144450 2

Abstract

This dissertation investigates whether the fundamental ethical values and political potential
of veganism are undermined by its recent popularity on social media. It employs primary research
on women's experience of plant-based lifestyles on Instagram to explore the self-construction of
idealised, ethical selves through the public display of food choices in order to understand
underlying motives and pressures in this online community. The dissertation argues that Instagram
users resist veganism's appropriation by capitalist imperatives by dynamically constructing and
negotiating their vegan identities in various ways to sustain and strengthen their individual and
collective ethical principles within a neoliberal, consumerist environment.
144450 3

Table of Contents

1. List of illustrations ..........................................................................................................p. 4.

2. Preface …..........................................................................................................................p. 5.

3. Introduction …..................................................................................................................pp. 6-7.

4. Methodology ….................................................................................................................pp. 8-9.

5. Part 1: Plant-based lifestyles: The new feminine ideal? …...............................................pp. 10-17.

1. i: The development of ideological binaries within health movements

1. ii: Nature and nurture: Ecofeminism, femininity and veganism
1. iii: Body image

6. Part 2: Constructing ethical selves …...............................................................................pp. 18-24.

2. i: Veganism as a worldview
2. ii: Complexities in identity construction
2. iii: Neoliberal self-fashioning
2. iv: Socio-economic implications

7. Part 3: Social media, empowerment and lifestyle politics................................................pp. 25-30.

3. i: Community and empowerment

3. ii: Lifestyle politics as activism

8. Conclusion ….....................................................................................................................pp. 31-32.

9. Appendix A: Survey questions............................................ ..............................................pp. 33-34.

10. Appendix B: Interview details..........................................................................................p. 35.

11. Bibliography.....................................................................................................................pp. 36-38.

144450 4

List of Illustrations

Fig. 1: [Photographing a bowl of strawberries with a smart phone] 2014 [image online] Available
at: <http://www.goodnet.org/articles/5-initiatives-that-combine-food-social-media-for-greater-good-
list> [Accessed 10 August 2016].

Fig. 2: Instagram, n.d. Instagram app icon. [image online] Available at: <https://www.instagram-
brand.com/> [Accessed 10 August 2016].
144450 5

Preface and Acknowledgements

The dissemination of healthy lifestyle information through social media is a recent

phenomenon yet to generate significant research. This project aims to contribute to this field by
connecting first-hand ethnographic data on women's experience of veganism on Instagram to
literature on ethical consumption, neoliberal self-fashioning and the idealised construction of
women's bodies and identities in the media.
Feminist literature on the cultural construction of the body (Scheper-Hughes and Lock,
1987, Nichter and Nichter, 1991, Bordo, 1993, Counihan, 1999, Douglas, 2000) frames
discussions around food, health, beauty, gender and power. These critiques of western media's
construction of idealised femininity are applied as a model for new social media and perpetuated
ideals disguised as natural and ethical in plant-based Instagram accounts. Ecofeminism is situated as
a precursor to the current popularity of lifestyles that privilege alternative, ethical consumption and
a specific idea of natural femininity (Diamond and Orenstein, 1994) which is critiqued by analysing
underlying socio-economic and consumer pressures. Literature on ethical food consumption
(Lupton, 1996, Solier, 2013, Luetchford, 2016) frames analysis of neoliberal constructions of
ethical selves through public online displays of consumption habits. Empirical studies on veganism
(Larsson, et al., 2003, Arppe, et al., 2011, Cherry, 2006, 2015) are referenced to reinforce the
ethnographic data, as are papers on social media and body image (Tiggerman, 2015, Lup, et al.,
2015, Fardoulay and Vartanian, 2016) which are developed to address individual agency and
resistance to negative media images by participants.

I would like to thank my supervisor Peter Luetchford for his reassurance and attentive
guidance and the Global Studies department for their administrative help. I would also like to thank
those who volunteered their time to participate in the study, without whom this dissertation wouldn't
be possible.
144450 6

Introduction

The number of vegans in the UK has risen by 350% in the past decade, with 542,000 people
claiming to adhere to a vegan diet (The Vegan Society, 2016). The UK vegan society was founded
in 1944, driven predominantly by the animal rights movement (Arppe, et al., 2011) as a 'way of
living' that rejected all forms of animal exploitation (The Vegan Society, 2016). This popularity in
plant-based lifestyles appears to be propelled by young people, with half of identified vegans aged
between fifteen and thirty-four (Marsh, 2016). This youthful enthusiasm and the shift in
identification to 'plant-based' has also been influenced and promoted by mass media as a
fashionable, alternative lifestyle (Larsson, et al., 2003). This dissertation explores how far
veganism, which was established as a highly political, anti-cruelty, anti-capitalist cause associated
with the straight-edge punk movement (Larsson, et al., 2003) has been appropriated by new social
media, and whether underlying neoliberal imperatives perpetuating existing feminine ideals and
consumption patterns undermine veganism's radical, political potential and ethical values.
The paper focuses on women's experience of plant-based lifestyles emerging on social
media, in particular Instagram, a photo-sharing social network created in 2010 with an estimated
100,000,000 monthly visitors in 2015 (Lup, et al., 2015). On Instagram, health food and lifestyle
accounts are prominent, with bloggers achieving celebrity status and cult followings of a
predominantly young, female audience (BBC, 2016). The dissertation explores the self-construction
of idealised, ethical selves through the public display of vegan and plant-based lifestyles on
Instagram to understand underlying motives and pressures for women part of this online
community. It examines how these women construct identities based on a specific idea of a healthy,
ethical self connected to a particular kind of natural femininity and the effect of this on vegan
identities and values.
The paper begins with an exploration of the emergence of plant-based lifestyles and
wellness trends on Instagram and its effect on women's sense of self and body image. It examines
the significance of gender and specific pressures felt by women in relation to health, diet, ethics and
social media. This section employs a feminist framework to explore how far this trend has become a
new, unattainable feminine ideal, encompassing self-surveillance and conventional conceptions of
femininity. It discusses the idealised connection of women to nature that resurfaces through a
discourse of wholesomeness, purity and nurturing and how far this reflects or shapes values held by
vegan participants.
The second part focuses on neoliberal self-fashioning through responsible, moral
144450 7

consumption, highlighting intersecting motives and negotiations as people attempt to construct

ethical identities through public displays of food choices. It examines how people construct and
experience their vegan identities in relation to wider ethical issues as part of a worldview and
explores socio-economic perceptions of plant-based lifestyles and the potential of ethical
consumption to reproduce social hierarchies.
The final section discusses the potential of Instagram as a platform for women to express
collective empowerment as part of an imagined community. It explores how far this form of
lifestyle politics can foster support through recognition and encouragement and mobilise wider
change in consumption practices to further the vegan cause.
144450 8

Methodology

The central research question investigates how far the fundamental ethical values and radical
political potential of veganism are undermined by recent interest in plant-based lifestyles emerging
on Instagram. This includes; to what extent do plant-based Instagram accounts perpetuate discursive
constructions around women's bodies? To what extent do underlying neoliberal imperatives shape
the self-construction of ethical selves? And to what extent can Instagram provide a platform for
resistance, empowerment and political change? Due to the contemporary nature of the new social
media under study, qualitative primary research has been vital for analysing women's experience of
veganism on Instagram.
The first stage of research was an online survey (see Appendix A) completed by forty-four
women who participate in plant-based Instagram communities, contacted through the Vegan
Brighton Facebook group. Brighton boasts the highest number of vegan web searches and has a
large, active network of alternative, vegan communities positioning it as an appropriate location to
study individuals participating in these lifestyles (Peta, 2016). This method enabled contact with a
large number of participants to obtain statistical information and detect common issues. The
questions were predominantly open-ended with some multiple choice, yet some respondents gave
short, simple answers that were difficult to analyse. Quantitative research can be narrow and
certain, direct questions on the pressures of Instagram and body image may have guided answers in
a biased direction. However the survey extracted useful statistical information and some insightful
observations. From the survey, 60.5 % of participants identified as vegan, 14% as vegetarian, 7% as
plant-based and the remaining as a mixture of pescatarian, flexitarian, raw and gluten-free vegan.
Following animal rights, the most popular motives for choosing plant-based lifestyles were
environmental issues, health, agricultural industries, and watching documentaries and social media
channels. The most popular reasons for using Instagram were entertainment (86%), finding food
inspiration (76.7%), communicating with friends (62.8%), finding plant-based lifestyle information
(55.8%), sharing images of food (51.2%), finding health inspiration (46.5%), sharing ethical
messages (37.2%), obtaining support and encouragement (27.9%), finding appearance inspiration
(23.3%), sharing political messages (23.3%) and sharing plant-based lifestyle information (14%).
The second phase of research involved semi-structured follow-up interviews with seven
Instagram users from this group, in person and over webcam between 7th-17th June (see Appendix
B). Six women identified as vegan and one as predominantly plant-based and most were in their
twenties, suggesting this is a lifestyle largely dominated by younger women. The questions
144450 9

followed the survey to incite more in-depth answers, responding to participants's replies and subtle
cues to obtain specific information about individual intentions, practices and pressures, allowing for
the analysis of language to identify themes and issues through repeated words, phrases and
perspectives (Crang and Cook, 2007). Responses were mostly open and varied yet repeated threads
could be distinguished and analysed.
Ethical issues such as informed consent were overcome by providing information forms and
anonymising participants. Interview participants are referred to as Interviewee A etc. or participants
more generally, while survey participants are described as respondents. A critical, self-reflexive
perspective is valuable as it recognises the significance of the author's social position on the
research outcome (Clifford, 1986). Thus it is important to recognise my own positionality as a
researcher and a young woman with an active Instagram account and an interest in plant-based
diets. As a 'native' researcher I have had to be aware of my existing assumptions in order to interpret
the research objectively (Narayan, 1993, Eriksen, 1995). By revealing elements of myself as a peer
I hoped to appear accessible and cultivate a level of trust with participants to facilitate open
responses. This was aided by speaking to participants in spaces of their choosing, such as the
university campus, favourite cafe's and from the comfort of their own home.
144450 10

1: Plant-based lifestyles: The new feminine ideal?

The development of ideological binaries within health movements

According to food columnist Tandoh, health has become a 'national pastime' in the UK with
raw food diets gaining popularity and health food writers achieving notoriety through social media
(2016). The wellness trend currently flourishing on social media can be situated within a history of
health reform. The nineteenth century saw health movements stemming from 'religious hygienic
ideology' which promised virtue through righteous consumption, merging health, morality and
religion (Conrad, 1994:398). Health reformers introduced vegetarianism, health foods and
physical education to control bodies and appetites, situating health as a moral pursuit
(Conrad, 1994). This wave of health reformers was succeeded in the 1960s with the holistic,
natural food movement in the US in which spirituality, yoga and meditation displaced overt
christian values (Kaptchuck and Eisenberg, 1998).
Ideological binaries can be seen throughout health movements in which moral
worlds are delineated into 'goods', 'bads', and 'shoulds' (Conrad, 1994:385). Lupton (1996)
argues foods are classified into categories such as masculine/feminine, healthy/non-healthy
and sinful/virtuous to form individual and collective moral food choices. This stems from the
way food is seen to transgress bodily boundaries as it becomes 'symbolically part of who we are'
leading to anxieties around contamination and the classification of foods as clean or dirty (Lupton,
1996:17). In this sense, meat can symbolise 'contamination' and 'decay' while vegetables signify
'purity', and 'cleanliness' (Lupton, 1996:28). Health lifestyles often centre around this
pure/impure binary, such as the living food diet that believes in cleansing the body of
'poisons' through raw vegetarian food, and veganism, in which consuming animal products
'threatens' the purity of an individual's vegan identity (Arppe, et al., 2011:280-5). Tandoh
describes how the language of food writers is transitioning from 'flavour and feasting' to
'cleanness and lightness', imbuing foods such as gluten with 'contaminating' immorality
(2016). This notion of contamination through additives and animal products was reflected
by Interviewee E who claimed; 'I don't think it makes sense to put poison in your body',
adhering to this purist ideology around food.
This preoccupation with cleanliness can be seen in the recent 'clean-eating' trend
which finds a welcome audience within Instagram communities. This term was criticised by
Nigella Lawson as situating all other forms of eating as 'dirty' or 'impure' leading to 'self-
shaming and self-persecution' (cited in Tandoh, 2016). The 'all or nothing approach' Tandoh
144450 11

argues, is 'restrictive, moralising and inflexible' yet the market disguises it as 'self-care'
leading to eating disorders such as orthorexia, the obsession with consuming the 'right'
foods (2016). The word 'clean' was repeated throughout the research; one survey
respondent claimed she felt 'cleaner and better' for undertaking a vegan diet, while
Interviewee G felt 'cleaner and freer'. Survey respondents emphasised that Instagram
accounts promoting these types of lifestyles produced feelings of self-conciousness, guilt,
laziness, obsession and jealousy. One respondent claimed;
'I think being a vegan has made me orthorexic in many ways. I started to follow
different Instagram accounts of people showing off their diets and the body it
apparently gave them. I'm now obsessed with eating refined sugar free and if I don't
stick to it I always feel fat'.
Conrad's study (1004:393-4) suggests 'wellness seekers' attempt to categorise foods on a
'good-bad continuum', resulting in guilt when self-imposed food injunctions are broken. Similarly,
when participants were asked how they felt about transgressing the boundaries of their vegan diets
many admitted feeling guilty, echoing the rhetoric around 'bad' foods as contaminating. In an
interview, D recounted a 'slip up' of consuming fish and chips, resulting in guilt. She
became so overwhelmed she considered vomiting and experienced nightmares in which she
ate eggs and meat, claiming 'it will be so realistic that I actually feel really dirty'. This strong,
physical reaction to transgressing moral food boundaries demonstrates the real influence of
this cleanliness discourse. Lupton argues the moral classification of foods positions prohibited
food as 'desirable' as it gains the status of reward (1996:150). This is reflected in the language used
by research participants when discussing 'slip ups', referring to prohibited foods as 'treats' and 'junk',
categorising it as unhealthy and poor quality yet deviantly enjoyable. According to Counihan's
study, 'bad' eating was done 'solely for pleasure...in excess, in-between meals or late at night,
without control, and beyond the point of minimally satisfying hunger' and was described as a form
of consolation, reward or treat (1992:58). Bordo attributes this to how women's cravings are
represented in the media as a 'dirty shameful secret' as an 'unrestrained appetite' is deemed
inappropriate, resulting in binges and private 'transgressive' eating (1993:129-130). Bordo
argues women are only allowed satisfaction from food in 'measured doses' due to the
perpetuation of victorian gender ideology, anxieties around female indulgence and the
'social control of female hunger' (1993:112+130). These 'metaphors of temptation and fall'
(Bordo, 1993:112) stem form Judeo-Christian dichotomies of good/evil, fall/redemption (Counihan,
1999). They may also stem from the 'contradictory demands of post-industrial American society' in
which modern women were expected to be both 'self-controlled, fit productive workers' and 'self-
indulgent, pleasure seeking consumers' (Scheper-Hughes and Lock, 1987:26). Nichter and
144450 12

Nichter attribute this contradiction to capitalist imperatives as release becomes a 'reward',

allowing for the consumption of products, promoting 'insatiable desires', 'sanctioned
indulgence', and 'limits' in a continuous cycle of control and release (1991:251-252).
However, several participants demonstrated an astute awareness of these negative
pressures. Interviewee C observed; 'I think it (the term clean-eating) can promote an
unhealthy relationship with food' with the potential to 'push people towards eating
disorders', claiming to take these Instagram accounts 'with a pinch of salt' and maintaining a
balance between 'clean' and other foods. C located the problem in the 'blame' and 'guilt' it
places on people, attributing it to creating a superiority that people find threatening. In
another interview, F denigrated the 'all or nothing' approach stating; 'I don't like the
association of you should feel dirty and guilty because you ate something. I don't like this
idea of “oh I'm going to be completely clean, and oh I cheated I had something that's
unclean and now I'm the grossest person possible”'. These women identified underlying
ideologies of purity, cleanliness and goodness in clean-eating discourses on Instagram
which echo nineteenth century religious principles around virtuous feminine consumption
to varying degrees of susceptibility.

Nature and Nurture: Ecofeminism, femininity and veganism

Language such as pure and wholesome is connected to food categorised as healthy,
unprocessed and natural in both clean-eating and veganism (Lupton, 1996). Lupton argues
vegetarianism is an 'extreme response' to regain control in a world of 'too much choice' and
'moral dilemmas' as plants possess an imagined ability to 'restore purity' (1996:89). This
identification of nature with inherent goodness has been interpreted as a desire to return to
a 'paradisiacal state' in which people live in harmony with nature (Arppe, et al., 2011:287).
This is echoed by Lupton who claims emotive binaries are a form of nostalgia for an
'idealised pastoral dream of the good life' (1996:89). This return to a simpler approach to
consumption through plant-based foods was echoed in interviews. F asserted; 'I just believe
in eating whole foods, whole plants in their natural state', claiming processed nutritional
powders had 'lost their life force, their capacity to nourish you'. Veganism was promoted by
F as an 'abundant lifestyle' as copious eating is encouraged as healthy, yet is only acceptable
if the right foods are consumed. The elimination of processed foods, gluten, sugar and
animal products in plant-based lifestyles is presented as a 'return to Eden' or way of
'salvation' through health and appearance (Tandoh, 2016). Throughout the survey, a belief
that natural food is superior for health and wellbeing was repeated, for example; 'everyone
wants to feel good in their skin. Eating whole plant foods is the only way to achieve long
term results'.
Plant-based lifestyles on Instagram and their emphasis on nature and alternative, ethical
144450 13

consumption appear to be influenced by ecofeminism which rejects feminist critiques of biological

determinism to celebrate women's connection to nature as nurturers (Diamond and Orenstein,
1990). Ecofeminism describes the 1970s collective environmental movement of women promoting
new forms of social, political, ethical activism featuring alternative healing and organic foods
(Diamond and Orenstein, 1990). Ecofeminism encouraged a new relationship between humans and
nature by 'caring emphatically about persons, species, and the family of all beings' (Spretnak,
1990:12). Language such as 'intuition' and 'caring' (Merchant, 1990:101) demonstrate the
celebration of essential feminine qualities to reinstate power into female experiences. Participants
echoed ecofeminist principles, associating their veganism with a sense of femininity and a
considerate attitude for others. One survey respondent wrote 'the welfare of the entire planet effects
my choices' while Interviewee A stated 'I think you should leave the planet a better place that when
you came', reinforcing this idea of compassion for others on a wider scale. A discourse centred on
mothering and nurturing was also detected as D claimed; 'I think there is a mothering side to it, you
want to rescue those animals, you want to care for them, you want their pain to stop, so there is a
definite mothering instinct which genetically I suppose comes more naturally', which reflects
ecofeminist celebration of biological feminine instincts. However D went on to state 'its because
we've been encouraged to use those emotions instead of bottling them up so we feel more
comfortable expressing our emotions and expressing how wrong these things are (than men)'
demonstrating awareness of social, cultural influences on gendered perspectives.
Most of the plant-based bloggers I have discovered on Instagram are female, which was
confirmed by most participants and Interviewee C attributed the 'lifestyle' aspect of the diet as
appealing to women. When contemplating why there may be a female bias, an association was
made by A between males and wanting to appear 'macho', 'strong' and gain muscle through eating
meat, yet there was also an awareness of culturally constructed gender stereotypes. It is common for
people to associate specific foods with gender, for example 'lighter' foods such as salad are often
imagined as feminine, while 'heavier' foods like meat are associated with maleness (Counihan,
1999:124). In interviews, participants attributed cultural constrictions placed on men expressing
emotions such as compassion as making it more difficult to express sympathy for animals. F
described men as being generally 'less self-aware' and less 'world aware', making it harder for them
to be empathetic or open and attributed cultural conditioning to programming men to eat meat and
accept violence towards animals. Another point made by C was that men participated in vegan
Instagram communities from a fitness or activist perspective; 'a lot of guys do it very
informationally but on Youtube from what I've seen the women are cooking recipes and stuff'.
Similarly G observed;
144450 14

'Guys I know in general, they're not likely to take pictures of their food and hashtag it
because thats not their agenda, they don't really care about that unless they're trying to
spread the message. There's not as many men who do it for the aesthetics. I follow one guy
who does it one hundred percent for the animals and the environment, his agenda is not
really heres a pretty picture of my food'.1
These attitudes position women's veganism as an aesthetic, individual pursuit, while situating men's
involvement as an active political engagement reaching wider public issues. According to
Counihan, the association of women with plant foods stems from the 'western dualistic tradition'
which identifies women with nature to be passive, self-sacrificing and controlled by masculine
rationality (1999:103). This is broadcasted by the media, teaching women appropriate,
standardised feminine behaviour to construct an 'appropriate surface presentation of the self'
(Bordo, 1993:169-170). These constructions have spread to new social media through plant-based
lifestyles which associate women with the domestic realm and nature. Cosslett's recent article
observed; 'we are seeing a rebranding of the feminine in contemporary visual culture', in particular
through Instagram as women reaffirm 'victorian' domestic ideals, depicting themselves as domestic
bakers and nurturers (2016). Cosslett compares images of 1950s housewives with images of clean-
eaters and vegan bloggers as 'the ideal 1950s woman', attributing the trend to a continued desire to
control women's bodies through a particular construction of domestic femininity (2016). This could
explain participant's attitudes towards women's veganism on Instagram as they subconsciously
accept and repeat standardised media constructions of idealised femininity and dualistic gender
stereotypes. However, as Orbach claims, food can be used by women to convey 'forbidden', 'inner
experiences' and express resistance to social constructions and systems (1987:7). From an
ecofeminist perspective, positioning women in a nurturing, domestic role can be a way of imbuing
power into female experience and their vital connection to nature in order to challenge existing,
patriarchal systems of animal consumption.

1 According to Rubenstein and Sluis (2008:19), hashtags or tags are the 'addition of freely chosen words to an image'
to classify images into categories, allowing images to be searched by others via a hyperlink.
144450 15

Body image
Despite the focus on natural health, Tandoh argues body size is a central driving force
behind this wellness revolution and that by posing as a 'lifestyle diet' it maintains the illusion of
being morally superior to conventional weight-loss regimes (2016). Douglas attributes the
preoccupation with health and the cultivation of a fit body as originating from anti-capitalist,
organic health food movements against poor quality, unhealthy food produced by big companies
(2000). However, this 'radical reaction' was co-opted by capitalist imperatives which disguised the
pressure placed on women to achieve physical perfection as female liberation, creating new
products and marketing devices (Douglas, 2000:276). Survey respondents were aware of a pressure
to lose weight, claiming Instagram accounts 'feed into the rhetoric that we are not good enough'.
Interviewee F suggested certain branches of veganism such as 'raw till 4' can be dangerous for
women as 'they see these skinny women and they want that'. According to Bordo, the obsession
with thinness and body image has been a 'normalising mechanism' since the nineteenth century to
discipline bodies through self-surveillance (1993:186).2 From a feminist perspective, dieting has
been a way of controlling women's bodies, rendering them docile and compliant (Nichter and
Nichter, 1991). Fursland describes this 'continuous pressure' on women to 'remain aware' of
themselves, as a moral duty they are required to uphold to reach unattainable moral and physical
perfection (1987:16). Advertising reproduces associations of slimness with goodness to promote
body dissatisfaction and drive consumption, situating the body as a primary site for moral
advancement (Nichter and Nichter, 1991). In this way, the body is a 'project' to be worked on
through the consumption of appropriate foods, to reflect 'inner worthiness' through self-
control (Lupton, 1996:137).
Tiggerman and Zaccardo refer to 'social comparison theory' in which women compare
themselves to 'cultural ideals of beauty and thinness presented in the media' to assess themselves
(2015:62). Studies suggest the more time spent on social media, the higher the sense of body
dissatisfaction and dieting among female users as they internalise a thin ideal through 'appearance
comparisons' online (Fardouly and Vartanian, 2016:1). Passive use of social media has been
attributed to causing negative effects such as 'resentment', 'envy', 'lower self-esteem' and a
'depressed mood' (Lup, et al., 2015:248). As Instagram is based on images it has a larger impact on
user's body image, especially as fitness is becoming hugely popular in connection to plant-based
diets (Fardouly and Vartanian, 2016). For example the hashtag 'Fitsperation' was intended as a
positive incentive for women to be fit rather than thin and images under this hashtag depict women

2 See Foucault (cited in Rabinow, 1994) on Technologies of the self and Biopower for further analysis of self-
surveillance and the institutional management of bodies.
144450 16

exercising with inspirational quotes emphasising empowerment and strength (Tiggerman and
Zaccardo, 2015). However, as Tiggerman and Zaccardo note, only toned, muscular bodies are
depicted, implying that this generally unattainable physique is the only healthy shape, perpetuating
the obsession with appearance over health (2015). Many participants confessed feeling pressured
and guilty after looking at health and fitness Instagram accounts. One survey respondent wrote
'Instagram is a best friend and a worst enemy for me, if I feel low I post photos and get likes and
comments but the flip side is that I get depressed that I'm not perfect or even close to that of what
many Instagrammers I see/follow'. Another respondent admitted becoming obsessed with food,
comparing herself to others and feeling guilty about portion sizes. Similarly, one respondent
claimed 'there is definitely a sense of competition about the wellness diet and it can make
me feel bad about my body seeing all these health and diet freaks obsessing over
everything they eat'. However most were highly aware of the pressures of media imagery, for
example, C claimed to make a concious effort not to get 'sucked in' by Instagram images. Many
survey respondents avoided fitness accounts due to the negative effect on their sense of self as they
'promote an obsessive character' or 'unhealthy ambitions'. Interviewee G observed; 'I've realised that
my body image has to come from me and my love for myself and not from some ideal that someone
has decided or that I subscribe to'. G also claimed; 'I used to get so caught up in that stuff when I
was younger but converting my diet changed my mind as well...I feel like the message in life for me
is so much more important than visual aspects of yourself'. This suggests that by adopting veganism
and embracing an independent, ethical outlook, G became less vulnerable to social pressures. This
awareness indicates participants possess a good understanding of underlying motives of capitalist
industries and their effect on self-perception and they were able to overcome these pressures
through selective, resistant use of social media.
Most survey respondents also recognised the highly performed, calculated nature of
Instagram images. According to Bordo, the 1990s were an era of hyperreal advertising as
distinctions between reality and appearance became blurred (1993:104). Bordo argues that digitally
altered photographs of celebrities mould the way we see images and questions whether we are
sophisticated enough to recognise which images are real (1993). Today, social media users are
aware most images are modified, an awareness heightened by the democratisation of digital
enhancement technologies as Instagram allows everyone to alter lighting and other aspects of
photographs (Rubenstein and Sluis, 2008). Several participants exhibited awareness of the falseness
of some Instagram photographs, referencing filters, airbrushing, good angles and the time taken to
capture the perfect picture. Negative appearance comparisons are intensified with the use of filters
by encouraging the representation of 'polished characteristics' of people's lives, strengthening
144450 17

assumptions that Instagram bloggers lives reflect their idealised online accounts (Lup, et al.,
2015:248). From the survey, only eleven out of forty-four respondents claimed their Instagram
account accurately reflected their daily life. Most only posted images of food if it looked 'insta-
worthy', 'special', or 'extravagant'. Interviewee C observed that;
'everyone on Instagram is their ideal self. All I do is sit in my room and read and like
probably don't eat the things that i'm putting on there. You construct yourself in a certain
way on Instagram...you always think of what people are going to think...I think you do get
sucked into it'.
Similarly, another respondent observed; 'social media makes its users constantly aware of what
others think and how we might come across with the version we make of ourselves online which
contributes to an overall sense of insecurity and high expectations'. This construction of a socially
desirable online self reflect's Douglas's argument that the appropriation and transformation of
feminist desires for liberation by the media into 'female narcissism' provoke approval seeking
behaviours and careful impressions management of the body (2000:269-278). This can be seen on
Instagram through which women carefully construct ideal selves according to specific cultural
constructions of appropriate, 'natural' femininity in order to receive validation. This apparently new
feminine ideal centred around wellness, ethical consumption and a compassionate outlook in fact
appears to be based on perpetuated discursive constructions of women's bodies, utilising online self-
surveillance strategies to foster capitalist consumption.
144450 18

2: Constructing ethical selves

Veganism as a worldview
According to Caplan, et al. (1998:172) in addition to 'you are what you eat', people also 'eat
what/who you are' as food habits are fundamental to identity construction. Advertising situates food
as a commodity which transfers certain values onto the consumer, creating images through which
consumers perceive their identities and form emotional, ideological associations (Lupton, 1996).
As people construct themselves through the consumption and production of material things (Solier,
2013) diet choices are essential for individual self-fashioning. Correspondingly, in Counihan's study
(1992:126), eating was conceived as a 'moral behaviour' through which American students
constructed themselves as 'good or bad human beings', establishing themselves as 'special', 'moral'
individuals. Therefore, sharing food consumption practices on Instagram is a way of publicly
constructing a specific ethical identity.
Counihan argues humans construct their relationship to the world through food choices that
'simultaneously define themselves and their social world' (1999:24). Likewise, Luetchford positions
food choice as a 'rich medium for ethical orientations', through which people construct themselves
as 'particular kinds of ethical beings' in connection to their body, environment, and identity
(2016:1). Research participants tended to describe their vegan identity as a worldview centred
around ethical living, environmental awareness and a considerate attitude towards all
beings. Interviewee B described her vegan identity as ingrained in her general outlook; 'it's
embedded in being really considerate about a way of living, being present in this world'.
Similarly, survey respondents mentioned being more 'engaged' in environmental debates
and political and humanitarian issues in a way that went 'beyond' food choices. Purchasing
from ethical suppliers and buying organic produce were mentioned as important aspects
related to this compassion for wider issues. One respondent wrote 'living ethically is a big
part of my life', indicating the importance of ethics in constructing vegan identities. These
attitudes correspond to Cherry's study in which veganism is described as a 'worldview' as
'participants reconstruct their identity around moral and ethical issues' (2015:61).
The ethical principle driving veganism is the immorality of killing or exploiting other
beings (Arppe, et al., 2011). From the survey, twenty-four respondents stated animal rights
as a central motive for becoming vegan. Several participants described the moral
transgression they felt around consuming meat, for example, G claimed; 'I feel like everyone
deep down knows that its still kind of weird and wrong to eat meat'. In interviews,
144450 19

participants communicated the sense of moral well-being veganism gave them and one
survey respondent stated 'I do feel a sense that I'm doing the right thing when I identify as
vegan, it helps me feel that i'm a person who cares about the planet and the life that exists
on it'. Likewise, Interviewee E claimed turning vegan alleviated her depression, making her
feel better about herself and her ethical choices. Another motive repeated in interviews was
a sense of hypocrisy when participants's ethical and political views did not cohere with their
previous lifestyles, for example being a vegetarian but learning about negative effects of the
dairy industry, as E announced 'when there's this contradiction between your beliefs and
what you do it makes me feel a bit uncomfortable'. Similarly, G claimed becoming vegan
was 'like a shell had come off' allowing her to be true to her beliefs. According to Conrad,
the pursuit of wellness in postmodern society has transformed into a pursuit of 'clean good
living' as a self-interested way of proving ones morality (1994:398). Participants felt uneasy
being unable to morally justify their actions, which was relieved by public adherence to an
ethically motivated, vegan lifestyle. Declaring veganism as an identity or worldview and
sharing it on Instagram allowed them to prove their morality publicly and bolster their sense
of well-being.
Compared to nineteenth century health reform, the contemporary wellness movement
appears secular, yet discourse around 'salvation' can still be observed (Conrad, 1994:398). In an
interview, A described how she dealt with criticism of her lifestyle by developing 'stronger beliefs',
which connotes religious faith in a concept, a repeated motif throughout the study. This reflects
Arppe, et al.'s claim that there is a 'fundamentalist zeal with which vegans guard their ideological
boundaries' with a 'religious rhetoric' including 'sin' and the possible violation of moral principles
(2011:285-6). The phrase 'it just clicked' was repeated by participants describing their
transition, suggesting the experience was akin to epiphany. Interviewee D described feeling
'enlightened' after transitioning, yet mediated this to feeling a 'lift' because it 'sounds a bit
religiousy', revealing her discomfort around religious associations. Similarly, A described
feeling offended by individuals who claim to be vegan 'then go eat cheese on the
weekends', comparing the feeling to seeing monks in Cambodia 'drinking on street corners'
and transgressing their religious principles; 'I'm not saying veganism is a religion but it is a
strong belief, it's a core belief'. This demonstrates a reluctance to refer to veganism directly
as a religion yet participants recognise comparable aspects around moral beliefs. One survey
respondent also described a 'cultist movement within many areas of social media' as
Instagram users are described as 'followers' and celebrity health food bloggers 'take the role
of leadership and promote a lifestyle that conforms only with their ideals' such as only
eating fruit. In an interview with C, vegan Instagram bloggers were described as 'preachy' in
their influence over followers and attempts at recruitment into veganism were interpreted as
144450 20

being 'like a cult' and 'strange'. While religious metaphors were used to describe positive
personal vegan beliefs or world-views, when used in connection to Instagram they took on
a negative, suspicious tone, suggesting Instagram and celebrity bloggers promote unhealthy
obsessions or worship to a particular way of eating.

Complexities in identity construction

In Larsson, et al.'s study (2003), vegans are categorised into three groups: conformed
vegans who are uncertain, inconsistent and follow group trends, organised vegans who
engage in public animal rights demonstrations, and individualistic vegans who are wholly
convinced yet do not participate in group activities and do not view veganism as identity
defining. Cherry's study also categorises vegans into punk and non-punks, the latter of
which base their choices on changeable 'individual food preferences', sometimes consuming
animal products (2006:159). This shifting, individual definition of veganism causes anger
among some ethical vegan groups and individuals. For example, one vegan blog describes
the difference between 'compassionate' and 'healthy' vegans, denouncing 'healthy' vegans
who do not follow veganism strictly as 'simply not vegan', claiming; 'veganism is an act of
conscience and empathy for our fellow beings, it's not a cult, a trend or a health fad. It is
anti-animal abuse and pro-animal rights and seeks justice for all' (Wallis, 2016). This suggests
vegans with ethical, political intentions discredit those with other motives such as health. This was
confirmed in an interview with D who observed that on social media, vegans motivated by health
are viewed as 'shameful', recounting a situation in which an individual received 'hate' online for
admitting they didn't care about animals. D also called vegans who have not 'educated themselves
on animal cruelty' and don't consume ethically in other areas 'plant-based fitness fanatics' who do
not maintain an overall vegan lifestyle and are therefore 'not vegan' as they are solely 'doing it for
themselves and are not having a massive impact'. These anxieties reflect Luetchford's view that
inconsistent ethical consumption by consumers can undermine its 'transformative potential' as it is
easily 'appropriated' or 'diluted' by capitalist imperatives to 'reproduce the mainstream' (2016:388).
This includes individuals selectively consuming ethically in their negotiation of different
cultural and individual values and priorities (Luetchford, 2016). For strict, ethically motivated
vegans, it appears any negotiations of the core vegan principles are unacceptable as they
undermine potential for change.
However, as Lupton explains (1996:14), individuals follow 'contradictory discourses',
dynamically rejecting and resisting practices, and several participants admitted they struggled with
labelling themselves vegan. Interviewee C preferred the term 'flexitarian' as she was not yet eating a
fully vegan diet due to social difficulties, while B preferred 'plant-based' due to perceived negative
144450 21

connotations of veganism, as a more 'mainstream' version with more 'opportunities'.3 These

participants could be categorised as 'conformed vegans' in their early, inconsistent stages (Larsson,
et al., 2003) and by choosing easier, plant-based lifestyles could be critiqued for diluting veganism's
radical potential. However, according to Larsson, et al. (2003), conformed vegans can become
dedicated organised or individualistic vegans in the future. Interviewee C also described the
anxieties around labelling yourself vegan on Instagram, claiming 'it's a bit risky because if you
backtrack you are instantly called out on it', reflecting the pressures in certain areas of the online
community to be strict, ethical vegans in all aspects of life.

Neoliberal self-fashioning

According to Solier, 'aspirational' middle-classes are required to act as 'good neoliberal

citizens' through self-improvement and material, creative consumption (2013:216). Solier describes
'productive leisure' as a morally valuable way of constructing and developing the self through
material culture, including activities demonstrating knowledge and production skills such as
DIY, cooking and writing food blogs (2013:52). Lifestyle media such as cookery programmes
shape and guide individuals through self-improvement in a 'reflexive project of the self'
requiring careful thought about shaping particular kinds of identities (Solier, 2013:72). Vegan
and plant-based lifestyle Instagram accounts are a form of productive leisure as they require
knowledge about health and nutrition alongside the productive and creative skills of cooking,
presenting and photographing food. Several research participants expressed desires for self-
improvement or development in connection to plant-based lifestyles. For example, Interviewee G
claimed 'I want to be the best possible self that I can be and I want to spread this message',
attributing obedience to a vegan diet as a means of maximising herself. Another respondent
claimed, 'I have been constantly trying to be a better person, to evolve', also through her adherence
to veganism. This reflects neoliberal rhetoric around personal responsibility for identity
construction and self-improvement through responsible, moral consumption (Solier, 2013). Bordo
also describes the postmodern body as being 'fed on fantasies of rearranging, transforming, and
correcting, limitless improvement and change' (1993:xvi), explaining this preoccupation with
remodelling the self through the body. Similarly, Scheper-Hughes and Lock describe values
related to fit bodies such as 'autonomy, toughness, competitiveness, youth and self-control'
as making up the 'politically correct body' in 'body-concious' Western culture (1987:25-26),

3 From the survey and interviews, participants cited social situations as the main difficulty in maintaining a vegan
diet, repeatedly describing feeling like a 'burden' and not wanting to appear 'difficult', particularly in the early stages
of becoming vegan. Participants referred to criticism from others as a problem and this was attributed to a lack of
understanding and feeling threatened or defensive against a perceived attack on their ethical choices.
144450 22

reflecting neoliberal ideals of individual competition.

According to Tandoh, 'when wellness balloons beyond the individual, swelling from
personal lifestyle choice to sweetheart of the diet industry bolstered by supermarkets who see kale,
coconut oil and chia seeds as a great profit opportunity, that's a problem for all of us' (2016).
Correspondingly, Conrad claims the 'wellness revolution' and the emergence of natural health foods
reflects 'new corporate strategies for marketing food' rather than scientific nutritional evidence
(1994:386). Capitalist imperatives are moving into the terrain of social media, as
consumption practices are influenced by this new platform (Thoumrungroje, 2014).
Thoumrungroje's paper demonstrates how marketing innovation is utilising the 'network of
consumers' on social media to reach more people and obtain information (2014:9).
Marketers are targeting 'opinion leaders' who have strong connections to networks of
people to generate word of mouth around new products (Thoumrungroje, 2014:13).
However, survey respondents expressed strong distrust towards the promotion of
commercial products on Instagram, claiming it had the potential to be misleading,
manipulating and wrong. Interviewee F claimed;
'I do think a lot of people don't necessarily realise that a lot of these posts are
sponsored and paid for and that the person doesn't necessarily believe in them...I think
it's a big way of influencing people to think who don't realise are being influenced
because it's not like you're watching an ad on television'.
Solier attributes product placement and celebrity endorsements in the new lifestyle media as
promoting the construction of ideal selves through consuming material products,
encouraging 'disciplined, selective modes of consumption' and influencing middle-class
tastes for natural foods (2013:84). According to Luetchford, this desire for natural foods is
exploited by capitalist markets, appropriating ethical consumption through competitive, capitalist
branding which compromises its 'transformative potential' (2016:396). This forces alternative
ethical consumers to 'continually position and reposition themselves in their strategies and
activities in an around markets' to compete with the co-option of ethical consumption by
capitalist forces (Luetchford, 2016:402). This may explain the anxieties around classifications
and conflicting vegan/plant-based identities as people attempt to construct and negotiate
their own versions of ethical selves in neoliberal environments.
144450 23

Socio-economic implications

Despite the focus on choice in ethical constructions of self, food choice can be limited by
economic and power related factors such as access and awareness (Macintyre, et al., 2006).
According to Lupton, food consumption habits 'mark boundaries between social classes,
geographic regions, nations, cultures, genders, life cycle stages, religions and occupations'
(1996:1). The self-construction of a social group is continually evolving in terms of what
foods are considered status proving, resulting in conflating food trends (Caplan, et al., 1998).
In interviews, several participants mentioned connections between vegan lifestyles and
middle-class identities. C expressed her frustration at not being able to afford 'expensive'
ingredients seen on vegan Instagram accounts which require a certain lifestyle to emulate; 'in their
bios its like freelance writer and food blogger and you can tell they're obviously quite comfortable'.
She also described reactions of people to her diet as reflecting the connotations of veganism being a
'middle-class hipstery thing to do' and claimed 'if you kind of buy into it properly you need to have
quite a lot of money behind you'. Similarly, G stated; 'there's definitely a lot of people who are not
able to access the information, the education to change their cultures just because a few people on
social media are telling them to go vegan'. However, A claimed the assumption of veganism being a
privileged diet comes from vegan celebrities on Instagram who are mainly 'wealthy white women',
giving the false impression of lack of diversity as 'it's just what sells, its sexy'. Interviewee E agreed
veganism depended on 'luck' and 'access to knowledge' rather than social class.
However one version of clean living sees highly educated, middle-class individuals
adopt 'alternative lifestyles', choosing to live on relatively low incomes and grow their own
food, suggesting that cost and social status are not necessarily interchangeable (Caplan, et al.,
1998:177). Several participants also emphasised veganism was inexpensive, exemplifying 'dirt
cheap' staple foods such as vegetables and beans and techniques such as bulk cooking and buying
from local markets. Interviewee E highlighted the accessibility of the lifestyle claiming; 'even when
I was living as a student...I didn't have any money really and there's always a way to have nice
food'. This reflects Sniejder and Molder's study in which vegans attempted to portray their eating
practices as 'simple' and 'ordinary' by listing acceptable foods and simple recipes to counteract
criticism of veganism as 'complicated' (2009:626). Maintaining a vegan identity was 'dependant on
being an ordinary person' or proving an absence of deviancy or 'extremeness' to justify choices
(Sneijder and Molder, 2009:627-8). However other participants spent more on food in an effort to
144450 24

consume more ethically, buying organic produce from expensive health food shops. According to
Solier, the trend of returning to 'preindustrial food values' such as fresh, natural produce and
cooking from scratch advocates spending more money on food as a necessary, moral
responsibility, positioning 'wrong' food choices of the lower classes as irresponsible
(2013:188-190). Pertinently, C observed how clean-eating trends on Instagram disregard people
without the 'time, the energy and the money to invest into it', claiming 'they're unaware of the
everyday realities behind people's lives'.
Solier's conception of 'productive leisure' celebrates knowledge as the 'new
production', creating a 'new knowledge class' linked to systems of power originating from
the social control of working-class time by middle-class reformers (2013:63-65). Most
interview participants could be classified as part of this new knowledge class as they obtained
higher education and had privileged access to learning to creatively negotiate their vegan lifestyles
and consumption habits and participate in productive leisure to self-fashion ethical identities.
Luetchford has observed a middle-class profile in ethical consumption, a consumer who is better
able to recognise branding and construct themselves as a 'particular kind of concerned consumer'
(2016:398), reflecting Solier's conception of the new knowledge class (2013). In this way,
ethical consumption can 'reflect' and reproduce class inequalities (Luetchford, 2016:398) as it
caters for middle-class tastes. Similarly, George argues the 'vegan ideal' that people should refrain
from eating all animal products is 'discriminatory' as it positions a 'definable class of persons' as
more virtuous that others, creating a 'class of morally superior people defined by physiology and
power' (1994:20). George claims veganism has an 'ethnocentric bias' as it favours adult, middle-
class males living in 'high-tech societies' as their privilege grants veganism as an accessible 'healthy
alternative' (1994:21-23). Whereas those living without these privileges are positioned as a 'moral
underclass' incapable of being 'fully moral' (George, 1994:23). Tagging photographs into generic
categories online also produces the appearance of a unified world, ignoring the fact that
participation in this world requires access to the internet and smart phones which are not universally
accessible (Rubenstein and Sluis, 2008). In this sense, the online display of ethical consumption on
Instagram is a privileged activity through which photographs 'make specific historical conditions
appear natural and universal' (Rubenstein and Sluis, 2008:24). This constructs an image of
veganism as a middle-class identity, alienating less privileged groups from this ethical ideal
and reducing the potential for wider changes in consumption habits.
144450 25

3: Social media, empowerment and lifestyle politics

Community and Empowerment

Establishing acceptable food categories and habits is integral in distinguishing group
identity and demonstrating group membership (Lupton, 1996). For Solier, food maintains a
connection to wider global environments, providing the feeling of being 'part of something
larger' in a highly individualised world (2013:316-7). According to Arppe, et al.'s study, the
stronger the role community plays in a group, the stricter the rules are for defining moral
principles and consumption practices, with veganism treating 'transgression as sin',
prohibiting the consumption of animals as an 'absolute', ethical principle (2011:275-278). As
veganism moves against mainstream culture, the stronger the group pressure to adhere to a strict
diet, the more secure the ethical viewpoint becomes (Arppe, et al., 2011). Whereas with less
'extreme' plant-based diets that fit into mainstream practices and are motivated predominantly by
individual health, community is not as important and rules are subject to personal variations,
situating 'transgression as lapse' or 'exception' (Arppe, et al., 2011:290). According to Arppe, et al.,
in veganism, the body becomes a 'symbol of community' as defending its bodily boundaries
embodies the protection of community boundaries against mainstream pressures (2011:294).
Cherry's studies agree with the importance of community in maintaining vegan lifestyles as
participants with supportive social networks adhered more easily to veganism (2006). Participants
who felt supported by vegan punk subculture felt connected to a 'broader collective identity of the
movement' as sharing information and recipes through social networks acted as 'cultural tools'
forming a 'virtuous circle' sustaining the lifestyle and reinforcing views (Cherry, 2015:71+67).
According to Rubenstein and Sluis (2008:9), there is a 'growing cultural shift towards a
conception of the internet as a platform for sharing and collaboration'. Hashtags are a central part of
social functioning on photo-sharing sites as they create 'communities of users' who are interested in
specific images such as vegan food (Rubenstein and Sluis, 2008:19). Several research participants
described feeling a sense of belonging through involvement in the vegan Instagram community,
describing these networks as 'friendly', like a 'family' and a 'community'. Interviewee E mentioned
feeling 'connected' through sharing recipes and ideas while G claimed ' I think its the best, maybe
only form of social media that allows you to connect with people you've never met'. G also claimed
144450 26

Instagram users 'have each others backs' by supporting each other with positive comments about
their food pictures. Solier describes food blogs as being reminiscent of the 'strong tradition of
knowledge sharing' of recipes among women, creating an 'imagined community' (Solier,
2013:291+231). This 'imagined community' can be seen in networks of vegan Instagram accounts
as members are supportively encouraged to maintain their veganism through positive affirmation,
sharing information and by praising each other's public displays of food choices and creations.
Through this sense of community created on Instagram, participants claimed to feel
empowered. Twenty-six survey respondents claimed Instagram had a positive overall effect
on them due to reasons such as providing a fun, creative outlet, being inspirational and as a
way of discovering new information and accessing a vegan community. The most common
use of Instagram for respondents was finding vegan recipe ideas which encouraged them to
be more creative, experimental and adventurous in their cooking and presentation.
Rubenstein and Sluis (2008:18) describe viewing other's images online as a 'creative pursuit
involving remixing, captioning and commenting'. Recognition of this creativity was valued by
participants, as getting likes on Instagram was described by C as a 'creative thumbs up'. One
respondent claimed using Instagram gave her a 'more profound appreciation' for the food
she creates while D declared Instagram had 'opened up a whole new culinary world'.
Receiving praise for creative cooking and presentation skills fostered a sense of pride that
lends value to traditional female activities previously regarded as mundane. The idea of
spreading the vegan message was also deemed empowering by participants as raising
awareness for an important cause brought about a sense of moral wellbeing and ethical
authority.
On Instagram, the status of 'experts' and 'amateurs' is blurred as 'ordinary' people posting
food pictures and recipes can gain thousands of followers and social media allows for
instantaneous information sharing between amateurs and professionals (Solier, 2013:89).
Solier describes the relationship between experts and amateurs in lifestyle media as intimate yet one
sided (2013). The 'lifestyle expert' instructs audiences how to 'shape' and 'maximise'
themselves in their construction of 'reflexive, DIY selves' and 'foodies' adopt and negotiate
this 'professional expert knowledge' in their cooking (Solier, 2013:87-90). Solier interprets
this desire for expert guidance as aiding in the construction of an acceptable, moral self
through consumption in a risk-filled, late-modern world (Solier, 2013). The development of
digital technologies engendered the 'mass-amateurization of photography', giving amateurs the
'tools to compete with professionals' (Rubenstein and Sluis, 2008:11-12) and on Instagram, more
women are gaining the status of 'lifestyle expert' through their vegan and plant-based
accounts, providing them with a level of power and influence (BBC, 2016). Interviewee D
used her Instagram account to help and inspire other gluten-free vegans which was
144450 27

empowering for her in the influence and appreciation she received from it. This
professionalisation of everyday home cooking grants recognition to a traditionally female
practice as it becomes valued for its artistic and informational qualities. However not all
these women necessarily have qualifications to prove themselves as food or health experts
(BBC, 2016). There is an 'element of risk' in the reliance on trust on an online platform
which is cultivated by 'experts' creating personal narratives around their recipes as a
'persona' for audiences to identify with and trust (Solier, 2013:103).
Despite this empowerment achieved through creativity, community and sharing,
Instagram was also described as 'isolating', 'false', and 'judgemental' by survey respondents.
While appreciation from others online can cultivate a sense of empowerment and well-
being, it can also develop into an unhealthy reliance on approval from others. Douglas
describes how American advertising initiated a 'narcissism as liberation campaign' which
encouraged women to seek approval from others through their bodies (2000:269-270). The
theme of narcissism was echoed by respondents as one claimed; '[Instagram] feeds into my
narcissistic tendencies that I have acquired since being on Instagram'. In interviews, several
participants expressed awareness of negative effects for some users, including anxieties around
receiving affirmation and their appearance in pictures. Letting Instagram define individual's sense
of value was also cited as a negative consequence. G mentioned the need for 'validation' getting
obsessive for some users, reverting to first person to claim; 'it gives you that sense of like, oh ok,
what can I do next time to make it better', suggesting she felt an underlying pressure to constantly
prove and improve herself. Obsessive tendencies were also hinted at by C who stated; 'I mean I do
go on Instagram every single day and I do use it a lot', however she mediated her comment by
adding; 'but i'm not one of those people who likes likes or follows a load of people', suggesting an
attempt to convey herself as apart from 'one of those' obsessive Instagram users to demonstrate her
lack of vulnerability. C went on to state; 'I know a lot of people wouldn't want to admit it but I think
you get sucked into it' and that Instagram had become a 'subconscious' daily activity, demonstrating
both an awareness of and vulnerability to obsessive tendencies. Another implication of obsessive
approval seeking was detected in D's discussion of her use of hashtags, claiming to delete and re-
add photographs if they did not achieve a satisfactory amount of likes due to the types of hashtags
used. Tagging can be a 'strategy for self-promotion' as tags increase the visibility of an image and
'reward' the author with increased popularity (Rubenstein and Sluis, 2008:19). However, D justified
her use by explaining her account was intended to help people transition into veganism, therefore it
was important for it to be seen by a large number of people in order to do it's 'job'. By
professionalising her Instagram use, D distanced herself from these vulnerabilities and obsessions
by presenting it as a necessary, moral duty to others rather than a form of validation or personal
144450 28

construction of identity.

Lifestyle politics as activism

The core values of veganism reject the 'hierarchical inequality between humanity and
nature', the exploitation of animals and 'modern techno-capitalism' in favour of a holistic outlook
(Arppe, et al., 2011:291-293). This critique of human exploitation extends to environmental
issues which dictates vegan consumption practices that include alternatives to mainstream
capitalism (Lupton, 1996). The Trew, et al. study detected a connection between vegetarian
identities and 'rebelliousness' as adolescent vegetarians asserted an independent, rebel
identity connected to animal welfare and environmental issues to demarcate themselves
from mainstream society (2006:256). Similarly, in Cherry's study, strict punk vegans expressed a
punk 'state of mind' which attempted to create societal change through lifestyle practices and
'politically progressive ways of living' (2006:159). This strong-willed, independent identity is
reflected by several participants describing themselves as 'headstrong', 'outspoken' and 'tough' when
it came to criticism of their lifestyle. A claimed she 'built' a 'strong sense of self' after facing
repeated criticism; 'I think you either succumb to it or you get stronger beliefs and you become a bit
tougher and just be like screw the world, I'm going to think what I'm going to think'.
From the survey, ten respondents were currently involved in political activism connected to
veganism, including protests, educational outreach programs, being part of vegan groups and
volunteering for vegan organisations, while twelve were interested in becoming involved in the
future. Several respondents were also politically active through social media by sharing articles and
videos about the benefits of veganism. In an interview, A highlighted two types of vegan
movements; the abolitionist approach which is focused on animal rights and the complete
elimination of animal abuse, and the welfarist approach which promotes schemes such as meat free
Mondays, encouraging a reduction in the consumption of animal products. For A, the abolitionist
approach was more 'progressive' and legitimate as the alternative still conforms to 'the belief that it
is still ok to exploit animals and use them for human consumption'.
Over half of survey respondents agreed that participation in social media can be a form of
political activism through education, sharing food ideas, instigating awareness, changing
consumption patterns and demonstrating the accessibility and possibilities of veganism to a wider
audience. Scofield-Russel describes lifestyle politics as a 'feminine politics' which is both 'personal
and all-inclusive' centring on the notion that 'lasting societal transformation begins with and rests on
transformation of the individual' (1990:226). Scofield-Russel takes an ecofeminist stance, claiming
healing the planet and transforming into a 'nurturer society' begins with individual's everyday
144450 29

choices as responsible consumers by recognising systems that produce products and their effect on
the world (1990:230). Cherry describes veganism as a new social movement based on collective
action and solidarity which 'measures success in terms of cultural, lifestyle changes', shifting the
focus of political movements from legislation to 'everyday lifestyle practices' (2006:155-6). Cherry
advocates an examination of 'informal processes such as culture and social networks' which
influence participation in the movement (2006:167). These 'informal processes' include Instagram
as lifestyle politics is associated with popular culture and young people who tend not be be as
involved in formal politics and are strongly influenced by social networks (Cherry, 2006:167).
Veganism thus becomes an identity based around 'politically progressive ways of living' and
'everyday acts of resistance' to instigate social change through boycotting animal products and
particular companies (Cherry, 2016:59-60).
Many research participants practiced lifestyle politics in various ways through
Instagram. One survey respondent used hashtags on vegan posts which included common
words users search for in order to raise awareness to a wider array of people. As previously
mentioned, food can be used by women to express resistance to social constructions and systems
(Orbach, 1987) and several respondents referred to their consumption practices as political
activism, recounting the 'your money is your vote' approach to politics. Posting images of
vegan food on Instagram was also described by C as a 'non-threatening' form of activism
rather than using 'scary' images of dead or dying animals or 'shoving it down your throat'.
This form of activism was described by C as 'terror tactics' that utilised shock and fear and
was deemed ineffective in converting people. Similarly, D described Instagram as a
'friendly', 'mild form of activism' that is more effective at integrating into people's lives.
Interviewee F also claimed not to believe in 'radicalism' or 'force' in creating change,
advocating positive, informative action such as using vegan hashtags to spread the message
more effectively. Leading by example by demonstrating the wide variety and high quality of
vegan food available and using hashtags such as 'cruelty-free' was deemed a more effective
and desirable way of creating change by the majority of participants, several of whom were
interested in 'spreading the message' through their own Instagram accounts. For example, G
described Instagram positively as a 'business' as having more followers provides more
'credibility' which is used to 'spread a message' and further the vegan cause. However some
respondents disliked the term activist altogether, preferring to 'normalise' veganism in order
not to appear judgemental or 'preachy'. Similarly, one respondent disagreed with 'the in
your face preaching kind of activism', preferring to lead by example, portraying a 'happy
positive lifestyle' to 'inspire others to do the same'.
A smaller number of participants were sceptical that social media provided a legitimate,
144450 30

effective platform for political activism. One survey respondent believed Instagram only reached a
minority of people, excluding developing countries and claimed using social media as a central
source of political activism was a 'joke', asking 'how does a picture of fruit tackle the issue?'.
Interviewee A also noted the disadvantage of the limited space for text and detailed information,
referencing Facebook as a more effective platform. Another problem with using social media as a
platform for activism is that when photographs are viewed on screens they become 'part of an
endless stream of data, disassociated from the origins of the snapshot in the personal, the ostensibly
real' (Rubenstein and Sluis, 2008:14). This has the potential to undermine serious messages by
detaching images from their original intention, transforming their meaning and political significance
and rendering them banal amidst the abundance of lifestyle images online (Rubenstein and Sluis,
2008). This reflect's A's description of Instagram as a superficial 'lifestyle thing' focusing on
fitness and 'tanned girls in bikinis' which undermines its potential as a serious political platform.
Similarly, C commented on the growing number of people on Instagram embarking on a vegan diet
solely to lose weight which in her opinion undermined veganism's political stance. Solier argues
that consumers construct themselves as moral beings through 'selfless', ethical consumption which
is in fact also driven by 'self-interest' in health and appearance, resulting in inconsistent
'convenience ethics' which allow consumers to feel moral well-being at 'no cost to themselves' yet
reducing the positive ethical impact of their spending (2013:204-209). This interest in 'green'
consumption is connected to 'middle-class romanticised ideas of the good life' which are
reflected in food media through a 'softer moral discourse of quality' rather than politics
(Solier, 2013:198). This 'softer moral discourse' reflects participant's preference for milder
lifestyle politics that could be interpreted as diluting the radical potential of veganism's
original, core values. However, according to Weinhart (2013:62), 'exhibitionism, self-
disclosure...and voyeurism are the social strategies of our time' as people publicly share formerly
private subjects through this new 'worldwide virtual community'. This suggests that through
Instagram and the public display of consumption choices, these women promote the vegan cause in
a positive way that may have more impact in today's consumerist, online culture than traditional
methods of activism.
144450 31

Conclusion

This dissertation set out to investigate whether the fundamental ethical values and political
potential of veganism are undermined by the recent interest in plant-based lifestyles emerging on
Instagram.
The first section established the extent to which veganism is co-opted by clean-eating
discourses on Instagram that focus on health, weight and appearance through moralising binaries
which overlook ethical values prohibiting the exploitation of animals. It demonstrated how the guise
of ethical consumption thinly veils perpetuated expectations, maintaining pressures for women to
adhere to specific conceptions of ideal femininity through self-surveillance and neoliberal
competition. Victorian gender ideologies resurfaced through a purity rhetoric which continues to
control women's bodies and consumption practices as they attempt to prove their inner virtuousness
through the public display of food choices. By disguising these perpetuated ideals as natural and
ethical, participation in plant-based lifestyles allowed women to participate in and sustain capitalist
markets and narcissistic behaviours without appearing extravagant, irresponsible or transgressing
appropriate femininity. However, research highlighted how participants were able to overcome
these pressures through various resistant strategies such as selective use of social media and by
maintaining a strong sense of identity and vegan beliefs. Participants found security in an ethical
worldview to maintain their vegan principles, focusing on a wider, moral message to overcome
superficial ideals.
The competing abolitionist and welfarist strands of vegan activism effect perceptions of how
to engender positive change. Those motivated by animal rights and who identify with abolitionist
politics and a strict vegan worldview tend to criticise personally motivated, part-time vegans or
plant-based individuals on Instagram for diluting the vegan message by endorsing partial ethical
consumption and fuelling capitalist health industries that do not fully support vegan values.
Whereas the welfarist perspective deems small, gradual changes more effective at fostering
widespread change in consumption habits. Most participants agreed Instagram provided a platform
for vegan activism by raising awareness and leading by example to inspire change through non-
violent, non-judgemental means. These 'everyday acts of resistance' (Cherry, 2016:60) were
144450 32

considered more effective in encouraging young people to transition as they are greatly influenced
by Instagram (Marsh, 2016), positioning vegan bloggers in a powerful position to effect
consumption practices. The majority of participants argued Instagram provided a sense of
community and collectivity which strengthened commitment to the cause and was experienced as
an empowering outlet of creativity and validation.
However, as argued in section two, Instagram can be exclusive and vegan lifestyles are being
appropriated by mainstream capitalism as a fashionable, ethical pursuit marketed towards a middle
or 'new knowledge' class (Solier, 2013:65). This reduces the potential for wider, inclusive changes
in consumption by creating a middle-class vegan identity, alienating certain members of the
population. According to Weinhart (2013:72), revealing the private sphere to the public was once an
'emancipatory gesture' utilised by feminists in the fight for equality, yet today public revelations are
ubiquitous online with personality profiles on social media. The proliferation of personal photos of
vegan food and lifestyle practices on Instagram can become lost amongst an abundance of images
of exhibitionist lifestyle culture (Weinhart, 2013). This sheer volume of images desensitises users to
softer political messages hidden amongst them, which dilutes the radical potential of Instagram to
further the vegan cause by rendering these images meaningless through association with a capitalist,
consumerist lifestyle.
As Luetchford observed (2016), alternative ethical consumers are being forced to
continuously shift their positions within markets to negotiate their ethical identities in neoliberal
society. Despite the appropriation of veganism by capitalist imperatives, Instagram users
dynamically construct their vegan identities to negotiate this expropriation in order to sustain and
strengthen their individual ethical principles in this neoliberal, consumerist environment. Therefore,
due to this growth in popularity, perhaps the most effective way to spread the vegan message and
facilitate change today is through these markets, targeting young people through a youthful
language of clean-eating and consumerist lifestyle culture. Thus, Instagram provides an arena for
furthering the vegan cause and resisting capitalist consumption practices from within as vegans
utilise social media to their advantage, reinforcing ethical vegan values through positive lifestyle
politics and supportive community networks.
These findings imply Instagram and other online photo-sharing sites have potential as a
method of political activism or a way of influencing consumption patterns and future studies on
ethical consumption and the construction of ethical identities could benefit from further research on
the impact of new social media on these issues.
144450 33

Appendix A: Survey questions

This survey is part of my Anthropology MA dissertation at the University of Sussex exploring self-
construction on social media. The project examines the way women present themselves on
Instagram through vegan and plant-based food accounts and the motives and pressures of this
lifestyle for women.
Please try to answer the questions as fully and as detailed as possible and provide any examples or
observations you feel are relevant.
Thank you so much for taking the time to complete this survey, it is greatly appreciated and will be
hugely valuable for my research.

Please feel free to contact me for any more information. If you are willing to take part in a follow-
up interview it would be greatly appreciated.

1. How would you describe your diet?

Vegan
Vegetarian
Flexitarian
Fruitarian
Raw
Pescatarian
Paleo
Plant-based
Other

2. What were the reasons or life events that lead to you entering into this diet and lifestyle?

3. How do ethical or political issues affect your food and lifestyle choices?

4. How does this lifestyle affect or define your sense of identity?

5. What, if any, difficulties do you face in maintaining this diet and lifestyle?

6. What do you use Instagram for?

Sharing your own images of food
Sharing plant-based lifestyle information
Finding plant-based lifestyle information
Finding food inspiration
Finding health inspiration
Finding appearance inspiration
Sharing political messages
Sharing ethical messages
For entertainment
144450 34

For communicating with friendship

For communication with strangers
For support and encouragement
Other

7. How active are you on Instagram?

I post images and information daily
I post images and information weekly
I post images and information monthly
I only look at other peoples images

8. Did Instagram influence your decision to enter into this diet and lifestyle?

9. How has the use of Instagram affected your eating habits and practices?

10. How do the posts you create and share on Instagram reflect your daily life and habits?

11. Do you use filters to alter the appearance of your pictures and if so, why?

12. How do images of health food and health food bloggers make you feel about yourself, your
body and your health?

13. Have you ever felt pressure to act, eat or look a certain way from images and information
viewed on Instagram? Please give examples.

14. Do you feel a sense of community when participating in this online lifestyle?

15. Are you in interested in any social, political activism around plant-based food choices? Do you
participate in any form of activism yourself?

16. How do you feel the role of advertising and corporate sponsorship effects how people use
Instagram?

17. How do you think participation in health food lifestyles through Instagram can be a form of
political activism?

18. Overall, do you think the use of Instagram has a positive effect on you? Please explain,.

Author, 2016. Vegan and plant-based lifestyles on Instagram. Google forms. [survey]. Available at:
<https://docs.google.com/forms/d/1KbzfwM216XOF1qdjve3171yKJ1xP_UIlXoHYOwwkO60/
edit> [Accessed 3 August 2016].
144450 35

Appendix B: Interview Details

Interviewee A, 2016. 'Interview with author on the interviewee's use of Instagram in connection
with plant-based lifestyles'. Brighton. 7 June. [Recording in possession of author].

Interviewee B, 2016. 'Interview with author on the interviewee's use of Instagram in connection
with plant-based lifestyles'. Brighton. 7 June. [Recording in possession of author].

Interviewee C, 2016. 'Interview with author on the interviewee's use of Instagram in connection
with plant-based lifestyles'. Brighton. 8 June. [Recording in possession of author].

Interviewee D, 2016. 'Interview with author on the interviewee's use of Instagram in connection
with plant-based lifestyles'. Webcam. 13 June. [Recording in possession of author].

Interviewee E, 2016. 'Interview with author on the interviewee's use of Instagram in connection
with plant-based lifestyles'. Webcam. 15 June. [Recording in possession of author].

Interviewee F, 2016. 'Interview with author on the interviewee's use of Instagram in connection
with plant-based lifestyles'. Webcam. 17 June. [Recording in possession of author].

Interviewee G, 2016. 'Interview with author on the interviewee's use of Instagram in connection
with plant-based lifestyles'. Webcam. 17 June. [Recording in possession of author].
144450 36

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