An Evaluation of the Rates, Modes, and Perceptions of Political Participation amongst High

School-aged Gen Z Students in Ohio.

Grace M. Gulczinski

Springboro Community City Schools

AP Research

Gail Dauber and Bridget Lewellen

5/21/2020

Word Count: 7,561

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Introduction

Numerous studies have been done to examine the political participation of Generation Z on a

nationally-representative scale. Gen Z can be defined as the cohort of people born between 1996 and 2010

(currently ages 10-24) (Dimock 2019), although for the purposes of this study, it will include only the part

of the Gen Z population that is currently in high school (ages 14-18) due to feasibility restrictions [See

limitations​]. As Gen Z becomes eligible to begin mainstream political participation, it is important to

understand their perceptions of political participation and the ways in which they are most apt to

participate in order to properly engage them and ensure the health of American democracy in the future.

To better understand the political participation (or lack thereof) of Gen Z, this survey-based study will

inquire: What are the rates, modes, and perceptions of political participation among high school-aged Gen

Z students in Ohio?

Literature Review

Parker, et al. proved in a Pew Research study that Gen Z and their predecessors, Millennials, are

similar on many key social and political issues, including political participation (Parker et al. 2019).

Therefore, I applied literature discussing both Millennial and Gen Z political participation to Gen Z in this

literature review since literature focusing on Gen Z is rare as this generation is only now entering the

political sphere.

Rates

Consistent with historical participation trends, research shows that Gen Z has lower rates of civic

and political engagement than their older counterparts. Ahead of the 2018 midterms, researchers from the

Public Religion Research Institute (a secular research association) surveyed Americans on their civic and

political engagement over the last year and in doing so, developed a tool that has since been utilized by

other researchers in the field to determine an individual’s level of engagement: the Civil and Political
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Engagement Scale. This scale lists a variety of political activities and asks participants which, if any, they

have completed within the last year. Respondents were grouped into three categories: Not Engaged (those

who completed none of the listed activities), Modestly Engaged (those who completed 1-3 of the

activities), and Highly Engaged (those who completed four or more of the activities). The study reported

that seniors (Americans aged 65+) are more likely than young Americans (Americans aged 18-29) to

report high or modest levels of civic and political engagement. According to the study, nearly half (48%)

of young Americans, compared to only 35% of seniors, completed no civic and political participation in

the last 12 months (Vandermaas-Peeler, et al. 2018).

Across generations, one of the most common modes of political participation is voting

(Vandermaas-Peeler, et al. 2018). The most recent study into the sentiment of Gen Z regarding voting in

the 2020 election was completed by Chegg, a student learning service, on students attending college in

June and July of 2019. This study found that 80% of those surveyed intend to vote in the upcoming 2020

Presidential election. This compares to just 56% of Americans nationwide, indicating that Generation Z

(which includes these college-age students) will indeed be an important demographic for candidates to

capture if they hope to win the White House or other races (Boxser, et al. 2019).

Modes

There have been several studies investigating the political priorities of Gen Z-- that is, which

political issues this population is most interested in. In 2016, students who were too young to vote

expressed their opinions by writing letters to presidential candidates and posting them on

letters2president.org. In 2018, researchers from Stanford University analyzed more than 11,000 of those

letters to find out which issues were of the most consequence to Gen Z voters. They found that

immigration was the issue that was the focus in the most letters, followed by guns, education/school costs,

and reproductive rights (Garcia, et al. 2019). The aforementioned PRRI study conducted before the 2018

midterm elections found similar results. These researchers found that the biggest priorities for Americans
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aged 18-29 were health care, gun policy, and immigration. This young population was also significantly

more likely to prioritize rising education costs (Vandermaas-Peeler, et al. 2018).

Research has shown that while Gen Z participates politically, they have often moved away from

traditional forms of doing so and towards online forms. For instance, the same PRRI study showed that

young Americans were significantly more likely than seniors to have signed an online petition or posted

something on social media about an issue that mattered to them in the last year (Vandermaas-Peeler, et al.

2018). Chegg’s study is also a relevant piece of literature in answering the question of how Gen Z obtains

political news they trust. The study revealed that Gen Z most trusts television newscasts (either national

or local), followed by newspapers (either digital or printed). Although the study did not include social

media as an answer option to this question, qualitative data indicated that politically-engaged youth tend

to prefer online modes of communication for political activism (Boxser, et al. 2019).

Perceptions

Information is sparse regarding Gen Z and their sentiment toward political participation in and of

itself. However, Vandermaas-Peeler, et al. sheds light on the reasons why members of Generation Z feel

they do not participate in politics. The largest reason for this is a perceived lack of knowledge, which

disproportionately affects voters under age 30 compared to other age categories. Other prevalent reasons

given include avoidance of criticism and the feeling that their actions will not make a difference

(Vandermaas-Peeler, et al. 2018).

Value

Despite the abundance of nationally-representative data on Gen Z and their participation, there is

no similar data on Gen Z youth in Ohio. This is a significant research gap because Gen Z are an

increasingly important demographic for candidates to capture in an election—in 2020, Gen Z will make

up 10% of eligible voters nationally, up from just 4% in 2016 (Cilluffo & Fry 2019). Beginning in 2020,
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candidates will not be able to ignore Gen Z as a voting bloc. Ohio is also a very important state for

Presidential candidates to capture— it’s a swing state and has not been lost by the winning candidate

since 1960. Margins of error for winning are slim, with President Donald J. Trump taking the state with

51.96% in 2016 and Former President Barack Obama winning it with just 50.58% and 51.38% in 2012

and 2008, respectively. Therefore, it is very important to address all of the voting demographics of this

key battleground state because failure to do so could cost a candidate the Presidency.

Despite this, there has been no polling completed on Gen Z residents of Ohio specifically. Results

of polls of this type could differ significantly from the national average, and with margins of error so thin,

candidates on both sides of the aisle will be looking for accurate data they can use to tailor their message

while in Ohio. In addition, data on Ohio residents would be of great use to Senators and other state

representatives looking to gain an edge over their competitors. Therefore, the value of this study is to

provide candidates and political scientists on both sides of the aisle with data on the political participation

of this increasingly important voting demographic in a state that continues to be influential in deciding the

national election. This information will allow them to use their resources as effectively as possible in

attempts to make impressions upon this voting population. To address this, the research question that I

will use is: “What are the rates, modes, and perceptions of political participation among high school-aged

Gen Z students in Ohio?”

Methodology

I took a quantitative approach in my endeavor to answer my research question and in so doing

distributed a survey to high school students across Ohio. A survey [Appendix A] was chosen as the

method because it gave me the ability to reach many people from different areas very quickly. A method

that was slower or more labor-intensive on the part of the participant (such as interviews) would have
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resulted in more reluctance on the part of the respondent to commit their time and thus a smaller sample

size that would not be large enough to be considered representative of Ohio.

In order to get the most responses and thus have the most accurate data, the survey was sent to

every teacher at the selected high schools. High schools were selected based on location and median

household income in an attempt to gain a representative sample in both aspects. These two aspects were

chosen because both have been shown to influence levels of political participation. A respondent’s

location in Ohio could influence their level of participation since Ohio has areas with differing parental

educational levels (studies have shown that students who are in

a high education environment are more likely to be politically

active (Bovens & Wilie 2010, Aars & Christensen 2018)). A

respondent’s family income influences their participation, as

shown in Lawless & Fox (2001), Cohen & Dawson (1993),

Solt (2008) and Brady et al. (1995). To obtain a geographically

representative sample, I distributed the survey throughout the

state of Ohio and in doing so reached 20 out of 88 counties

spread throughout the state [Figure 1]. In an effort to obtain a

financially representative sample, I surveyed high school

students with an average household income close to that of Ohio’s: $54,021 per year. In order to do this, I

assumed that each respondent had a household income equal to the median household income at their

high school [See ​limitations​]. I then selected high schools to survey from in the interest of moving the

average household income of my respondents as close as possible to the median household income of

Ohio residents. Income data was obtained from raw data reported by a researcher who was investigating

the effect of median household income at a high school on the performance of its students. Included in the

appendix of that report was the median household income of every public [See ​limitations]​ high school in
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Ohio, accurate as of the 2019-2020 school year (Exner 2019). This effort was successful: the median

household income of respondents in this study was $57,425. Once a high school was selected as a target, I

sent a survey request [See ​Appendix B​] to every teacher listed on the staff directory of the school’s

website. Every teacher was emailed in order to ensure that I did not exclude any respondents and because

the response rate among teachers was low. Survey distribution with regards to geographic location and

income among respondents made the survey more representative of the state as a whole.

The purpose of the questions in the survey was to address a general gap in knowledge of political

participation: the rates, modes, and perceptions of political participation among high school-aged Gen Z

students in Ohio. Although all questions required an answer in order to submit the survey, all questions

had a ‘skip’ option of sorts in the form of the answer choice “I don’t feel comfortable answering this

question”. The reason that all answer percentages for each question do not necessarily add to 100% is that

some respondents chose this answer option. A disclaimer on the usage of provided information and the

voluntary nature of the survey was presented to participants at the beginning of the survey [See ​Appendix

C​]. This method was approved by the IRB of my high school with full knowledge of the procedure and

the nature of the participants.

In all surveys, the order of the questions and the order of the answers to each question were

randomized to avoid selection bias.

Rates

In the first section of the survey, the participants were asked questions that helped me to

determine the rate of political participation among Gen Z students in Ohio. The first of these questions

asked respondents if they were planning to vote in the 2020 Presidential election as this is a marker of

their engagement with current politics [See ​Figure 2 (results section, rates)​]. Next, respondents were

asked to identify which political advocacy activities, if any, they had completed within the previous two

years. The activities were drawn from a similar 2018 study completed by the Public Religion Research
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institute (a secular research association). As in the PRRI study, participants in this study were grouped

into three categories on the Civil and Political Engagement Scale based on the number of activities they

had completed: Not Engaged, Modestly Engaged, and Highly Engaged [See ​Figure 3 (results section,

rates)​]. This scale was used because it is prominent in the political behavior analysis field and as such is

regarded as highly accurate. This question measured the participants’ actual political participation in order

to give me an idea of how politically active different proportions of the respondents were.

Modes

In the next section of the survey, respondents were asked about the platforms, methods, and

general nature of their political participation. First, respondents were asked about the platform they most

frequently utilize to interact with politics [See ​Figure 4 (results section, modes)]​ . Choices for this

question were taken from a study into the sentiment of Gen Z college students regarding various political

issues and aspects of political engagement by Chegg (Boxser, et al. 2019). However, I added two

additional options: “social media” (which was added after early research indicated that Gen Z was more

apt to use less traditional platforms in order to engage in political discussion (Kahne, et al. 2012, Loader

& Mercea​ ​2011)) and “I don’t engage with politics or the news” (which was added in order to direct

political non-participants to a question asking about their reasons for their lack of engagement (discussed

further in ​Methodology, perceptions)​ ).

The next question judged the political priorities of respondents: participants were asked to select

which issues they had an interest in [See ​Figure 5 (results section, modes)​]. The list of issues was pulled

from Gallup Research’s Most Important Problem poll, which has been conducted repeatedly since 1956

(“Most” 2020). Due to the large number of options available and concerns about the length of the survey,

I presented respondents in this survey with an abbreviated list, excluding those issues which were

considered to be important by less than 2% of respondents in all of the 2019 administrations of the Most

Important Problem poll.

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Next, I focused on the participants' willingness (or lack thereof) to take action in various

mediums/methods in support of their beliefs. The respondents were asked about which type of campaigns

they might be interested in joining in the future, such as campaigns focused on a single issue or those

focused on a single candidate [See ​Figure 6 (results section, modes)​]. This was asked in order to provide

political leaders with information that might be useful when determining which type of Gen Z-targeting

campaigns they should put their resources to. Then, the respondents were asked which behaviors, if any,

by companies would prevent them from purchasing goods or services from those companies [See ​Figure

7 (results section, modes)​]. Options included not purchasing from companies whose practices were

morally wanting, purchasing instead from companies they felt were more ethical even if it cost them more

to do so, and not considering the views or actions of a company when purchasing goods or services.

Using the data produced by this question, a company can judge whether or not a higher price for their

goods/services in exchange for more ethical production would be attractive to potential Gen Z customers.

In the final question of the ‘modes’ section, the prevalence of different participatory behaviors

among the respondents was assessed. Respondents were asked to identify which political advocacy

activities, if any, they had completed within the previous two years

[See ​Figure 8 (results section, modes)​]. The list of activities was drawn from the 2018 study completed by

PRRI. These researchers developed a tool that has since been utilized by others in the field: a

comprehensive list of a variety of political activities (Vandermaas-Peeler, et al. 2018). I used this scale

because it is prominent in the political behavior analysis field and as such is regarded as highly accurate.

If organizers want to engage Gen Z in politics, they should set up opportunities for Gen Z to participate

via the methods Gen Z prefers, as revealed by this question.

Perceptions

In order to measure the participants’ perceived participation, I asked them if they felt they were

more or less politically engaged than 50% of their peers [See ​Figure 9 (results section, perceptions)​]. A
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correlation analysis was run between the participant’s actual and perceived political participation to

determine how well participants could judge their political engagement. In order to complete the analysis,

the data from Figures 3 and 9 were compared in a correlation analysis completed using Microsoft Excel

software to produce a correlation coefficient or “R” value, which is used to determine whether or not

there is a correlation between two variables (in this case actual and perceived political participation). This

analysis allowed me to determine how well the respondents could judge their own level of political

participation.

Respondents who indicated early in the survey that they “did not engage with politics or the

news” answered an additional question that pertained to their reasoning behind their lack of participation

[See ​Figure 10 (results section, perceptions)​]. Examples of response choices included a perceived lack of

political knowledge or access, a lack of interest, and a lack of an organization that the respondent felt

represented their views. Answer choices were drawn from the previously-referenced keystone study

completed in 2018 by Vandermaas-Peeler, et al. This question was asked in order to provide campaign

organizers with information on what they would have to change if they want to bring the

non-participating Gen Z population into their fold.

Results and Analysis

The survey yielded results from 1,242 students attending 25 high schools in 20 counties

distributed across the state of Ohio. The average income of the respondents was $57, 425 compared to the

median household income of Ohio: $54, 021.

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Rates

The participants were first asked if they were planning to vote in the 2020 Presidential election.

While the majority of participants won’t be eligible to vote (which makes sense considering that all

participants were high school students, who are typically between the ages of 14 and 18), those who will

be eligible expressed enthusiasm towards doing so. 50.7% of those who will be eligible said that they

were ‘very likely’ to vote and 28.3% said that they were ‘likely’ to vote [See ​Figure 2]​ . Although these

answers are probably idealistic and not likely to match with actual turnout numbers, they do showcase

Gen Z’s desire to have their voice heard in the electoral process. These answers are more enthusiastic than

the 2018 national survey of Americans by the Public Religion Research Institute, which found that only

28% of eligible Young Americans were certain they would vote (compared to approximately 51% here)

(Vandermaas-Peeler, et al. 2018). These answers are comparable to the 2020 election study completed by

Chegg on college students. 80% of those surveyed who were eligible said that they intended to vote

(compared to 79% here) (Boxser, et al. 2019).

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The next question measured the participants’ actual political participation. Participants in this

study were grouped into three categories based on the number of the activities they completed: Not

Engaged, Modestly Engaged, and Highly Engaged. Results showed that only around 10% of respondents

were identified as ‘Highly engaged’, while 44% of respondents were ‘Modestly Engaged’ and 42.8% of

respondents were Not Engaged at all. [See ​Figure 3​]. This result is indicative of slightly more

engagement than the result found by Vandermaas-Peeler, et al., which used the same scale and found that

18% of Young Americans were Highly Engaged, 34% were Modestly Engaged, and 48% were Not

Engaged (2018) because although fewer of Ohio’s youth are Highly Engaged compared to the national

Gen Z population, more of them are Modestly Engaged and fewer were Not Engaged at all.

Modes

In the first question of this section, respondents were asked about the platform they most

frequently utilize to interact with politics. Results indicate that social media is, by far, the most popular

method, with 48.3% of respondents choosing this option. More traditional mediums, including television

newscasts and news websites were also popular, with 15.8% and 10.7% of respondents selecting each,
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respectively. Additionally, this question was used to identify “non-participants”-- the 20.8% of

respondents who said that they “do not engage with politics or the news”[See ​Figure 4​]. These people

answered a question later in the survey regarding the reasons for their lack of participation, the results of

which are displayed in ​Figure 10.​ These results echo those found in the 2019 study completed by Chegg,

which found that Gen Z most trusts television newscasts followed by news websites/newspapers. If my

study did not include social media as an answer to this question, ‘television newscasts’ would have been

the most selected answer, followed by news websites, matching the Chegg study. Although the Chegg

study did not include social media as an answer option to this question, qualitative data indicated that

politically-engaged youth tended to prefer online modes of communication for political activism (Boxser,

et al. 2019).

The next question judged the political priorities of respondents; participants were asked to select

which issues they had an interest in. The top issues selected (those that were selected by at least 500

participants) include guns, the environment/pollution/climate change, and immigration. Other popular

issues (those that were selected by at least 400 participants) include lack of respect for each other,
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poverty/hunger/homelessness, the government/poor leadership (evaluated during the Trump

Administration, the 116th U.S. Congress, and the 2020 U.S. Supreme Court), healthcare,

ethics/moral/religious/family decline, race relations, and unemployment/jobs [See ​Figure 5]​ .

This means that these issues are of the utmost importance to Gen Z. However, this survey does not

indicate Gen Z’s stance on any of these issues. The top issues selected in this study are similar to those

selected in the Stanford University Gen Z political interest study, which analyzed letters to 2016

presidential candidates and found that the top three issues were immigration, guns, and education/school

costs (Garcia, et al. 2019). These results also overlap with those selected in the aforementioned PRRI

study which found that the biggest priorities for Americans aged 18-29 were health care, gun policy, and

immigration. This young population was also significantly more likely to prioritize rising education costs

(Vandermaas-Peeler, et al. 2018). The results of all three studies overlap in that all ‘top three lists’ include

immigration and guns.

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Next, I focused on the participants' willingness (or lack thereof) to take action in various mediums

in support of their beliefs. The respondents were asked about which type of campaigns they might be

interested in joining in the future. Participants were most interested in joining campaigns focused on a

single issue (39.8% of participants expressed interest) or a variety of issues (41.1% of participants

expressed interest), but were considerably less interested in joining campaigns focused on a candidate,

such as electoral campaigns in which the candidate is emphasized over their platform (only 19.2% of

participants expressed interest). Also worthy of note is the significant portion of respondents (20.5%) who

said that they were simply uninterested in participating in any campaigns [See ​Figure 6]​ .
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The respondents were asked which behaviors, if any, by companies would prevent them from

purchasing goods or services from those companies. Based on the results, engaging in any of the practices

listed would likely result in losses in a company’s Gen Z consumer base. The greatest loss will occur if

consumers disagree with the practices of a company (e.g. feel they are unethical), with 44.2% of

respondents indicating that this would prevent them from purchasing goods and services from the

company. However, it should be noted that only 28.5% of respondents indicated that they would rather

purchase from a more ethical alternative if it cost them more to do so and 35.7% of respondents said that

they do not consider the views or actions of a company when purchasing goods or services. To

summarize, there is a significant portion of Gen Z that seeks to use their purchasing power in order to

enforce what they see as more ethical practices by businesses, but there is also a significant portion that

does not consider this [See ​Figure 7]​ . The results of this question are also probably a bit idealistic

(consumers may waffle at the thought of spending more money or investing research time) when the

moment actually comes to do so.

In the final question of the ‘modes’ section, respondents were asked to identify which political

advocacy activities, if any, they had completed within the previous two years. A significant portion of
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respondents said that they had not participated in politics at all within the last two years (43.5%). This

means that around 28.6% of “participants” who were identified in a previous question about media

sources (they did not choose “ I do not engage with politics”[See ​Figure 4]​ ) were inactive for at least two

years preceeding the survey. This indicates that although Gen Z may participate in politics, around 3 in

every 10 members do not do so frequently. Of those who indicated recent political participation, the most

common modes of this engagement (those which were chosen by over 300 participants) include publicly

expressing their opinion on Instagram, Snapchat, or another social media platform and purchasing

products from brands whose practices they agreed with [See ​Figure 8​].

Perceptions

In order to measure their perceived participation, I asked respondents if they felt they were more

or less politically engaged than 50% of their peers. The respondents, as a group, underestimated their
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level of participation, with 60.3% of respondents saying that they participated less than 50% of their peers

and only 33.5% saying that they participated more [See ​Figure 9]​ .

A correlation analysis was run between two previous questions (those inquiring about the

participants actual and perceived level of participation [See ​Figures 3 and 9]​) to determine how well the

participants as individuals could judge their level of political engagement. This correlation analysis

revealed a moderate positive correlation at a coefficient of correlation/‘R’ value of .54. This means that

the majority of participants, as individuals, correctly recognized their level of participation instead of over

or underestimating it.

Respondents who indicated early in the survey that they “did not engage with politics or the

news” answered an additional question that pertained to their reasoning behind their lack of participation.

The most chosen option was a lack of interest (selected by 75% of “non-participants”), followed by a

perceived lack of knowledge or access (selected by 33.1% of “non-participants”) [See ​Figure 10​]. This

differs from Vandermaas-Peeler, et al., which sheds light on the reasons why those nationally-based Gen

Z respondents did not participate in politics. The largest reason for non-participation in that study was a

perceived lack of knowledge (selected by 49% of “non-participants”); this was selected by only 33.1% of

respondents in my study. In my study, the largest reason for non-participation was a lack of interest
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(selected by 75% of “non-participants”); this was selected by only 16% of respondents in the

Vandermaas-Peeler, et al. study (2018).

Discussion

Recommendations for organizers or campaigns targeting Gen Z voters

Those seeking to motivate Gen Z to participate in politics should focus advertising funds on

social media platforms. As seen in Figure 4, this is the place where most respondents who engage with

politics or the news do so. However, advertisement money spent on more traditional platforms like news

websites and television newscasts is not wasted-- results indicated that these traditional platforms were

the main source of politics and news for a quarter of respondents.

Politicians/organizing groups should also focus their message on issues of concern for Gen Z in

order to appeal to this demographic. These include (in order of importance) guns, climate change/the

environment/pollution, and immigration. Figure 5 shows that these three issues were each chosen by over

40% of respondents. In order to engage Gen Z, campaigns should be centered on these issues, rather than

being centered around the candidate they are promoting. Figure 6 shows that respondents were far more

interested in participating in either single-issue or party platform campaigns rather than one centered on

the candidate themselves.

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If they are trying to introduce Gen Z “non participants” to the political scene, organizers should

make sure that the opportunities they provide to Gen Z youth appeal to these people in order to have the

best chance of getting them to participate. In addition to focusing their organizing around issues that Gen

Z care about as previously discussed, organizers should provide Gen Z with the materials and

opportunities they need to participate via the methods they prefer, like posting their opinion on social

media, purchasing products from certain brands, signing petitions, and displaying bumper stickers or

wearing clothing related to a political issue (Figure 8).

When they are trying to bring new participants into the fold, organizers should seek to motivate

Gen Z to participate in politics by making clear to them that it has a real impact on their everyday lives

and that they can indeed make a difference in something they care about through political literacy. These

strategies might be successful in motivating non-participants because disinterest was the reason that was

overwhelmingly given by non-participants when they were asked why they didn’t partake in the political

process as seen in Figure 10. However, another concerning result is that many respondents felt that they

didn’t have the knowledge necessary or didn't know where to start regarding an introduction to politics.

This is concerning because it means that today’s youth are not being provided with the knowledge they

need to be effective members of the political community. Perhaps these respondents are those who have

yet to take a government or civics class but this trend should still be viewed with concern. However, this

phenomenon also provides the opportunity for organizers to make a real difference by distributing

information on topics that typically interest Gen Z like guns, climate change/the environment/pollution,

and immigration (Figure 5) or by providing access points for youth to get involved in local politics and

start making a difference.

Recommendations for companies targeting Gen Z as a customer base

Companies targeting Gen Z as a customer base should be cautious regarding the public perception

of the views and actions of the company and its prominent members. Figure 7 indicated that 54.3% of
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respondents at least somewhat considered the views or actions of a company when purchasing goods or

services and 28% of respondents said that they would rather purchase from a more ethical alternative,

even if it cost them more to do so. Although this last statistic is perhaps a bit idealistic (consumers may

waffle at the thought of spending more money when the time actually comes to do so), it shows that a

significant portion of Gen Z seeks to use its purchasing power in order to enforce what they see as more

ethical practices by businesses. A strong policy of ethics in production could prove a valuable marketing

strategy when it comes to today’s youth. However, the results of this study indicated that unfavorable

political views held by the company or its prominent members would have no effect on most Gen Z

customers.

Implications, Limitations, and Future Research

Now that the rates, modes, and perceptions of political participation among high school-aged Gen

Z students in Ohio have been evaluated, those who seek to involve people who don’t partake in politics

can more effectively do so by knowing which issues they should focus on and on which platforms they

can most effectively reach these people. Hopefully, this information will help these organizers to promote

active civic behavior and create a generation of politically-literate youth in Gen Z.

There are multiple limitations regarding this research study. To start, the sample was not

controlled for demographic factors such as race, gender identity, and age. The sample was controlled for

income, but in the absence of a way to find out the actual household incomes of respondents, I made the

assumption that each respondent had a household income equal to the median household income of their

highschool, which is not necessarily true. In addition, this survey was taken only by the high school-aged

Gen Z population, which is composed of only 14-18 year olds, not all of the 10-24 year old range. In

addition, all of the respondents in this study attended public high schools. I pulled respondents from these

schools rather than others because data on those schools was considerably more readily available.
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Therefore, it can not be certain that these respondents truly represent all of Gen Z. However, this was the

best sample that I could obtain within the time constraints and with the understanding that Gen Z cohort

members younger than 13 weren’t really able to answer the questions with accuracy.

Future research should be done to gain a more thorough understanding of this topic. Although I

have evaluated the political participation among Gen Z at an introductory level, this topic can be explored

to a deeper level by incorporating qualitative research to provide the nuances of emotion that motivate

people to change the world around them by immersing themselves in politics. Perhaps a case study

following young people for a few years as they make their foray into the world of politics would result in

interesting findings.
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22
References

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educational environments. ​Acta Polit​ 55, 86–102. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41269-018-0101-5

Bovens, M., Wille, A. (2010, November 06). The education gap in participation and its political

consequences. ​Acta Polit​ 45, 393–422 (2010). https://doi.org/10.1057/ap.2010.7

Boxser, M., Batiste, D., Brown , B., Ramachandran, C., & Cepukenas, A. (n.d.). ​State of the

student 2019​. Chegg. Inc. Retrieved from

https://www.chegg.com/wp-content/press-uploads/chegg-stateofthestudent_2019.pdf

Brady, H.E., Verba, S. and Schlozman, K.L. (1995), “Beyond SES: a resource model of political

participation”, ​American Political Science Review​, Vol. 89 No. 2, pp. 271-294.

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October 3, 2019, from

https://www.pewsocialtrends.org/essay/an-early-look-at-the-2020-electorate/.

Cilluffo, A., & Fry, R. (2019, May 29). Gen Z, Millennials and Gen X outvoted older generations

in 2018 midterms. Retrieved October 3, 2019, from

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/05/29/gen-z-millennials-and-gen-x-outvoted

-older-generations-in-2018-midterms/.

Cohen, C.J. and Dawson, M.C. (1993), “Neighborhood poverty and African American politics”,

American Political Science Review,​ Vol. 87 No. 2, pp. 286-302.

Dimock, M. (2019, January 17). Defining generations: Where Millennials end and Generation Z

begins. Retrieved October 16, 2019, from

https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/01/17/where-millennials-end-and-generation-z

-begins/
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Exner, R. (2019, September 24). Ranking every Ohio school district (adjusted for income) with

2019 report card grades. Retrieved December 20, 2019, from

https://www.cleveland.com/news/g66l-2019/09/2280878c3e2692/ranking-every-ohio-scho

ol-district-adjusted-for-income-with-2019-report-card-grades.html#main

Garcia, A., Levinson, A. M., & Gargroetzi, E. C. (2019). “Dear future president of the United

States”: Analyzing youth civic writing within the 2016 Letters to the Next President

Project. ​American Educational Research Journal​, 1–44. doi: 10.3102/0002831219870129

Kahne, J., Cohen, C. J., Boyer, B., Middaugh, E., & Rogowski, J. (2012). ​New Media and Youth

Political Action .​ Oakland , California : MacArthur Research Network on Youth &

Participatory Politics .

Lawless, J.L. and Fox, R.L. (2001), “Political participation of the urban poor”, ​Journal of Social

Problems,​ Vol. 48 No. 3, pp. 362-385.

Loader, B. D., & Mercea, D. (2011). Networking democracy? Social Media Innovations and

Participatory Politics. ​Information, Communication & Society​, ​14(​ 6), 757–769. doi:

10.1080/1369118x.2011.592648

“Most Important Problem.” Gallup.com, Gallup Polling , 5 Mar. 2020,

news.gallup.com/poll/1675/most-important-problem.aspx.

Parker, K., Graf, N., & Igielnik, R. (2019, January 18). Generation Z looks a lot like

Millennials on key social and political issues. Retrieved from

https://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2019/01/17/generation-z-looks-a-lot-like-millennials-on

-key-social-and-political-issues/

Solt, F. (2008), “Economic inequality and democratic political engagement”, ​American Journal of

Political Science​, Vol. 46 No. 1, pp. 48-60.

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Vandermaas-Peeler, Cox, D., A., Najile, M., Fisch-Friedman, M., Griffin, R., & Jones, R. (2018,

October 11). ​American democracy in crisis: Civic engagement, young adult activism,

and the 2018 midterm elections.​ Retrieved from

https://www.prri.org/research/american-democracy-in-crisis-civic-engagement-young-ad

ult-activism-and-the-2018-midterm-elections/
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25
Appendix A-- Survey Questions

1. If you engage with politics or the news, on which platform do you do so most regularly?

● I don't engage with politics or the news

● News Websites

● Radio

● Printed Newspapers

● Social Media

● Television Newscasts

● I don't feel comfortable answering this question

2. What, if anything, is an issue that keeps you interested in politics? (choose all that apply)

● Nothing, I am not interested in politics at all

● Federal budget deficit/federal debt

● Unemployment/jobs

● Gap between rich and poor

● Taxes

● The government/poor leadership

● Immigration

● Race relations

● Healthcare

● Unifying the country

● Environment/pollution/climate change

● Lack of respect for each other

● Ethics/moral/religious/family decline

● Poverty/Hunger/Homelessness
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● Judicial system/Courts/Laws

● Guns

● Other

● I don't feel comfortable answering this question

3. What kind of a campaign do you think you would be interested in participating in? (choose all

that apply)

● One focused on a single issue I’m passionate about

● One focused on a single candidate I support

● One focused on a party/ array of issues I support

● Other

● None

● I don't feel comfortable answering this question

4. Which of the following practices by a company would prevent you from buying goods or services

from them? (choose all that apply)

● I disagree with the political views of the company or its prominent members

● I disagree with the practices of the company (e.g. feel they are unethical)

● I would rather purchase from a more ethical alternative, even if it costs me more to do so

● Nothing, I do not consider the views or actions of a company when purchasing goods or

services

● I don't feel comfortable answering this question

5. Which of the following activities, if any, have you completed within the last two years? (choose

all that apply)

● None, I don't participate in politics at all

● Attended a political event, rally, or organized protest

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27
● Contacted an elected official

● Contributed money to a campaign

● Worked or volunteered for a political candidate or campaign

● Voted in an election

● Displayed a poster or bumper-sticker or worn clothing/a button related to a political issue

● Publicly expressed my opinion on a political issue on Instagram, Snapchat, or other social

media

● Signed a petition about a political or social issue online

● Purchased products from a brand whose practices I agree with

● Other

● I don't feel comfortable answering this question

6. Do you feel you are more or less politically knowledgeable than 50% of your peers?

● more

● less

● I don't feel comfortable answering this question

7. Do you feel you participate in politics more or less than 50% of your peers?

● more

● less

● I don't feel comfortable answering this question

8. Who can vote with an absentee (mail-in) ballot?

● Any voter who meets certain qualifications (e.g. old age)

● Any voter

● I'm not sure

● I don't feel comfortable answering this question

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9. If you will be eligible (must be 18 and a citizen), how likely do you think it is that you will vote

in the November 3rd 2020 presidential election?

● Very likely

● Likely

● Unlikely

● Very Unlikely

● I won't be eligible

● I don't feel comfortable answering this question

10. Why do you not engage with politics? (Choose all that apply)*

● It’s something I’m just not interested in doing

● I want to, but I don’t have the time

● There isn’t a group I feel represents my ideas

● I feel like it’s not a popular thing to do

● I want to, but I feel like it might alienate some of my friends

● I don't feel like I have the knowledge necessary or I don't know where to start

● Other

● I don't feel comfortable answering this question

11. What is the name of your high school?

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Appendix B-- Survey request ​(sent to the teachers of the students who became respondents)

Dear Mx. _____,

My name is ​Grace Gulczinski​ and I am a student of ​Springboro​ High School (near ​Dayton​, Ohio).
I am also enrolled in a class titled AP Research, in which students complete a year-long investigation into
an issue important to them. I am emailing you to ask for your help in this endeavor. My project focuses on
determining the political issues that Ohio Generation Z (those born between 1996 and 2010) kids
prioritize as well as their level of participation in politics. This data would help to inform the decisions of
our national and state youth involvement organizers so that this growing demographic will be represented
to the greatest possible extent.
In order to gather data that is representative of Ohio as a whole, I need to conduct a survey in
various high schools around the state. This is where I need your help. You teach at a school district that
would produce data that is critical to the geographic and economic distribution of my data. I can not
overstate the importance of your participation. I have attached a survey via hyperlink that I would request
that you ask your students to take. This survey contains just twelve questions and per trial runs completed
by my peers in AP Research takes a maximum of 4 minutes, 7 seconds for a student to complete (the
average time for completion was just 3 minutes, 16 seconds). No student will be asked to provide any
form of personal information (other than the high school they attend), identification, or contact
information. I humbly request that you administer this survey to your students as the data you are able to
provide is invaluable to the success of my research project.

Survey link:​ ​https://forms.gle/PdW7dYk66Nt4AgRL6

If you are interested in more information, I am happy to tell you more about myself, my reasons
for interest in this project, and my background. You can contact me at ​(937) 806-7173​ or
gracegulczinski@yahoo.com​. You can also contact my AP Research teachers at ​gdauber@springboro.org
and ​blewellen@springboro.org​. Additionally, if you’d like to receive my final report in May, I’d be more
than happy to share that with you. Simply reply to this email and I’ll share a final PDF copy when it is
ready. Thank you so much for your participation and I hope to hear from your students.

Sincerely, ​Grace Gulczinski

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Appendix C-- Survey Disclaimer​ (posted at the beginning of all surveys)

By completing this form/survey, you agree to the following statement:

Your participation in this survey is voluntary. You may refuse to take part in the research or exit the

survey at any time. You are free to decline to answer any particular question you do not wish to answer

for any reason. Your personal information will not be requested, nor will it be published in any way,

shape, or form. Your answers to this survey will be used to determine the political participation trends

associated with people of your generation in Ohio. You are welcome to request the results of the research

project by emailing the researcher at the following email address: ​gracegulczinski@yahoo.com

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Appendix D-- Political Knowledge Data (not utilized)

These questions about perceived and actual political knowledge are not discussed in the report as

they were ultimately deemed irrelevant to the research question, which focuses on political participation.

Actual Political Knowledge of Respondents

The actual political knowledge of the respondents was measured via a quiz question. The question

asked about whether or not there were any qualifications (outside of voting eligibility) for an absentee

ballot. This was chosen as a marker of political knowledge because knowledge of voting options and

registration processes has been shown to increase youth political participation (Holbein & Hillygus 2015).

Respondents were overwhelmingly unsure of the answer, with 44.6% indicating that they did not feel

knowledgeable enough to answer. Out of those who did feel sure of their answer, around 42.5% were

correct in answering that there were no additional qualifications needed for an absentee ballot [See ​Figure

11]​ .
AN EVALUATION OF POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AMONGST GEN Z
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Perceived Political Knowledge of Respondents

​ he respondents’ perceived political knowledge was measured when I asked participants if they
T

felt they were more or less politically knowledgeable than 50% of their peers. The participants were, as a

group, able to correctly judge their participation. This can be derived from the fact that if they could do so

with perfect accuracy, the results would show an equal number of respondents participating more than

50% of their peers and an equal number participating less. The respondents as a group correctly estimated

their level of participation, with 46.9% of respondents saying that they participated less than 50% of their

peers and 46.9% saying that they participated more [See ​Figure 12​].