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Framework) : TH TH
Framework) : TH TH
183)
FACTS: a family planning clinic challenged the constitutionality of a PA law placing certain restrictions on a
woman’s right to obtain an abortion
RULE: The state can regulate and place restrictions on abortion so long as those regulations do not impose an
undue burden on the woman’s ability to make the abortion decision; when an undue burden results, the
regulations are unconstitutional
DECISION: UPHOLDS ROE v. WADE – and gives guidance to courts to conform w/ constitution.
Constitutional protection of the woman’s decision to terminate her pregnancy derives from the DPC. The
Constitution promises that there is a realm of personal liberty which the govm’t may not enter. Marriage is
not mentioned in the B of R’s, but the Court was no doubt correct in finding that it is protected by the
substantive component of the DPC. Neither the B of R’s nor the specific practices of States at the time of the
adoption of the 14th AM marks the outer limits of the substantive sphere of liberty which the 14 th AM protects.
In this vein, our law affords constitutional protection to personal decisions relating to marriage, procreation,
contraception, family relationships, child rearing, and recognizes “the right of the individual, married or
single, to be free from unwarranted governmental intrusion into matters so fundamentally affecting a person
as the decision whether to bear a or beget a child.” – matters central to liberty protected by the 14 th AM.
- At heart of liberty is the right to define one’s own concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, of the
mystery of life – beliefs about these cannot define the attributes of personhood were they formed under
the compulsion of the state.
- Though abortion is conduct – state can’t proscribe it in all instances b/c the liberty of the woman is at
stake in a sense unique to the human condition- her suffering is personal – our reservations about Roe
are outweighed by the explication of individual liberty we have given combined with the force of stare
decisis.
Stare Decisis: to decide if required to follow a prior holding, court may inquire whether that prior holding has
been found unworkable; whether the rule’s limitation on state power could be removed w/o serious inequity
to those who have relied upon it or significant damage to the stability of the society governed by it; whether
the law’s grown in the intervening years has left the holding a doctrinal anachronism discounted by society;
and whether the holding’s premises of fact have so far changed as to render it irrelevant or unjustifiable in
dealing with the issue it addressed.
- Abortion is workable, women have made economic & life choice under consideration that abortion is
available; no doctrinal evolution or development of constitutional law since Roe medical advances have
no effect on Roe’s central holding – the soundness of the ruling does not turn on when viability occurs, it
is only a critical fact.
o Therefore, Stare Decisis indicates that court upholds ROE
- The line between the State’s interests and the mother’s right to an abortion must continue to be drawn at
viability, so that before that time a woman has a right to choose (this Court REJECTS the rigid trimester
framework)
- Also, although a woman has a right to obtain an abortion before viability, it does not follow that the State
is prohibited from taking steps to ensure that this choice is thoughtful and informed – States can enact
laws that provide a reasonable framework for a woman to make a decision that has such profound and
lasting effect
- The fact that a law which serves a valid purpose has the incidental effect of making it more difficult or
more expensive to procure an abortion cannot be enough to invalidate it. Only where state regulation
imposes an undue burden on a woman’s ability to make this decision does the power of the State
reach into the heart of the liberty protected by the DPC. The very notion that the state has a
substantial interest in potential life leads to the conclusion that not all regulations must be deemed
unwarranted and not all burdens on the right to decide whether to terminate a pregnancy will be
undue. The undue burden standard is the appropriate means of reconciling the State’s interest with
the woman’s constitutionally protected liberty. A finding of undue burden is a shorthand for the
conclusion that a state regulation has the purpose or effect of placing a substantial obstacle in the
paty of a woman seeking an abortion of a nonviable fetus. Unless it has that effect on her right of
choice, a State law designed to persuade her to choose childbirth over abortion will be upheld if
reasonably related to that goal. Regulations designed to foster the health of a woman seeking an
abortion are valid if they do not constitute an undue burden
Pres. Bush names Souter & Thomas to replace Brennan & Marshall
o Kennedy switches his vote => 5 votes to retain Roe
Votes to retain the basic right to terminate a pregnancy – what we wind up with is 5
members of the court writing the majority opinion (plurality opinion) – and the opinion
is unique – it is a JOINT opinion (really haven’t seen that before – the opinion is authored
by many justices)
o O’Connor/Kennedy/Souter Stevens Blackmun
Right to abortion found in 14th DP “liberty”
Roe was ambiguously grounded in a broad reading of B of R’s and DP Liberty – CASEY
abandons the penumbralist/broad textualist approach of Roe and finds the right to
terminate a baby squarely in pure substantive due process
o Serves not merely to “incorporate” Bill of Rights
Court says that the DP Liberty does more than serve as a window for
incorporation, it is an independent source of rights …
Found by examining our Nation’s history, legal traditions, and practices
o A way to respond to criticism of substantive due process as a way of
saying they are just injecting their morals into constitutional rights; the
Judges are saying they are constricted and they are looking at deeply
rooted history and tradition in oru culture
o Independent source of rights
Rejects Scalia fn.6 (most specific level of generality)
o Right to choose is attribute of “personhood”
an attribute of “womanhood”
JOINT OPINION:
Role of Stare Decisis
o In developing right of privacy/choice, Court is engaged in traditional “common law” function
natural evolution of family/privacy rights
yet abortion is qualitatively different <= Rehnquist
o Rule of law requires continuity
Creates expectancies, legal landscape of society
How has society changed in response to Roe?
Economic / women’s stauts
Even if precedent wrongly decided or unsound?
Changed conditions? The biggest changed condition … the woman from Roe is now
an anti-abortion activist
Redrawing the line between privacy/state
Replace trimester framework with “viability”
At some point as strong as women’s interest… no trimester to viability - and
viability is a function of medical progress
o Why doesn’t stare decisis apply here as well?
Is Rehnquist right that only a shell of Roe remains?
Adopts a bit of Webster
o State has interest in “potential life” through all stages of a woman’s pregnancy
Manifestation of state interest
May proselytize (prefer birth over abortion)
Can make abortion more difficult to obtain
o So long as not “designed to strike at right itself”
i.e. doesn’t rise to level of deprivation
BLACKMUN: the right to reproductive choice is entitled to the full protection afforded by this Court before
Webster (where 4 Justices showed willingness to overturn Roe). State restrictions on abortion violate a
woman’s right of privacy. Compelled continuation of a pregnancy infringes upon a woman’s right to bodily
integrity by imposing substantial physical intrusions and significant risks of physical harm. If restricting right
to terminate, the State is depriving a woman’s right to make her own decision about reproduction & family
planning- critical life choices that US SC long has deemed central to the right of privacy.
- Restrictions implicate constitutional guarantees of gender equality by forcing a woman to accept the
natural status and incidents of motherhood – a conception of women’s role that has triggered the
protection of the EPC. Limitations on the right of privacy are permissibly only if they survive ‘strict’
constitutional scrutiny. Strict scrutiny of state limitations on reproductive choice still offers the most
secure protection of the woman’s right to maker her own reproductive decisions, free from state
coercion.
- The factual premises of the trimester framework have not been undermined and is far more
adminsistratable and far less manipulative than the ‘undue burden’ standard – trimester framework
should remain in tact
REHNQUIST: this is a wholesale retreat from the substances of Roe – Roe was wrongly decided, and it can
and should be overruled consistent with our traditional approach to stare decisis in constitutional cases.
- Read abortion as fundamental too broadly – this involves the purposeful termination of a potential life
unlike marriage – it therefore must ‘be recognized as sui generis, different in kind from the others that
the Court has protected under the rubric of personal or family privacy and autonomy’ – one cannot
ignore the fact that a woman is not isolated in her pregnancy, and that the decision to abort necessarily
involves the destruction of a fetus.
- Historical traditions and American people do not support the view that the right to terminate pregnancy
is fundamental
- At the time of adoption of the 14th AM, statutory prohibitions or restrictions on abortion were
commonplace.
Court in ROE was mistaken when it classified a woman’s decision to terminate her pregnancy as a
‘fundamental right’ that can be abridged only in a manner which withstands strict scrutiny
SCALIA: the States may permit abortion on demand, but the Constitution does not require it. A states choice
between 2 positions on which reasonable people can disagree is constitutional even when it intrudes upon
‘liberty’ in the absolute sense of the term. The issue is whether a woman’s right to abort her child is protected
by the Constitution – it is not because (1) the Constitution says absolutely nothing about abortion, and (2) the
longstanding traditions of American society have permitted it to be legally proscribed. Roe’s mandate for
abortion on demand destroyed the compromises of the past, rendered compromise impossible for the future,
and required the entire issue to be resolved uniformly at the national level. Roe famed into lie an issue that
has inflamed our national politics and has obscured with its smoke the selection of Justices to this Court.
FACTS: An abortion provider filed suit against the State of NB seeking to have a law, which proscribed partial
birth abortions, declared unconstitutional
RULE: partial-birth abortion statutes that have the effect of placing a substantial obstacle in the path of a
woman seeking an abortion are unconstitutional
- The state may promote but not endanger a woman’s health when it regulates the methods of abortion;
here the statute lacks the requisite exception ‘for the preservation of the health of the mother’
- The statute was unconstitutional because it did not provide an exception for medical emergency and it
not only banned a rare procedure but also the most common procedure used imposing an undue burden
on a woman’s ability to obtain a pre-viability abortion
HELD: Statute doesn’t adhere to Casey’s framework b/c there is no medical exception for the mother so it is
unconstitutional
FACTS: In 2003, Congress passed and the President signed the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act. The
controversial concept of partial-birth abortion is defined in the Act as any abortion in which the death of the
fetus occurs when "the entire fetal head [...] or [...] any part of the fetal trunk past the navel is outside the body
of the mother." Dr. Leroy Carhart and other physicians who perform late-term abortions sued to stop the Act
from going into effect. The plaintiffs argued that the Act could apply to a more common abortion procedure
known as "D&E;" ("dilation and evacuation"), as well as to the less common "intact D&E;," sometimes called
D&X; ("dilation and extraction"). With this application the Act would ban most late-term abortions and thus
be an unconstitutional "undue burden" on the right to an abortion, as defined by the Supreme Court
in Planned Parenthood v. Casey. The plaintiffs also argued that the Act's lack of an exception for abortions
necessary to protect the health of the mother rendered it unconstitutional under the Supreme Court's
decision in Stenberg v. Carhart, regardless of Congress's finding in the Act that partial-birth abortions are
never medically necessary.
A federal District Court agreed and ruled the Act unconstitutional on both grounds. The government appealed
to the Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit. The government argued that the Act only bans a narrow
category of abortion procedures, and that a health exception is not required when Congress determines that a
banned abortion procedure is never necessary for the health of the mother. The Eighth Circuit disagreed and
upheld the District Court, ruling that a health exception is required for all bans on abortion procedures when
"substantial medical authority" supports the necessity of the procedure. The Circuit Court ruled that the
ongoing disagreement among medical experts over the necessity of intact D&E; abortions was sufficient to
establish that the Act was unconstitutional without a health exception. The Circuit Court did not reach the
question of whether the Act was so broad as to qualify as an unconstitutional "undue burden."
ISSUE: Is the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act of 2003 an unconstitutional violation of personal liberty
protected by the Fifth Amendment because the Act lacks an exception for partial-birth abortions necessary to
protect the health of the mother?
DECISION: No. The Court ruled by a 5-4 vote that Congress's ban on partial-birth abortion was not
unconstitutionally vague and did not impose an undue burden on the right to an abortion. Justice Anthony
Kennedy wrote the opinion for the majority. The Court held that, under the most reasonable interpretation,
the Act applies only to the intact D&E; method (also known as "partial-birth abortion") and not to the more
common D&E; procedure. The Act's application was limited by provisions that restrict enforcement to cases
where the physician intends to perform an intact D&E; and delivers the still-living fetus past specific
"anatomical landmarks." Because the majority found that the Act applies only to a specific method of
abortion, it held that the ban was not unconstitutionally vague, overbroad, or an undue burden on the
decision to obtain an abortion. The Court also held that Congress, after finding intact D&E; never to be
medically necessary, could validly omit a health exception from the ban, even when "some part of the medical
community" considers the procedure necessary. To require the exception whenever "medical uncertainty"
exists would be "too exacting a standard to impose on the legislative power [...] to regulate the medical
profession." The Court left open the possibility that an as-applied challenge could be brought against the Act if
it were ever applied in a situation in which an intact D&E; was necessary to preserve a woman's health.
Justice Ginsburg's dissent disputed the majority's claim that the opinion was consistent with
the Casey and Stenberg precedents and said "The Court's hostility to the right Roe and Casey secured is not
concealed."
SEXUAL ORIENTATION
Bowers Lawrence
What do the different characterizations tell us about the Court’s methodology & result?
Which right are we asking the Court to recognize? FIRST, you have to and know what right it is you
are asking about – how do you frame the right in the first place, and why is one way better than the
other?
The framing of the right may turn out to be THE CRITICAL ISSUE; if it is framed to narrowly, you will
never find it (never in Scalia’s footnote 6) and if framed to broadly then you may be on a slippery
path, some things may fall into this that you don’t want to protect (i.e. bestiality)
US SC in Loving had no problem finding that marriage is a fundamental right; and not a member of the US SC
would not go back on saying that marriage is a fundamental right, but does that include same sex marriage?
But when they wrote it they weren’t thinking about same sex marriage, we should have said that heterosexual
fundamental right – how do you distinguish between interracial and homosexual marriage as being a
fundamental right—how do you get off the road to same sex marriage?
No matter how you frame the right it may be to broad or too narrow
(SKIP BOWERS SLIDES)
Lawrence v. Texas (2003): look at our traditions and history in an evolving way, not in a fixed way
- Kennedy says substantive due process right; some parts liberty
Evolving notions of “liberty” and “privacy”( (to decide what people say about homosexual relationships)
… KENNEDY:
o What legal commentators say (eg, ALI, law rev.)
o What other states say (decriminalization trend)
o What other nations say (ECHR)
o Trend of precedent (eg, Casey, Romer)
o Privacy (autonomy) at a greater level of generality
includes “one’s own concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, and of the mystery
of human life”
“As the constitution endures, persons in every generation can invoke its principles in
their own search for greater freedom”
Why doesn’t stare decisis work here?
Overturning Bowers
o Why not faithful to stare decisis as in Casey?
Should precedent establishing a right be more enduring than precedent rejecting the
right?
o Kennedy’s factors for overturning precedent:
foundations have been eroded by other cases
subject to substantial/continuing criticism
failed to induce individual or social reliance
Gays structured their relationships despite BOWERS not because of BOWERS –
it did not lead to any cultural dependency
These factors are more relevant to an organic view of the constitution than a static one
o Kennedy’s factors are living Constitution factors (dynamic)
What Standard of Review used by Kennedy?
o See last line: “The Texas statute furthers no legitimate state interest …”
Not talking about compelling interest, but legitimate interest—THIS IS THE LANGUAGE
OF RATIONAL BASIS REVIEW – Kennedy is using this language BUT HE IS DOING
SOMETHING ELSE – HE IS DOING STRICT SCRUTINY – he doesn’t come out and say it is a
fundamental right even though he infers it in the opinion – he is independently
scrutinizing whether the state interest is a valid one
May not be strict scrutiny in name, but it is HIGHTENED scrutiny in effect – the court is
moving away from dichotomous world, and is finding moiré of a fluid standard of
review, which may lay somewhere in between rational basis and strict scrutiny – but no
where in the opinion does J. Kennedy use the language of strict scrutiny
Entering an ERA, Kennedy is a proponent: uses the language of rational basis and
doesn’t defer “meaningful rational basis” b/c the Court is inquiring as to whether the
state does have a legitimate interest or not
Rational Basis with Bite
o Language of RB, but
o Close scrutiny by the Court
o More flexible …. but more manipulable
o Kennedy seems to favor this standard