a
short
period
in
the
Yemen
at
the
start
of
the
twentieth
century
(Bang,
1997),
and
the
Shadhiliyya
Idrisiyya
led
by
his
grandson
(Sedgwick,
2004).
Ahmad
ibn
Idris’
students
established
“Ahmadi”
orders,
the
most
important
of
where
were
the
Mirghaniyya/Khatmiyya
of
Muhammad
‘Uthman
al-‐Mirghani
(1793/4-‐1852/3);
The
Sanusiyya
of
Muhammad
ibn
al-‐Sanusi
(1787–1859);
and
Rashidiyya
orders
derived
from
Ibrahim
ibn
Salih
ibn
‘Abd
al-‐
Rahmadal-‐Duwayhi
(1813–1874),
whom
I
refer
to
below
as
Ibrahim
al-‐Rashid.
It
was
the
latter
–
which
for
the
sake
of
clarity
I
refer
to
below
as
the
Ahmadiyyah-‐Idrissiyah-‐Rashidiyyah
–
that
spread
the
Ahmadiyyah-‐Idrissiyah
to
the
Malay
world
in
the
late
19th
century
through
returning
students.
More
than
any
of
his
other
of
Sheikh
Ahmad
ibn
Idris’s
murid,
Ibrahim
al-‐Rashid
avoided
conventional
organizational
forms
advocated
by
his
Sheikh,
which
ultimately
limited
its
success
(Sedgwick,
2005,
p.
80).
Rex
S.
O’Fahey
(2004,
pp.
281-‐282),
comments
that
although
his
students
established
the
Sanusiyyah
and
Mirghaniyyah,
Sheikh
Ahmad
ibn
Idris
was
a
Shadhiliyyah
who
had
no
intentions
of
establishing
yet
another
Sufi
order.
In
addition
to
passing
on
his
Shadhiliyyah
traditions,
he
taught
the
tahlil
al-‐kabir,
istighfar
al-‐kabir,
and
salawat
azeemiyya.
All
these
were
received
from
the
Prophet
and
Nadi
Kadr
through
a
series
of
dreams.37
These
prayers
are
the
most
reliable
indicator
of
Ahmadiyyah
influence
in
Thailand,
an
important
point
that
I
will
return
to
when
dealing
with
the
“Shazuliyyah”
of
Bangkok
and
the
Southern
Thai-‐speaking
upper
south.
The
most
important
propagator
of
the
Ahmadiyyah-‐Idrisiyyah-‐Rashiddiyah
throughout
the
Thai/Malay
Peninsula’s
east
coast,
was
a
murid
of
Ibrahim
al-‐Rashid’s,
a
certain
W an
Abdul
Samad
bin
Wan
Muhammad
Salih
bin
Wan
Abdul
Latifal-‐Fatani
(1840–1891)
better
known
as
Tuan
Tabal.
His
hometown
was
the
village
of
Tabal
situated
on
the
northern
shore
of
the
Golok
River.
His
popularity
and
influence
in
Kelantan
following
his
return
from
Mecca
in
the
late
1860s,
has
been
widely
commented
on.38
He
not
only
introduced
the
latest
scholarship
from
the
Hijaz,
but
a
previously
unheard
of
tariqa.
Although
the
earliest
Ahmadiyyah
were
also
Shattariyyah,
Werner
Kraus
claims
that
by
the
end
of
the
nineteenth
century,
the
Shattariyyah
between
Patani
and
Kelantan
was
widely
contaminated
by
a
range
of
unorthodox
beliefs
and
practices.39
Despite
Tuan
Tabal
having
been
inducted
into
the
Ahmadiyyah
of
Ibrahim
al-‐Rashid,
Sedgwick
described
him
as
primarily
a
scholar
“who
was
also
an
Ahmadi”.
Nevertheless,
he
authored
a
number
of
books,
conducted
the
Ahmadi
aurad
(Ar.
wirid
[pl.]),
and
functioned
as
a
Ahmadiyyah
murshid.40
The
Ahmadiyyah
presence
established
by
him
continued
under
his
sons
‘Abd
Allah,
Ahmad,
and
Wan
Musa
(1874–1939),
and
students.
The
most
famous
of
these
was
Muhammad
Yusuf
b.
Ahmad
(1868–1933),
better
known
as
Tok
Kenali
(See
Abdullah
al-‐Qari
bin
Haji
Salleh,
1974).
Tuan
Tabal’s
son
Wan
Musa,
continued
the
Ahmadiyyah.
Sedgwick
cites
this
as
the
first
occurrence
of
“hereditary
succession
in
the
Rashidi
Ahmadiyyah
since
the
establishment
of
the
Salihiyya”
(Sedgwick,
2004;
Sedgwick,
2005,
p.
123).
Interestingly,
Wan
Musa
had
been
inducted
–
not
by
his
father
–
but
the
famous
Sheikh
Ahmad
al-‐Fatani
while
in
Mecca
(See
Ahmad
Fathy
al-‐Fatani,
2009;
36
See
also
(Pauzi
Haji
Awang,
2001;
Werner,
1999)
37
Following
the
standard
confession
of
faith
(La
ilaha
ill’Allah;
Muammadun
rasul
Allah),
the
tahlil
al-‐kabir
states:
“fi
kuli
lamhatin
wa
nafasin
'adada
ma
wasi'ahu
'ilm
Allah”,
or
“with
every
glance
and
breath,
the
number
of
which
is
known
only
to
God.”
38
(See
Ahmad
Zaki
Berahim
Ibrahim
et
al.,
2012;
Muhammad
Ali,
2006,
2007;
Pauzi
Haji
Awang,
2001;
Wan
Muhammad
Azam
Muhammad
Amin,
2013)
39
(Werner,
1999,
p.
154,
cited
in
Sedgwick
2005,
pg.
80
)
40
A
list
of
his
best-‐known
works
are
included
in
the
bibliography.
DRAFT
COPY
–
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Be
Quoted
Without
Permission
From
The
Author
12
W I L D
S P A C E S
A N D
I S L A M I C
C O S M O P O L I T A N I S M
I N
A S I A
1 4 -‐ 1 5
J A N U A R Y
2 0 1 5 ,
S I N G A P O R E
T h i s
c o n f e r e n c e
i s
j o i n t l y
o r g a n i s e d
b y
A s i a
R e s e a r c h
I n s t i t u t e ,
N a t i o n a l
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S i n g a p o r e ,
a n d
I n t e r n a t i o n a l
C e n t r e
f o r
M u s l i m
a n d
n o n -‐ M u s l i m
U n d e r s t a n d i n g ,
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S o u t h
A u s t r a l i a
Rahimmula,
1990).41
Like
his
father,
Wan
Musa
was
better
known
as
a
scholar
than
a
Sufi.
In
1916,
the
minutes
of
the
Majlis
Ugama
of
Kelantan
referred
to
his
tariqa
as
the
“Ahmadiyyah
Shadhiliyyah”
(Sedgwick,
2005,
p.
123).42
He
might
have
translated
al-‐Rashid’s
‘Iqd
al-‐durar
al-‐nafis
(into
Jawi),
taught
this
in
his
surau,
and
led
Ahmad
aurad,
but
he
neither
described
himself
nor
acted
as
a
shaykh
…
nor
did
he
run
a
tariqa
in
the
standard
sense.
He
was
scholar
first,
Sufi
incidentally”
(Sedgwick,
2005,
p.
124).
In
1909,
Wan
Musa
was
appointed
the
founding
State
Mufti
of
Kelantan
(2005,
p.
133).43
Commentators
likening
reformism
and
Sufism
to
oil
and
water
might
confess
being
surprised
at
Wan
Musa’s
enthusiasm
for
Muhammad
‘Abduh,
his
condemnation
of
a
range
of
practices
perpetuated
by
the
Malay
populace,
and
recorded
correspondence
with
Muhammad
Rashid
Rida
(Sedgwick,
2005,
p.
125).
All
these
eventually
brought
him
into
conflict
with
Kelantan’s
religious
establishment
at
the
time.
This
was
at
a
time
when
term
kaum
muda
was
little
known
(Roff,
1967).
The
arrival
of
students
from
another
branch
of
the
Ahmadiyyah,
led
this
tariqa
in
a
very
different
direction
from
that
established
by
Tuan
Tabal
and
Wan
Musa.
Ibrahim
al-‐Rashid’s
most
important
role
in
the
spread
of
the
Ahmadiyyah
to
the
Malay
World,
was
through
an
unlettered
Egyptian
murid
by
the
name
of
Muhammad
ibn
‘Ali
al-‐Dandarawi
(1839–1911)
who
was
eventually
acknowledged
as
his
Rashid
successor.
This
was
largely
based
on
his
reputation
as
a
wali
capable
of
performed
many
miracles
(Winkler
et
al.,
2009,
pp.
58-‐
60).
It
was
Muhammad
al-‐Dandarawi
who
inducted
Sheikh
Ahmad
bin
Muhammad
Sa’id
al-‐Linggi
(1874–
1926).
His
father
was
an
established
Meccan
scholar
from
Negeri
Sembilan,
and
his
mother
hailed
from
Patani
where
he
lived
until
leaving
for
Mecca
in
1892,
where
he
studied
until
1900.
His
teachers
there
included
Nawawi
al-‐Banten,
Sheikh
Ahmad
al-‐Fatani,
and
Tok
Wan
‘Ali
Kutan
(1837-‐1913).44
Sedgwick
refers
to
the
Ahmadiyyah-‐Idrisiyyah-‐Dandarawiyyah
propagated
by
Muhammad
Sa’id
al-‐Linggi
as
“ecstatic
and
populist.”
The
most
important
element
of
this
was
a
state
of
spiritual
ecstasy
referred
to
as
majzub.
Initially,
Wan
Musa
protected
this
controversial
murshid.
His
refusal
to
write
a
fatwa
on
this
issue
led
the
Sultan
of
Kelantan,
the
young
Raja
Muhammad
IV,
to
request
one
from
Sheikh
Ahmad
al-‐Fatani
in
Mecca.45
Most
Sufi
movements
associated
with
majzub
in
South
Thailand
demonstrate
influence
by
a
branch
of
the
Ahmadiyyah
originating
from
Lundang
Paku
on
the
outskirts
of
Kota
Baru
in
Kelantan.
This
was
one
of
the
most
formative
influences
on
Sheikh
Mahmud
al-‐Majzub
(1942-‐2012),
a
Malaysian
Sheikh
who
fused
this
form
of
Ahmadiyyah
with
the
Qadriyyah
he
encountered
while
studying
in
Chenai,
which
was
influenced
by
Nagore-‐
e-‐Sharif.46
Both
the
Shattariyyah
and
Ahmadiyyah
possess
a
wide
following
throughout
the
Malay-‐speaking
far-‐south
and
Kelantan,
but
lack
the
visibility
of
the
Qadriyyah
(considered
above),
Shazuliyyah,
or
Ahmadiyyah-‐
Badawiyyah
described
below.
Most
active
Ahmadiyyah
in
South
Thailand
have
been
inducted
into
the
Ahmadiyyah-‐Idrisiyyah-‐Dandarawiyyah
through
contacts
with
its
leadership
in
Negeri
Sembilan,
or
his
representative
(Ar.
khalifah)
based
in
Kota
Baru,
Ustadz
Ashari.
41
Sheikh
Ahmad
al-‐Fatani
specifically
refers
to
his
involvement
in
the
Ahmadiyyah
in
his
Fatwa
to
Sultan
Muhammad
IV,
dated
1904
(See
Rahimmula,
1990,
p.
880).
42
Muhammad
Salah
bin
Wan
Musa
comments
that
Sheikh
Ahmad
al-‐Fatani
inducted
Wan
Musa
into
the
“practices
of
the
Sufi
tariqa
of
Abu
Hasan
Ash-‐Shadili”
(1974,
p.
155).
Decades
later
while
in
Terengganu
under
the
patronage
of
its
chief
minister,
he
spread
the
teachings
of
the
Ahmadiyyah-‐Shadhiliyyah
tariqa
(1974,
p.
158).
43
Sedgwick
comments
that
this
was
an
important
position
created
by
the
British,
who
wished
to
create
a
position
of
influence
that
was
under
their
formal
control;
the
State
Mufti
came
under
the
direct
purview
of
the
Rajah,
who
was
in
turn
controlled
by
the
British
44
For
more
details,
see
(MHD
Mustaqim
MHD
Zarif,
2008,
p.
117)
45
This
exchange
is
commented
upon
by
Laffan
(2010,
pp.
20-‐23).
46
A
fascinating
hagiography
has
been
recently
published
(Madrasah
Nurul
Iman
Hulu,
2009).
DRAFT
COPY
–
Not
To
Be
Quoted
Without
Permission
From
The
Author
13
W I L D
S P A C E S
A N D
I S L A M I C
C O S M O P O L I T A N I S M
I N
A S I A
1 4 -‐ 1 5
J A N U A R Y
2 0 1 5 ,
S I N G A P O R E
T h i s
c o n f e r e n c e
i s
j o i n t l y
o r g a n i s e d
b y
A s i a
R e s e a r c h
I n s t i t u t e ,
N a t i o n a l
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S i n g a p o r e ,
a n d
I n t e r n a t i o n a l
C e n t r e
f o r
M u s l i m
a n d
n o n -‐ M u s l i m
U n d e r s t a n d i n g ,
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S o u t h
A u s t r a l i a
Figure
4:
East-‐coast
Malay
murid
of
Ibrahim
al-‐Rashid
Important
historical
connections
exist
between
the
Ahmadiyyah
described
above,
and
the
Ahmadiyyah-‐
Shadhiliyyah,
most
commonly
referred
to
in
Thailand
as
Shazuliyyah
or
Pha
Khiao
(Th.
green
cloths)
considered
below.
Although
the
earliest
Ahmadiyyah
between
were
Shattariyyah,
this
was
an
entirely
new
order.
The
importers
of
the
Ahmadiyyah,
Shazuliyyah,
and
Ahmadiyyah-‐Badawiyyah
are
distinct
from
Sheikh
Muhammad
‘Ali
Shukri
who
instigated
a
season
of
Qadriyyah
revival
and
expansion.
Sheikh
Muhammad
‘Ali
Shukri
revitalized
an
existing
order,
while
other
imported
entirely
new
ones.
In
addition
to
developing
into
mass
movements
following
their
introduction
to
Thailand
in
the
1930s
and
1950s,
the
Shazuliyyah
and
Ahmadiyyah-‐Badawiyyah
possess
substantial
constituencies
throughout
the
Southern
Thai-‐speaking
upper
south
(see
figure
6
&
7).
The
former
achieved
this
through
the
son
(and
successor)
of
the
founding
Sheikh
relocating
to
Nakhon
Si
Thammarat.
This
is
the
only
mass
movement
possessing
significant
constituencies
in
more
than
one
of
the
three
linguistic
and
cultural
milieu
where
Muslims
are
long
been
embedded.
There
are
a
number
of
connections
between
the
Ahmadiyyah
described
above,
with
the
Shazuliyyah
dealt
with
below.
That
the
Ahmadiyyah
present
in
Shazuliyyah
stickers
which
are
stuck
to
car
and
house
doors
of
murid
(see
fig
5)
is
that
of
Sheikh
Ahmad
ibn
Idris
is
beyond
dispute
for
a
number
of
reasons.
His
famous
Tahlil
Al-‐Kabir
is
placed
at
the
top.
Along
the
bottom
of
the
sticker
is
the
following
(Jawi)
phrase:
Amalan
dalam
tariqa
Ahmadiyyah-‐Shadhiliyyah.
I
have
previously
made
mention
that
this
was
cited
as
Tuan
Tabal’s
tariqa.
Why
did
the
Shazuliyyah
arrive
in
Siam
in
1929?
Mark
Sedgwick
(1997)
has
argued
that
as
a
reformist
order
relatively
untainted
by
the
esoteric
excesses
of
other
turuq,
Ahmadiyyah
lodges
(Ar.
zawiya)
freely
operated
in
Mecca
as
late
as
1941
(1997).
Sheikh
Khalid
al-‐Bakri
began
his
Southeast
Asian
sojourn
at
the
end
of
the
decade
during
which
his
native
Hijaz
had
been
conquered
by
the
Wahhabi
forces.
DRAFT
COPY
–
Not
To
Be
Quoted
Without
Permission
From
The
Author
14
W I L D
S P A C E S
A N D
I S L A M I C
C O S M O P O L I T A N I S M
I N
A S I A
1 4 -‐ 1 5
J A N U A R Y
2 0 1 5 ,
S I N G A P O R E
T h i s
c o n f e r e n c e
i s
j o i n t l y
o r g a n i s e d
b y
A s i a
R e s e a r c h
I n s t i t u t e ,
N a t i o n a l
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S i n g a p o r e ,
a n d
I n t e r n a t i o n a l
C e n t r e
f o r
M u s l i m
a n d
n o n -‐ M u s l i m
U n d e r s t a n d i n g ,
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S o u t h
A u s t r a l i a
Figure
5:
Anatomy
of
Ahmadiyyah-‐Shadhiliyyah
Sticker
Riyad
Mustafa’s
study
of
place-‐making
in
Baan
Khrua
documents
Sheikh
Khalid
al-‐Bakri’s
father
(Sheikh
Hussein
al-‐Bakri)
having
lived
in
Baan
Khrua
in
the
Saen
Saep
Canal
near
the
Chao
Phraya
River
during
the
reign
of
King
Chulalongkorn
(1853-‐1910)
(2011,
pp.
106-‐110).
He
is
most
closely
associated
with
the
Darulfalah
Mosque
where
the
maqam
of
his
son
Ahmad
al-‐Bakri
is
located.
Intriguingly,
this
is
directly
behind
the
mimbar
facing
Mecca.
Sheikh
Hussein
al-‐Bakri
and
his
brother
settled
in
Baan
Khrua.
The
former
married
a
local
woman,
with
whom
he
had
two
sons.
He
eventually
returned
to
the
Hijaz.
Before
leaving,
he
informed
his
wife
that
she
should
expect
their
youngest
son
to
die.
The
happened
as
predicted,
but
he
was
buried
without
her
fulfilling
a
pledge
to
bury
w ith
him
a
green
cloth.
This
led
to
locals
being
urgently
called
up
to
locate
the
corpse
that
w ould
perm it
her
fulfilling
her
vow
to
her
(now
absent)
husband.
The
child’s
body
was
soon
discovered
to
have
disappeared.
This
led
to
a
decision
to
construct
the
maqam
whose
popularity
increased
as
the
story
of
the
Arab
and
the
green
cloth
spread.
During
the
1930s
from
his
base
in
Baan
Khrua,
Sheikh
Khalid
al-‐Bakri’s
Shazuliyyah
grew.
Many
Malay
murid
travelled
30
kilometers
along
the
Saen
Saep
Canal
to
study
with
him
and
preform
the
long
and
elaborate
dhikr.
These
eventually
led
them
to
donate
land
on
which
Baan
Yai,
which
functions
as
the
centre
of
the
Thai
chapter
of
the
Shazuliyyah,
being
constructed.
The
maqam
of
Sheikh
Khalid
al-‐Bakri
is
located
nearby,
next
to
the
Kamàl
al-‐Salàm
Mosque,
which
is
currently
led
by
Ajarn
Marawan
Samaun,
a
well-‐respected
translator
of
the
Qur’an
into
Thai,
who
served
for
many
years
as
a
local
senator.
Sheikh
Khalid’s
son,
Sheikh
Muhammad
Dohar
al-‐Bakri,
assumed
the
leadership
of
the
Shazuliyyah,
but
subsequently
moved
to
South
Thailand.
He
lived
in
Nakhon
Si
Thammarat,
Krabi,
and
(finally)
Satun
where
he
was
buried.
Although
his
son,
Sheikh
Ahmad
al-‐Bakri,
is
one
of
two
southern
khalifah,
subsequent
Shazuliyyah
sheikh
–
all
of
whom
are
direct
of
Sheikh
Khalid
–
have
been
based
at
Baan
Yai
in
Minburi.
The
longest
serving
in
recent
decades
was
Sheikh
Hussein
who
held
this
position
for
20
years.
The
most
recently
arrived
Sufi
order
as
visible
and
viable
as
the
Qadriyyah
and
Shazuliyyah,
is
the
Ahmadiyyah-‐Badawiyyah.
As
the
name
suggests,
this
is
derived
from
Sheikh
Ahmad
Al-‐Badawi
(1203-‐1282),
but
is
most
widely
known
in
South
Thailand
as
the
Muhammadiyyah.
The
Ahmadiyyah-‐Badawiyyah
spread
throughout
the
Southern
Thai-‐speaking
upper
south
from
Koh
Yao
Noi
and
Huay
On.
These
were
the
DRAFT
COPY
–
Not
To
Be
Quoted
Without
Permission
From
The
Author
15
W I L D
S P A C E S
A N D
I S L A M I C
C O S M O P O L I T A N I S M
I N
A S I A
1 4 -‐ 1 5
J A N U A R Y
2 0 1 5 ,
S I N G A P O R E
T h i s
c o n f e r e n c e
i s
j o i n t l y
o r g a n i s e d
b y
A s i a
R e s e a r c h
I n s t i t u t e ,
N a t i o n a l
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S i n g a p o r e ,
a n d
I n t e r n a t i o n a l
C e n t r e
f o r
M u s l i m
a n d
n o n -‐ M u s l i m
U n d e r s t a n d i n g ,
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S o u t h
A u s t r a l i a
hometowns
of
Tok
Khruu
Ae
(1923-‐1986)
and
Tok
Khruu
Loh. 47
Both
these
were
inducted
by
their
Kelantanese
Babo
Haji
Abdullah
Tahir
(1897-‐1961)
why
studying
at
his
Madrasah
Ahmadiyyah
situated
just
outside
Kota
Baru
in
the
village
of
Bunut
Payong.48
A
number
of
balai
and
(mostly
unregistered)
mosques
established
since
the
1960s
functioned
as
conduits
for
the
Ahmadiyyah-‐Badawiyyah.
Most
are
in
Phang-‐Nga
Bay,
and
Songkhla.
The
success
of
the
Ahmadiyyah-‐Badawiyyah
is
largely
attributable
to
the
reputation
that
Tok
Khruu
Ae
of
Koh
Yao
Noi
developed
as
a
man
possessing
karamah.
Approximately
a
thousand
followers
(comparable
to
the
number
of
annually
attending
Shazuliyyah
commemorations
of
his
death
at
Baan
Yai
in
Minburi)
spend
the
three-‐days
immediately
after
Nisfu
Sha’ban
in
Tok
Khruu
Ae’s
grave
on
Koh
Yao
Noi.
Conclusion
Despite
decades
of
reformist
activism,
Sufi
orders
remain
a
highly
visible
Islamic
constituency
throughout
Indonesia
and
South
Asia.
No
credible
claims
can
be
made
that
the
visibility
of
the
Thai
Turuq
described
above
(and
summarized
in
figures
6
and
7
below)
are
on
a
scale
in
other
parts
of
South
and
Southeast
Asia.
While
less
visible,
these
are
viable.
No
one
can
deny
there
being
good
reasons
for
the
scholarly
silence
on
Sufism
practiced
by
a
Muslim
minority
that
has
otherwise
been
extensively
studied.
Its
absence
in
Thailand
is
not
one
of
them.
In
addition
to
new
perspectives
on
the
ethnic,
linguistic
and
sectarian
diversity
of
Islam
in
Thailand,
the
provisional
findings
presented
have
detailed
where,
when,
and
through
whom,
these
under-‐
studied
Islamic
movements
were
adopted.
I
dealt
with
orders
established
before
the
17th
century
separately
from
those
arriving
in
Central,
and
South
Thailand
from
the
mid-‐19th
century.
I
have
argued
that
the
Shattariyyah
arrived
in
South
Thailand
well
before
the
16th
century
during
which
the
Qadriyyah
was
established
in
Ayutthaya.
This
is
yet
more
confirmation
that
although
Islam
in
Thailand
represents
a
relatively
rare
example
of
Muslim
minorities
among
Theravada
Buddhists,
Islamic
influences
in
Thailand
are
more
similar
to
–
than
distinct
from
–
other
parts
of
Southeast
Asia
(See
Joll,
2011a;
Joll,
2011b,
p.
51).
Not
only
did
orders
present
in
Aceh
(such
as
the
Shattariyyah)
make
their
way
to
the
Thai/Malay
Peninsula,
but
while
I
can
do
more
than
call
attention
to
connections,
what
would
have
prevented
dynamic
Sufi
movements
based
on
the
east
coast
of
South
India
expanding
to
places
such
as
Ayutthaya
via
ships,
ports,
and
portages?
The
increased
ease
with
which
Muslims
between
Central
and
South
Thailand
travelled
to
the
Hijaz
during
the
second
half
of
the
19th
century
coincided
with
decades
during
which
there
were
a
number
of
important
developments
in
Mecca.
As
is
well
known,
Mecca
functioned
as
the
global
centre
for
Sufi
orders
before
the
1920s
(Laffan,
2014;
Sedgwick,
1997;
Sedgwick,
2004).
By
the
late
1800s,
publications
and
pupils
produced
by
Mecca’s
Pattani
school
(Bradley
2010)
led
by
‘ulama
actively
involved
in
the
Shattariyyah
and
Ahmadiyyah,
began
to
impact
Muslim
thought
and
practice
in
Siam’s
Malay
far-‐south.
Mecca
was
also
the
base
from
which
a
revitalized
form
of
the
Qadriyyah
was
spread
by
the
Borneo-‐born
Sheikh
Ahmad
Khatib
al-‐
Sambas,
and
his
Javanese
successor,
Sheikh
‘Abd
al-‐Karim.
Two
of
their
murid
lead
what
appears
to
have
been
a
Qadriyyah
revival
following
their
return
to
Ayutthaya
in
the
late
1800s.
Although
this
is
an
example
of
an
existing
order
being
revitalized,
most
of
the
developments
from
the
mid-‐
19th
century
that
I
have
dealt
with,
involved
the
introduction
of
entirely
new
orders.
Some
returned
from
Mecca
as
enthusiasts
for
a
version
of
the
juristic
Sufism
of
Sheikh
Ahmad
ibn
Idris.
Some
who
hailed
from
the
east
coast
of
the
Thai/Malay
Peninsula
are
remembered
more
as
reformers
that
Sufis.
The
Ahmadiyyah-‐
47
Tok
Khruu
Ae
is
mentioned
by
(Pitsuwan,
1985,
p.
254)
48
Intriguingly,
little
is
left
of
the
Haji
Abdullah
Tahir’s
legacy
as
Sufi
sheikh.
No
aurad
is
held
on
Friday
evenings
at
the
mosque
next
to
the
madrasah.
Unfortunately,
obtaining
answers
to
questions
about
Haji
Abdullah
Tahir’s
Ahmadiyyah-‐Badawiyyah
sanad
(Ar.
lineage)
and
wirid
(Ar.
litany)
are
complicated
by
his
house
having
been
tragically
completely
destroyed
by
a
fire
some
decades
earlier.
DRAFT
COPY
–
Not
To
Be
Quoted
Without
Permission
From
The
Author
16
W I L D
S P A C E S
A N D
I S L A M I C
C O S M O P O L I T A N I S M
I N
A S I A
1 4 -‐ 1 5
J A N U A R Y
2 0 1 5 ,
S I N G A P O R E
T h i s
c o n f e r e n c e
i s
j o i n t l y
o r g a n i s e d
b y
A s i a
R e s e a r c h
I n s t i t u t e ,
N a t i o n a l
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S i n g a p o r e ,
a n d
I n t e r n a t i o n a l
C e n t r e
f o r
M u s l i m
a n d
n o n -‐ M u s l i m
U n d e r s t a n d i n g ,
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S o u t h
A u s t r a l i a
Idrisiyyah-‐Dandariwiyyah
propagated
by
the
charismatic
Sheikh
Muhammad
Said
al-‐Linngi
between
Kelantan
and
Patani,
led
this
loose
movement
in
a
very
different
direction
than
that
advocated
by
Tuan
Tabal
and
Wan
Musa.
This
did
not
prevent
it
from
becoming
a
mass-‐movement
throughout
the
Malay-‐speaking
far-‐
south.
Similar
comments
could
be
made
about
the
Ahmadiyyah-‐Shadhiliyyah
in
Thailand:
There
is
little
evidence
of
the
sober
Sufism
of
Sheikh
Ahmad
ibn
Idris
in
the
tariqa
spread
by
Sheikh
Khalid
al-‐Bakri
who
arrived
in
the
late
1920s,
presumably
due
to
increasingly
inhospitable
attitudes
in
his
native
Hijaz.
The
success
of
the
Shazuliyyah
is
remarkable
for
the
following
two
reasons.
In
spite
of
being
a
relatively
recent
arrival,
its
followers
that
are
concentrated
in
East
Bangkok,
and
between
Phuket,
Nakhon
Si
Thammarat,
and
Satun
in
the
Southern
Thai-‐speaking
upper
south
are
comparable
with
the
Qadriyyah.
Furthermore,
it
was
introduced
by
an
Arab
outsider,
rather
than
a
local.
The
third
visible
and
viable
Sufi
tariqa
in
Thailand
described
above
most
closely
resembles
the
Shazuliyyah
in
terms
of
numbers,
and
geographical
spread.
Nevertheless,
the
Ahmadiyyah-‐Badawiyyah
travelled
the
shortest
distance
and
the
successful
introduction
of
(Sufi)
strangeness
was
led
by
someone
familiar.
The
impact
of
Tok
Khruu
Ae
of
Koh
Yao
Noi
is
explained
is
related
to
more
than
either
his
decade
studying
in
ponkoks
in
Kedah
and
Kelantan,
or
his
ability
to
translate
and
embody
the
tariqa
of
his
Kelantanse
Babo.
Like
Tok
Takia,
Sheikh
Muhammad
‘Ali
Shukri,
and
Sheikh
Muhammad
Said
al-‐Linggi,
he
was
widely
respected
by
Muslims
and
Buddhists
alike
as
a
man
blessed
by
Allah
with
karamah.
DRAFT
COPY
–
Not
To
Be
Quoted
Without
Permission
From
The
Author
17
W I L D
S P A C E S
A N D
I S L A M I C
C O S M O P O L I T A N I S M
I N
A S I A
1 4 -‐ 1 5
J A N U A R Y
2 0 1 5 ,
S I N G A P O R E
T h i s
c o n f e r e n c e
i s
j o i n t l y
o r g a n i s e d
b y
A s i a
R e s e a r c h
I n s t i t u t e ,
N a t i o n a l
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S i n g a p o r e ,
a n d
I n t e r n a t i o n a l
C e n t r e
f o r
M u s l i m
a n d
n o n -‐ M u s l i m
U n d e r s t a n d i n g ,
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S o u t h
A u s t r a l i a
Figure
6:
Where
and
through
whom
turuq
in
Thailand
arrived
DRAFT
COPY
–
Not
To
Be
Quoted
Without
Permission
From
The
Author
18
W I L D
S P A C E S
A N D
I S L A M I C
C O S M O P O L I T A N I S M
I N
A S I A
1 4 -‐ 1 5
J A N U A R Y
2 0 1 5 ,
S I N G A P O R E
T h i s
c o n f e r e n c e
i s
j o i n t l y
o r g a n i s e d
b y
A s i a
R e s e a r c h
I n s t i t u t e ,
N a t i o n a l
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S i n g a p o r e ,
a n d
I n t e r n a t i o n a l
C e n t r e
f o r
M u s l i m
a n d
n o n -‐ M u s l i m
U n d e r s t a n d i n g ,
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S o u t h
A u s t r a l i a
(Q))
(Q))
Songkhla)&)Satun)
(AB))
KEY)
(Q))Qadriyyah!
(AB)) (AB)) (AB))
(S))Shadhiliyyah)
(AB))Ahmadiyyah-Badawiyyah)
(AI))Ahmadiyyah-Idrisiyyah)
(AB)! (S)!
(S)!
(AB))
(S)!
(AI))
Figure
7:
Distribution
of
Thai
Turq
between
Ayutthaya
and
Narathiwat
DRAFT
COPY
–
Not
To
Be
Quoted
Without
Permission
From
The
Author
19
W I L D
S P A C E S
A N D
I S L A M I C
C O S M O P O L I T A N I S M
I N
A S I A
1 4 -‐ 1 5
J A N U A R Y
2 0 1 5 ,
S I N G A P O R E
T h i s
c o n f e r e n c e
i s
j o i n t l y
o r g a n i s e d
b y
A s i a
R e s e a r c h
I n s t i t u t e ,
N a t i o n a l
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S i n g a p o r e ,
a n d
I n t e r n a t i o n a l
C e n t r e
f o r
M u s l i m
a n d
n o n -‐ M u s l i m
U n d e r s t a n d i n g ,
U n i v e r s i t y
o f
S o u t h
A u s t r a l i a
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