Roman Knossos The Nature of A Globalized

Roman Knossos: The Nature of a Globalized City
Author(s): Rebecca J. Sweetman

Source: American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 111, No. 1 (Jan., 2007), pp. 61-81
Published by: Archaeological Institute of America
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40024581
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Roman Knossos: The Nature of a Globalized City
REBECCA J. SWEETMAN
Abstract only with a dearth of historical sources and material

The nature of Roman Knossos has been poorly under- culture, but also with the issue of insecure chronolo-
stood, and the misleading supposition that there was a gies for the surviving archaeology. Such obstacles have
marked change in Knossian society in the first centuries not discouraged somewhat hasty assumptions based on
B.C.E./C.E. following the Roman conquest has become
false perceptions and a reliance on bare archaeologi-
an accepted hypothesis. This paper applies globalization
theory to a diachronic synopsis of Roman Knossos. By view-
cal data, often without synthesis and contextualization.
ing cultural developments in Knossos as relative to Rome Consequently, our understanding of Roman Knossos is
and the empire, rather than falling under a subsuming inadequate. The two misleading assumptions I address
process of Roman acculturation, an alternative perspec- here are: ( 1 ) that there is a marked change in Knossian
tive to the romanization of Knossos maybe explored; that
society in the first centuries B.C.E./C.E. following the
is, that the city underwent a slow process of globalization
and the ultimate effects of this cannot be seen until almost Roman conquest (often considered romanization);
100 years after the foundation of the colony.* and (2) that the city fell into ruin and was swiftly aban-
doned in the fourth century C.E.6 The aim of this pa-
per is to examine the assumption of cultural change
INTRODUCTION
in the first centuries B.C.E./C.E., which is based on
insecure
By 67 B.C.E., Crete was brought under Romanevidence,
con-and to correct the previously mis-
represented
trol,1 and Gortyna was made capital of the joint development
praeto- of Knossos by offering an
alternative
rian province of Crete and Cyrene.2 Despite view
its (that of a slow process of globaliza-
initial
resistance, Knossos was chosen to be the
tion) .only colony
Comparative analysis with Gortyna, Corinth, and
in the province, and although likely to have
Sparta been
further an
emphasizes this point. Redressing these
Augustan foundation, analysis of the assumptions through the application of globalization
archaeological
record offers little to substantiate a flourishing city a revision of the history of Ro-
theory makes possible
manstudies
until the late first century C.E.3 Recent Knossos and
onallows
the a more coherent understand-
role of Crete within the empire have ing doneof the

muchdiachronic
to development of Knossos in the
redress the old thinking of Knossos and broader
the context
island of asthe Roman empire.
a provincial backwater. Further work has focused on
knossos: the archaeological evidence and
the growth of Knossos into one of the most vibrant
diachronic study
and influential cities in Crete by the Late Antique pe-
A study
riod.4 Significant questions persist, however, suchofas the material culture of
the extent of Rome's cultural impact on the city that
suggests upon it was not until a century
foundation
the foundation of the colony in the first century B.C.E.that the city began to flo
and how it came to prosper in the late from
first to its status in the Roman empir
second
centuries C.E.5 numerous factors point to a stratifie
Interpretation of Knossos in the Roman period is ing conspicuous consumption: the
problematic because scholars have had to contend not Dionysos with its mosaic floors (fig.
* I would like to thank Greg Woolf, ca. 27

JonB.C.E.
Coulston, Karen
Hartnup, Sara Paton, and Brad MacKay 4 Baldwin Bowsky 1995;
for comments and see also Sweetm
detailed suggestions on this text. Late Antique material, see Sweetman 2004
1 In 71 B.C.E. , Marcus An tonius was 5
sent
Forout to deal
almost (unsuc-
a century, archaeological f
cessfully) with the Cretans who hadthe preserve
supported of the Bronze
Mithridites in Age, while othe
the third Mithridatic War (Livy, Epit. in Greece,
97) . such as Achaea, have been the
somewhat
2 States such as Polyrrhenia and Gortyna wereby comphcit
default asif
a by-product of ex
in sites such
not supportive of the Roman incursions, in aspart
classical to
Athens and Corinth.
antagonize
6 Sanders
other states such as Cydonia and Knossos, 1982, 152; see also
respectively. ForColdstream
de- 1973, 186; Hood
and Smyth
tails on Hellenistic Cretan city-states, 1981, 26; Sackett
see Willets 1977.et al.Crete
1992, 25. Detailed discus-
later became a senatorial province. sion on this topic lies outside the scope of this paper. See
3 The date of the foundation of theSweetman
colony(2004a)is
for discussion of current issues.
contentious;
7 Sweetman
both Paton (1994, 142) and Sanders (1982, 14)2006.
suggest it was
61
American Journal of Archaeology 111 (2007) 61-81
62 REBECCA J. SWEETMAN [AJA 111
Fig 1. The Knossos Valley, showing locations of re

1981; reproduced with permission of the British Sch
2007] ROMAN KNOSSOS: THE NATURE OF A GLOBALIZED CITY 63
Fig 2. The Villa Dionysos from the southwest.
andaround
dwellings and industrial focus in areas analyzed
theto date. The public cente
Un-
has not yet
explored Mansion (fig. 3) and Stratigraphic been identified through exc
Museum;8
the bath houses (such as KS 115, 1219 and that
though excavat-
there are some reasonable sugge
ed by Wardle) 1() and the theater (KS its location.12
110). Systematic research excav
Furthermore,
been
evidence for a well-organized political, limited (primarily focusing on pri
administrative,
sites)of
and religious society appears in the form and much
civic data concerning pottery
build-
ings (such as the possible stoa [XS86] have
and come from
so-called rescue excavations (man
Civ-
remain
il Basilica [KS 112]; fig. 4) , the religious unpublished)
buildings (such . To add to this are
as KS 76, 85, and the Demeter Sanctuary) the archaeologists
n and in the and historians thems
burial evidence, particularly in anding determinism
around has allowed scholars to
the slopes
retell
of the valley (KS 55, 57, 58, 59, 61). In stories
producing of Roman colonization wit
a syn-
and,
thetic analysis of this material culture, in some
which cases, postulate chronolo
dates from
the first to fourth centuries C.E., tural change based
a diachronic study on limited historical
sumptions
of the effects of globalization became possible.of social processes.13 To attem
these biases, it is necessary to reexamine
tural
The Nature of the Evidence and the Need for change in Knossos and to provide
Comparison
evidence.
A definitive analysis of Roman Knossos An analysis of Gortyna, as a Cr
is somewhat
restricted by the lack of historical official
sources Roman
and by status,
the Corinth, as a colo
limitations of the archaeological evidence produced
contemporary foundation, and Sparta, a
nColdstreaml973.
8 For the Villa Dionysos, see Paton 1998. For the Unex-
12 Paton
plored Mansion, see Sackett et al. 1992; for the 2004, 453.
Stratigraphic
Museum, see Warren 1984-1985, 1987-1988. 13 Creeping determinism is a bias that leads one to assume
9KS= Knossos Survey; Hood and Smyth that a scenario could not have happened any other way (Flo-
1981.
1()Wardle 1998. rovskyl969).
Fig 3. The remains of the Unexplored
Fig 4. The remains of the so-called Civ
with similar issues of inconsistent evidence, will allow

are receding."20 Waters' definition does not
an assessment of the validity of the economic
argument for the (although they are a fac
processes
globalization of Knossos. does it preclude the concept of culturally ind
states within a globalized world. Instead, it a
GLOBALIZATION
social practices unpredictable by geographic
With the inclusion of Knossos as a colony
and of the Ro-the development of a region r
concerns
man empire, the effects of the political, the globalizing power (rather than being
administrative,
and religious changes are manifold and simply ultimately
a version of that state) . For the Roma
visible in the material culture, though the
not latter
withinelement
the permits a situation wher
timeframe we would expect. Moreover, to what
positive andex-
negative preferences can be expr
tent there was a conscious systematic cultural change
the potential of the globalizing power. Rom
is debatable.14 Hitchner has argued that allythebecomes
growtha superpower in the Medite
and expansion of the Roman empire in provinces
the west couldare bequeathed, submitted, and
be perceived in terms of globalization, rather
eventually,thanthey
us- all display Roman cultural el
ing the problematic term romanization.15 varying In light of
intensities and as a consequence of
postprocessual and particularly cognitive approaches
processes (on the part of the Romans and th
to archaeology,16 globalization is an attractive alter-
enous populations) . The globalization of the
native, and one that ultimately mightempiresolve manyallowsof for the intentional and unint
the problems of terminology and further our under-
influence and adoption of cultural elements b
standing of the development of the east nantunderandRoman
peripheral powers. In support of t
control. The notion of globalization has mentbeenare widely
many textbook definitions of glob
accepted in a range of disciplines since the provide
that 1990s.17three different aspects of a gl
For Roman studies, the application of this concept
condition: being global, operating as such, a
yields a variety of cognitive approaches ing(particularly
with the consequences.21 Thus, within th
aspects of intentional and unintentional processes)
ized Roman empire, Rome and its provinces
for which there is increasing importance in archaeo-
did behave in these ways.
logical interpretation. It also allows forAs Castells notes,22 the idea of globalizatio
progressive
change in material culture rather than yetthe immedi-
fully supported, primarily because so many
ate cultural impact implied by romanization,
differences as will
remain within the international
be argued for Knossos. due to practicality (such as banking codes an
Globalization as a modern concept is social reasons (such as the fear of cultural d
not without
limiting
its controversies, and these debates largely centermovement
on of the workforce) , and
maintain
different applications of the theory (from cultural identity.23 It is precisely th
economic18
to ethical19 to sociological perspectives), rather than
to maintain or generate cultural identities th
problems with the definition itself. A globalization
basic and com- applicable to the Roman period
monly accepted definition is the one given Scholars have argued over the date of the or
by Waters:
"A social process in which the constraints of geogra-
globalization. Wallerstein argued for the 16th
phy on social and cultural arrangements andrecede
Robertson,
and the 15th.24 Both agree, how
in which people become increasingly awarethe origins are European, and that the proc
that they
14 Rather than requiring a cultural change, 17 Waters

which 1995,1.
in turn
raises Geertz's (1973,408) question concerning 18Rugman
the viability ofHodge tts (2003,454) describe glob
and
recognizing a culture without observable modes
as "the
ofproduction
thought, and distribution of products an
of a homogenous
perhaps the focus here might be on the possibilities of invent- type and quality on a worldwide
ed and reinvented tradition (Hobsbawm 1992, 1-14).
19E.g., These(1995, 3) notes the issues of the m
Waters
questions require further development, which sociation between
lies outside the capitalism and globalization.
constraints of this investigation. 20Waters 1995, 3.
15 Hitchner 2004. For discussion on problems concerning
21 Mintzberg et al. 2003, 273.
22Castellsl996,97.
concepts of romanization, see Barrett 1997; Woolf 1998; Web-
ster 2001; Le Roux 2004; Mattingly 2004; Hingley 2005.fears and desires are commonly expressed
23 These
16 Both approaches seek to broaden archaeological
immigration inter-
controls and the fact that most multina
pretation in part through highlighting the importance
porations of their power base in their home
maintain
discussing human agency, as well as addressing 24 issues
See Wallerstein
of in- 1974; Roberston 1992; for an o
seeWatersl995,41.
terpretation bias; see Whitley (1998) for a comprehensive dis-
cussion of archaeological theory.
with a combination of Contemporary

colonialism, theories
emergent state o
c
munities, exploration, olization
and are not
religious adequate
crisis followe
the creation of inconsistency
universal seen
religions, and in progr
then Knos
through term is satisfactory
formalizing citizenship, in allo
economic agreem
migrations, and state ments in separate
diplomacy.25 areas
Thus, it is likely
globalization has
as noted,
far back romanization
as the Roman s
stretches p
from
and conceivably to archaic theclassical
and point of view of
Greece.26
With these concepts inizing,
mind,rather
it is than theto
possible proa
romanized
proach the study of Crete and, as
and Knossos such,
from th
a di
has that
ent perspective,27 namely beenCrete
underexplored.31
and Knossos
of the
an important part of the terms
empire but in allowing
that therefw
lar the
strong desire to maintain processes,
cultural a identity
key issue w
the province.28 Change agree on a single
in Knossos definitio
and Crete can
viewed as relative to Rome
riety is and the empire,
so great that it isra
definition
than as a direct negative of romanizatio
consequence of Roman d
empire.32
nance. Globalization-theory allowsWith regard
a single to K
event
seen definition
from both perspectives. of romanization
The establishment o
colony at Knossos was change, rather
considered than the i
an intentional
ture but
velopment by the Romans, upon others,"33
from we ca
the viewpoi
of delayed
Knossians, the same event romanization.3
could have been perce
issue at
as an unintentional change. hand but simply
Furthermore, globala
balization,
tion recognizes that while however,
there may have allows
been
gations, the Knossians could
befits have
the chosen toof
development ac
advantageous elements of Roman
distinct culture,
scenarios suc
from the
economic benefits, and and the
reject many At
others. cultures of
Knossos,
is an imposition of LatinCreolization
in is certain
defined as the confluence
spheresof dis- (e.g.
parate cultural
ministrative), but overall, theretraits. is
Because
a it does not havereten
strong the
of Greek varied values
language
most and meanings
other inof romanization, it is a
areas.
useful remedy for
With this as a starting point, it is easy the one-sided viewtoof romanization.
acknowle
Arguably, the application
that in a city such as Knossos, the effects of creolization to describe
of a R
takeover may not have thehad
phenomenon
anovercorrects
immediate the bias. It is too broad
cultura
an anthropological term
pact. In fact, the changes might ultimately come to allow for detailed expla-
nations of the variety of cultural
as part of a gradual progressive process.changes. Webster,
Wool
pointed out that in a western context, of
who provides an excellent critique a past
slowand cur-alter
rent states(such
is evident in both colonies of romanization
as theories,
Nyon suggests
orusingLyon
other new urban foundations (such
theories of creolization.35 This as Turdetania
is an attractive proposi-
Equally relevant is thattion,
few particularly because it generates
provinces a discussion acco
behave of
to a set pattern of the effects on a range of
alteration once under Roman rulsocial levels of a community
the east, where when it becomes
comparisons may part of
be the made
empire. At its core, cre-Gor
with
olizationslow
Corinth, and Sparta, the implies a synthesis of cultures,36 but, asof
progression with Kn
romanization, it does
may appear anomalous, particularly when taking not acknowledge a diversity of
reactions across the empire.
account the initial investment made in the colony There are few equal re-
25 Waters 1995, 43-5. 30 Both Hingley (1996, 2005) and Webster (2001) have ad-
26 Others have argued for even earlier beginnings: Gos- dressed in detail the multitude of problems concerning the
den (2004) makes a good case for Bronze Age globalization. application
I of "romanization."
would like to thank Woolf for pointing this out. 31 Hingley 2005, 10-15.
27Alcock (1993, 3-6) , in her discussion of the development 32Hingley (2005, 14-15) notes that "romanization has been
of Roman Greece in the context of its geographical locationreinvented in each age to reflect upon the contemporary situ-
ation." See Hingley (2005) for an up-to-date discussion of the
within the empire, has offered comparative material on world
systems analysis from other imperial states. multitude of problems concerning romanization.
28 The strategic importance of Crete's position on the east- 33 Millet 1992,1.
west trade routes, rather than its potential for raw materials, is 34Sweetman2006.
more likely to have given the island its value. 35 Webster 2001.
29 G. Woolf, pers. comm. 2005. 36Webster 2001, 219.
lationships between the center and were

peripheries of Romans"
inherited by "the the and later refers to the
"establishment
empire37 and, as such, an explanation of the newcomers."42
that allows for In a similar sce-
distinct processes is a necessity. Creolization may
nario, but in a religious be
context, Coldstream refers to
a useful model for the western empire, but
the change inatconsid-
in cult the Demeter Sanctuary as ascrib-
eration of the whole Roman empire, itthe
able to is"new
better seen
regime."43 The problem in this case
as an augmentation rather than is a one
replacement for Coldstream notes a
of insecure chronologies.
globalization. change in material culture which he dates to the late
By freeing the debate from the limitations of ro- first century B.C.E. Forster's restudy of the ceramics
manization and creolization, and viewing it within the has indicated a change in the mid first century B.C.E.,
context of globalization, it becomes possible to look clearly before the foundation of the colony.44 A simi-
closer at the assumptions of Roman influx and influ- lar case is that of the Glaukos shrine, where Callaghan
ence in the late first century B.C.E. A revised synopsis believes the cult was terminated with the Roman con-
of the nature and development of Roman Knossos quest of Knossos, again significantly earlier than the
ultimately allows a more balanced account of the cul- foundation of the colony there.45
tural changes in Knossos from the first century B.C.E. It is likely that these interpretations have been af-
to the fourth century C.E. fected by the bias of creeping determinism. The ma-
terial record of these three sites does not indicate a
KNOSSOS IN THE ROMAN PERIOD! CONJECTURES
cultural change with the foundation of the colony, nor
OF CULTURAL CHANGE
does it provide evidence of a new system. Therefore, it
Historical, epigraphic, and numismatic evidence
is possible that such conjectures are based instead on
clearly point to the capture of Knossosan ininterpretation
67 B.C.E. of historical material, and a set of
and the foundation of a Roman colony,preconceived
Colonia Ju- models in combination with an isolated
lia Nobilis Cnossus, ca. 27 B.C.E.38 A combination
view of individualof
sites.
historical and epigraphic sources39 indicates that with

FURTHER EXAMINATION: FIRST-CENTURY B.C.E.
the establishment of the colony, Octavian moved some
TO FIRST-CENTURY C.E. KNOSSOS
Campanians to Knossos as compensation for the ap-
propriation of their lands for veterans in It
theislate
arguable,
first if not likely, that Knossos
century B.C.E. Consequently, and on thesignificantly
basis of this affected by the official nascen
evidence alone, scholars have assumed that Knos- Roman colony. There are minor adaptations
sos underwent a significant cultural change at this of the archaeological record that are ind
point, and their interpretations of the development small-scale and normal responses. A major i
of the city have been clouded by this conjecture. For material culture cannot be seen earlier than the sec-
example, Sanders (incorrectly) assumes an abrupt ond half of the first century C.E.
termination of the Hellenistic period that he dates to In addition to changes in language, economy, reli-
the capture of Knossos by Metellus in 67 B.C.E.40 He gion, administration, and architecture, one would ex-
presupposes this on the basis of an assumed histori- pect that the main defining feature of a colony would
cal date rather than by seeking evidence of a change be an influx of Roman settlers. Baldwin Bowsky pres-
in the material record. Regarding interpretations ents strong arguments on the basis of epigraphic data
of the material culture, Sackett's excavations of the to suggest that there was a group of Italian colonists in
Unexplored Mansion (see fig. 1) have demonstrated the early years and that the colony was a civilian one.46
continuous domestic settlement from the latter half A small number of inscriptions recording the name
of the first century B.C.E. through the early part of Campanus is convincing evidence of a link between
the first century C.E., yet his discussion does not al- Knossos and Campania, and some argue that there is
ways follow the evidence.41 He mentions that buildingsspecifically Campanian pottery present at Knossos.47
37Horden and Price 2000, 23. 44 Forster 2001, 137-38.

38 Sanders 1982, 14; Paton 1994, 142. 45Callaghanl978,28.
39Dio Cass. 49.14; Strabo 10.478 (the first source is some- 46 Baldwin Bowsky 2006.
what indirect since Dio Cass. records that a grant of land was47 A number of inscriptions record the name Campanus.
There is a P. Messius Campanus (Paton 1994, 143), who was
given to the colony at Capua in 36 B.C.E.) ; for the epigraphic
evidence, see Sanders 1982, 14. involved in a boundary dispute over Capuan land. A duovir of
40 Sanders (1982, 152) discusses the "end of the Hellenistic
the colony in the late first century C.E., M. Sonteius Casina, was
period." also Campanus (Paton 1994, 143) . For evidence of the pottery,
41Sackettetal. 1992. see Hayes 1983, 97-169; Warren 1987-1988, 86-104; Sackett
42Sackettetal.l992,21,465. etal. 1992, 147.
43 Coldstream 1973, 186.
Most Villa Dionysos havematerial

epigraphic
and onomastic shown that there pertainin
were phases (al-
the Campanians though
appears in not with the
the same first
late function ascentury
the extensive
later residence)
rather than contemporary with that the
were earlier than that of its main
foundation of
occupation in the
colony. If a group of settlers second present
was century C.E.56 Theindifficulty
the
in defining the
years of the colony, however, early phase
they did as either
not Late Hellenistic
have a g
impact on the Knossian or Early Roman testifies as
landscape to the lack of perceptible
shown thro
the burial evidence.48 change From in material
theculturefirst around the time of the
century B
to C.E., the layout of Roman the conquest,
town theremains
foundation of theunchangcolony, and
and architectural evidence thereafter. supports theories of u
terrupted existence.49 In terms of housing,

Paton has for already
the Late Hellenistic pointed
peri-
that excavations in areas such as that around the Un- od, evidence is limited to simple levels of occupation,
explored Mansion, the Stratigraphical Museum Exten- such as wells, rather than house plans. No elements
sion, and the Demeter Sanctuary indicate continuedof interior decoration have been discovered and the
occupation from the Hellenistic period to at least theearliest mosaic at Knossos dates to the late first century
early or mid first century C.E.50 To further emphasizeC.E. (fig. 6) .57 Although Hood suggests that there was
this lack of cultural change in the mid first century a fine Hellenistic house to the southwest of the Villa
Dionysos (KS 114), no evidence of it remains and it
B.C.E. to C.E., it is worth examining the material cul-
ture in more detail. is impossible to suggest a date. Lavish houses such as
the Villa Dionysos, the House of the Diamond Fres-
Architecture and Layout of the Town cos, and the Corinthian House do not appear before
The material culture from the Knossos Survey and the end of the first century C.E.58 Sanders has not re-
all excavations (see fig. 1) indicate that there is nocorded any major changes in stone sculpture until the
significant change in the layout and function of Hel-late first century C.E.59
lenistic to Early Roman Knossos.51 One of the main The industrial area of the city also does not appear
problems that affects part or all of the sites within theto have changed greatly between the first centuries
valley is that buildings of the second century have B.C.E. and C.E. Excavations in the southwestern area
obliterated much of the architectural evidence for of the city, in particular the area of the Stratigraphi-
cal Museum Extension and the Unexplored Mansion,
the previous 100 years, as is true of parts of the Villa
Dionysos and the Unexplored Mansion.52 In addition show extensive evidence for industrial use in both
the Hellenistic and Roman periods.60 As yet, the full
to the systematic research excavations, evidence from
the Knossos Survey (fig. 5) and rescue excavations extent
can of the industrial area is not known, though
it
supplement our knowledge of the early colony.53 These is unlikely to have stretched much farther north
than
methods, with their limited opportunities for defining the Villa Ariadne (see fig. 1). The area north of
the
complex stratigraphy and contexts, have not, as yet, industrial complex seems to have been primarily
allowed a comprehensive view of the early colony. used as a residential and public sector of the city in
From the well-published excavations of the Un- both periods.
explored Mansion, it is clear from areas such as theIdentification of transformation in the religious
Southeast House and the East House that there is sphere of the city is a little more difficult to address.
Although
no significant alteration in material culture until the a small number of Roman edifices have been
tentatively
mid first century C.E.54 Even then, the destruction accepted as religious, none of these has
and rebuilding levels, rightly or wrongly, havebeen
beensecurely dated or examined in any detail (e.g.,
ascribed to earthquake damage.55 Excavations at the KS 85, and KS 121, possible Roman temple
KS 76,
48Sanders 1982, 14; Sackettetal. 1992, 465. this paper.

49Sweetman2006. 56Paton 1998, 124.
50Paton 1994, 147. Sackettetal. (1992, 25) suggest that a de- 57 The earliest known mosaic from Knossos, the Apollina-
struction level found in different areas of the site might be as- rius Mosaic, used a combination of western and eastern styles.
cribed to results of an earthquake in the mid first century C.E. It was found in the north of the city (Sweetman 2003) .
51Sweetman2006. 58 For the Hellenistic house to the southwest of the Villa
52 For the Villa Dionysos, see Hayes 1983, 99; for the Unex- Dionysos, see Hood and Smyth 1981, 19; for the Corinthian
plored Mansion, see Sackett 1992. House, see Paton 1991.
53 Paton 2004; see also Sweetman 2004a. 59 Sanders 1982, 47-51.
54 Sackettetal. 1992,33,36. 60 For the Stratigraphic Museum, see Warren 1984-1985,
55 Whether the change in the mid first century C.E. can be 1987-1988; for the Unexplored Mansion, see Sackett et al.
attributed to a convenient need for extensive rebuilding fol- 1992.
lowing an earthquake is debatable and outside the scope of
Fig 5. Architectural remains shown scattered throughout the Knossos
Fig 6. The Apollinarius Mosaic (S. Hood).
sites; KS 136, a possible and
sanctuary
therefore designedto Zeus
for multiple and
reuse.66 Hera;
Lamps,
and KS 312, a heroon of coins,
either Hellenistic
glass objects, or Roman
jewelry, and other personal items
date) . In the case of theare
Demeter
frequent associated Sanctuary (KS
finds. Wardle and Wardle 286)
have
religious practice continues
identifiedfrom before
that the presence of wooden the founda
chests in the
tion of the colony, withburial
some assemblage
minor appears to be a common feature un-
alterations,
til the mid second century C.E.tombs.67
in the Knossian TheInchronology
the rock-cut, simple pit for
changing practice has not been
and tile securely
graves, there established,
is consistency in the preference
for less ostentatious
although it probably happened some tombs; the onlyin
time example
the of afirst
century B.C.E.61 On current
monumentalevidence alone,
tomb comes from north there
of the city and is
little to indicate changes at the
is known sanctuary
as the Tomb of Caiaphas (KS 57)that
. As Patoncould
be ascribable to a new population
points out, there is nogroup
indication ofsuch
the distinctive
as the
Campanians. The Glaukos shrine
Campanian has
sepulchral been
stelae that one considered
would expect
in detail and Callaghan believes
had the colonists that
at Knossos the termination
been Campanian.68 These
of the cult at the shrine occurs at the time of the Ro- practices continue until the Late Antique period with
man conquest of Knossos, rather than with the estab- no perceptible change in either mortuary form or
lishment of the colony.62 In this case, the practice of burial assemblage.
the cult had already ended by 27 B.C.E. , so it cannot
be used as evidence for cultural change. Pottery and Other Material Culture
According to Coldstream, there is little marked
Burials change in the pottery sequence from the late first
The burial record also does not change noticeably century B.C.E. to the early first century C.E.69 Typical
in the late first century B.C.E. Tile graves and rock- Hellenistic types continue until the first century C.E.,
cut chamber tombs (fig. 7) , which were favored in theand they point to an uninterrupted continuation of
Hellenistic period, continue to be used in the Roman commercial trade with Athens, Corinth, Cyprus, and
period.63 Although there were early suggestions that Egypt. Hayes notes a fairly large number of local wares
rock-cut tombs may have been established with the in use in Knossos in the early first century C.E.70 The
Roman colonists, Carrington Smith argues that theirappearance of deposits of Eastern Sigillata A in the
presence in Hellenistic contexts in other Cretan cities second half of the first century B.C.E. may indicate a
shows that they were introduced earlier, possibly from minor modification during the period of the founda-
the east.64 In Knossos, inhumation was prevalent, and tion of the colony. Stratified deposits as identified by
less commonly, burials were in cist graves and stone Eiring (KSP, Well KW, Well MW and RRK) have been
sarcophagi. In recent work on the first- and second- found around the valley and can be located at KS 177
century Roman rock-cut tombs, Wardle and Wardle in the south, KS 88 in the northeast, KS 182 on the
have concluded that, based on present evidence, there western slopes, and KS 206.71 Thus far, their discrete
is little in the mortuary material, from tomb types to locations (primarily in wells) cannot be indicative of
associated deposits, to discriminate between different a major change in the Hellenistic assemblages. This
population groups. There is some variation in the form is consistent with evidence from the epigraphic and
of the tomb (e.g., simple or elaborate doorways, pres- numismatic record, and the weight of evidence sug-
ence or absence of drainage holes; see fig. 7) . Pres- gests that the substantial alteration in ceramic material
ervation of human remains has been adequate, andoccurs later. Eiring notes that the Hellenistic pottery
normally there are multiple inhumations represent- shapes are predominant throughout the first century
ing a variety in age and sex.65 Carrington Smith sug- B.C.E. and continue into the mid to late first century
gests that the tombs were intended for family groups C.E., as supported by Forster's summary of the Roman
61Forster (2001) suggests that it occurred in the mid first 66 Carrington Smith 1982, 256.
century B.C.E.; Coldstream (1973) suggests the late first cen- 67 Wardle and Wardle 2004, 476. See also Carrington Smith
tury B.C.E. (1982, 282-83), who reports that these finds are common in
62Callaghanl978,28. Athens, Corinth, and Delos.
63Forster2004. 68Paton 1994, 144. The stelae show the dead, usually in full
64 Hood and Smyth (1981, 26) suggest the tombs were of length, within an architectural framework, normally an aedic-
"Roman colonists," but Carrington Smith (1982, 258) argues ula with columns and a pediment.
otherwise. 69 Coldstream et al. 2001, esp. 91, 137-38.
65 Wardle and Wardle 2004, 480; see also Carrington Smith 70 For discussion of trade and imports, see Sackett et al.
1982. For the analysis of the burials, see Wardle and Wardle 1992; for local production, see Hayes 1971.
2004, 476. 71 Eiring 2001, 135.
Fig 7. Rock-cut tomb in the Knossos Valley, showing a simple doorway.
the fine
types.72 His study shows the transformation inwares. There is a slight rise in local material
the ce-
in first
ramic assemblage that occurs in the mid the Tiberian
centuryperiod, which represents 46% of the
C.E. His conclusion is based on material from three overall material. During the Claudian and Neronian
wells and house groups from Knossos, which he de- periods, local ceramics remain at a steady 36%. The
substantial impact occurs in the Flavian period, when
scribes as being from the first century B.C.E. to the mid
the locally produced material drops to 19% of the fine
first century C.E. One of the well deposits has material
wares. Once again, the strong perceptible change in
dating to the period just prior to the foundation of the
colony, and other than a small percentage of Italian material culture occurs in the later first century C.E.,
imports, the material represents a common Hellenis- not at the time of the foundation of the colony. To
further emphasize the divergence of the Knossian ma-
tic sequence of pottery. Forster has noted that Italian
wares peaked in popularity in the mid first century terial,
C.E. an overview of the Roman pottery from Corinth
Subsequently, Eastern Sigillata B, originating from shows that the production of local fine wares (in excess
western Asia Minor, became the more popular type of the imports) remains stable from the late first cen-
tury B.C.E. until the early fourth century C.E.75
by the end of the first century C.E., marking the first
Numismatic evidence shows that Knossos minted
significant change in pottery styles. This pattern, rec-
ognized in the rescue excavations, is echoed in the its
ma-own coins from the period of Augustus to Nero, at
terial from the Unexplored Mansion.73 Sackett pointswhich point it adopted the provincial series as used on
out that there are varying fashions evident throughthe rest of the island.76 An interesting observation made
by Walbank on the Corinthian sequence is that there
the quantification of ceramic imports and local fine
wares.74 In the Augustan period, the early years ofisthe
a difference in the coinage of the first and second
colony, locally produced material represents 36% ofcenturies C.E., which she suggests is due to Corinth's
72 Eiring 2001, 139-43. 75Slane 2003, fig. 19.6. The anonymous reader highlighted
73 1 would like to thank the anonymous reader for pointing the fact that in terms of percentage of different types of im-
out the parallel of the proportions of local to imported fine ports, the synopsis is similar for both Corinth and Knossos.
wares and for providing two useful graphs that illustrate this. 76Slane2003,13.
74 Sackett etal. 1992, 150; see esp. fig. 2.
second-century expressionRoman
ofcity that shares
clear similarwith
ties characteristics.
itsTheclassical
past.77 Although Knossos adopts
location of the Romanthe forum ofprovincial
Sparta remains elu- serie
in the mid first centurysive.85
C.E., In spiteit may
of this, the vastbe that
quantity the coin
of epigraphic
age in use during the period of excavations
data found during the colony of the sanctuaryindicates
of Ar-
a similar pattern of desire
temisto retain
Orthia its
and the acropolis past
(including theties.78
theater Th
Labyrinth, a common feature
and the Romanon its illustrate
stoa) clearly pre-colonyclose ties with coins
continues in use and is found, for that
Rome and the benefits example, on
Sparta experienced fromthe re
verse of depictions of Augustus.79
the end of the first It is B.C.E.
century equally plausible
to the beginning
that this represents an economic statement,
of the first century C.E.86 such
This evidence indicates that as a
guarantee of quality.80 According tofrom
the lack of epigraphic data Baldwin
the public space Bowsky
of
the numismatic data from Roman Knossos are what the forum in Knossos may not create as significant a
should be expected of a colony. Although all coin leg-
bias as one might fear. Furthermore, the onomastic
ends are in Latin, she suggests that the coins reflect
evidence supports the analysis of the epigraphic data.
evidence of a stronger Greek than Roman presence.81Baldwin Bowsky confirms that there are fewer Latin
The numismatic material emphasizes that the colony inscriptions than Greek and that, for a Roman colony,
was managed in a formal way.82 more epigraphic evidence would be expected.87 She
Epigraphic data from the first century B.C.E. to first
also notes that there was no great linguistic change at
century C.E. include Campanian personal names. The Knossos from Greek to Latin; even in terms of ono-
earliest indication of any kind of disruption between
mastics, there was little permanent change.
these settlers and the people of Knossos is from theThe unvarying material culture at this point sug-
late first century C.E., when a land dispute between
gests a smooth transition overall, but an interruption
the Campanian settlers and Knossos elite was settled in occupation at some Knossian sites, particularly in
by Domitian. The colony would have operated along the south, has been identified. This has lead to sug-
standard lines. The epigraphic evidence shows that gestions
all that their abandonment might be connected
the attested duoviri (with one exception) were of Ital-
to a Roman interference.88 The three sites in particu-
lar, KS 111 (a Roman house), KS 197 (the Glaukos
ian origin, and all official inscriptions from the first
centuries B.C.E. /C.E. are in Latin. Moreover, there Shrine), and KS 200 (a Hellenistic house), are close
are no known Latin inscriptions dating to after the to one another. Therefore, the cessation of use might
first century C.E.83 In contrast, all private inscriptions be connected with a specific incident (earlier than the
are in Greek. Overall, this indicates early attempts to establishment of the colony) , rather than signifying
manage the town as a Roman colony and suggests an a large-scale change in the entire city. Such a change
official Roman presence, but not necessarily a sub- is not reflected in other sites, nor is it supported by
stantial Roman population. The precise location of rescue excavation evidence.89
the forum, which is where one would expect to find

the majority of public inscriptions, has yet to be iden- Summary
tified.84 This might suggest a bias in the archaeologi- Even this brief survey of the material culture of the
cal record; therefore, it is worth examining another late first century B.C.E. to first century C.E. shows that
77 Walbank 2003, 348. 1 would like to thank the anonymous 84 1 would like to thank the anonymous reader for highlight-
reader for pointing this out, while acknowledging that the ing this issue.
quantity of Knossian numismatic data cannot compare to the 85 Primarily on the evidence in Pausanias, the forum is gen-
Corinthian. erally believed to lie on the eastern end of the acropolis, to
78 Among the more common depictions throughout the Im- the north of the stoa. New work by Sanders, and geophysical
perial period are those of Zeus, Diktynna, or altars with flamessurvey, may soon provide more concrete proof.
(Wroth 1886, nos. 14, 15, 30). 85 For the epigraphic data from the theater and stoa, see
79E.g., see Wroth (1886, pl. 4.7) for a fifth-century coin; see Woodward 1907-1908, 1925-1926, 1927-1928, 1948; Shipley
pl. 5.11 for a fourth-century example, and pl. 6.4 for a Lateand Spawforth 1995; Cartledge and Spawforth 2002, 94-104.
Hellenistic example that may depict Roma rather than Pallas 87 Baldwin Bowsky 2004, 141.
Athena. For an example of the use of Labyrinth on reverse de- 88Paton 1994, 146-47. Some suggest this maybe connected
pictions of Augustus, see Wroth 1886, pl. 6.14. with Metellus' siege of Knossos, when the Cretan commander
80Carradice and Price (1988, 58-9) discuss how Greek cit- Lasthenes fled to his home town. This is believed to have been
ies had little variation in their coin symbols to make them eas-reasonably contained, with the main damage done to Lasth-
ily identifiable, and that change in political control often canenes' personal property rather than a widespread destruction
be recognized in a change in depictions on coins. of the city.
81 Baldwin Bowsky 2004, 126, 135. 89 Collation of the numerous rescue excavations associat-
82 Burnett etal. 1992. ed with Roman Knossos is currently being undertaken by the
83 Sanders 1982, 14-15. author.
although there are some short-lived alterations,

throughout there
the valley and the unexamined standing
is insufficient evidence that a cultural impact
remains recordedcoincid-
in the Hood and Smyth survey.94
ed with the foundation of the colony. Overall,
It is likely thatthe evi- cemeteries along the sur-
the Roman
dence suggests a pattern of undisturbed
roundingliving: no new
slopes define the extent of the first-century
architectural types are introduced;city.
religious customs
There appears to be a northern and a southern
line
and burial types continue; and there isof tombschange
little (KSbb, 57,in
58, 59, 61 and KS345, 361,
the layout of the town or in material
363) culture.90 Fromthat the city, including the
which would suggest
cemetery
the epigraphic evidence, Baldwin Bowsky area on the
suggests slopes, could have extended
that
this indicates that the colony was aroughly
civilian 2 kmfoundation
north-south and nearly 1 km east-west
and that the earliest colonists were (see
Greek-speaking Ro-
fig. 1 ) . The densely occupied residential area on
man citizens from the Greek east, or the from other
valley floor, areas
which would have encompassed re-
of Crete.91 The numismatic and epigraphic
ligious edificesevidence
in addition to small industrial areas,
could
shows that Knossos was an officially runhavecolony.
covered an area
Givenof 1.65 km north-south
the lack of evidence of cultural alteration from the first and 0.5 km east-west.
century B.C.E. to the first century C.E.,92 an argument Many quarries on the eastern hills above (KS 266,
cannot be made for a colony of settlers or for a new 276, 274) and on the southeastern slopes of the valley
regime having an impact on the status quo. Rather, it (XS363, 364) have been ascribed to the Graeco-Roman
seems likely that the inhabitants of Knossos were al- period, and Roman kiln sites have been identified at
lowed to continue their lives and were affected by the KS 73, 304, 354, and 372 on the surrounding slopes.
new administration in very limited ways. More precise dating of such industrial evidence is not
Within this context of cultural continuity from the possible. Burials in tile and cist graves and in rock-cut
first century B.C.E. to the first century C.E. and on- tombs continue as normal practice.
ward, it is now possible to examine Knossos' material As with the industrial areas, few religious com-
culture using the concepts of globalization. Cultural plexes, other than the Demeter Sanctuary (KS 286) ,
changes in the late first and second centuries C.E. have have secure Roman dates of either construction or
been alluded to, and an examination of this alterna- use. Three Roman buildings (KS 76 in the northeast
tive development of Knossos, in light of contemporary of the valley; KS 85 in the east, close to the Makritik-
cities, suggests that the effects of globalization can be hos wall; and KS 121 in the proposed civil area) have
seen only a century after its foundation as a colony. been tentatively identified as temples. Altars (KS93),
statue fragments (KS 97, 99, 197), and epigraphic
DEVELOPMENT OF KNOSSOS
evidence (KS 76) scattered around the valley attest to
other cult
Extent and Layout of the City in the First- Fourth activities.
Centuries
CE. Adequate architectural evidence makes it possible to
Unlike other Roman cities such as Gortyna and
assess the layout of the city in the second century, dur-
Corinth (a contemporary colony) , the layout of Roman ing which time the city did not fluctuate in its extent.95
The civic center of the city (see fig. 1) can be identified
Knossos (certainly in the first century C.E.) cannot be
as easily reconstructed. This is due to limitations ofin the region of the Civil Basilica (KS 112; see fig. 4),
historical and archaeological evidence. There is no where the basilica, the theater (KS 110), and at least
one public bath (KS 121), in addition to the unclassi-
definitive proof that there was a city wall in this period,
fied standing remains of substantial buildings, make
despite suggestions that the Makritikhos wall might be
it the most monumentalized region of Knossos. None
identified as such.93 To reconstruct the layout of the
city, one has to rely on a few excavated sites, such asof these buildings has been securely dated, although a
the Unexplored Mansion, the Demeter Sanctuary, anddate of the late first or early second century is likely.96
the Villa Dionysos, and on the location of the burialThe lavishness of the Villa Dionysos (see fig. 2) and its
evidence. Information from these sites can be aug- proximity to the civic area suggest that this may have
mented with data from rescue excavations scattered been a residential location for the officials or affluent
90 It could be argued that the appearance of Eastern Sigil- 92 This could refer to Geertz's (1973, 408) argument that
lata A (Eiring 2001, 135) in the Late Hellenistic period may observable evidence (i.e., material culture) is basic in defin-
represent a change in material culture (I thank the anony- ing a cultural group.
mous reader for highlighting this point). There are some 93 Hood and Smyth 1981, 23.
small changes in material culture in Knossos at the time of the 94 Hood and Smyth 1981.
foundation of the colony, but these are primarily short-lived 95Sweetman2006.
and pale in comparison to the late first-century C.E. changes. 96 Sweetman 2004a.
91 Eiring 2001, 98.
of theof
the city.97 In the area material culture will
the Unexplored Man p
extensive first-centurying of occupation
C.E. the nature was
of this
revec
during excavation. Houses, streets, and drainage
tems were uncovered, Material
and Culture
the excavators suggest
As evidenced at theproducts
the processing of agricultural Unexplored Mansion, the
andgreat- som
dustrial activity wouldesthave
amount of Italian
taken imported pottery
place is from
inthe first
this ar
this time.98 Throughouthalf of the first
the century C.E. Byperiod,
Roman the second century
reside
C.E., industries
space and areas of small this has given way to a clear
are majority of eastern
defined by
imports suchwasters,
mains of glass and ceramic as Candarli and Eastern Sigillata B.103
terracotta m
An Italian or western stimulus
loom weights, spindle whorls, andin the mid first cen-
evidence of b
and metalworking, in turyaddition to the
C.E. can be further supported by evidenceagricult
from
the northern
processing that continued from part of the valley. first
the Here, two partially
century
Other residential areasexcavated
within houses (KSthe 91, 92) produced
valley evidencecanof be
black-and-white
tulated from the presence of mosaics,
mosaicsnot commonly(fig.
seen either 8) an
in Knossos induring
mestic architecture found the later period orrescue
in Crete at any time.
excavat
Thesenorth
These are located in the mosaics mightof suggestthe
an early valley,
settlement of betw
the Villa Dionysos andpeople
the greatly influenced by western style Mansion,
Unexplored (black-and-
white mosaics
below the modern village ofat this point were not common in the
Knossos."
Numerous buildings east)
of or even
the the appearance
Roman of a newperiod,
community of
from the west. This might
without precise date or function, have been locasuggest that either itiner-
ant craftspeople
Through an understanding ofor the the patrons themselves were
town's using
layout,
their knowledge of contemporary
possible to identify the role of the buildings western fashions to in b
direct the designs of local
terms, such as civic or domestic, or public or pri craftspeople. As with the
ceramics,98,
For example, since KS94, this western
101, style of
andmosaic quickly
102gives are loc
in a primarily way to anarea,100
residential eastern style of polychrome
these mosaics, which
"Roman
uses grids to divide either
crete ruins"101 may represent further domestic act figural scenes or geomet-
Conversely, the remainsric panels.104
at KS 111, 120, and 122
mediately surroundingAsthe is true generally
area for the of
island, the
thearchitecture
Civil Bas
given their substantial size, might be influence,
of Knossos reflects both western and eastern considered
or public buildings. although it is difficult to ascribe the use of the different
The material culturestyles to
of thespecific and
firstdisparate periods.
century For example, C.E. ov
Sanders considers
whelmingly indicates a city that in both the Civil Basilica (second century) layout
to be western inunchanged
economy remained largely style,105 whereas the Villa Dionysos (of
following
foundation of the the same date)
colony inis very
27much an eastern-type domus.
B.C.E., and few of
The known
elements that distinguish bath houses cannot
other be closely defined,
contemporary col
and the existing temples
are found in Knossos. The late first- and reflect Cretan traits rather
early sec
century evidence pointsthan
toany eastern
a changeor western connection.
in the city ref
in the dramatic Thein
increase surviving sarcophagi and statuary
number of do not pro-
public buil
and evidence for luxury vide unequivocal
houses. evidence At
for assessing
this the level of
same time
Civil Basilica, a theater,culturaland
change. Knossian sculpture has not
several yet been
public baths
constructed (see fig. 1 ) studied
. Alsoin detail, although
dated one sarcophagus
to this is likely period i
expansion Villa toDionysos
be of local manufacture. Aand
of the good rangenumerous
of statuary ot
has been found,
dwellings with evidence for mosaic floors from imperial portraits, to depictions
that are f
of localCivic
throughout the valley.102 residents, to public memorials. As with the
inscriptions in Gree
outnumber those in Latin,
rest of Crete, it and
is likely thatKnossos discontin
the variety of styles is at-
tributable to local
minting its own coins. Even atartists, traveling craftspeople,
a glance, it andis possib
recognize a cultural imported works
change; (from Greece and the east).106
however, closer The scruti
97Patonl998. 101 As described throughout Hood and Smyth 1981.

98Sackett et al. 1992, 466. For details of the associated mate- 102 Sweetman 2003.
rial culture, see Sackett et al. 1992, 467. 103 Sackett etal. 1992, fig. 2
99 Sweetman 2003. A new surface survey of the Knossos Val- 104 Sweetman 2003.
ley, begun in 2005, is expected to shed more light on the loca- 105 Sanders 1982, 67-9.
tion of Roman domestic occupation. 106 Sanders 1982, 47. For the discussion of craftspeople, see
100 Sweetman 2006.
Fig 8. Hutchinson's Mosaic (S. Hood).
range of sculpture indicates that there ries had,auntil

was recently, not been recognized and, in
popula-
tion in Knossos that could not only afford its absence, archaeologists tended to assume a deser-
different
types of luxury items, but also had thetion or severe decline in Knossos during that time.108 In
communication
lines for such influences. recent years, attention has turned to a more compre-
hensive synthetic analysis of material culture groups
The Diachronic View from different areas of the city, resulting in a firmer
Although the material culture as presented suggests definition of this problematic period.109 This is lead-
some close connections with the west in the mid first ing to an enhanced understanding of the character
century C.E., these did not continue in the second and development of Knossos, which suggests a city
century C.E. The changes that are seen in the mid to flourished through the fourth century C.E.110 The
that
widespread
late first century - the first appearance of mosaics, new adoption of a new religion in the Late An-
buildings, and alterations in ceramic imports - can betique period brings about a change not only in burial
attributed to the start of a slow development of the practices, art, and architecture but also in social struc-
Roman city, with little contribution from Roman of- ture and community foci.111 The primary evidence for
ficials, which culminates in the early second century occupation of the city is provided by the excavated
with a rich urban environment that has become very remains of three significantly different Christian ba-
much part of the eastern empire.107 In another case silicas (KS64, 74, 235). The analysis of this material
of misinterpretation, material culture that could is besupplemented by the remains of numerous burials
(e.g., KS 64, 164, 165, 279) and meager evidence for
definitively ascribed to the late third to fourth centu-
also Sanders 1982, 50. 109Forster (2001) has been working on the ceramic evi-
107 See Woolf (1992) for a synthesis of the application of dence;
ma- Sweetman (2003) has been working on the mosaics.
terial culture (particularly ceramics) for an economic study in11()Sweetman 2004a.
this context. 1 ' ] The subject of the Late Antique development of the city,
108 Hood and Smyth 1981, 26; Sanders 1982, 14, 152; Hayes in light of the globalization theory presented here, will be dis-
2001,433. cussed in a forthcoming paper.
domestic occupation in emphasis
the on form
exports ofof wells
wine and (KS7),
possibly lamps, the sil
(KS 88) , and a farmhouse
economyat the
appears Demeter
to have been strong enoughSanctuar
to allow
(KS 286). The main public center
for the importation of
of luxury theTheRoman
items.119 variety in p
riod would have been in the area of the Civil Basilica.
architecture, imports, and luxury items certainly at-
In the Late Antique period, the construction of twotests to a level of economic comfort from the first to
Christian basilicas in the north of the valley marks athe fourth century C.E.
shift in the primary public attention to the north. The
KNOSSOS IN CONTEXT
context of the focus therefore has also changed from
secular to religious.112 Evidence from a range of excavations and s
remains in Knossos indicates little significan
ANALYSIS OF THE MATERIAL: ECONOMY AND
in the material record between the time of the Ro-
SOCIETY OF ROMAN KNOSSOS
man conquest and the mid first century C.E., in spite
Sanders, citing historical and epigraphicof achieving
sources, colonial status. An analysis of material
notes that the colony of Knossos appears culture
to have suggests
been that, in the domestic and religious
spheres, life
run and organized along standard lines.113 Conversely, continued without great alteration from
after the first century, little direct evidence, such as
the Hellenistic period. There are no great public build-
ings nature
coins or inscriptions, survives to reveal the that canor be identified as contemporary with or
within
administration of the colony.114 Therefore, a century of the establishment of the colony.
contextual
interpretation of the evidence as a whole, Therelying
first-century
on inscriptions in Latin, the evidence
more than discrete elements of material of culture, is duoviri, and the post of augur suggest a
the Italian
needed to establish how successful theformal colony may
administration of the colony.120 A perceptible
have been. western influence can be seen in the earliest mosa-
For most of the Roman period, Knossos seems to ics (see fig. 6) and in the extent of ceramic imports
have been economically stable if not prosperous.from Italy in the first century C.E. (a long time after
Home and small-scale industries would have sup-the foundation of the colony) , which might indicate
plemented the rich agricultural economy, and thea small group of Italian settlers, Roman officials, or
residents of Knossos are likely to have exploited theKnossians adopting fashionable western styles. The
fertile valley for crops and the slopes for animal hus-persistence of the private inscriptions in Greek (and
bandry. Roads and drainage facilities, the aqueduct, the absence of any private inscriptions in Latin)121
and buildings such as the Civil Basilica and theatersuggests that the official administration of the colony
were maintained.115 The variation of housing types,did not have a great impact on the lives of the existing
from the great domus of the Villa Dionysos (see fig. 2)population of Knossos. This is supported by the fact
to the industrial quarter of the Unexplored Mansionthat burial customs continue seemingly without inter-
(see fig. 3) suggests a stratified society. There was noruption until the fifth century, emphasizing the lack
shortage of imported pottery and luxury items suchof abrupt cultural change during the Roman period.
as marble (from the Villa Dionysos and the RomanBy the end of the first century, there were significant
Corinthian building) , and mosaics were of a quan-developments in Knossos. A contextual study of the
tity and standard comparable to other Roman cities remains, with the new architectural types (the basilica
in Greece such as Corinth, Patras, and Gortyna.116 and the theater) , the appearance of luxury items such
The wine of Knossos was in demand, and Crete had a as mosaics, and the change in imported pottery shows
strong reputation as a wine producer and exporter.117that the perceptible developments towards Roman
Sanders notes that several lamps of a first-century C.E. culture occurred some 70 years after the foundation
type, specific to Knossos, have been found in Benghazi,of the colony. A reading of the numismatic evidence
which may suggest that the city was exporting lampsalso supports this assertion. The earliest coins issued
at this point.118 Although Knossos seems to have de-by Knossos show the standard Roman types with the
rived wealth primarily from agriculture with a lesserheads of the emperors on one side. Parallel with the
112 Sweetman 2004b. the few places where evidence for a pottery industry has been
113 Sanders 1982. found.
114 Sweetman 2003, 2004c; Forster 2004. 119 The display of wealth is typified by marble imports, as
115Paton 1994, 148-49. shown in Paton and Schneider 1999.
116Paton and Schneider 1999. See Sweetman (2003) for120Sandersl982,14.
the mosaics. 121 The number of inscriptions recorded in Guarducci is
117Paton 2004, 452. also notable: from Knossos alone there are 47 Greek inscrip-
118 Sanders (1982, 34) also notes that Knossos was one of tions and only 12 Latin inscriptions.
timing of the notable changes in material

diate investmentculture
in civic and domestic parts of the
(toward the end of the late first century
city. The forum C.E.), Knos-
with its stoas and shops, the Julian
sos ceased to issue coins after Nero Basilica,
when Roman Temples C, D, E, F, and G, and the
it adopted
a general Cretan coinage.122 This points
Odeion, were to allthe slow by the early first century
established
C.E.129 Until
integration of Knossos into the broader the time of Hadrian, Latin was the lan-
development
of the east in the late first centuryguage
C.E.of choice, outnumbering Greek inscriptions
By contrast, other Cretan cities such
by 101as Lissos, Lyt-
to three.
tos, and Gortyna have remains indicating Roman oc-
cupation much earlier in the firstSparta
century C.E.123 A
comparison with the colony at Corinth Corinthestablished
and Gortyna have been inthe focus of long-
the first century B.C.E. and Gortynaterm excavations andthe
highlight publication.
lack Additionally, the
of Roman culture in Knossos in the public
early centers of bothcentury
first cities have been located and
C.E.124 Although Sparta shares with excavated.
KnossosConversely, Roman Knossos has not had
a similar
patchy excavation program, its close ties with
such attention, Rome
and its public center has not yet been
identified. The record
are well documented in the archaeological Knossos Survey,and a small number of
research
thus provide a further contrast to Knossos. and rescue excavations, allows us to form a
reasonably coherent image of Roman Knossos.130 This
Gortyna situation is not unlike that of Roman Sparta, where
At Gortyna, according to Sanders, an Augustan methodical research excavations have been limited,
temple for the imperial cult preserves peculiar burial and systematic archaeological survey has yet to be
customs that can be associated with Italian immigrants. conducted.131 A comparison with the excavations of
The earliest imperial statuary found on Crete is from Roman Sparta allows an understanding of the extent
Gortyna,125 and public buildings, such as parts of the to which the bias in the archaeological record can af-
forum and the Odeion, date to the first centuries fect final interpretation of the evidence. A study of the
B.C.E. and C.E. The earliest mosaics at Gortyna are material culture from Sparta illustrates that Sparta, un-
western in style, and some (e.g., those in the Odeion) like Knossos, had very close and active ties with Rome.
are likely to date to the foundation of the Roman capi- That Sparta benefited from supporting Augustus and
tal.126 Plentiful epigraphic sources at Gortyna record Rome has been shown in the significant investment
the Roman governors, administrative personnel, and, made in maintaining the relationship between Roman
importantly, names of Italian traders and members of patrons and the local elite.132 As such, the Eurycles
their families and both public and private inscriptions family was able to achieve vast power which led to in-
in Latin.127 Even this cursory glance at Gortyna from vestment in public works, including the construction
the first century B.C.E. to first century C.E. presents of the theater and the regeneration of local cults and
a marked contrast to Knossos. festivals from the end of the first century B.C.E. to the
mid first century C.E. Cartledge and Spawforth refer
Corinth to the increasing romanization of the Eurycles fam-
A brief examination of a comparable colony em- ily, which appears to wane ca. 61 C.E., when, under
phasizes the seemingly peculiar situation at Knos- Spartiaticus, the family dips out of favor.133 The close
patron-client relationship may have been the cata-
sos. Land divisions and the presence of settlers from
lyst for the globalization of Roman Sparta in the first
Rome is evident with the establishment of the colony
at Corinth in 44 B.C.E.128 Moreover, there was imme-
century C.E., but even with the establishment of the
122 Gortyna, by comparison, continued to mint its own coins 128Romano 1993, 13; Walbank 1997. Wiseman (1979, 497)
to the Trajanic period (Burnett et al. 1992) . suggests that many (although not all) of the colonists were of
123For Lissos, see Sanders 1982, 172; for Lyttos, see Sand- Greek origin and it is difficult to quantify to what extent they
ers 1982, 147; Baldwin Bowsky 2004; for Gortyna, see Sanders would have retained Greek traits.
1982, 158. 129Wiseman 1979.
124 Other comparisons could be made, but they would lie 130Hood and Smyth 1981.
outside the scope of this piece. Knossos may be usefully com- 131 Raftopoulou 1999.
pared in light of synthetic observations made on eastern colo- 132 por diSCUSsions of the relationship between Rome and
nies (e.g., Levick 1967; Rizakis 1997; Trimble 2001). the elite, in particular the Eurycles family, see Cartledge and
125 Sanders 1982, 37, 40. Sanders (1982, 48) notes the stat- Spawforth 2002, 98.
ues of Tiberius. 133 For the loss of support, see Cartledge and Spawforth 2002,
126Pernier 1925-1926, 65. 104.
127Baldwin Bowsky 2001, 97.
more stable magisterial cities
form became globalized soon after their status wasin th
of government
confirmed. The
second century, Sparta (along concept of
with globalizationGreek
other allows for thecities
continued to prosper.134generation
Although of social diversity,
there even between
is onlytowns of paltr
the same province
public architectural evidence for (Gortyna
Spartaand Knossos)
inand towns early
the
of the same epigraphic,
Roman period, the surviving status (Corinth and Knossos) .
numismatic
In this light,
ceramic, and mosaic evidence it is possible indicates
clearly to see how Knossos canits be earl
understood
globalization through close ties in terms
with of processes
Rome. of globalization.
It is It argu
able that there is more isarchaeological
likely that an initial resistance to Rome lingered
data for
available
a considerable
for Knossos than for Sparta, period of
yet, time. The establishment
unlike Sparta, of ther
the colony
is little data to show that Knossosat Knossos benefited
does not appear to have made
from pe
ceptible Roman attention. a marked impact on the city, but under the processes
of globalization, this does not have to be problematic.
CONCLUSION
The people of Knossos may not have intended this
colony,
The first-century C.E. material culture but the Romans did; as long as Knossos was not
of Gortyna,
causing trouble,
Corinth, and Sparta are in marked contrast to that there was no need for the Romans to
enforce further changes on the city.
of Knossos.135 Although a bias in the archaeological
record is likely to have some impact, theAsprocesses
has been shown,
at by the end of the first century
C.E., C.E.
work in Knossos during the first century Knossos had
can bebecome part of the globalized em-
pire. The
better explained in terms of globalization. extent to which this is a natural progression
Gortyna
had been loyal to Rome, which not only canmeant
be seen partly
that in the broader developments in
officials, administrators, and new settlers
Crete.would have
In the first century B.C.E., Crete was under stan-
dard administration
been welcome, but also made it likely that there was but with no great cultural coloni-
an active interest in accepting elements zation.
of RomanWith consideration,
cul- there was no pressing need
ture such as language and the imperialfor such Gortyna
cult. colonization; the island did not have precious
underwent rapid Roman globalization in resources, nor was it a rebellious flash point. It seems
part because
there were intentional desires on both sides to do so. that Crete's globalization developed slowly from the
In addition, Gortyna' s port on the south coast lay on creation of the Roman province.139 Although de Souza
the lucrative trade route between Egypt and Rome, argues that Crete's prosperity was enough to encourage
thereby exposing Gortyna more readily to cosmopoli- the Romans to invade,140 it is arguable that it was the
tan influences. economic potential of the island rather than its actual
Corinth was sacked by Mummius in 146 B.C.E., so resources that provided the attraction. Its main value
when first settled by the Romans, it was a blank can-and potential threat lay in its geographical potential as
vas on which to construct their town. The colony was an entrepot of some strategic importance.
established with the intention of housing people from By the late first century C.E., the material culture of
Rome, mainly ex-slaves. Establishing the colony was Crete, particularly key towns such as Chania, Kastelli,
also a strategic economic move with targeted invest- and Chersonisos, suggests the increasing importance
ment in the Claudian period.136 As Walbank notes, it of the island as a key strategic area.141 With Trajan's
is now accepted that the colony was established "in ac- expansion in the east, it is likely that Crete became
cordance with traditional Roman practice, rather than an area of more interest and investment.142 Reinforc-
being simply a refoundation of Greek Corinth."137 In ing this are other factors, such as a natural shift of
its early foundation, the city was populated by freed architectural trends and urban development, and in
slaves, and supported by Rome primarily as a base tothe case of Knossos, a particularly eastern one. Thus,
help secure the east and as an economic investment with the further expansion and securing of the eastern
to secure trade routes.138 As with Gortyna and Sparta,empire (with the annexation of Syria, Cyprus, Egypt,
both sides wished the colony to be a successful Romanand Judea, and later Lucia, Pamphylia, and Thrace)
city. There was regular contact with Rome, and bothperhaps the population of Knossos became aware of
134Cartledge and Spawforth 2002, 104. this topic to my attention.

135 Further detailed comparisons between the three cities 140 de Souza 1998, 112.
and Knossos lie outside the scope of this paper. 141 Sweetman 1999.
136 For discussion of the early settlers, see Williams 1993, 142 In spite of the transitory nature of the expansion, it could
31-3; for the economic strategy, see Williams 1993, 46. be argued that this was enough to pique the interest in Crete
137 Walbank 2002, 251. as a strategic and valuable trading point. The flourishing
138 Williams 1993, 46. third- and fourth-century port towns of Chania, Kastelli, and
139 1 would like to thank the anonymous reader for bringing Chersonisos would further support this (Sweetman 1999).
the receding "constraints of geography on

From the social
first and
century B.C.E. to the fourth century
C.E., alterations
cultural arrangements."143 At that point, in Knossos
the effects ofcan be viewed as typical
globalization subsumed Knossos, and it became
progressions. cul-
It is arguable that the most considerable
turally part of the eastern empire. change occurred in the fifth century with the construc-
A possibly second-century Greek tion of the Christian
inscription basilicas, change in burial prac-
found
in the KMF excavations144 records the name "Gaius
tices, alteration in settlement patterns, and a renewal
Campanius Philephebus," suggesting a happy coex-of western artistic and architectural inspiration.
istence of elements of two cultures, with the Greek From the first century B.C.E. to fifth century C.E.,
coming somewhat to the forefront. Also relevant is Knossos, in her fixed geographical position within a
Hadrian's expansive interest in all things Greek, and changing network, underwent a range of alterations,
his investment in the provinces, which must have had a some of which are circumstantial, and others that can
positive effect. Thus, by the late first century, Crete andbe seen as intentional. From the archaeological record,
Knossos can be seen as a part of the globalized Roman however, what is clear are the affects on Knossos as the
empire, where investments are made if the returns arecity became increasingly globalized. Knossos from the
viable (be they strategic or material) , yet at the samefirst century B.C.E. to the fifth century C.E. demon-
time, cultural diversity is allowed to prosper. strates the three main globalized states as Mintzberg
Although roughly contemporary establishments, et al. have defined them.147 In the first century B.C.E.,
Gortyna, Corinth, Sparta, and Knossos initially displayKnossos dealt with the consequences of globalization;
different cultural characters; by the second centuryby the second century C.E., the city was operating as
C.E., they all share common traits such as substantial a global state; and by the Late Antique period, it can
public buildings, industries, a successful economy, a be seen as global.
With continued study of Roman and Late Antique
range of dwellings - from lavish to basic - with the in-
terior decor to match, and a higher instance of Greekmaterial culture, a more synthetic and informed ap-
over Latin inscriptions. The freedom of cultural di- proach to the study of Knossos is leading to an un-
versity finally develops into a cultural commonality.derstanding of this prosperous independent city. It is
Gordon's perception of globalization is that: hoped that with future work, a more refined concep-
in this new global context, localized agglomeration, tion of the processes and reasons for the change and
far from constituting an alternative to spatial disper-developments within Knossos will be established, not
sion, becomes the principal basis for participation inonly for this period, but also for that during and im-
a global network of regional economies . . . Regions mediately following the Arab invasions.
and networks in fact constitute interdependent poles
within the new spatial mosaic of global innovation.
Globalization in this context involves not the leaven- SCHOOL OF CLASSICS
ing impact of universal processes but, on the contrary, UNIVERSITY OF ST. ANDREWS
the calculated synthesis of cultural diversity in the ST. ANDREWS KYI 6 O,AL
form of differentiated regional innovation logics and UNITED KINGDOM
capabilities.145
RS43@ST- ANDREWS.AC.UK
In this light, it is arguable that the change in Knossos
in the second century C.E. is the result of intentional
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Roman Knossos: The Nature of a Globalized City

Author(s): Rebecca J. Sweetman

Archaeological Institute of America is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and

Abstract only with a dearth of historical sources and material

role of Crete within the empire have ing doneof the

* I would like to thank Greg Woolf, ca. 27

Fig 1. The Knossos Valley, showing locations of re

Fig 2. The Villa Dionysos from the southwest.

Fig 3. The remains of the Unexplored

Fig 4. The remains of the so-called Civ

with similar issues of inconsistent evidence, will allow

14 Rather than requiring a cultural change, 17 Waters

with a combination of Contemporary

lationships between the center and were

historical and epigraphic sources39 indicates that with

37Horden and Price 2000, 23. 44 Forster 2001, 137-38.

Most Villa Dionysos havematerial

terrupted existence.49 In terms of housing,

48Sanders 1982, 14; Sackettetal. 1992, 465. this paper.

lowing an earthquake is debatable and outside the scope of

Fig 5. Architectural remains shown scattered throughout the Knossos

Fig 6. The Apollinarius Mosaic (S. Hood).

Fig 7. Rock-cut tomb in the Knossos Valley, showing a simple doorway.

the forum, which is where one would expect to find

although there are some short-lived alterations,

97Patonl998. 101 As described throughout Hood and Smyth 1981.

Fig 8. Hutchinson's Mosaic (S. Hood).

range of sculpture indicates that there ries had,auntil

timing of the notable changes in material

127Baldwin Bowsky 2001, 97.

134Cartledge and Spawforth 2002, 104. this topic to my attention.

the receding "constraints of geography on

143Waters 1995, 3. 145Gordonl994,38.

Hayes, J.W. 1971. "Four Early Roman Groups from Knos-

in the Province: Imported Marble on OktcoPpioi)

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