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Aiman Hakim Bin Abdul Rahim PDF
Aiman Hakim Bin Abdul Rahim PDF
Introduction
III. Establish credibility: My name is Aiman Hakim bin Abdul Rahim, an astrophysicist at
NASA.
IV. Preview body/ state central idea: The misinformation acknowledgement by the Flat Earth
Movement poses threats and therefore, we must take proper measures or suffer academia
policy reform as a repercussion.
(Transition: Lets clarify the risks posed by FEM if we void its pseudoscience approach.)
I. Main idea 1 : YouTube have been the main media platforms that contributes to the FEM
which attracts vast new audience through its selective exposure algorithm in
recommending to knowledge deficit hypothesis themed Flat Earth videos.
A. Subpoint 1
1. Sub-subpoint 1
a. Participants from the first International Flat Earth Conference in
Raleigh, North California states that “the had only come to believe
the earth was flat after watching videos about it on YouTube”
(Landrum, 2019).
b. Biased information processing is one the effects of the selective
exposure algorithm system used by online platform with main
purpose to market advertisement.
B. Subpoint 2
1. Sub-subpoint 2
a. Such algorithm is not capable to filter misinformation online because
it cannot make heuristic options to fact check videos.
b. Thus, creating a social milieu that sustain pareidolia that
strengthens ignorance within people with high conspiracy mentality.
2. Sub-subpoint2
a. Even Kyrie Irving a professional NBA star states he regrets
mentioning the earth is flat during a Road Trippin’ podcast which
result him to lose credibility from due to public criticism on his view.
b. From his story, during his academia world from grade school, his
irate science teacher has indoctrinated his class with flat earth
pareidolia (NewStraitsTimes, 2018).
C. Sub-point 3
1. Sub-subpoint 3
a. Do we want to accept that our children are being taught in flat earth
milieu from incompetent educators in school?
b. Do we want politician to approve the FEM which go against credible
consensus which jeopardize our safety in technology?
(Transition: How do we filter the waves of information which creates this pseudoscience milieu? A.
Fortunately, for legislators to formulate the ban on FEM milieu, we should help to the
cause in combating pseudo-science with principles in mind)
(Transition: As we legislate in banning through FEM pareidolia dogma, what will get from the effort?)
Conclusion
References
Landrum, A. R. (2019, September 29). Differential susceptibility to misleading flat earth arguments on
youtube. Retrieved from tanfonline.com:
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15213269.2019.1669461
Nasser, T. (2019, July 4). IS THE EARTH REALLY FLAT ACCORDING TO THE QURAN? WIKI-
ISLAM REFUTED. Retrieved from Rational Religion: https://rationalreligion.co.uk/is-the-
earth-really-flat-according-to-the-quran-wiki-islam-refuted
NewStraitsTimes. (2018, October 2). Irving regrets ever calling Earth 'flat'. Retrieved from
NewStraitsTimes: https://www.nst.com.my/sports/others/2018/10/416938/irving-regrets-ever-
calling-earth-flat
Simanek, D. E. (2006). Retrieved from lockhaven.edu:
https://www.lockhaven.edu/~dsimanek/flat/flateart.htm
THE CONVERSATION. (2020, March 9). How Technology can combat the rising tide of fake
science. Retrieved from TTHE CONVERSATION : https://theconversation.com/how-
technology-can-combat-the-rising-tide-of-fake-science-132158
To cite this article: Asheley R. Landrum, Alex Olshansky & Othello Richards (2019):
Differential susceptibility to misleading flat earth arguments on youtube, Media Psychology, DOI:
10.1080/15213269.2019.1669461
ABSTRACT
YouTube has been influential in propagating Flat Earth Ideology,
but not everyone is equally susceptible to the effects of watching
these videos. In an experiment with a participant pool restricted
to regular YouTube users, we found that lower science intelli-
gence and higher conspiracy mentality increase individuals’ sus-
ceptibility to flat Earth arguments on YouTube. In fact, these two
dispositional variables interact: whereas people with lower con-
spiracy mentality do not find the arguments compelling at any
level of science intelligence, among those with higher conspiracy
mentality, perception of argument strength decreases as science
intelligence increases. Moreover, perceptions of argument
strength varied on the thrust of the clip’s argument (science-,
conspiracy-, or religious-based), with the religious appeal being
perceived as weaker and inspiring more counterarguing than the
science clip. We discuss implications for both the knowledge
deficit hypothesis and for the differential susceptibility to media
effects model.
YouTube has been monumental in the flat Earth movement – at least according
to the movement’s leaders and evidence from in-depth interviews with the Flat
Earth community. For example, the vast majority of the interviewees from the
first International Flat Earth Conference1 in Raleigh, North Carolina, said that
they had only come to believe the Earth was flat after watching videos about it on
YouTube (Landrum & Olshansky, 2019a; Olshansky, 2018). Importantly, inter-
viewees explained their conversion process: While watching videos about other
conspiracies, such as those about 9/11, YouTube recommended Flat Earth
videos such as “Flat Earth Clues” by Mark Sargent and “200 Proofs the Earth
is Not a Spinning Ball” by Eric Dubay. Interviewees described first ignoring the
recommended videos and then deciding to watch and debunk them. After
watching the videos and “doing their own research,” they came to accept the
premise that we do not live on a “spinning ball.”2 Though these videos are
unlikely to sway the majority of individuals in the United States and abroad,
CONTACT Asheley R. Landrum, PhD A.Landrum@ttu.edu College of Media & Communication Texas Tech
University, 3003 15th St., Box 43082, Lubbock, TX 79409
Color versions of one or more of the figures in the article can be found online at www.tandfonline.com/hmep.
Supplemental data for this article can be accessed on the publisher’s website.
© 2019 The Author(s). Published with license by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC.
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives
License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction
in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way.
2 A. R. LANDRUM ET AL.
there are clearly some who were convinced and some who still will be. The flat
Earth phenomenon is symptomatic of a broad and growing distrust in institu-
tions and authorities, but it also has contributed to the instigation of discussions
about misinformation on YouTube and how to address it. Moreover, by under-
standing what can convince whom of this extreme view and how, we can better
understand the acceptance of less extreme examples of misinformation about
science propagated on social media, such as that related to vaccines and/or
climate change. The purpose of this study is to examine who is susceptible to
which types of appeals in flat Earth YouTube videos, guided by the Differential
Susceptibility to Media Effects model (i.e., DSMM).
YouTube
YouTube is both a search engine and video-sharing website that allows users to
upload their own videos and engage with videos shared by others (YouTube,
2019a). As of August 2018, YouTube ranks as the second-most popular website
in the U.S. and the world, ahead of Facebook.com and behind Google.com (which
owns the video-sharing platform; Alexa.com, 2019). A YouTube-commissioned
study reports that adults 18 and older “spend more time watching YouTube than
any television network”; and more adults under age 50 watch YouTube during
peak television watching time (i.e., “prime time,” between 8pm and 11pm Eastern
in the U.S.) than the top ten prime-time shows combined (YouTube, 2016).
Though a large number of YouTube content creators upload content that is
helpful, accurate, or at least not obviously problematic, there are also countless
channels that present what YouTube calls “borderline” content. Borderline
content is that which does not technically violate YouTube community guide-
lines (e.g., infringing on copyright, displaying explicit or pornographic images,
or promoting violence against individuals or groups, YouTube, 2019b), but
nonetheless could misinform users in potentially harmful ways (e.g., promoting
phony miracle cures; YouTube, 2019c).
that first winnows down the massive body of YouTube content to a few hundred
videos (i.e., “candidate generation”) and then one that ranks those videos based
on predicted user engagement from each audience member’s history of activity
(i.e., “ranking”; Covington et al., 2016; YouTube, 2019a).
Table 1. The four components and four propositions of the differential susceptibility to media
effects model (Valkenburg & Peter, 2013).
Components
Media Use Individual Susceptibility Response States Media Effects
● Dispositional ● Cognitive
● Developmental ● Emotional
● Social ● Excitative
Propositions
Proposition 1 Media effects are conditional on dispositional, developmental, and social susceptibility
variables.
Proposition 2 Media effects are indirect, and cognitive, emotional, and/or excitative response states
mediate media use and its effects.
Proposition 3 Dispositional, developmental, and social susceptibility variables affect individuals’ response
states by operating as both predictors of media use and as moderators of its effects.
Proposition 4 Media effects are transactional and, in turn, influence the other components in the model.
Media use
In the context of the DSMM, media use encompasses a variety of factors such as
exposure to content, selection of media outlets, and frequency and duration of
media use. Individual susceptibility variables predict media use. For example,
political ideology and party affiliation influence which cable networks people
choose to watch (e.g., Stroud, 2008). In the current study, however, we experi-
mentally manipulated to which of four video clips participants were exposed, and
we examine the interactions between the experimental manipulation (video clip)
and the individual susceptibility variables on participants’ response states and
resulting media effects.
Science intelligence
We operationalize science intelligence as a combination of analytic thinking,
quantitative reasoning, and knowledge of scientific facts (e.g., Kahan, 2017), and
this measure positively correlates with other proxies for knowledge (e.g., educa-
tion level) and thinking styles (e.g., actively openminded thinking, Kahan, 2017).
MEDIA PSYCHOLOGY 5
Conspiracy mentality
Conspiracies can be involved in the rejection of science in two, non-mutually
exclusive ways: as a method of motivated reasoning (i.e., conspiracy theorizing)
and as a disposition (i.e., conspiracy mentality, see Landrum & Olshansky, 2019b).
This study focuses on the latter. Conspiracy mentality involves high levels of
distrust in institutions, as well as feelings of political powerlessness and cynicism
(Einstein & Glick, 2015; Hofstadter, 1965; Imhoff & Bruder, 2014; Jolley &
Douglas, 2014). Prior research has shown associations between various measure-
ments of conspiracy mentality and personality traits such as delusion (Dagnall,
Drinkwater, Parker, Denovan, & Parton, 2015), paranoia (Bruder, Haffke, Neave,
Nouripanah, & Imhoff, 2013; Grzesiak-Feldman & Ejsmont, 2008; Holm, 2009),
and schizotypy (Darwin, Neave, & Holmes, 2011). Belief in the paranormal
6 A. R. LANDRUM ET AL.
(Darwin et al., 2011), a tendency for cognitive fallacies (Brotherton & French,
2014), and openness to experience have also been associated with holding con-
spiracy beliefs. Conspiracy mentality, which is sometimes referred to as conspiracy
ideation, is often measured using questions about a range of common conspiracy
theories (e.g., “The assassination of John F. Kennedy was not committed by the
lone gunman, Lee Harvey Oswald, but was rather a detailed, organized conspiracy
to kill the President”; Swami, Chamorrow-Premuzic, & Furnham, 2010; Swami
et al., 2011) or general conspiracies (e.g., “Certain world leading political figures
who died untimely deaths were in fact ‘taken out’ by government operatives”,
Brotherton, French, & Pickering, 2013; cf., Bruder et al., 2013; Stojanov &
Halberstadt, 2019) in which participants are asked about agreement or to rate
each item’s likelihood of being true.
In addition to its associations with personality traits, conspiracy mentality has
also been shown to predict rejection of well-established scientific facts, such as
climate change (e.g., Lewandowsky, Gignac, & Oberauer, 2013; Lewandowsky
et al., 2013; Uscinski & Olivella, 2017). And, recent work found that conspiracy
mentality was the strongest predictor of believing viral deception about a variety of
science-related topics over and above science literacy, political affiliation, and
religiosity (Landrum & Olshansky, 2019b).
Thus, we hypothesize that greater conspiracy mentality will predict suscept-
ibility to flat Earth arguments on YouTube.
Religiosity
Recent studies focused on the flat Earth community (Landrum & Olshansky,
2019a; Olshansky, 2018) and popular press articles (Dryer, 2018; Ross, 2018)
have surmised that those who hold flat Earth views are often higher in religios-
ity – that is, the strength of one’s religious conviction, regardless of specific
denomination. Indeed, religiosity has a history of involvement in science denial,
most famously with regard to human evolution (e.g., Weisberg, Landrum, Metz,
& Weisberg, 2018). Religiosity also recently has been linked to vaccine refusal
(e.g., McKee & Bohannon, 2016) as has spirituality (e.g., Browne, Thomson,
Rockoff, & Pennycook, 2015).
Thus, we hypothesize that stronger religiosity will predict susceptibility to
flat Earth arguments on YouTube.
Response states
Besides the individual susceptibility variables, another component to the DSMM is
the response state elicited by media use (see Proposition 2 in Table 1). Interviewees
from the Flat Earth conferences reported responding skeptically to initial exposure
to flat Earth videos on YouTube, and only after spending time researching flat
Earth perspectives on the web did they eventually decide that they, too, believe that
the Earth is flat (Landrum & Olshansky, 2019a). This, albeit self-reported,
MEDIA PSYCHOLOGY 7
description of the conversion process, which was echoed by the majority of the
individuals interviewed, suggests they may have taken a System 2 (Kahneman,
2011) or central route approach to processing the persuasive messages.
The Elaboration Likelihood Model (i.e., the ELM) describes two distinct routes
to persuasion: (1) a central route, in which attitude change is a result of a thoughtful
systematic, or mindful, approach, or (2) a peripheral route, in which attitude
change is a result of use of heuristics or mental shortcuts that save cognitive effort
(Petty & Cacioppo, 1986). One factor that might lead a person to centrally process
information is having the motivation to do so. The flat Earthers interviewed
expressed this motivation when describing their initial desire to debunk the claims.
A second key factor is an individual’s ability to process a message, which can be
influenced by an individual’s knowledge and by external environmental distrac-
tions. Indeed, we can question whether a few, some, or most of the potential
viewers have the requisite science knowledge to evaluate the claims made in the
videos. For example, many of the flat Earthers we interviewed expressed naïve
theories (see McCloskey, 1983; see also intuitive theories, Shtulman, 2017) of
relevant physical scientific concepts (e.g., gravity, motion) that likely influenced
their abilities to evaluate the claims made in the videos (Landrum & Olshansky,
2019a). They are not alone in this; even science teachers can hold misconceptions
about physical principles (e.g., Burgoon, Heddle, & Duran, 2011; Kikas, 2004), so it
is not merely a matter of holding naïve theories that leads to accepting a flat Earth.
By considering cognitive (and other) response states as mediators of media effects,
the DSMM incorporates essential components of the ELM.
To test potential central route processing in the context of DSMM, we
focused on cognitive response states using two methods of assessment from
prior literature: participants’ evaluations of the video clips’ argument
strength (e.g., Landrum et al., 2019; Zhao, Strasser, Cappella, Lerman, &
Fishbein, 2011) and the extent to which participants counterargued with the
content in the videos (Boukes, Boomgaarden, Moorman, & De Vreese, 2015).
Hypotheses
Our hypotheses were guided by the DSMM model. Proposition 1 and 3 both
address the influence of the differential susceptibility variables on the cogni-
tive response states and media effects. From these propositions, we hypothe-
size the following.
Hypothesis 1a-c. Openness to researching flat Earth views – the media effect – is
conditional on individuals’ dispositions, namely (H1a) science intelligence, (H1b)
conspiracy mentality, and (H1c) religiosity.
Hypothesis 2a-c. (H2a) Science intelligence, (H2b) conspiracy mentality, and (H2c)
religiosity will moderate the relationship between the video clip watched and the
cognitive response state.
For instance, even if people find the arguments to be somewhat strong (or if
they cannot generate counterarguments), their lower conspiracy mentality or
greater science intelligence may act as buffers against increased openness to
researching flat Earth views that would otherwise arise from their cognitive
response states.
Proposition 2 of the DSMM emphasizes that media effects may result from an
indirect relationship of media use through cognitive response state. Therefore,
we hypothesize the following.
Hypothesis 4. Cognitive response states (e.g., H4a. perceptions of argument
strength and H4b. counterarguing) will mediate the relationship between video
clip watched and the resulting degree of openness to researching flat Earth views.
Method
Participants
Participants were 402 regular YouTube users recruited using TurkPrime,
a service associated with Amazon’s Mechanical Turk. Of these participants,
57% were female, and the sample’s race/ethnicity breakdown included 76%
White, 11% Black/African American, 7% Hispanic/Latinx, 6% Asian, and 2%
MEDIA PSYCHOLOGY 9
Stimulus materials
Participants were randomly assigned to one of three4 experimental conditions that
varied based on the type of flat Earth argument presented (scientific5, conspirator-
ial, or religious) or a fourth condition that served as a control. The experimental
clips (which each ranged from 25 to 30 seconds) were cut from a widely-shared
YouTube video entitled “200 Proofs the Earth is Not a Spinning Ball” created by
Eric Dubay, one of the leaders in the modern flat Earth movement. Dubay’s name
was not used in the experiment; he was referred to as “the narrator.” Participants
were introduced to the clip with the following: “In the video, ‘200 proofs the Earth
is Flat’ the narrator makes the following argument,” and a transcription of the
video and the watchable video clip followed. See Figure 1.
Participants in the “science” condition saw a clip that argued that an experiment
conducted by Jean-Baptist Biot and Francois Arago proved the Earth was flat:
“In a 19th-century French experiment by M. M. Biot and Arago, a powerful lamp
with good reflectors was placed on the summit of Desierto las Palmas in Spain and
able to be seen all the way from Camprey on the Island of Ibiza. Since the elevation
of the two points were identical and the distance between covered nearly 100 miles, if
10 A. R. LANDRUM ET AL.
Figure 1. shows the conspiracy video item as the participants saw it in the survey. The
transcription of the video was provided above the video clip in quotations. Participants had to
press play to start the video.
Earth were a ball 25,000 miles in circumference, the light should have been more
than 6600 feet, a mile and a quarter, below the line of sight.”
Participants in the “religious” condition saw a clip that argued that many
religious texts support a flat Earth model:
“The Bible, Koran, Strimam Bablicam[sic], and many other holy books describe and
purport the existence of a geocentric stationary flat Earth. For example, 1st
Chronicles 16:30 and Psalm 96:10 both read he has fixed the Earth firm, immovable.
MEDIA PSYCHOLOGY 11
And Psalm 93:1 says, “ … the world also is stablished, that it cannot be moved.” The
Bible also repeatedly affirms that the Earth is outstretched as a plane with the
outstretched heavens everywhere above, not all around, giving a scriptural proof
the Earth is not a spinning ball.”
In the control video, participants saw a short clip of a man explaining what
needs to be done to fix a bathtub faucet. The purpose of the control condi-
tion was to (a) ensure that watching the flat Earth clips did not influence the
dispositional factors (i.e., that science intelligence, conspiracy mentality, and
religiosity did not vary based on watching a flat Earth video clip compared to
the control clip) and to (b) determine whether there were overall effects of
watching flat Earth video clips on openness to researching flat Earth views
compared to the control condition.
Measures
Media effects – openness to researching flat earth views
Presumably, the creators of flat Earth YouTube videos desire to increase
viewers’ openness to the viewpoint. Worth highlighting, the slogan of the
conference was not “The Earth is Flat,” but “Research Flat Earth,” emphasiz-
ing the Do-It-Yourself culture of the movement. We thus conceptualized
media effects for this study as the openness to researching flat Earth views
resulting from watching the video clips. To this end, we asked participants to
what extent they agree with six statements focused on self-reported planned
behavior (e.g., I plan to watch more YouTube videos to learn more about flat
Earth views; I plan to watch more YouTube videos to learn more about why
scientists say the Earth is round; I plan to conduct my own experiments to
determine the shape of the Earth) and one statement expressing doubt in the
globe (i.e., I find myself questioning the shape of the Earth). We evaluated
these items’ fit as a scale using item response theory (a graded response
model for ordinal polytomous data; Samejima, 1969); and we examined their
internal consistency (α = 0.88, 95% CI [0.80, 0.92]). For more information,
see the supplementary materials.
Argument strength
To measure argument strength, we reminded participants of the argument made
in the video clip and asked how (1) believable, (2) convincing, and (3) strong
12 A. R. LANDRUM ET AL.
they found the argument to be. To answer these questions, participants used
a slider scale that ranged from 0 to 1006, with higher numbers reflecting greater
argument strength. These three items formed a scale with strong internal
consistency (α = 0.94, 95% CI [0.93, 0.95]). On average, participants rated the
arguments as weak, or having low argument strength (M = 13.93 of 100,
SD = 20.28, Median = 4.67).
Counterarguing
The second measurement of cognitive response was the extent to which partici-
pants counterargued with the claims. We mostly followed the method outlined by
Boukes et al. (2015), in which participants were asked to write down their thoughts
after watching the video clip, and the thoughts were coded as agreeing or disagree-
ing with the critical message from the video. In one block, we asked participants to
provide any reasons (up to 5) why they think the argument made in the video is
false and, in another block, any reasons (up to 5) why they think the argument
made in the video might be true. The order of the presentation of the two blocks
was randomized between subjects. Participants were given five text boxes for each
question and asked to use one line per reason. Two coders read through the
reasons provided to ensure that the reasons in the “False” boxes disagreed with
the critical message made in the video and the reasons in the “True” boxes agreed
with the messages. For instance, one participant wrote in the true boxes that “there
is no reason for the argument to be true”; thus, this response was not counted as
a reason it is true. Coders did not evaluate the responses based on whether the
provided reasons were sound. We calculated intercoder reliability using Cohen’s
Kappa, (“False”: agreement = 98.2%, κ = 0.96; “True”: agreement = 99.2%,
κ = 0.88). Disagreements between the coders were resolved by discussion with
a third coder. Then, reasons-it-is-true were subtracted from reasons-it-is-false to
create a counterarguing score (M = 1.89, Median = 2, SD = 1.52).
Dispositions
We hypothesized that science intelligence, conspiracy mentality, and religi-
osity would influence cognitive response states and media effects.
Science intelligence
To measure science intelligence, we used a shortened version of the Ordinary
Science Intelligence scale (Kahan, 2017). Our shortened version of the scale
consisted of 9 items that were selected based on the items’ difficulty and
discriminatory power from a previous item response theory analysis using
a nationally-representative sample. The items were coded like a science quiz:
correct answers were coded as 1, and incorrect items (including no response)
were coded as 0. On average, participants in this sample answered about 5.5
questions out of 9 correctly (61% correct, Median = 5 questions, SD = 2.24
MEDIA PSYCHOLOGY 13
questions). As with prior work, the scale was evaluated and scored using item
response theory (a 2PL model). Then, the scores were centered so that the
mean was 0 (SD = .80; range = − 1.93 to 1.34). Scores did not vary based on
condition, F(5, 398) = 1.85, p = .137, η2= .014.
Conspiracy mentality
To measure conspiracy mentality, we used the 5-item general conspiracy mentality
questionnaire by Bruder et al. (2013). Items consisted of general conspiracy
statements, such as “Events which superficially seem to lack a connection are
often the result of secret activities.” Participants were asked to rate each item on
a 4-point scale, where response options were “definitely false” (1), “probably false”
(2), “probably true” (3), and “definitely true” (4). On average, participants rated the
items between probably true and probably false (M = 2.82, Median = 2.8,
SD = 0.51). As with the other scales, we analyzed this one using item response
theory (this time, a graded response model) and examined the items internal
consistency (α = 0.75, 95% CI [0.71, 0.78]). We found an unexpected significant
difference between conditions in conspiracy mentality scores, F(5, 493) = 2.87,
p = .014, η2= .031. Follow-up tests with Tukey correction show a statistically-
significant difference exists only between the science clip condition and the control
clip condition, with the control condition (M = 2.92, SD = 0.47) having a slightly
higher average conspiracy mentality score than the science clip condition
(M = 2.70, SD = 0.54, p = .030, d = 0.43). Though it is possible that seeing the
science clip somehow decreased the group’s average conspiracy mentality relative
to the control condition, the lack of differences between any of the other clip pairs
and lack of theoretical reason for the difference leads us to believe this is likely due
to chance. Importantly, conspiracy mentality did not differ between the three
experimental conditions which are compared in later analyses.
Religiosity
To measure religiosity, we asked three questions: (1) how much guidance does
your faith, religion, or spirituality provide in your day-to-day life, (2) how often do
you pray, and (3) whether the Bible should be interpreted literally (see Landrum &
Olshansky, 2019b; Weisberg et al., 2018). The wording for the first two questions
come from Pew Research Center. For the third question, we asked participants to
what extent they agreed or disagreed with the following statement:
“Religious scripture, such as the Bible, should be taken literally. For example, the
tale in which Jonah is swallowed by a giant fish (or whale) and is spit back onto the
shore three days later actually happened and is not simply a fictional moral tale.”
We used item response theory (GRM model) to evaluate and score the measure.
Then, the scores were centered and scaled so that the mean was 0 (SD = 1;
range = − 1.13 to 1.91). There were no significant differences between conditions
14 A. R. LANDRUM ET AL.
in religiosity, F(3, 398) = 1.21, p = .307, η2= .009. More information about the
properties of this scale is available in the supplementary materials.
Results
This study aimed to identify which dispositions predict susceptibility to the
different flat Earth arguments. To do this, we begin by conducting a series of
regression analyses before testing two moderated mediation models. For
more detailed results, please see the supplementary materials. Additional
information can be found on our osf.io page at: https://osf.io/j8rgv/
Table 2. Results from the GLM models for predicting perceptions of argument strength and
predicting counterarguing. Statistical significance is based on Type III analyses (accounting for all
model factors). Reported coefficients (b) are based on hierarchical regression, first accounting for
the main effects, second accounting for the main effects and the two-way interactions, and third
accounting for all effects including the three-way interaction.
Argument Strength Counterarguing
b F values ηp2
b F values ηp2
Video Clip (ref = Science) 1.33 .01 0.29 .00
Science vs. Conspiracy −6.98 0.47
Science vs. Religious −8.56 0.81
τ
Conspiracy Mentality 9.43 19.16*** .06 −0.32 3.15 .01
Religiosity 1.27 2.53 .01 −0.18 0.00 .00
Science Literacy −6.26 11.48*** .04 0.10 0.45 .00
Clip X Conspiracy Mentality 1.75 .01 0.05 .00
Science vs. Conspiracy 2.46 −0.04
Science vs. Religious −6.19 −0.22
Clip X Religiosity 0.90 .01 0.05 .00
Science vs. Conspiracy 1.16 −0.03
Science vs. Religious 3.29 0.06
τ
Clip X Science Literacy 2.30 .02 2.58 .02
Science vs. Conspiracy 2.23 0.30
Science vs. Religious 1.14 0.07
Conspiracy Mentality X Science Literacy −11.99 18.03*** .06 0.19 0.65 .00
Conspiracy Mentality X Religiosity −3.25 2.27 .01 −0.07 0.09 .00
Religiosity X Science Literacy −0.59 0.23 .00 −0.04 0.05 .00
Clip X Conspiracy Mentality X Science Literacy 2.42τ .02 2.37τ .02
Science vs. Conspiracy 1.86 −0.19
Science vs. Religious 12.86 −1.09
τ
p < .10, *p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001
Table 3. Results from the GLM model predicting openness to researching flat Earth views.
Statistical significance and effect size (ηp2) are based on Type III analyses (accounting for all
model factors). Reported coefficients (b) are based on hierarchical regression, first accounting for
the main effects and then accounting for the main effects and the two-way interactions.
DV: Openness to Researching Flat Earth b Sum Sq df F values Pr(>F) ηp2
Video Clip (ref = Science) 5.81 2 5.16** .006 .04
science vs. conspiracy 0.08
science vs. religious 0.12
Conspiracy Mentality 0.16 1.64 1 2.92 .089 .01
Science Intelligence −0.13 0.00 1 0.00 .957 .00
Argument Strength 0.03 2.54 1 4.51* .034 .02
Counterargument 0.09 1.32 1 2.34 .127 .01
Religiosity 0.04 0.28 1 0.50 .478 .00
Clip X Conspiracy Mentality 6.34 2 5.64** .004 .04
science vs. conspiracy 0.76
science vs. religious 0.44
Clip X Science Intelligence 0.33 2 0.29 .747 .00
science vs. conspiracy 0.08
science vs. religious −0.02
Conspiracy Mentality X Science Intelligence 0.1 0.34 1 0.60 .438 .00
Argument Strength X Conspiracy Mentality 0 0.22 1 0.39 .535 .00
Argument Strength X Science Intelligence −0.01 7.61 1 13.54*** <.001 .05
Counterargument X Science Intelligence −0.14 4.71 1 8.37** .004 .03
Counterargument X Conspiracy Mentality −0.07 0.63 1 1.12 .292 .00
τ
p < .10, *p < .05, **p < .01, ***p < .001
16 A. R. LANDRUM ET AL.
3 Hig
hC
on
Predicted Argument Strength sp
ira
cy
Me
(Centered and Scaled)
2 nta
lity
(to
p2
5%
1 )
0
Low Conspiracy Mentality (bottom 25%)
2 1 0 1
Science
Science Literacy
Intelligence
Figure 2. Interaction effect between science intelligence and conspiracy mentality on perceived
argument strength. The effect of science intelligence on reducing perceptions of argument strength
is strongest among those with higher conspiracy mentality. Although conspiracy mentality was
a continuous variable in the analysis reported, we grouped the variable into quartiles and graphed
the highest and lowest quartile for the purpose of the visualization.
argument than the religious clip (M = 10.09, SD = 18.67, p = .025, d = 0.38), but
not compared to the conspiracy clip (M = 14.23, SD = 20.83, p = .453, d = 0.17).
The religious and conspiracy clips also do not differ significantly from one
another (p = .308, d = 0.21).
5
Low Conspiracy Mentality High Conspiracy Mentality
Openness to Researching
Figure 3. Conditional effect of video clip by conspiracy mentality on openness to researching flat Earth.
Those with lower conspiracy mentality were more open to researching flat Earth after watching the
science clip, whereas those with higher conspiracy mentality were more open to researching flat Earth
after watching the conspiracy clip. Although conspiracy mentality was a continuous variable in the
analysis reported, we grouped the variable into quartiles and graphed the highest and lowest quartile
for the purpose of this visualization. The black bars represent the mean openness to researching flat
Earth, and the white boxes represent Bayesian highest density intervals (confidence intervals).
18 A. R. LANDRUM ET AL.
Counterargument
Predicted Openness to
Figure 4. The relationship between the cognitive response states and openness to researching flat
Earth was stronger among those with lower science literacy than those with higher science literacy.
Although science literacy was a continuous variable in the analysis reported, we grouped the variable
into bottom 25%, middle 50%, and top 25% and graphed these for the purpose of this visualization.
preliminary evidence for this effect from the regressions used to test the first
three hypotheses. For hypothesis 4, then, we used path modeling to test for
relative indirect effects and relative conditional indirect effects.
We also estimated whether science literacy and conspiracy mentality moder-
ate the effects of the cognitive response states on openness to researching flat
Earth. From our regression analyses, we found that science literacy, in particular,
appears to moderate the effect of both argument strength and counterargument
when predicting openness to researching flat Earth (see Table 3). As religiosity
was not significant in the earlier regressions, we included it as a covariate instead
of as an additional moderator in the path model. Furthermore, we ran separate
models for each of the mediators instead of including them as parallel or serial
mediators. The models used correspond to PROCESS model 76 (Hayes, 2018).
We coded our experimental manipulation using indicator coding, with the
conspiracy condition as the reference category. See Figures 5 and 6. The full
results from the path analysis are available in the supplementary materials. Here,
we provide a brief summary and a description of the overall and relative
conditional direct and indirect effects (see Table 4).
Direct effects
The results revealed a relative direct effect between the science clip (versus the
conspiracy clip, X1) and openness to researching flat Earth (b = 1.92, p = .003), and
MEDIA PSYCHOLOGY 19
Figure 5. Paths tested for Hypothesis 2. Note that separate models were tested for each of the
response state variables. In addition, the conditions were coded using Indicator coding.
Indirect effects
What this analysis adds to our earlier regression analyses is an estimation of
relative conditional indirect effects (see Table 4). We found significant relative,
conditional indirect effect of the science clip (vs. the conspiracy clip) through
argument strength when conspiracy mentality is low (e.g., 16th percentile) and
20 A. R. LANDRUM ET AL.
a b
c d
Figure 6. Significant direct effects from the path analysis in PROCESS. The top two squares (a and b)
reflect the analysis where argument strength serves as the mediator and the bottom two squares (c
and d) reflect the analysis where counterargument serves as the mediator. The two squares on the
left (a and c) reflect the analyses comparing the science and conspiracy appeals. The two squares on
the right (b and d) reflect the analyses comparing the religious and conspiracy appeals. Statistically
significant paths are depicted with solid lines. Marginally-significant paths are depicted with dashed
lines. Non-significant paths are not shown.
Table 4. Relative conditional indirect effects of the experimental manipulation (video clip
watched) on openness to researching flat earth views. Statistical significance was determined
using 95% confidence intervals obtained from 5000 bootstrapped samples; asterisks indicate
significant effects (where the confidence intervals do not cross 0). Values of the moderators
(conspiracy mentality and science literacy) are at the 16th (low), 50th (med), and 84th (high)
percentiles.
Argument Strength Counterarguing
Conspiracy Science
Mentality Intelligence Effect LLCI ULCI Effect LLCI ULCI
Science vs. Conspiracy Low Low 0.344* 0.005 0.754 −0.008 −0.172 0.166
Low Med 0.258* 0.064 0.511 −0.007 −0.072 0.063
Low High 0.194* 0.020 0.446 −0.006 −0.061 0.043
Med Low 0.215 −0.079 0.513 0.025 −0.070 0.157
Med Med 0.156* 0.040 0.285 0.014 −0.016 0.058
Med High 0.113* 0.011 0.244 0.007 −0.031 0.056
High Low 0.138 −0.174 0.496 0.052 −0.036 0.213
High Med 0.098 −0.059 0.291 0.030 −0.030 0.118
High High 0.068 −0.060 0.238 0.014 −0.076 0.111
Religion vs. Conspiracy Low Low 0.173 −0.171 0.636 0.001 −0.082 0.085
Low Med 0.115 −0.036 0.352 0.007 −0.055 0.071
Low High 0.078 −0.031 0.256 0.012 −0.069 0.105
Med Low −0.023 −0.276 0.249 −0.004 −0.066 0.043
Med Med −0.031 −0.134 0.075 −0.013 −0.057 0.015
Med High −0.030 −0.142 0.069 −0.018 −0.097 0.052
High Low −0.137 −0.408 0.123 −0.005 −0.106 0.072
High Med −0.111 −0.278 0.025 −0.029 −0.131 0.026
High High −0.085 −0.275 0.040 −0.045 −0.201 0.053
and openness to researching flat Earth (b = 2.64, p < .001), and this relation-
ship was conditional on conspiracy mentality (b = − 0.94, p < .001). There
was also a relative direct effect between the religious clip (versus the con-
spiracy clip, X2) and openness to researching flat Earth (b = 1.58, p = .042),
and the relationship was conditional on conspiracy mentality (b = −0.54,
p = .044).
Unlike the previous model, however, conspiracy mentality (b = − 0.34, p = .304)
and science intelligence (b = −0.10, p = .605) did not significantly predict the
cognitive response state (here counterarguing); and, counterarguing did not sig-
nificantly predict openness to researching flat Earth (b = 0.26, p = .209).
Unsurprising, then, there were no significant relative conditional indirect effects.
Discussion
Who is susceptible to which types of arguments presented in flat Earth videos?
Perhaps unsurprising, our sample of regular YouTube users generally found the
arguments presented in the flat Earth video clips to be weak. We asked participants
to rate the arguments’ strength on several dimensions using a scale from 1 to 100,
and the ratings were strongly skewed positive (floor effect) with an average near 14
and a median rating of 4.67. Similarly, participants were not particularly open to
researching flat Earth views. Like our argument strength index, our index of
22 A. R. LANDRUM ET AL.
openness to researching flat Earth views was positively skewed with an average
near 1.98 (of 6) and a median score of 1.86. Given this, our findings may be more
appropriately interpreted as who was least resistant rather than who was most
susceptible.
Importantly, these were single exposures to Flat Earth videos. Many of the flat-
Earthers we spoke to described dismissing the videos after their initial exposure to
them. Therefore, our findings may not necessarily imply that these videos are
broadly unconvincing. Rather, multiple exposures to a variety of different videos
and/or a motivated attempt to “debunk” the videos may lessen one’s defenses.
to researching flat Earth views (see Figure 3). It was expected and unsurprising
that, compared with people who are lower in conspiracy mentality, people with
higher conspiracy mentality would be more open to researching flat Earth after
having seen the YouTube clips. It is also unsurprising that the greatest differences
between those of low and high conspiracy mentality were found among those
who saw the video that appealed to conspiracy views. What is surprising, and
a bit unsettling, is how the difference between those with higher and lower
conspiracy mentality seemed to disappear for those who saw the video that
appealed to science (that is, it mentioned experimentation and measurement).
We should be careful not to draw strong conclusions about the effects of
different categories of appeals, such as science, religion, and conspiracy, as
we only tested one version of each. Future research that aims to specifically
look at the influence of different appeals ought to consider using stimulus
sampling and possibly fabricating flat Earth videos that vary only on the
specific appeal (e.g., science, religion, conspiracy) to control for exogenous
variables.
cannot evaluate the strength of an argument of a video clip they do not know
exists. Future studies should consider alternative ways to measure media use, such
as “time watched,” that can be collapsed across experimental conditions when
differences between those conditions do not occur.
It is also a recognizable limitation of our current study that we had to
restrict the number of differential susceptibility and response state vari-
ables we measured. We focused on factors relevant to cognitions (e.g.,
science intelligence, conspiracy mentality, argument strength, and coun-
terarguing), but it is highly likely that other categories of variables also are
relevant to understanding differential susceptibility to flat Earth videos.
Indeed, future work ought to examine some of the emotional and excita-
tive response states that can be elicited and how such states mediate the
potential relationship between watching these videos and being open to
researching flat Earth views.
Despite these limitations, we were able to test the DSMM model in a
specific context that yielded interesting results. Based on these results, a
small update could be considered for the DSMM. In the current version of
the model, the role of the differential susceptibility variables as moderators
is only explicitly hypothesized to influence the relationship between media
use and response state. However, we propose that it is also possible that
certain differential susceptibility variables could moderate the relationship
between the response state and the media effect. In this study, for instance,
we found that science intelligence interacted with both argument strength
and counterarguing to influence openness to researching flat Earth.
Conclusion
Flat Earth is not entangled with politics the way disagreement surrounding
climate change is, and its discussion allows for people to recognize the
problems of misinformation dissemination on social media and consider
workable solutions without polarizing stakeholders. This position was well
articulated by Hannalore Gerling-Dunsmore, an astrophysicist who was
interviewed for the documentary, “Behind the Curve.” She says, “What
flat Earthers can offer is a way to have 99% of people say, ‘Well that’s
ridiculous. Imagine believing that!’ And then to turn it around and say,
‘How are you a flat Earther?’”
Although flat Earth YouTube videos may not convince the majority of the
people who watch them, it is clear that some people are more open than others to
these ideas. Importantly, this study shows that science intelligence can act to
inoculate against at least some forms of pseudoscience and science-based mis-
information. For individuals to find the relevant scientific knowledge, however,
scientists and science communicators ought to engage these communities where
they are and use platforms like YouTube to communicate science.
26 A. R. LANDRUM ET AL.
Notes
1. It is also noteworthy that all of the speakers at the conference have their own YouTube
channels.
2. This same process of conversion was articulated to BBC reporters examining the flat
Earth phenomenon (Silva, 2019).
3. This fact check was not displayed to participants in the control condition.
4. We had an additional experimental condition that we added as a pilot/exploratory
condition. This condition had two possible videos displayed to participants and only 50
people saw each video. Because this condition was a pilot, it is excluded from this study.
However, information about it is available in the online supplementary materials.
5. We use “scientific” to describe the clip that referred to experimentation and measure-
ment, and we do not mean to suggest that the clip includes legitimate scientific
evidence that the Earth is flat. Indeed, the narrator misrepresents the purpose and
the findings of the experiments he describes in his video.
6. The slider scale allowed for participants to choose a number with up to two decimal
points to approximate a continuous scale.
7. The control condition was excluded because participants in the control condition did
not answer the argument strength or counterarguing questions as they did not see the
flat Earth videos.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
ORCID
Asheley R. Landrum http://orcid.org/0000-0002-3074-804X
Alex Olshansky http://orcid.org/0000-0002-9387-9098
Othello Richards http://orcid.org/0000-0001-8202-8610
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6/3/2020 Is the Earth Really Flat According to the Quran? Wiki-Islam Refuted | Rational Religion
ABOUT
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IS THE EARTH REALLY FLAT L
ACCORDING TO THE RELIGIO
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QURAN? WIKI-ISLAM
REFUTED Ahmadi
Posted by Tahir Nasser | 4 Jul 2019 | Blog | 22 Muslims
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which the earth was rolled out like a carpet or
Interesti
a rug for humans to sleep on, like a bed.
g
There is, however, another interpretation to Embed View on
REFUTATION OF
WIKIISLAM
IS THE EARTH SPREAD-OUT?
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4. Tous
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of a tradition or aour
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SUBDUCTION AND
RECYCLING
The Earth’s crust isn’t just continuously added
to from the mid-ocean ridges. If it was, the
undersea mountain ranges would become
taller and sea-levels around the world would
rise until all land would be submerged. The
Earth’s crust is also consumed in other places,
to produce a continuous “conveyer-belt” e ect
of production and destruction.
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DEFINITIVE EVIDENCE OF
PLANETARY MODEL IN THE
QURAN
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ﺻ ۡﻧ َﻊ ﱣ ِ اﻟﱠذ ِۡۤی ُ ؕب ِ ﺳﺣَﺎ َﺎﻣ َدةً ﱠو ﮨِ َﯽ ﺗ َ ُﻣ ﱡر َﻣ ﱠر اﻟ ﱠ َ َو ﺗ َ َری ۡاﻟ ِﺟﺑَﺎ َل ﺗ َ ۡﺣ
ِ ﺳﺑُ َﮩﺎ ﺟ
َا َ ۡﺗﻘَنَ ُﮐ ﱠل ﺷ َۡﯽءٍ ؕ اِﻧﱠ ٗہ َﺧﺑِ ۡﯾ ۢ ٌر ﺑِ َﻣﺎ ﺗ َ ۡﻔﻌَﻠُ ۡون
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ABSURDITIES AD-INFINITUM
There are other verses, besides those given at
the beginning of this article, using which
WikiIslam argues that the Quran presents a at
Earth. They are however so absurd that they
don’t really require much refutation. Simple
common sense will do, so they won’t be dealt
with in any signi cant depth.
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Rational Religion 1
Sky Above Us
Because the Quran describes the heavens as a
canopy with many layers or like a building with
many
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Earth. Who knew? Not to burst theirGot
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CONCLUSION
One question remains, and it is applicable to
all verses of the Quran on scienti c topics. Why
didn’t the Quran just explicitly describe the
Earth as a globe rotating around the Earth?
Because had it done so, it would run the risk of
being rejected by the people of the 7th century
on the basis of an irrelevant scienti c fact that
bears no relation to the purpose for which the
Quran was sent – spiritual development. It is a
hallmark of its beauty that when it refers to
scienti c phenomena, it does so in a manner
that does not fall foul of incorrect or primitive
beliefs on the nature of Earth and the universe,
while yet containing essential truths
discernible in more scienti cally enlightened,
future ages. The matter of the spreading of the
Earth, cited earlier, is one such example.
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Tahir Nasser
Tahir Nasser is a writer,
moonlighting as a medical doctor.
He is the co-founder of Rational
Religion. He also serves as the
science editor for the Review of
Religions (one of the oldest
English-language magazines on
comparative religions), writes for
national and online media, and is a
speaker on University lecture
circuits on issues relating to
Muslim youth and Islam in the
modern world. He writes regularly
for the Hu ngton Post, Patheos
and has been published also in the
Guardian. Tahir enjoys writing
ction and has recently published
his rst novel, The Day They All
Died Young, which you can read
about here: www.tahirnasser.com
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22 COMMENTS
REPLY
Thank you!
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REPLY
Hi there.
You said: Moreover, the word jibaal is never
conjoined with the Earth spreading out.
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Shuaib
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Do reply me brother.
Assalamualaikum.
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Jason on May 3, 2020 at 12:20 am
When you were talking about “Sky above us” you
said it was referring to the layers of our
atmosphere. If that’s the case you need to explain
how the quran claims the stars are in the lowest
heaven (The troposphere). Based on your logic
stars would be found in the troposphere which
we know isn’t accurate. I know being apologetic
and defending a book written by 700AD desert
dwellers could be challenging so try again.
REPLY
Waseem ALtaf on May 17, 2020 at 5:24 am
He wont answer man, but here I will tell
you, this seven heavens being troposphere
and all is BS, They are only trying to t
Quran into how science interprets the
universe`. But I am a Muslim okay and I
believe in what Quran contains every word
of it and if Quran says earth is at that
means it it, even if NASA says whatever or
shows me whatever pictures, let me tell
you I will reject all their evidence just
because I believe the Quran is from Allah
and I don’t need any validation for that. SO
when Allah says earth is a bed spread out,
it is an expanse I feel that is so true and I
feel that is what earth means, not a
spinning ball.
REPLY
REPLY
https://www.alislam.org/quran/view/?
page=2396®ion=E54
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6/13/2020 Irving regrets ever calling Earth 'flat'
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6/13/2020 How technology can combat the rising tide of fake science
Science gets a lot of respect these days. Unfortunately, it’s also getting a lot of Author
competition from misinformation. Seven in 10 Americans think the benefits from
science outweigh the harms, and nine in 10 think science and technology will create
more opportunities for future generations. Scientists have made dramatic progress in
understanding the universe and the mechanisms of biology, and advances in Chris Impey
computation benefit all fields of science. University Distinguished Professor of
Astronomy, University of Arizona
On the other hand, Americans are surrounded by a rising tide of misinformation and
fake science. Take climate change. Scientists are in almost complete agreement that
people are the primary cause of global warming. Yet polls show that a third of the
public disagrees with this conclusion.
https://theconversation.com/how-technology-can-combat-the-rising-tide-of-fake-science-132158 1/6
6/13/2020 How technology can combat the rising tide of fake science
However, the consequences of fake science are no laughing matter. In matters of health and climate
change, misinformation can be a matter of life and death. Over a 90-day period spanning December,
January and February, people liked, shared and commented on posts from sites containing false or
misleading information about COVID-19 142 times more than they did information from the Centers
for Disease Control and the World Health Organization.
Combating fake science is an urgent priority. In a world that’s increasingly dependent on science and
technology, civic society can only function when the electorate is well informed.
Educators must roll up their sleeves and do a better job of teaching critical thinking to young people.
However, the problem goes beyond the classroom. The internet is the first source of science
information for 80% of people ages 18 to 24.
One study found that a majority of a random sample of 200 YouTube videos on climate change denied
that humans were responsible or claimed that it was a conspiracy. The videos peddling conspiracy
theories got the most views. Another study found that a quarter of all tweets on climate were
generated by bots and they preferentially amplified messages from climate change deniers.
The recent success of machine learning and AI in detecting fake news points the way to detecting fake
science online. The key is neural net technology. Neural nets are loosely modeled on the human brain.
They consist of many interconnected computer processors that identify meaningful patterns in data
like words and images. Neural nets already permeate everyday life, particularly in natural language
processing systems like Amazon’s Alexa and Google’s language translation capability.
At the University of Arizona, we have trained neural nets on handpicked popular articles about
climate change and biological evolution, and the neural nets are 90% successful in distinguishing
wheat from chaff. With a quick scan of a site, our neural net can tell if its content is scientifically
sound or climate-denial junk. After more refinement and testing we hope to have neural nets that can
work across all domains of science.
https://theconversation.com/how-technology-can-combat-the-rising-tide-of-fake-science-132158 3/6
6/13/2020 How technology can combat the rising tide of fake science
Neural net technology under development at the University of Arizona will flag science websites with a color code indicating
their reliability (left). A smartphone app version will gamify the process of declaring science articles real or fake (right).
Chris Impey, CC BY-ND
The goal is a web browser extension that would detect when the user is looking at science content and
deduce whether or not it’s real or fake. If it’s misinformation, the tool will suggest a reliable web site
on that topic. My colleagues and I also plan to gamify the interface with a smart phone app that will
let people compete with their friends and relatives to detect fake science. Data from the best of these
participants will be used to help train the neural net.
Sniffing out fake science should be easier than sniffing out fake news in general, because subjective
opinion plays a minimal role in legitimate science, which is characterized by evidence, logic and
verification. Experts can readily distinguish legitimate science from conspiracy theories and
arguments motivated by ideology, which means machine learning systems can be trained to, as well.
“Everyone is entitled to his own opinion, but not his own facts.” These words of Daniel Patrick
Moynihan, advisor to four presidents, could be the mantra for those trying to keep science from being
drowned by misinformation.
[You’re smart and curious about the world. So are The Conversation’s authors and editors. You can
read us daily by subscribing to our newsletter.]
Climate change Artificial intelligence Education Bigfoot Climate change denial Superstition Pseudoscience
Aliens Evidence ghosts Magical Thinking Neural networks Flat Earth Scientific literacy Haunted house
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6/13/2020 How technology can combat the rising tide of fake science
In my 30 years of studying and promoting scientific literacy, I’ve found that college educated adults
have large holes in their basic science knowledge and they’re disconcertingly susceptible to
superstition and beliefs that aren’t based on any evidence. One way to counter this is to make it easier
for people to detect pseudoscience online. To this end, my lab at the University of Arizona has
developed an artificial intelligence-based pseudoscience detector that we plan to freely release as a
web browser extension and smart phone app.
Americans are prone to superstition and paranormal beliefs. An annual survey done by sociologists at
Chapman University finds that more than half believe in spirits and the existence of ancient
civilizations like Atlantis, and more than a third think that aliens have visited the Earth in the past or
are visiting now. Over 75% hold multiple paranormal beliefs. The survey shows that these numbers
have increased in recent years.
Paranormal beliefs
A survey of 1,190 American adults in 2018 found a wide range of paranormal
beliefs and superstitions.
Widespread belief in astrology is a pet peeve of my colleagues in astronomy. It’s long had a foothold in
the popular culture through horoscopes in newspapers and magazines but currently it’s booming.
Belief is strong even among the most educated. My surveys of college undergraduates show that three-
quarters of them think that astrology is very or “sort of” scientific and only half of science majors
recognize it as not at all scientific.
Allan Mazur, a sociologist at Syracuse University, has delved into the nature of irrational belief
systems, their cultural roots, and their political impact. Conspiracy theories are, by definition,
resistant to evidence or data that might prove them false. Some are at least amusing. Adherents of the
flat Earth theory turn back the clock on two millennia of scientific progress. Interest in this bizarre
idea has surged in the past five years, spurred by social media influencers and the echo chamber
nature of web sites like Reddit. As with climate change denial, many come to this belief through
YouTube videos.
https://theconversation.com/how-technology-can-combat-the-rising-tide-of-fake-science-132158 2/6
6/13/2020 How technology can combat the rising tide of fake science
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The ancient Greeks had alternative facts too – they were just more chill about it
From border security to climate change, national emergency declarations raise hard
questions about presidential power
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6/13/2020 How technology can combat the rising tide of fake science
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6/13/2020 The Flat Earth.
The last two are obviously (to us) irrelevant, but the others represent valid arguments based on
observations of nature.
https://www.lockhaven.edu/~dsimanek/flat/flateart.htm 1/17
6/13/2020 The Flat Earth.
The early Christian Church accepted Aristotle's spherical earth. But a few malcontents within the
Church pointed out that the Bible speaks of 'the four corners' of the earth. In the 5th century CE the
monk Cosmas Indicopleustes, in his Christian Topography, described a square earth with a heavenly
vault, much like the Egyptian model. Tertulian also was a flat-earther.
Science writer Robert J. Schadewald gave me permission to quote the following paragraphs in which
he summarizes the Biblical evidence which flat-earthers use to justify their position. He wrote this to
a geocentrist fundamentalist who was arguing that the Bible supports a fixed, non-moving earth, with
the all the rest of the universe moving around us at about one revolution per day. Bob, of course
agreed that the Bible does support that view, but wonders why this particular fundamentalist did not
also accept the idea that the earth is flat, since that has basis in the Bible also.
...The Bible is, from Genesis to Revelation, a flat-earth book. ...While the Bible nowhere
states categorically that the earth is flat, numerous Old Testament verses clearly show that
the ancient Hebrews were flat-earthers. This comes through more clearly in modern
translations such as the New English Bible, but it's clear enough in the King James
Version. The Genesis creation story says the earth is covered by a vault (firmament) and
that the celestial bodies move inside the vault. (See Genesis 1:6-8 and 1:17. Note that, even
in KJV, while there are waters "above" the firmament, the celestial bodies are "in" it.) This
makes no sense unless one assumes that the earth is essentially flat.
That the Hebrews considered the sun and moon to be small bodies near to the earth is clear
from Joshua 10:12, which gives specific localities [geographic] in which they stood still.
Isaiah 40:22 says that "God sits throned on the vaulted roof of earth, whose inhabitants are
like grasshoppers." In the book of Job, Eliphaz the Temanite says God "walks to and fro on
the vault of heaven.'' (Job 22:14. The KJV translators copped out on the last two verses,
but in both cases the implications are clear.)
https://www.lockhaven.edu/~dsimanek/flat/flateart.htm 2/17
6/13/2020 The Flat Earth.
That the earth was considered essentially flat is clear from Daniel, who said, "I saw a tree
of great height at the centre of the earth; the tree grew and became strong, reaching with its
top to the sky and visible to the earth's farthest bounds." (Daniel 4:10-11) Only on a flat
earth could one see a tree reaching the sky (dome?) from "the earth's farthest bounds."
The New Testament also implies a flat earth. For instance, Matthew 4:8 says that "The
devil took him [Jesus] to a very high mountain, and showed him all the kingdoms of the
world in their glory." From a sufficiently high mountain, one could see all of the kingdoms
of the world"but only if the earth were flat. The same applies to Revelation 1:7, which says
that at the second coming, "Every eye shall see him." Finally, Revelation 7:1 refers to "the
four corners of the earth," and corners are not generally associated with spheres.
Actually, if you want a good picture of the hebrew conception of the earth, look in a
Jewish encyclopedia under "cosmography." You might also want to read the so-called
"Ethiopic" Book of Enoch, written perhaps 150 B.C. While not canonical, it's paraphrased
or quoted a couple of times in the New Testament, so it was highly regarded in those days.
Its flat earth implications are even stronger.
The Biblical cosmos model derives from Egyptian sources, which had a flat earth covered by a
rounded sky vault supported at the four corners of the earth by high mountains. The 'waters above and
the waters below' in the book of Genesis refer to the Babylonian notion that the waters were divided,
and some remained above the sky vault. The vault was like a leaky roof and some of that water falls
down as rain.
Astonishingly, some present-day 'biblical creationists' now argue that this water above the sky was the
source of the flood in the time of Noah. They realize that if the waters did cover the earth to the
highest mountain tops, there just isn't any source of that much water in the earth or in the atmosphere!
So it must have come from somewhere else, they argue, in their pathetic attempt to make creationism
appear 'scientific'.
https://www.lockhaven.edu/~dsimanek/flat/flateart.htm 3/17
6/13/2020 The Flat Earth.
24,900 miles. This value was considered too large by most of Eratosthenes' contemporaries, who
preferred the smaller value worked out later by Poseidonius (18,000 miles). The latter value was
accepted by Ptolemy (and Columbus, much later).
Note that Eratosthenes made the assumption that the sun was far enough away from the earth that the
incoming solar rays are parallel.
Popular histories give the impression that Columbus had to contend with flat earth believers who
warned that he'd sail right off the edge of the earth. It is even said that he set out to prove the earth
was round. That's myth.
Most educated persons in Columbus' day accepted a round earth. But there was difference of opinion
about the earth's size. Columbus made the mistake of relying on Ptolemey's value for the size of the
earth, which was much too small. Columbus therefore underestimated the length of the proposed
voyage. (He wanted to reach the Orient, but America got in the way.)
There were even some who accepted a round earth, but misunderstood gravity. They thought that if
you went too far you'd roll off. In fact, they had to postulate some sort of mountainous wall around
the known world to keep the oceans from spilling off.
Bob Shadewald, who researced the flat earth idea to a greater extent than I have, tells me that the flat
earth idea was revived in the 18th century by the followers of a eccentric English sectarian and tailor,
Lodowick Muggleton. I have been unable to independently confirm this. Origins of eccentric ideas are
usually difficult to pin down. In any case, from the 18th century to the present day the flat earth belief
is bound up with religious fundamentalism.
By 1800, Zetetic societies were flourishing in England. 'Zetetic' means 'seeker' or 'skeptic'. The flat-
earthers took this name to symbolize their skepticism toward orthodox scientific views of the shape of
the earth.
However, their skepticism was limited to science. Then, and now, the flat idea goes along with
religious fundamentalism, and a literal interpretation of the Bible. I have yet to hear of a flat earther
who is not also a Biblical literalist.
Samuel Birley Rowbotham (1816-1884), a 19th century religious fundamentalist, headed an Owenite
colony, and promoted the flat earth philosophy. He's a shadowy figure for historians. He had a
reputation of cynical dishonesty, and some think he didn't really believe what he promoted. He was an
itinerant lecurer, and wrote under several pseudonyms: Tryon, S. Goulden, Parallax, and Dr. Birley.
His major work was Earth Not a Globe written in 1849.
https://www.lockhaven.edu/~dsimanek/flat/flateart.htm 4/17
6/13/2020 The Flat Earth.
Rowbotham concocted the fiendishly clever idea of light refraction in curved paths to 'save the
hypothesis' of the flat earth, to account for what he called the 'optical illusions' of sunrise and sunset.
Rowbotham is the first flat-earther to give the size of the sun: 32 miles in diameter, a figure accepted
by flat-earthers today. However, he gave the distance to the sun as 700 miles, a figure hard to
reconcile with his value for its diameter.
John Hampden (1819-1891) vigorously promoted the flat earth idea in England. He founded the
Truth-Seeker's Oracle and Scriptural Science Review in 1876. In 1870 Hampden made a bet with
naturalist Alfred Wallace on the outcome of a test of the flatness of water in the Old Bedford Canal.
Both sides claimed the test confirmed their view, and flat-earthers to this day assert that "water
surfaces have been proved to be flat."
Hampden was known for his piety, and his abusive language. Feeling he had been wronged in the
Bedford experiment, he buried Wallace in a blizzard of vitriolic pamphlets and letters to the editor. He
even resorted to abusing by letter, as this letter to Mrs. Wallace shows.
Madam
If your infernal thief of a husband is brought home some day on a hurdle, with every bone
in his head smashed to a pulp, you will know the reason. Do you tell him from me he is a
lying infernal thief, and as sure as his name is Wallace he never dies in his bed.
You must be a miserable wretch to be obliged to live with a convicted felon. Do not think
or let him think I have done with him.
John Hampden
Hampden thought the sun only 600 miles away, and 32 miles in diameter. These numbers derived
from Rowotham, and added nothing new to flat earth theory.
After Rowbotham's death in 1884 his followers carried on the crusade. The Universal Zetetic Society
(UZS) was founded in 1890, publishing a journal titled The Earth Not a Globe Review which had
1000 subscribers. The UZS remained active well into the early 20th century, but slowly declined after
World War I.
Other flat-earthers were active at this time. William Carpenter emigrated to Baltimore and wrote One
Hundred Proofs that the Earth is not a Globe in 1885. Lady Blount, wife of Sir Walter de Sodrington
Blount, promoted flat earth ideas. She founded and edited a journal Earth from 1900 to 1904.
Scotsman John Alexander Dowie (1847-1907) studied at Edinburgh University, then established a
pastorate near Sydney Australia, and included flat earth dogma in his theology.
A digression on measurements.
In the last decades of the 19th century diverse models of the earth and heavens were actively
promoted. Isaac Newton Vail proposed an annular theory to account for the formation of the earth and
planets, but assumed a convex earth. The Gillespian theory put the earth and sun in fixed positions,
allowing the earth to rotate. A "conic" theory modeled the shape of the earth as something like a cone,
its base being the North polar region, and its apex at the South pole. There was even a small
publication titled The Square World promoting an earth shaped as an inverted soup bowl, the
Northern hemisphere being about as we know it, but with the Southern Hemisphere flaring out to a
larger rim. It's a mystery why the author describes it as "square", but it has something to do with the
Biblical reference to "the four corners of the earth".
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The New Bedford canal experiment inspired others to measure the flatness of water surfaces.
Alexander Gleason, a civil engineer from Buffalo, NY, tested the flatness of the surface of lake Erie.
He published Is the Bible from Heaven (1890) and Is the Earth a Globe? (1893).
But not everyone who measured water's flatness got the same result. In 1896 Ulysses G. Morrow
made such a test on the Old Illinois Drainage Canal, He found the water surface concave upwards.
Morrow considered this "the most unmistakable evidence of the water's non-convexity." But he wasn't
surprised, for he was already leaning to the view of Cyrus Reed Teed that the earth was hollow, and
we lived on its inside surface, with the entire universe also inside.
Morrow made similar sightings in 1896 from the shore of Lake Michigan at the World's Fair Grounds.
Seven other sightings were made from Roby, Illinois in 1896, with similar results. These experiments
of both flat and hollow-earth advocates were easily dismissed by critics as simply due to atmospheric
refraction. Morrow sought a more convincing method for measuring water surfaces, one that would
not use light. In 1897 he did the famous Naples experiment in Florida, measuring a nearly 4 mile N-S
water surface using a method that did not depend on light. He concluded that the earth was concave,
with a radius of a bit over 4000 miles.
During the last decades of the 19th century the flat-earthers and hollow earthers paid close attention to
each other's experiments, read their opponent's publications, and even corresponded, through the
letters sections of their newsletters.
In 1888 Scotsman John Alexander Dowie (1847-1907) brought these ideas to America, where he
founded the Christian Catholic Church in Chicago. Dowie was a faith healer, and the journal Leaves
of Healing was the official publication of the church. The church grew rapidly, and Dowie realized his
dream of founding a christian community in 1901, the Zion community located on the Lake Michigan
shore, 40 miles north of Chicago.
Alexander Dowie
Alexander Dowie.
drawing by Champe.
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As the community grew and prospered, Dowie moved away from the simple life he had earlier
advocated. He resided in a 25 room mansion, and designed for himself magnificent ecclesiastical
robes, modeled after those worn by Aaron, the High priest, described in Leviticus. Community
members thought he was putting on too much 'style' and his wife was criticized as too extravagant. In
1906, after suffering a stroke, Dowie was forced to resign his position.
Dowie is rebuked.
The Zion communal industries were mostly ruined in the depression. Rival churches made special
efforts to send missionaries to Zion to break Voliva's religious monopoly. His political control of the
town of Zion was finally broken as well. Voliva died in 1942, and Zion now has pork, lipstick,
pharmacies and physicians, and you can safely whistle on Sunday.
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Voliva's flat earth map. Modern Mechanics and Invention, October, 1931.
The church's power declined in the 40s and 50s, partly due to financial scandals. But the church itself
still exists, a pale shadow of its former glory.
Zion today.
I visited Zion in the summer of 1992. It's a small lake shore community of middle class homes and
pleasant parks and beaches. One immediately recognizes the town's history and heritage in the street
signs, for the north-south streets are named for people and places from the Bible: Gideon, Jethro,
Galilee, Gilead, Gilboa, Gabriel, Ezra, Ezekiel, Enoch. When I was there the police cars still carried
the town seal, an emblem of the Zion church. A lawsuit had been brought against the town because of
this inappropriate use of a religious symbol. Several residents and church members I talked to were
very indignant about this attempt to separate church and state.
The original Zion church, a wooden structure, burned in 1937, and has been replaced by a church with
modern architectural design. Also gone is the Elijah Hospice, built in 1901. It was considered to be
the largest wood frame building in the world, with 350 rooms, dining rooms and parlors. It became
the Zion retirement hotel and nursing home. Despite efforts to save it as a historical site, it was torn
down in the late 1980s and replaced with a modern brick hospital. Zion now has over one hundred
churches of an astonishing variety, including many one-of-a-kind churches. There's even a nuclear
power plant adjoining city limits.
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Shiloh House, a 25 room mansion built as the residence of John Alexander Dowie. The roof tiles have a
zig-zag pattern in yellow green and brown, symbolizing the power of God. [Photo by Donald Simanek.]
Shiloh House, the home of Alexander Dowie and later of Wilbur Voliva, still stands. It may be visited
only on weekends, when the local historical society gives public tours.
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Shenton died in March 1971. His wife helped choose a successor. The most enthusiastic potential
leader within the organization seemed to be Charles K. Johnson of Lancaster, California.
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So Johnson became president of the Flat Earth Society in 1971 and 'inherited' a large portion of
Shenton's valuable library of books on flat earth history. Johnson put out a newspaper called The
International Flat Earth News. Its masthead declares its purpose: 'Restoring the World to Sanity.'
Rethinking Eratosthenes.
But suppose you abandon Eratosthenes' two assumptions, and adopt instead the assumption that the
earth is flat. Then, triangulation from the same data gives the distance to the sun: 3000 miles! See how
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a simple change of assumptions can drastically alter the entire cosmos? However, the round earth was
more than an arbitary assumption for Eratosthenes, for he and his contemporaries, had other very
good reasons for knowing the earth was round. [Textbooks sometimes mislead by suggesting that his
experiment was designed to prove the earth was a sphere. It was not, it was only intended to measure
the size of the sphere.]
Finally, the angular size of the sun is 0.5°. Using this fact with a distance to the sun of 3000 miles,
gives the sun's diameter: 32 miles. It therefore appears that the flat-earther's figures are based on sun
elevation data at just two particular latitudes, perhaps even Eratosthenes' values. I speculate that flat
earthers may have picked these out of some book, and when the calculation was finished, they looked
no further. For if they had done the calculation with a variety of latitudes, including large latitude
differences, conflicting results would have been obtained.
The left diagram below shows that for two towns having latitudes within about 30° of each other,
reasonably consistent results are obtained. But when larger baselines are used, the triangulation gives
a much smaller distance to the sun. For a 70° latitude difference the distance to the sun comes out less
than half that for a 10° difference.
The diagram at the right shows how Left: conventional physics. Right: flat-earther's physics.
this works. The angle that the rays
strike the earth's surface is correct, matching the left diagram.
To complete their path from the sun to the earth the rays must curve to strike the earth at the correct
(observed) angle. The curvature of the rays for latitude differences of less than 50° hardly shows on
the diagram. Of course this result can be obtained in various ways. The curvature could be confined to
the region near the earth, even within the atmosphere. The diagram shows circular arcs, but other
shapes might be used as well.
Johnson also cited the testimony of his wife Marjory, who came from Australia. "She's sworn out an
affidavit that she never hung by her feet in Australia. She sailed a ship over here, and she did not get
on it upside down and she did not sail straight up. She sailed right straight across the ocean. We
consider that a very important proof that the world is flat," Johnson says.
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We believe in terra firma, and the more firmer the less terror.
All science, like all philosophy and all religion is ultimately metaphorical and...reality is
essentially mystical and poetical.
Our aim is to restore man's faith in Common Sense... Seeing is believing. ...Man has been
blinded by metaphysics, brainwashed by popular fallacies and bullied into denying the evidence
of his very own eyes!
The cover of his brochure says "We're on the level." He once said, in an interview, that he had
traveled to the edge of the earth, which he defines as the edge of what he can see: Fogo Island, off the
coast of Newfoundland. There he gazed over the edge into the 'abysmal chasm'. "It was a horror," he
said. "I managed to grasp a stone for support." He carried that stone back with him, which he calls
'The Sacred Stone'.
Postscripts
March 2006.
Charles Johnson died in 2001. I hear rumors that some efforts have been made to find a new leader to
revive the organization, but I've seen no evidence that it has happened.
June 2015.
Eric Dubay seems to have revived the International Flat Earth Research Society. His website recycles
the classic arguments for an unmoving flat earth, and "refutes" arguments for a spherical, rotating
earth. He rejects gravity, and is clearly of the opinion that the round earth is a vast conspiracy to
delude everyone, promoted by Freemasons and NASA. He gives no convincing answer to the
question "Why would anyone go to that much trouble to promote any particular view of the cosmos?"
He admits he has no understanding of the mathematical arguments of conventional physics. He relies
instead on "common sense" analogies. Read his ebooks, web postings, and watch his videos as fine
exaples of "arguments from ignorance."
I still would like to see a debate between hollow earthers and flat earthers on the subject of the shape
of the earth. It would, I think, demonstrate how alike they are in the methods they use to support their
belief, and how they can use misinterpreted data and flawed arguments to arrive at mutually
contradictory conclusions.
Sources:
Cohen, Daniel. "Is the earth flat or hollow?" Science Digest, Nov. 1972, p. 62-66.
Cook, Philip. John Alexander Dowie's Theocracy. Zion Historical Society publication, Series 2.
1970. (pamphlet)
Darms, Rev. Anton. Life and Work of John Alexander Dowie. (pamphlet)
Davenport, Walter. "They call me a Flathead". Collier's, May 11, 1927.
DeFord, Charles S. A reparation: universal gravitation a universal fake. Fairfield, Wash., Ye
Galleon Press [1992] 62 p. illus., port. QB283.D44 1992 Reprint of the 3d ed. (New York,
Fortean Society, 1931), with a new introduction by Robert J. Schadewald.
Fiske, John. A Century of Science and Other Essays. Houghton, Mifflin, 1899. XIV. "Some
Cranks and their Crotchets." This essay also appears in Atlantic Monthly, March 1899, p. 292-
310. It discusses, among other things, the history of flat and hollow earth theories.
Flat Earth News. International Flat Earth Research Society.
Gardner, Martin. "Flat and hollow." In his Fads and fallacies in the name of science. [Rev. and
expanded ed.] New York, Dover Publications [1957] p. 16–27. Q173.G35 1957. Includes Voliva
and the Christian Apostolic Church in Zion, Ill.
Garwood, Christine. Flat Earth, The History of an Infamous Idea. Macmillian, 2007.
Gates, David, with Jennifer Smith. "Keeping the Flat-Earth Faith." Newsweek, July 2, 1984.
Gleason, Alex. Is the Bible from heaven? Is the earth a globe? 2d ed., rev. and enl. Buffalo,
N.Y., Buffalo Electrotype and Engraving Co. [1893] xix, 402 p. illus., map, col. plates, portraits.
QB638.G56
Kneitel, Tom. "WCBD, The 'Flat Earth' Radio Station". Popular Communications, June 1986.
Johnson, William J. "Flat Earth Society." SR (date?)
Leaves of Healing. (periodical, 1888- )
Moore, Patrick. "Better and flatter earths." In his Can you speak Venusian? A guide to the
independent thinkers. [Newton Abbot, David & Charles, 1972] p. 16–29. illus. QB52.M66 1972.
Pfarr, Jerry. "Utopia was 40 miles north of Chicago." Chicago News-Sun, Sat/Sun, July 15016,
1989, sec. 1.
Reinders, Robert C. "Training for a Prophet: The West Coast Missions of John Alexander
Dowie, 1888-1890." The Pacific Historian, Spring 1986. XXX, 1, p. 3.
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[Rowbotham, Samuel B.] Zetetic astronomy. Earth not a globe. An experimental inquiry into the
true figure of the earth, proving it a plane, without orbital or axial motion, and the only known
material world; its true position in the universe, comparatively recent formation, present
chemical condition, and approaching destruction by fire, &c., &c. By "Parallax" [pseud.] The
illus. by George Davey. 3d ed., rev. and enl. London, Day, 1881. 430 p. illus. CaBViP; CtY; ICJ
Schadewald, Robert. "He knew Earth is round, but his proof fell flat." Smithsonian, April 1978.
p. 101-113. An account of the 1870 'Old Bedford Canal' challenge in which naturalist Alfred
Russel Wallace and flat-earther John Hampden measured the flatness of the water surface.
Schadewald, Robert. "The Flat-out Truth: Earth Orbits? Moon Landings? A fraud! Says This
Prophet. Science Digest, July 1980, p. 58-63. Web copy.
Schadewald, Robert. "Is the World in Curious Shape?" (Asimov's science fiction magazine?)
Schadewald, Robert. "Some Like it Flat." In Fringes of Reason by Ted Schultz, ed. New York:
Harmony Books, 1989, 86-88.
Taylor, Jabez. Wilbur Glenn Voliva. Zion Historical Society, Continuing History of Zion, 1901-
1961, Series 7. (pamphlet, no date)
Taylor, Jabez. A Visit to Zion's Historical Shiloh House. Zion Historical Society, Shiloh House.
(pamphlet, no date)
Wacker, Grant. "Marching to Zion." A/G Heritage. Part 1, Summer? 1986. Part 2. Fall, 1986.
Wallace, Irving. The Square Pegs. Alfred A. Knopf, 1957. Chapter 1. In Defense of the Square
Peg.
Williams, Marjorie I. "From Realism to Reality: the Followers of Dr. John Alexander Dowie."
M.A. Thesis, Rosary College, July 1963.
[Winship, Thomas] Zetetic cosmogony; or, Conclusive evidence that the world is not a rotating-
revolving-globe, but a stationary plane circle. By Rectangle [pseud.] 2d ed., enl. Durban, Natal,
T. L. Cullingworth, 1899. 192 p. QB638.W77 First published in 1897 (46 p. QB638.W769).
Disclaimer.
This document is a work in progress. Consider it a first or rough draft. Later versions will have more
specific references and footnotes.
Additional reading.
Is the earth a spinning, round ball? by Donald Simanek. The evidence is abundant for anyone to
observe.
The Flat Earth Bible by Robert J. Schadewald.
The Flat-out Truth: Earth Orbits? Moon Landings? A Fraud! Says This Prophet by Robert J.
Schadewald. A profile of Charles Johnson.
The Scriptural Basis for a Geocentric Cosmology by Glenn Elert.
The Flat Earth and its Advocates: A List of References, Library of Congress.
Hollow Earth Bibliography (plus Flat Earth too!) by Michael Rogero Brown.
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