Crusades Against Corruption: Muckrakers’ Ambitious Journeys during the Progressive Era

Riju Datta

Senior Division

Historical Paper

Paper Length: 2,499 words

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"Men with the muck-rake are often indispensable to the well-being of society, but only if they
know when to stop raking the muck." - Theodore Roosevelt

The surge of Irish immigrants to America in the latter half of the 19th century in search of

economic opportunity and social mobility accelerated American industrialization and rapidly

expanded the wage-earning class by populating factories. In the face of nativist, anti-Catholic

sentiment from a Protestant-majority America, more and more Irish immigrants sought economic

and political protection from growing political machines of the Democratic Party that guaranteed

immigrants political representation and job opportunities. This immigrant base allowed political

machines such as Tammany Hall to further consolidate their control over city and state-level

politics and, thus, made it increasingly difficult to implement reform which attacked corporate

and political corruption. Furthermore, the rise of Big Business-era trusts, monolithic

corporations, and the “robber barons” of oil, steel, and coal industries reflected the stratification

of American society, which heightened deep-seated political and social inequalities that had

existed since the dawn of industrialization. In response to the unbridled power of both the leaders

of political machines and uber-wealthy corporations, a new wave of reformers, derogatorily

dubbed “muckrakers”, became dedicated to exposing the corruption inherent in American

business and politics. Muckrakers harnessed the power of new forms of communication, such as

newspapers, to increase their exposure to the American public and gain popular support for their

reform movements. Tragedies muckrakers and other Progressive Era reformers in the early 20th

century faced include the growing power of corrupt political machines and large corporations,

especially due to the domineering influence of these organizations and how such power and

influence drastically impeded muckrakers' attempts to reform American society. In contrast,

triumphs muckrakers achieved include the increased democratization of American politics,

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protecting the rights of individuals through their ambitious reform movements and the

widespread public support such movements garnered.

Government opposition to Progressive Era reform was one of the biggest tragedies which

afflicted muckrakers in the early 20th century. Corrupt political machines such as Tammany Hall

were deeply entrenched in state-level politics. George Washington Plunkitt, a New York state

legislator, perpetuated such corruption by drawing distinctions between “honest… and dishonest

graft”, describing his blatant corruption as “[making] a profit on my… foresight”, and criticizing

muckrakers’ shortsightedness by not recognizing the civil improvements Tammany leaders

provided (Plunkitt). Moreover, the strict hierarchical structure of urban gangs and “boss politics”

impeded many significant reform movements. Tammany Hall sachems, sardonically dubbed

“princes of jolliers”, were “distinguished among politicians as… [men] of [their] word”, which

appealed greatly to hordes of European immigrant populations seeking economic relief. This

source of growing political clout allowed Tammany Hall to tighten its chokehold on state-level

politics and strike down all attempts by reform-minded individuals to surmount such political

power (Reid). In addition, police corruption was yet another tragedy which hindered the progress

of muckraker reform. Muckraker Lincoln Steffens pointedly attributed the success of

Minneapolis’s criminals to the complicity and greed of both police chiefs and the mayor, who

“made a schedule of prices ‘for the privilege of breaking the law’” (Hartshorn). Steffens also

recognized political and economic patronage of Tammany Hall-like organizations as key causes

for the continuation of blatantly corrupt urban politics. Only through the bureaucratization of

police forces, he pleaded, would police officers be truly free from the snares of political

corruption (Reiss). Nevertheless, local and state government were not the only sources of

opposition to reform – national leaders also sought to ensure their own power through the
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condonation of corruption. President Theodore Roosevelt’s contradictory nature encapsulates

both contempt and hesitancy towards enacting sweeping reform measures. Roosevelt first

publicly used the pejorative “muckraker” to describe their investigative journalism (Jensen).

Furthermore, while claiming that he would “ensure social justice and economic opportunity

through government regulation”, Roosevelt saw Big Business as a “natural part of a maturing

economy” and, hence, held reservations towards large-scale reform during his presidential

tenure. Given that Roosevelt relied upon the power of congressional Republicans to ensure his

presidential nomination in 1904, it is clear how both Roosevelt’s grim political reality and firm

convictions regarding the role of trusts and Big Business in society further entrenched such

corruption within American politics (Milikis).

While governmental opposition stifled legislative reform, the sprawling influence of

moneyed corporations and powerful trusts hampered muckrakers’ abilities to implement

economic reform in Progressive Era America. Prior to the turn of the 20th century, the “trusts,

corporations, [and] the millionaires of Chicago [paid] taxes on less than one-tenth of the value of

their enormous holdings”, and by 1888, the state of Iowa lost approximately $1.3 billion due to

tax evasion. Muckrakers exacerbated increasing popular discontent towards corporations by

highlighting the stark inequality between “the rich and the rest”, citing the Political Science

Quarterly’s analysis that stated “4,047 families possess as much as do 11,593,887 families”

(Beatty 201). By the early 1900s, four meat-packing corporations – Armour, Swift, Morris, and

National Packing – had consolidated their power over other companies within the industry and

were able to “dictate prices to cattle ranchers, feed growers, and consumers”, thus hindering

economic competition and fair trade. The unfair centralization of power by large

corporations was the main source of animosity of the working classes and smaller merchants
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attempting to compete in national markets. Muckrakers capitalized on such abhorrence to elevate

their demands for social reform to a national platform (“Upton Sinclair’s”). Nevertheless, the

influence of Big Business within American society beset muckraker reform with many tragedies

during the Progressive Era.

In contrast, muckrakers achieved many successes in their reform campaigns due to their

direct, artless appeals for change to the American public. The rapid expansion of newspapers and

mass media during the early part of the 20th century expanded the muckrakers’ reach to far more

American citizens and provided a source of revenue to the burgeoning movement. Especially in

the face of sensationalistic yellow journalism of the previous decade, by focusing on the facts

and reporting the strife in 20th century America exactly as how it was perceived, muckrakers

more easily spread their message across the American public (Peer). On the other hand,

muckrakers were not only influenced by a general desire to improve American society, but also

to quell the “revolutionary changes… in everyday life” and combat a “renewed American

radicalism” which could potentially devolve into “socialist insurgency” (Helgeson). Regardless

of their desires for reform, however, muckrakers directly targeted the American public and

expanded the bases of Progressive Era reform drastically. One of the earliest reformers to openly

criticize the inherent political corruption of Tammany Hall was Thomas Nast, a cartoonist for

Harper’s Weekly whose scathing cartoons raised awareness of the myriad of wrongs committed

by Tweed and his cronies in the early 1870s. Nast's negative depictions of Tammany Hall bosses

(See Appendix A) and their blatant corruption surpassed the illiteracy of the majority of

working-class urban laborers and raised awareness of the extent of Tammany Hall's political

corruption, thus fueling public outrage (DiFablo). Moreover, arguably the most prolific

muckraker of the Progressive Era is Lincoln Steffens, whose works “Tweed Days in St. Louis”
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and The Shame of the Cities both works reflect the unique power of the muckraker movement.

“Tweed” captures Steffens’ novel journalistic style of writing about his own interests through

clear, incisive, and easily readable literature in the hopes of capturing the attention of the public

(Jensen). Shame frequently relies on direct questions and affronts, such as “The misgovernment

of the American people is misgovernment by the American people”, to demand that Americans

themselves need to take political action and limit the power of corrupt political machines like

Tammany Hall. However, Steffens contrasts such vehement attacks on political corruption by

offering solace and optimism, claiming that all “honest voters” must “establish a steady demand

for good government” to combat political graft (Steffens). In close relationship with Steffens was

S.S. McClure, the magazine publisher who ran McClure’s Magazine from 1893 to 1911. Using

this magazine as a national platform, McClure frequently appealed directly to the American

public, claiming that only they were capable of upholding the law in the face of elitist

businessmen and deep-seated politicians (McClure). However, somewhat surprisingly, while

muckrakers were outwardly fervent advocates for the preservation of individuals’ rights and

equality, fame and profit frequently drove such reformers to spread their messages. McClure did

not wish to sell the magazine as “an organ for reform” and sought to “[increase] circulation

rather than [affect] social change” (Baxter). Regardless, muckrakers undoubtedly altered

American perceptions of reform itself. The work of Steffens and other muckrakers reinforced the

idea that reform required “the bravery and vigor of… citizen-heroes”, both being characteristics

that were attributed to men in the early 20th century. Especially by changing such perceptions in

the eyes of lower classes, reform movements were now more readily adopted within local and

city-level politics (Connolly). Moreover, over the course of the Progressive Era, the American

public gradually associated reform with protection of economic individualism and political
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democracy. Coupled with preexisting popular discontent towards trusts and large-scale

corporations, muckrakers agitated national desires for reform (Reid).

The work of muckrakers in the Progressive Era was reflected in the numerous political

ramifications such advancements entailed. The most tangible examples of muckraker reform

legislation are the enactments of the Pure Food and Drug Act and the Food and Drug

Administration in June 1906, as well as the Meat Inspection Act in March 1907. These pieces of

legislation were fueled by Upton Sinclair’s jarringly accurate The Jungle, an influential novel

published in February 1906 that exposed the horrid working conditions of Chicago’s meat-

packing industry. Through the novel’s publishing, Sinclair served as an impetus for not only

other muckrakers to expose blatant wrongs in American society, but also leaders within

governmental bodies to pass regulatory policies, such as Harvey W. Wiley, a chief chemist in the

Department of Agriculture who began a “pure food crusade” following The Jungle (“Upton

Sinclair’s”). Ida B. Wells was another famous Progressive Era reformer whose work was

instrumental in convincing the American public of the wrongs of lynching. The acerbic tone and

the "new ethos" that Wells adopted reflects the Progressive Era trend of more direct, eye-opening

literary works which more vividly captured the attention of the American people, thus garnering

immense popular support for such demands for reform. Her deliverance of the uncut truth in her

work, the “mobilization of public sentiment”, and the use of a “fearlessly edited press” was

crucial in shaping the works of other reformers and mobilized a larger force against the ever-

present corruption of 20th century American politics. Her influence led to the creation of the

NAACP in 1909. (Sheriff)

Muckrakers were also a seminal group in further democratizing American politics. The

1913 passage of the 17th Amendment allowed for popular voting to control Senate elections and
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was directly caused by David Graham Phillips “The Treason of the Senate”, published in 1906.

Phillips uses the Republican and Democratic parties as tools to convey his idea that by going

against the will of their own political party in favor of the interests of wealthy businessmen and

corporations, Senator Aldrich, a powerful Senate Republican from Rhode Island dubbed the

“General Manager of the Nation” who heavily influenced tariff and monetary policy during the

first decade of the 20th century, and Senator Gorman, a Democratic Senator from Maryland, have

implicated themselves for treason and should be treated as criminals. Phillips makes clear to the

American public the wrongness inherent in political corruption and warns other politicians of the

importance of remembering the common good instead of one's own personal gain (Phillips). The

establishment of national newspaper chains and newspaper syndication services such as E.W.

Scripps’ Newspaper Enterprise Association, which was founded in 1902, also democratized

politics, for these services allowed muckrakers and reformers to reach a much wider audience

and have a more profound influence on American popular opinion (Peer).

While important to signify the corruption inherent in Tammany Hall, an interesting

analysis of Tammany Hall’s role in society regards their relationship with Irish and European

immigrant populations. In 2014, Terry Golway shed light on a different perspective of Tammany

leadership, framing the Irish-American sachems as promoters of the common good: “Kelly's

leadership of Tammany was contingent on his ability to please the likes of Tilden, Belmont, and

the other Swallowtails... while not losing sight of the expectations of his fellow Irish-Americans

who looked to Tammany as a friend in need when times were tough.” The implementation of

reform was difficult because of how reliant the poorer classes, particularly Catholic Irish

immigrants, were for economic support, political representation, and protection from a society

increasingly hostile towards immigrant populations (See Appendix B). Such institutions had
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immigrants' resolute support, regardless of their corrupt practices (Golway). Furthermore, many

Tammany Hall sachems could associate with the plight of Irish-Americans in urban communities

and sought to provide economic support for the common man. Richard Croker, a Tammany Hall

Grand Sachem for over fifteen years, “grew up in a poor Irish family of squatters” and “fought

his way out of the slums as a paid brawler for Tammany and Boss Tweed” (Hartshorn). Several

historians view the patronage of Democratic political machines as beneficial to urban politics,

regarding city machines as “integrators of the poor” and invaluable “providers of social welfare

services to immigrant populations” (Reid). Other historians saw the protection Tammany Hall

offered for lower classes as necessary. Many legislators at the turn of the 20th century financed

the growth of American industry in hopes of maintaining their own power, and this was usually

coupled with the neglect of workers’ rights. Due to such conditions, political organizations such

as Tammany Hall, for a brief period of time, served an invaluable role in checking the powers of

corrupt legislators (Helgeson). In essence, while the bulk of Tammany Hall was notorious for

widespread corruption and blatant political graft, its role as a champion of the common welfare

and protector of Catholic immigrant populations cannot be ignored.

While muckrakers faced significant tragedies through the growing power of corporations

and political machines, triumphs they achieved include the democratization of American politics

and the enactment of sweeping reform legislation. Muckrakers were a driving force in the reform

movements of the early 20th century and continued the trend of American reform and desires of

perfectionism that began with the temperance, feminist, and abolitionist movements of the early

19th century. Moreover, the profound influence of muckrakers reinforced the power of the

individual within American society and would be critical in propagating reform movements with

social and political ramifications, such as the women’s suffrage movement of the early 1910s
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and 1920s and the Civil Rights movement of the early 1960s. While it has been tested throughout

the 20th century, the ideology that reform can be implemented to protect individuals’ rights and

promote moral and social progress has pervaded American culture since the muckraking era, and

their method of clear, incisive investigative journalism continues to inspire social reformers in

their unflagging crusades against corruption.

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Works Cited

Primary Sources:

McClure, Samuel Sidney. "The Challenge of the Muckrakers." Annals of American History,

Encyclopedia Britannica, Jan. 1903, america.eb.com.bps.idm.oclc.org/america/article?

articleId=386483&query=Lincoln+steffens. Accessed 18 Oct. 2018.

Nast, Thomas. The American River Ganges. 30 Sept 1871. Thomas Nast Cartoons,

https://thomasnastcartoons.com/irish-catholic-cartoons/the-american-river-ganges-1871/

Accessed 19 Nov. 2018.

Nast, Thomas. What Are You Laughing At? To the Victor Belong the Spoils. 1871. Museum of

the City of New York, www.mcny.org/story/thomas-nast-takes-down-tammany-

cartoonists-crusade-against-political-boss. Accessed 19 Nov. 2018.

Phillips, David Graham. The Treason of the Senate. Cosmopolitan. W.W Norton,

www.wwnorton.com/college/history/archive/resources/documents/ch24_02.htm.

Accessed 15 Nov. 2018.

Plunkitt, George Washington. "Practical Politics." Annals of American History, Encyclopedia

Britannica, 1905, america.eb.com/america/article?

articleId=386480&query=Tammany+Hall. Accessed 18 Oct. 2018.

Steffens, Lincoln Joseph. "The Shame of Our Cities." Annals of American History, Encyclopedia

Britannica, 1904, america.eb.com.bps.idm.oclc.org/america/article?

articleId=386481&query=Lincoln+steffens. Accessed 18 Oct. 2018.

Secondary Sources:
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Baxter, Katharine Isobel. "'He's Lost More Money on Conrad than Any Other Editor Alive!':

Conrad and McClure's Magazine." Conradiana, vol. 41, nos. 2-3, Summer-Fall 2009, pp.

115-30. Project MUSE, muse.jhu.edu/article/429981. Accessed 19 Oct. 2018.

Beatty, Jack. Age of Betrayal: The Triumph of Money in America, 1865-1900. Alfred A. Knopf.

Connolly, James C. "The Public Good and the Problem of Pluralism in Lincoln Steffens's Civic

Imagination." The Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, vol. 4, no. 2, Apr.

2005, pp. 125-47. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/25144393.pdf?refreqid=excelsior

%3Ae105a848d9b7ff3a18ca339d9a2bd016. Accessed 19 Oct. 2018.

DiFablo, Anne. "Thomas Nast Takes down Tammany: A Cartoonist’s Crusade against a Political

Boss." Museum of the City of New York, 24 Sept. 2013, www.mcny.org/story/thomas-

nast-takes-down-tammany-cartoonists-crusade-against-political-boss. Accessed 18 Oct.

2018.

Golway, Terry. Machine Made: Tammany Hall and the Creation of Modern American Politics.

Liveright Publishing. 

Hartshorn, Peter. I Have Seen the Future - a Life of Lincoln Steffens. Counterpoint, 2011.

Helgeson, Jeffrey. "American Labor and Working-Class History, 1900–1945." 20th Century:

Pre-1945, Urban History, Labor and Working Class History, Aug. 2016. Oxford

Research Encyclopedias, doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.013.330. Accessed 17

Nov. 2018.

Jensen, Carl. Stories That Changed America - Muckrakers of the 20th Century. Seven Stories

Press, 2000.
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Milkis, Sidney. "Theodore Roosevelt: Domestic Affairs." UVA - Miller Center, Rector and

Visitors of the U of Virginia, millercenter.org/president/roosevelt/domestic-affairs.

Accessed 16 Nov. 2018.

Peer, Silke Van. "Educational Repository." Radboud University, 15 Aug. 2016,

theses.ubn.ru.nl/bitstream/handle/123456789/3634/Peer%2C_S._van_1.pdf?sequence=1.

Accessed 17 Nov. 2018.

Reid, Joseph D., Jr., and Michael M. Kurth. "The Rise and Fall of Urban Political Patronage

Machines." Strategic Factors in Nineteenth Century American Economic History: A

Volume to Honor Robert W. Fogel, Jan. 1992, pp. 427-45. National Bureau of Economic

Research, www.nber.org/chapters/c6971.pdf. Accessed 13 Nov. 2018.

Reiss, Albert J., Jr. "Police Organization in the Twentieth Century." Crime and Justice, vol. 15,

1992, pp. 51-97. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/1147617?

seq=7#metadata_info_tab_contents. Accessed 15 Nov. 2018.

Sheriff, Stacey Ellen. Rhetoric and Revision: Women's Arguments for Social Justice in the

Progressive Era. 2009. Penn State U, PhD dissertation. Penn State, Pennsylvania State

University, etda.libraries.psu.edu/files/final_submissions/5580. Accessed 15 Nov. 2018.

"Upton Sinclair's 'The Jungle': Muckraking the Meat-Packing Industry." Bill of Rights in Action,

vol. 24, no. 1, Fall 2008. Constitutional Rights Foundation, www.crf-usa.org/bill-of-

rights-in-action/bria-24-1-b-upton-sinclairs-the-jungle-muckraking-the-meat-packing-

industry.html. Accessed 13 Nov. 2018.

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Appendix A

Nast depicted Tweed as extremely bloated to emphasize his political corruption. His negative

portrayals of Tweed and Tammany would be crucial in altering public opinion.

Nast, Thomas. What Are You Laughing At? To the Victor Belong the Spoils. 1871
Museum of the City of New York, www.mcny.org/story/thomas-nast-takes-down-tammany-
cartoonists-crusade-against-political-boss.
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Appendix B

Here, Nast depicts Catholics as beastly, dehumanized reptiles preying on innocent Protestant

children and places Boss Tweed in the background dropping Protestant children down onto the

beach. The image served to stoke Protestant and Republican fears of the growing dominance of

Catholic institutions such as Tammany Hall in municipal governance.

Nast, Thomas. The American River Ganges. 30 Sept 1871. Thomas Nast Cartoons,
https://thomasnastcartoons.com/irish-catholic-cartoons/the-american-river-ganges-1871/