Manuel Roxas

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This article is about the Filipino president. For
his grandson, see Mar Roxas. For the
municipality, see Pres. Manuel A. Roxas,
Zamboanga del Norte. For other places that
now bear his name, see Roxas
(disambiguation).
In this Philippine name, the middle name or
maternal family name is Acuña and the
surname or paternal family name is Roxas.

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ease help improve
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(1st President of the Third Philippine Republic)
citations to reliable
sources. Unsourced
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challenged and
removed. May 28, 1946 – April 15, 1948
Find sources: "Manuel
Roxas" – news · newsp
apers · books · scholar  Vice President Elpidio Quirino
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His Excellency Succeeded by Elpidio Quirino

2nd President of the Senate of the Philippines

Manuel A. Roxas
In office

July 9, 1945 – May 25, 1946

President Sergio Osmeña

Preceded by Manuel L. Quezon

Succeeded by José Avelino

Senator of the Philippines

 In office Personal details

July 9, 1945 – May 25, 1946

Born Manuel Roxas y Acuña
Secretary of Finance

In office January 1, 1892

August 21, 1941 – December 29, 1941 Capiz (now Roxas City), Capiz Province, Captaincy

General of the Philippines

President Manuel L. Quezon

Died April 15, 1948 (aged 56)

Preceded by Antonio de las Alas Clark Air Base, Philippines

Succeeded by Serafin Marabut Cause of death Heart attack

2nd Speaker of the Philippine House of Representatives

Resting place Manila North Cemetery, Santa Cruz, Manila,

Philippines
In office

1922–1933
Political party Liberal

Preceded by Sergio Osmeña

Other political Nacionalista (before 1945)

affiliations
Succeeded by Quintin Paredes
Trinidad de Leon (m. 1921)
Member of the Philippine House of Spouse(s)
Representatives from Capiz' 1st District

Children Gerardo Manuel Roxas

In office Ruby Róxas
1921–1938

Alma mater University of Manila

Preceded by Antonio Habana University of the Philippines College of Law

Succeeded by Ramon A. Arnaldo Profession Lawyer, Soldier

Governor of Capiz
Signature

In office
Military service
1919–1921
  3.1.1.4Amnesty
Nickname(s) Manuel Proclamation
 3.1.1.5Huks out
lawed
Allegiance  Philippines  3.1.2Foreign policy
 3.1.2.1Treaty of
General Relations
Branch/service Philippine Commonwealth Army  3.1.2.2United
States military bases
 3.1.2.3Parity
Years of service 1941–1945 Rights Amendment
 3.1.2.4Turtle
and Mangsee Islands
Battles/wars World War II  3.1.3Assassination
* Japanese Occupation of the Philippines (1942– attempt
 3.1.4Controversies
1945)
 4Death
* Philippines Campaign (1944–1945)  5Legacy
 6Family and ancestry
Manuel Acuña Roxas ([ˈɾohas]; born Manuel  7References
Roxas y Acuña; January 1, 1892 – April 15, o 7.1Bibliography
1948) was the fifth President of the  8External links
Philippines who served from 1946 until his
death in 1948. He briefly served as the third
and last President of the Commonwealth of Political career[edit]
the Philippines from May 28, 1946 to July 4, This section needs
1946 and then became the first President of additional
the independent Third Philippine citations
Republic after the United States ceded its for verification. Pl
sovereignty over the Philippines. ease help improve
this
article by adding
Contents
citations to reliable
sources. Unsourced
material may be
 1Political career
challenged and
o 1.1Senate removed.
 2Presidential election of 1946 Find sources: "Manuel
o 2.1Last President of the Roxas" – news · newsp
Commonwealth apers · books · scholar 
· JSTOR (March
o 2.2First President of the Third
2018) (Learn how and
Republic (1946–1948) when to remove this
 3Presidency template message)
o 3.1Administration and cabinet
 3.1.1Domestic policies Roxas occupied more important positions in
 3.1.1.1Econom
the Philippine government than any other
y Filipino had ever held before him.[citation
 3.1.1.2Reconstr
needed]
 Starting in 1917 he was a member of
uction after the war the municipal council of Capiz. He became the
 3.1.1.3Agrarian
youngest governor of his province and served
Reform in this capacity from 1919 to 1922.
He was elected to the Philippine House of
Representatives in 1922, and for twelve
consecutive years was Speaker of the House.
He was a member of the Constitutional
Convention from 1934 to 1935, Secretary of
Finance, Chairman of the National Economic
Council, Chairman of the National
Development Company and many other
government corporations and agencies,
Brigadier General in the USAFFE, recognized
guerilla leader and military leader of the
Philippine Commonwealth Army.
Senate[edit]
Former diplomatic residence of Manuel Roxas in
Washington, D.C.
After the amendments to the 1935 Philippine
Constitution were approved in 1941, he was
elected (1941) to the Philippine Senate, but
was unable to serve until 1945 because of the
outbreak of World War II.
Having enrolled prior to World War II as an
officer in the reserves, he was made liaison
officer between the Commonwealth
government and the United States Army
Forces in the Far East headquarters of
General Douglas MacArthur. He
accompanied President
Quezon to Corregidor where he supervised
the destruction of Philippine currency to
prevent its capture by the Japanese. When
Quezon left Corregidor, Roxas went to
Mindanao to direct the resistance there. It was
prior to Quezon's departure that he was made
Executive Secretary and designated as
successor to the presidency in case Quezon
or Vice-President Sergio Osmeña were
captured or killed.
Roxas was captured in 1942 by the Japanese
invasion forces. He became chief advisor
to José P. Laurel, but secretly sympathetic to
the guerrilla movement,[1]:208–209 he passed
information via Ramona (Mona) Snyder
to Edwin Ramsey.[2]:57–58 He was returned by
the military service of the Philippine
Commonwealth Army joining the troops and
military officers of men was beginning the
liberation against the Japanese forces.
When the Congress of the Philippines was
convened in 1945, the legislators elected in
1941 chose Roxas as Senate President.
Presidential election of
1946[edit]
Presidential styles of
Manuel Roxas
Reference style His Excellency
Spoken style Your Excellency
Alternative style Mr. President
Prior to the Philippine national elections of
1946, at the height of the
last Commonwealth elections, Senate
President Roxas and his friends left
the Nacionalista Party and formed the Liberal
Party.[3] Roxas became their candidate for
President and Elpidio Quirino for Vice-
President. The Nacionalistas, on the other
hand, had Osmeña for President and
Senator Eulogio Rodriguez for Vice-President.
Roxas had the staunch support of General
MacArthur. Osmeña refused to campaign,
saying that the Filipino people knew of his
reputation. On April 23, 1946, Roxas won 54
percent of the vote, and the Liberal Party won
a majority in the legislature.[4]
Last President of the
Commonwealth[edit]

President Manuel Roxas was inaugurated as the
5th President of the Philippines and the first
president of the Third Republic on July 4, 1946 at
the Independence Grandstand (now Quirino
Grandstand), Manila.
Roxas served as the President of the
Commonwealth of the Philippines in a brief
period, from May 28, 1946 to July 4, 1946
during which time Roxas helped prepare the
groundwork for an independent Philippines.
On May 8, 1946, prior to his inauguration,
President-elect Roxas, accompanied by US
High Commissioner Paul V. McNutt, left for
the United States.
On May 28, 1946, Roxas was inaugurated as
the last President of the Commonwealth of the
Philippines. The inaugural ceremonies were
held in the ruins of the Legislative Building
(now part of the National Museum of the
Philippines) and were witnessed by about
200,000 people. In his address, he outlined
the main policies of his administration, mainly:
closer ties with the United States; adherence
to the newly created United Nations; national
reconstruction; relief for the masses; social
justice for the working class; the maintenance
of peace and order; the preservation of
individual rights and liberties of the citizenry;
and honesty and efficiency of government.
On June 3, 1946, Roxas appeared for the first
time before a joint session of Congress to
deliver his first State of the Nation Address.
Among other things, he told the members of
the Congress the grave problems and
difficulties the Philippines face and reported
on his special trip to the United States to
discuss the approval for independence. [5]
On June 21, he reappeared in front of another
joint session of the Congress and urged the
acceptance of two laws passed by
the Congress of the United States on April 30,
1946—the Tydings–McDuffie Act, of
Philippine Rehabilitation Act, and the Bell
Trade Act or Philippine Trade Act.[6] Both
recommendations were accepted by the
Congress.
First President of the Third Republic
(1946–1948)[edit]
Short American newsreel of Philippine
independence ceremonies on July 4, 1946 with
brief footage of Roxas taking the Oath of Office.
Manuel Roxas' term as the President of the
Commonwealth ended on the morning of July
4, 1946, when the Third Republic of the
Philippines was inaugurated and
independence from the United States
proclaimed. The occasion, attended by some
300,000 people, was marked by the
simultaneous lowering of the Stars and
Stripes and raising of the National Flag, a 21-
gun salute, and the pealing of church bells.
Roxas then swore the Oath of Office as the
first President of the new Republic.
The inaugural ceremonies took place
at Luneta Park in the City of Manila. On the
Grandstand alone were around 3,000
dignitaries and guests, consisting of President
Roxas, Vice-President Quirino, their
respective parties and the Cabinet; the last
High Commissioner to the Philippines and
first Ambassador to the Philippines Paul
McNutt; General Douglas MacArthur (coming
from Tokyo); United States Postmaster
General Robert E. Hannegan; a delegation
from the United States Congress led
by Maryland Senator Millard Tydings (author
of the Tydings–McDuffie Act)
and Missouri Representative C. Jasper
Bell (author of the Bell Trade Act); and
former Civil Governor-General Francis Burton
Harrison. Malaya, Jonathan; Eduardo Malaya.  So Help Us God... The

Inaugurals of the Presidents of the Philippines. Anvil Publishing,

Inc.

No sooner had the fanfare of

the independence festivities ended that the
Domestic policies[edit] government and the people quickly put all
Economy[edit] hands to work in the tasks of rescuing the
country from its dire economic straits.
Reputed to be the most bombed and
Economy of the Philippines under
destroyed country in the world, the Philippines
President Manuel Roxas was in a sorry mess.
Only Stalingrad and Warsaw, for instance,
1946–1948
could compare with Manila in point of
destruction. All over the country more than a
Population
million people were unaccounted for. The war
casualties as such could very well reach the
two million mark. Conservative estimates had
1948  19.23 million it that the Philippines had lost about two thirds
of her material wealth.[7]
The country was facing near bankruptcy.
Gross Domestic Product (1985 constant prices) [7]
 There was no national economy, no export
trade. Indeed, production for exports had not
 Php 85,269 million been restored. On the other hand, imports
1947
were to reach the amount of three million
dollars. There was need of immediate aid from
Growth rate, 1947–48 39.5%
the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation
Administration. Something along this line was
obtained. Again, loans from the United States,
Per capita income (1985 constant prices) as well as some increase in the national
revenues, were to help the new Republic.[7]

 Php 4,434
President Roxas, with bold steps, met the
1947 situation with the same confidence he exuded
in his inaugural address, when he said: "The
system of free but guided enterprise is our
Total exports
system". Among the main remedies proposed
was the establishment of the Philippine
1947  Php 24, 824 million Rehabilitation Finance Corporation. This entity
would be responsible for the construction of
twelve thousand houses and for the grant of
Exchange rates easy-term loans in the amount of 177,000,000
pesos. Another proposal was the creation of
the Central Bank of the Philippines to help
1 US$ = Php 2.00 stabilize the Philippine dollar reserves and
coordinate and the nations banking activities
1 Php = US$ 0.50 gearing them to the economic progress.
Concentrating on the sugar industry,
Sources: Philippine Presidency Project President Roxas would exert such efforts as
to succeed in increasing production from
13,000 tons at the time of the Philippine
liberation to an all-high of one million tons.[7]
Reconstruction after the war[edit]
The postwar Philippines had burned cities and
towns, ruined farms and factories, blasted
roads and bridges, shattered industries and
commerce, and thousands of massacred
victims. The war had paralyzed the
educational system, where 80% of the school
buildings, their equipment, laboratories and
furniture were destroyed.[8] Numberless books,
invaluable documents and works of art,
irreplaceable historical relics and
family heirlooms, hundreds of churches and
temples were burned. The reconstruction of
the damaged school buildings alone cost
more than Php 126,000,000,000.
The new Republic began to function on an
annual deficit of over Php 200,000,000 with
little prospect of a balanced budget for some
years to come.[9] Manila and other cities then
were infested with criminal gangs which used
techniques of American gangsters in some
activities–bank holdups, kidnapping and burgl
aries. In rural regions, especially the provinces
of Central Luzon and the Southern
Tagalog regions, the Hukbalahaps and
brigands terrorized towns and barrios.
Agrarian Reform[edit]
See also: Land reform in the Philippines
In 1946, shortly after his induction to
Presidency, Manuel Roxas proclaimed the
Rice Share Tenancy Act of 1933 effective
throughout the country.[10] However problems
of land tenure continued. In fact these became
worse in certain areas.[10] Among the remedial
measures enacted was Republic Act No. 1946
likewise known as the Tenant Act which
provided for a 70–30 sharing arrangements
and regulated share-tenancy contracts.[10] It
was passed to resolve the ongoing peasant
unrest in Central Luzon.[10]
Amnesty Proclamation[edit]
President Roxas, on January 28, 1948,
granted full amnesty to all so-called Philippine
collaborators, many of whom were on trial or
awaiting to be tried, particularly former
President José P. Laurel (1943–1945).[7] The
Amnesty Proclamation did not apply to those
"collaborators", who were charged with the
commission of common crimes, such as
murder, rape, and arson. The presidential
decision did much[7] to heal a standing wound
that somehow threatened to divide the
people's sentiments. It was a much-called for
measure to bring about a closer unity in the
trying times when such was most needed for
the progress of the nation.[7]
Huks outlawed[edit]
Disgusted with the crimes being committed
by Hukbó ng Bayan Laban sa Hapón (Nation's
Army Against the Japanese, also called "the
Huks") and possessing evidence of their
subversion, Roxas issued a proclamation
outlawing the Huk movement on March 6,
1948.[7] It had become an imperative in view of
the resurgence of Huk depredations, following
the unseating of the seven Communists, led
by Huk Supremo Luis Taruc through acts of
terrorism.[7]
Foreign policy[edit]
Treaty of General Relations[edit]
See also: Treaty of Manila (1946)
On August 5, 1946, the Congress of the
Philippines ratified the Treaty of General
Relations that had been entered into by and
between the Republic of the Philippines and
the United States on July 4, 1946. [7] Aside
from withdrawing her sovereignty from the
Philippines and recognizing her
independence, the Treaty reserved for the
United States some bases for the mutual
protection of both countries; consented that
the United States represent the Philippines in
countries where the latter had not yet
established diplomatic representation; made
the Philippines assume all debts and
obligations of the former government in the
Philippines; and provided for the settlement of
property rights of the citizens of both
countries.[7]
United States military bases[edit]
One of the last pictures of President Manuel
Roxas.
Although Roxas was successful in getting
rehabilitation funds from the United States
after independence, he was forced to concede
military bases (23 of which were leased for 99
years), trade restriction for the Philippine
citizens, and special privileges for U.S.
property owner and investor.[citation needed]
Parity Rights Amendment[edit]
On March 11, 1947, Philippine voters,
agreeing with Roxas, ratified in a
nationwide plebiscite the "parity amendment"
to the 1935 Constitution of the Philippines,
granting United States citizens the right to
dispose of and utilize Philippine natural
resources, or parity rights.
Turtle and Mangsee Islands[edit]
See also: Philippine Turtle Islands § How the
islands came under Philippine administration
On 19 September 1946 the Republic of the
Philippines notified the United Kingdom that it
wished to take over the administration of the
Turtle Islands and the Mangesse Islands.
Pursuant to a supplemental international
agreement, the transfer of administration
became effective on 16 October 1947. [11][12]
Assassination attempt[edit]
The night before the plebiscite, Roxas
narrowly escaped assassination by Julio
Guillen, a disgruntled barber from Tondo,
Manila, who hurled a grenade at the platform
on Plaza Miranda immediately after Roxas
had addressed a rally.[13]
Controversies[edit]
His administration was marred by graft and
corruption; moreover, the abuses of the
provincial military police contributed to the rise
of the left-wing (Huk) movement in the
countryside. His heavy-handed attempts to
crush the Huks led to widespread peasant
disaffection.
The good record of the Roxas administration
was marred by two failures: the failure to curb
graft and corruption in the government, as
evidenced by the surplus war property
scandal, the Chinese immigration scandal and
the school supplies scandal; and the failure to
check and stop the
communist Hukbalahap movement.
Death[edit]
Gravesite of Manuel Roxas
Roxas did not finish his full four-year term. On
the morning of April 15, 1948 Roxas delivered
a speech before the United States Thirteenth
Air Force. After the speech, he felt dizzy and
was brought to the residence of Major
General E.L. Eubank at Clark
Field, Pampanga. He died later that night of
a heart attack.[14][15] Roxas' term as President is
thus the third shortest, lasting one year, ten
months, and 18 days.
On April 17, 1948, two days after Roxas'
death, Vice-President Elpidio Quirino took the
oath of office as President of the Philippines.
Legacy[edit]
In his honour, various cities in the Philippines
have been renamed after him,
including Roxas, Oriental Mindoro, the first
 town to be named as such; Roxas City,
Capiz; President Roxas, Capiz; President
Roxas, Cotabato; and Roxas, Isabela. Dewey
Boulevard in the City of Manila was renamed
in his memory, and he is currently depicted on
the 100 Philippine peso bill.
 the grandstand, see Quirino Grandstand. For
Elpidio Quirino
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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This article is about the Philippine president.
For the province, see Quirino. For the train
station, see Quirino LRT Station. For
the municipality, see Quirino, Ilocos Sur. For
the stadium, see Quirino Stadium.
In this Philippine name, the middle name or
maternal family name is Rivera and the
surname or paternal family name is Quiríno.

1992 Two Peso President Manuel Roxas His Excellency

Commemorative Coin
 
Elpidio R. Quirino


Roxas Boulevard in Pasay City, named after the

president

Family and ancestry[edit]

showAncestors
of Manuel
Roxas[16]

Roxas' son, Gerardo ("Gerry"), became a

member of the Philippine House of
Representatives and a leader of Liberal Party 6th President of the Philippines
of the Philippines. Gerry's sons, Manuel II
("Mar") and Gerardo, Jr. ("Dinggoy"), served
as representatives from Capiz. In 2004, Mar In office
became a Senator and was also elected
president of the Liberal Party. His daughter-in- April 17, 1948 – December 30, 1953
law, Judy Araneta (widow of Gerry), continues
to be a prominent and driving force of the
Liberal Party Vice President None (1948–1949)

Fernando Lopez (1949–1953)

Preceded by Manuel Roxas

Succeeded by Ramon Magsaysay July 25, 1934 – February 18, 1936

2nd Vice President of the Philippines

President Manuel L. Quezon

In office
Preceded by Vicente Encarnacion
May 28, 1946 – April 17, 1948

Succeeded by Antonio de las Alas

President Manuel Roxas
Secretary of the Interior

Preceded by Sergio Osmeña

In office

Succeeded by Fernando Lopez 1935–1938

Secretary of Foreign Affairs

President Manuel L. Quezon

In office
Preceded by Severino de las Alas
September 16, 1946 – April 16, 1948

Succeeded by Rafael Alunan

President Manuel Roxas
4th President pro tempore of the Senate of the Philippines

Preceded by Post established

In office

Succeeded by Vacant July 9, 1945 – May 25, 1946

Post later held by Joaquín Miguel Elizalde

President Sergio Osmeña

Secretary of Finance

Preceded by José Avelino (acting)

In office

May 28, 1946 – November 24, 1946

Succeeded by Melecio Arranz

President Manuel Roxas Senator of the Philippines

Preceded by Jaime Hernandez In office

July 9, 1945 – May 28, 1946

Succeeded by Miguel Cuaderno

Senator of the Philippines from the First Senatorial District

In office
In office
 Alicia Syquia
1925 – November 15, 1935 Spouse(s) (m. 1921; her death 1945)
Served with:

Isabelo de los Reyes (1925–1928) Relations Cory Quiríno (granddaughter)

Melecio Arranz (1928–1935) Monique Lagdameo (great-granddaughter)

Preceded by Santiago Fonacier Children Tomas Quiríno

Armando Quiríno
Succeeded by Position abolished Norma Quiríno

Victoria Quiríno-González
Member of the Philippine House of Representatives from
Sur's 1st District Fe Angela Quiríno

In office Alma mater University of the Philippines

1919–1925

Profession Lawyer
Preceded by Alberto Reyes
Elpidio Rivera Quirino (born Elpidio Quirino
y Rivera; November 16, 1890 – February 29,
Succeeded by Vicente Singson Pablo 1956) was a Filipino politician of
ethnic Ilocano descent who served as the
sixth President of the Philippines from 1948 to
Personal details 1953.
A lawyer by profession, Quiríno entered
Born Elpidio Quirino y Rivera politics when he became a representative
of Ilocos Sur from 1919 to 1925. He was then
elected as senator from 1925–1931. In 1934,
he became a member of the Philippine
November 16, 1890 independence commission that was sent to
Vigan, Ilocos Sur, Captaincy General of the Washington, D.C., which secured the passage
of Tydings–McDuffie Act to American
Philippines Congress. In 1935, he was also elected to the
convention that drafted the 1935
constitution for the newly
Died February 29, 1956 (aged 65)
established Commonwealth. In the new
Novaliches, Quezon City, Philippines government, he served as secretary of the
interior and finance under President Manuel
Quezon's cabinet.
Resting place Heroes' Cemetery, Taguig, Philippines
After World War II, Quiríno was elected vice-
president in the 1946 election, consequently
Political party Liberal Party the second and last for the Commonwealth
and first for the third republic. After the death
of the incumbent president Manuel Roxas in
Other political Nacionalista (before 1945) 1948, he succeeded the presidency. He won
the president's office under Liberal Party
affiliations ticket, defeating Nacionalista vice president
 and former president José P. Laurel as well as
fellow Liberalista and former Senate
President José Avelino.
The Quiríno administration was generally
challenged by the Hukbalahaps, who
ransacked towns and barrios. Quiríno ran for
president again in 1953 but was defeated
by Ramon Magsaysay.
Contents
 1Early life and career
 2Personal life
 3Congressional career
o 3.1House of Representatives
o 3.2Senate
 4Vice-Presidency
 5Presidency
o 5.1Administration and Cabinet
o 5.2First term (1948–1949)
 5.2.1Accession
 5.2.2New capital city
 5.2.3HukBaLaHap
 5.2.4Fireside chats
 5.2.5Impeachment
attempt
 5.2.6Romulo becomes
President of the UN General
Assembly
 5.2.71949 presidential
election
o 5.3Second term (1949–1953)
 5.3.1Baguio Conference
 5.3.2HukBaLaHap
continued re-insurgence
 5.3.3Peace campaign
 5.3.41951 midterm
election
 5.3.51953 presidential
election
o 5.4Domestic policies
 5.4.1Economy
 5.4.2Social program
 5.4.3Agrarian reform
 5.4.4Integrity Board
o 5.5Foreign policies
 5.5.1Korean War
 5.5.2Quirino-Foster
Agreement
 6Post-presidency and death
 7Memorials
 8Notes
 9References
 10External links
Early life and career[edit]
Elpidío Quiríno was a native
of Caoayan, Ilocos Sur although born
in Vigan, Ilocos Sur to Don Mariano Quebral
Quirino of Caoayan, Ilocos Sur and Doña
Gregoria Mendoza Rivera of Agoo, La Union.
He was baptized on November 19, 1890.
[1]
 Quiríno spent his early years in Aringay, La
Union. He studied and graduated from his
elementary education to his native Caoayan,
where he became a barrio teacher. He
received secondary education at Vigan High
School, then went to Manila where he worked
as junior computer technician at the Bureau of
Lands and as property clerk in the Manila
police department. He graduated from Manila
High School in 1911 and also passed the civil
service examination, first-grade. [citation needed]
Quiríno attended the University of the
Philippines in Manila. In 1915, he earned his
law degree from the university's College of
Law, and was admitted to the bar later that
year. He was engaged into the private
practice of law. During his early years as an
adult he was inducted into the Pan Xenia
Fraternity, a professional trade fraternity in the
University of the Philippines, in the year 1950.
[citation needed]
Personal life[edit]
Quiríno was married to Alicia Syquía (1903–
1945) on January 16, 1921. The couple had
five children: Tomas, Armando,
Norma, Victoria, and Fe Angela. On February
9, 1945, his wife and three of their children
(Armando, Norma and Fe Angela) were killed
by Japanese troops as they fled their home
during the Battle of Manila.[2] His
brother Antonio Quirino was the owner of Alto
Broadcasting System, which later merged with
Chronicle Broadcasting Network to form
the ABS-CBN Broadcasting Corporation.[3]
His daughter, Victoria, became the youngest
hostess of Malacañang Palace, at 16 years
old, when Quiríno ascended to the presidency
on April 17, 1948. She married Luis M.
Gonzalez in 1950, who became Philippine
ambassador to Spain from 1966–1971.
Congressional career[edit]
House of Representatives[edit]
Quiríno was engaged in the private practice of
law until he was elected as member of
the Philippine House of Representatives from
1919 to 1925, succeeding Alberto Reyes. In
1925 he was succeeded as congressman by
Vicente Singson Pablo.
Senate[edit]
Quiríno was elected as Senator from 1925 to
1931 representing the First Senatorial District.
He then served as Secretary of Finance and
Secretary of the Interior in the Commonwealth
government.[citation needed]
In 1934, Quiríno was a member of the
Philippine Independence mission to
Washington, D.C., headed by Manuel L.
Quezon, that secured the passage in the
United States Congress of the Tydings–
McDuffie Act. This legislation set the date for
Philippine independence by 1945. Official
declaration came on July 4, 1946. [citation needed]
Before the Second World War, Quiríno was
re-elected to the Senate but was not able to
serve until 1945.
After the war, the Philippine Commonwealth
Government was restored. The Congress was
likewise re-organized and in the Senate and
Quiríno was installed was Senate President
pro tempore.[citation needed]
Vice-Presidency[edit]
President Elpidio Quirino weeps beside the coffin
of his predecessor, Manuel Roxas during the
latter's wake in 1948
Soon after the reconstitution of the
Commonwealth Government in 1945,
Senators Manuel Roxas, Quiríno and their
allies called for an early national election to
choose the president and vice president of the
Philippines and members of the Congress. In
December 1945, the House Insular Affairs of
the United States Congress approved the joint
resolution setting the date of the election on
not later than April 30, 1946.
Prompted by this congressional action,
President Sergio Osmeña called
the Philippine Congress to a three-day special
session. Congress enacted Commonwealth
Act No. 725, setting the date of the election on
April 23, 1946. The act was signed by
President Osmeña on January 5, 1946.
Quiríno was nominated as Senate
President Manuel Roxas' running mate. The
tandem won the election. As Vice-President,
Quiríno was appointed Secretary of Foreign
Affairs.
Presidency[edit]
Presidential styles of
Elpidio R. Quirino
Reference style His Excellency
Spoken style Your Excellency
Alternative style Mr. President
Quiríno's five years as president were marked
by notable postwar reconstruction, general
economic gains and increased economic aid
from the United States.
Administration and Cabinet[edit]
Office Name Term
President Elpidio Quirino 1948–1953 September
1948
Vice-President Fernando López 1949–1953
Sabino Padilla September
Secretary of Foreign Elpidio April 17, 17, 1948 –
Affairs Quirino (acting) 1948 – June 1949
January 6,
1950 Ricardo July 1949 –
Nepomuceno July 1950
Felino Neri January 6,
1950-May Jose Bengzon December
1950 15, 1950 –
September
Carlos P. May 1950 – 1951
Romulo 1951
Oscar Castelo April 18,
Joaquín Miguel April 18, 1952 –
Elizalde 1952 – August 1953
December
30, 1953 Roberto August 1953
Gianzon – December
Secretary of the Sotero Baluyut September 30, 1953
Interior 21, 1948 –
1951 Secretary of Plácido Mapa September
Agriculture and 21, 1948 –
Secretary of Finance Miguel April 17, Natural Resources 1950
Cuaderno 1948 –
January 2, Fernando López December
1949 14, 1950–
1953
Pío Pedrosa January 5,
1949 – Secretary of Public Ricardo April 17,
September Works and Nepumoceno 1948 – 1949
12, 1951 Communications
Prospero February 21,
Aurelio April 18, Sanidad 1950 -1951
Montinola, Sr. 1952 –
December Sotero Baluyot January 6,
30, 1953 1951 – 1952

Secretary of Justice Roman Ozaeta May 28,

1946 –
Secretary of Public Pablo Lorenzo May 6, 1952 Ramon December
Works, – 1953 Magsaysay 14, 1950 –
Transportation and February 28,
Communications 1953

Secretary of Prudencio September Oscar T. Castelo March 1,

Education, Culture Langcauon 1948 – 1953 –
and Sports September December
13, 1950 19, 1953

Pablo Lorenzo September Secretary of Health Antonio April 17,

14, 1950 – and Public Welfare Villarama 1948 –
April 3, 1951 December
31, 1949
Teodoro T. May 18,
Evangelista Sr. 1951 – Juan S. Salcedo December
September 14, 1950 –
30, 1951 November
10, 1953
Cecilio Putong April 18,
1952 – Administrator of Asunción A. May 6, 1952
December Social Services Pérez – 1953
30, 1953
Secretary of Trade Cornelio September
Benito September and Industry Balmaceda 21, 1948 –
Pangilinan 22, 1953 February 12,
1949
Secretary of Labor Primitivo September
Lovina 21, 1948 – Placido L. Mapa February 12,
December 1949 –
21, 1950 December
30, 1953
Jose Figueras December
21, 1950 – Executive Secretary Emilio Abello April 21,
December 1948 –
30, 1953 September
14, 1948
Secretary of Ruperto April 17,
National Defense Kangleon 1948 – Teodoro T. September
August 31, Evangelista Sr. 16, 1948 –
1950 May 8, 1951

Marciano Roque February 2,
1952 –
December
29, 1953
Budget Pío Joven 1948–1953
Commissioner
First term (1948–1949)[edit]
Accession[edit]
Vice-President Elpidio Quirino was inaugurated as
the 6th President of the Philippines on April 17,
1948 at the Council of State Room, Executive
Building, Malacañan Palace.
Quiríno assumed the presidency on April 17,
1948, taking his oath of office two days after
the death of Manuel Roxas. His first official act
as the President was the proclamation of
a state mourning throughout the country for
Roxas' death. Since Quiríno was a widower,
his surviving daughter, Victoria, would serve
as the official hostess and perform the
functions traditionally ascribed to the First
Lady.
New capital city[edit]
On July 17, 1948, the Congress approved
Republic Act No. 333, amending
Commonwealth Act No. 502,
declaring Quezon City the capital of
the Philippines in place of Manila.
[4]
 Nevertheless, pending the official transfer of
the government offices to the new capital site,
Manila remained to be such for all effective
purposes.[4]
HukBaLaHap[edit]
The term HukBaLaHap was a contraction
of Hukbong Bayan Laban sa mga Hapon (in
English: The Nation's Army Against the
Japanese Soldiers), members of which were
commonly referred to as Huks.
With the expiration of the Amnesty deadline
on August 15, 1948, the government found
out that the Huks had not lived up to the terms
of the Quiríno-Taruc agreement. Indeed, after
having been seated in Congress and
collecting his back pay allowance.[4] Luis
Taruc surreptitiously fled away from Manila,
even as a number of his followers had either
submitted themselves to the conditions of the
Amnesty proclamation or surrendered their
arms. In the face of countercharges from the
Huk to the effect that the government had not
satisfied the agreed conditions, President
Quirino ordered a stepped-up campaign
against dissidents, restoring once more an
aggressive policy in view of the failure of the
friendly attitude previously adopted. [4]
Fireside chats[edit]
To bring the government closer to the people,
he revived President Quezon's "fireside
chats", in which he enlightened the people on
the activities of the Republic by the periodic
radio broadcasts from Malacañan Palace.
Impeachment attempt[edit]
Riding on the crest of the growing wave of
resentment against the Liberal Party, a move
was next hatched to indict President Quirino
himself.[4] Led by Representative Agripino
Escareal, a committee composed of seven
members of the House of Representatives
prepared a five-count accusation ranging
from nepotism to gross
expenditures. Speaker Eugenio Pérez
appointed a committee of seven, headed by
Representative Lorenzo Sumulong to look into
the charges preparatory to their filing with
the Senate, acting as an impeachment
body. Solicitor General Felix Angelo Bautista
entered his appearance as defense counsel
for the chief executive.[4] Following several
hearings, on April 19, 1949, after a rather
turbulent session that lasted all night, the
congressional committee reached a verdict
completely exonerating the President.

Quirino waving to the crowd
Romulo becomes President of the UN
General Assembly[edit]
Great honor[4] was paid the Philippines when,
in September 1949, the Fourth General
Assembly of the United Nations elected
delegate Carlos P. Romulo as its President.
The first[4] Oriental to hold the position,
Romulo was strongly supported[4] by
the Anglo-Saxon bloc, as well as by the group
of Spanish-speaking nations,[4] thus
underscoring the hybrid nature of the Filipino
people's culture and upbringing.[4]
1949 presidential election[edit]
Main article: 1949 Philippine presidential
election
Incumbent President Elpidio Quirino won a full
term as President of the Philippines after the
untimely death of President Manuel Roxas in
1948. His running mate, Senator Fernando
López won as Vice President. Despite factions
created in the administration party, Quirino
won a satisfactory vote from the public. It was
the only time in Philippine history where the
duly elected president, vice president and
senators all came from the same party, the
Liberal Party. The election was widely
criticized as being corrupt,[5] with violence and
fraud taking place.[6] Opponents of Quirino
were beaten or murdered by his supporters or
the police and the election continues to be
seen as corrupt.[7]
Second term (1949–1953)[edit]
President Elpidio Quirino was inaugurated for his
first full term as President of the Philippines on
December 30, 1949 at the Independence
Grandstand (now Quirino Grandstand), Manila.
Baguio Conference[edit]
In May 1950, upon the invitation of President
Qurino, through the insistent suggestion of
United Nations President Carlos P. Romulo,
official representatives of India,
Pakistan, Ceylon, Thailand, Indonesia, and
Australia met in the city of Baguio for a
regional conference sponsored by
the Philippines.[4] China and Korea did not
attend the conference because the latter did
not contemplate the formation of a military
union of the Southeast Asian nations. On the
other hand, Japan, Indonesia, China, and
others were not invited because, at the time,
they were not free and independent states.
Due to the request of India and Indonesia, no
political questions were taken up the
conference.[4] Instead, the delegates
discussed economic and, most of all, cultural,
problems confronting their respective
countries. Strangely enough however, the
Baguio Conference ended with an
official communiqué in which the nations
attending the same expressed their united
agreement in supporting the right to self-
determination of all peoples the world over.
This initial regional meet held much promise
of a future alliance of these neighboring
nations for common protection and aid.[4]
HukBaLaHap continued re-
insurgence[edit]
Quirino's administration faced a serious threat
in the form of the
communist HukBaLaHap movement. Though
the Huks originally had been an anti-
Japanese guerrilla army in Luzon,
communists steadily gained control over the
leadership, and when Quirino's negotiation
with Huk commander Luis Taruc broke down
in 1948, Taruc openly declared himself a
Communist and called for the overthrow of the
government.
Peace campaign[edit]
With the Communist organization estimated to
still have more than 40,000 duly registered
members by March 1951, the government
went on with its sustained campaign to cope
with the worsening peace and order problem.
[4]
 The 1951 budget included the use of a
residue fund for the land resettlement
program in favor of the surrendered HUKS.
The money helped maintain the Economic
Development Corps (EDCOR), with its
settlements of 6,500 hectares in Kapatagan
(Lanao) and 25,000 hectares in Buldon
(Cotabato). In each group taken to these
places there was a nucleus of former Army
personnel and their families, who became a
stabilizing factor and ensured the success of
the program. Indeed, less than ten percent of
the Huks who settled down gave up this new
lease in life offered them by the government. [4]
Main article: 1953 Philippine presidential
election
Quirino ran for re-election to the presidency
with José Yulo as vice president in 1953
despite his ill health. His Defense
Secretary, Ramon Magsaysay, resigned his
office and joined the Nacionalista Party. Other
prominent Liberalists, like Vice
President Fernando López,
Ambassador Carlos P. Romulo,
Senators Tomás Cabili and Juan Sumulong,
also bolted Quirino's party.
On August 22,
1953, Nacionalista and Democratic
Parties formed a coalition to ensure Quirino's
full defeat. On election day, Quirino was
defeated by Ramon Magsaysay with a
majority vote of 1.5 million.
Domestic policies[edit]
Economy of the Philippines under
President Elpidio Quirino
1948–1953
Population

To promote the smooth restructuring of

the Armed Forces of the Philippines, the 1948  19.23 million
military were made to undergo a
reorganization.[4] Battalion combat teams of
Gross Domestic Product (1985 constant prices)
1,000 men each were established. Each
operated independently of the High
Command, except for overall coordination in 1948  Php 99,628 million
operational plans. A total of 26 Battalion
Combat Teams were put up. New army units 1953 Php 146,070 million
were also established, such was the
first Airborne Unit, the Scout Rangers,
the Canine Unit, and the Cavalry Unit. These Growth rate, 1948–53 9.32 %
units all showed considerable ability.[4]
1951 midterm election[edit] Per capita income (1985 constant prices)
Main article: 1951 Philippine general election
1948  Php 5,180
After a sweep by the Liberals in 1949, many
Filipinos doubted the election result. This
brought a sweep by the Nacionalistas in the 1953  Php 7,596
1951 elections. There was a special election
for the vacated Senate seat of Fernando
Lopez, who won as Vice President in 1949. Total exports
The Liberals won no seats in the Senate.
1948  Php 35,921 million
1953 presidential election[edit]

1953  Php 34, 432 million
Exchange rates
1 US US$ = Php 2.00
1 Php = US US$ 0.50
Sources: Philippine Presidency Project Both the policy and its implementation were
Malaya, Jonathan; Eduardo Malaya. So Help Us God... The Inaugurals
Presidents of the Philippines. Anvil Publishing, Inc.
Economy[edit]
Upon assuming the reins of government,
Quirino announced two main objectives of his
administration: first, the economic
reconstruction of the nation and second, the
restoration of the faith and confidence of the
people in the government. In connection to
the first agenda, he created the President's
Action Committee on Social Amelioration or
PACSA to mitigate the sufferings of indigent
families, the Labor Management Advisory
Board to advise him on labor matters, the
Agricultural Credit Cooperatives Financing
Administration or ACCFA to help the farmers
market their crops and save them from loan
sharks, and the Rural Banks of the Philippines
to facilitate credit utilities in rural areas.
Social program[edit]
Enhancing President Manuel Roxas' policy of
social justice to alleviate the lot of the
common mass, President Quirino, almost
immediately after assuming office, started a
series of steps calculated to effectively
ameliorate the economic condition of the
people.[4] After periodic surprise visits to the
slums of Manila and other backward regions
of the country, President Quirino officially
made public a seven-point program for social
security, to wit:[4]
1. Unemployment insurance
2. Old-age insurance
3. Accident and permanent disability
insurance
4. Health insurance
5. Maternity insurance
6. State relief
7. Labor opportunity
President Quirino also created the Social
Security Commission, making Social Welfare
Commissioner Asuncion Perez chairman of
the same.[4] This was followed by the creation
of the President's Action Committee on Social
Amelioration, charges with extending aid,
loans, and relief to the less fortunate citizens.
hailed by the people as harbingers of great
benefits.of[4] the
Agrarian reform[edit]
See also: Land reform in the Philippines
As part of his Agrarian Reform agenda,
President Quirino issued on October 23, 1950
Executive Order No. 355 which replaced the
National Land Settlement Administration with
Land Settlement Development Corporation
(LASEDECO) which takes over the
responsibilities of the Agricultural Machinery
Equipment Corporation and the Rice and
Corn Production Administration. [8]
Integrity Board[edit]
To cope with the insistent clamor for
government improvement, President Quirino
created the Integrity Board to probe into
reports of graft and corruption in high
government places. Vice-President Fernando
Lopez was most instrumental, through his
courageous exposés, in securing such a
decision from President Quirino. [4]
Foreign policies[edit]
Photograph of President Truman in the Oval Office,
evidently receiving a cane as a gift from the
President of the Philippines, Elpidio Quirino, as
another man (most likely ambassador Joaquín
Elizalde) looks on.
Quirino's administration excelled in diplomacy,
impressing foreign heads of states and world
statesmen by his intelligence and culture. In
his official travels to the United States,
European countries, and Southeast Asia, he
represented the Philippines with flying colors.
During his six years of administration, he with
his Foreign Secretary Helen Cutaran
Bennett was able to negotiate treaties and
agreements with other nations of the Free
World. Two Asian heads of state visited
Philippines–President Chiang Kai-shek of
the Republic of China in July 1949 and
President Sukarno of Indonesia in January
1951.
In 1950, at the onset of the Korean War,
Quirino authorized the deployment of over
7,450 Filipino soldiers to Korea, under the
designation of the Philippine Expeditionary
Forces to Korea or PEFTOK.
While I recognise the United States as a great builder in thisW. Bell, an American banker, and
“ country, I have never
surrendered the sovereignty, much less the dignity and future
of our country.
In 1951, the Philippines signed the Mutual
Defense Treaty with the United States to deter
the threat of communism that existed during
the Cold War. The military alliance remains to
this day a key pillar of American foreign policy
in Asia that also includes defense pacts with
Japan, South Korea, Thailand, and Australia.
Korean War[edit]
On June 25, 1950, the world was astonished
to hear the North Korean aggression against
the independent South Korea. The United
Nations immediately took up this challenge to
the security of this part of the world. Carlos P.
Romulo soon stood out as the most effective
spokesman for the South Korean cause.[4] On
behalf of the government, Romulo offered to
send a Philippine military contingent to be
under the overall command of
General Douglas MacArthur, who had been
named United Nations Supreme Commander
for the punitive expedition. The Philippines,
thus, became the first country to join the
United States in the offer of military assistance
to beleaguered South Korea.[4]
President Quirino took the necessary steps to
make the Philippine offer. On a purely
voluntary basis, the first contingent – the
Tenth Battalion Combat Team – was formed
under Col. Azurin, and dispatched to Korea,
where its members quickly won much renown
for their military skill and bravery. The name of
Captain Jose Artiaga, Jr., heroically killed in
action, stands out as a symbol of our country's
contribution to the cause of freedom outside
native shores. Other Philippine Combat
Teams successively replaced the first
contingent sent, and they all built a name for
discipline, tenacity, and courage, until the
truce that brought the conflict to a halt. [4]
Quirino-Foster Agreement[edit]
By the time of the creation of the integrity
board, moreover, the Bell Mission, led by
Daniel
composed of five members, with a staff of
twenty workers, following their period of stay
in the Philippines, beginning in July 1950,
finally submitted its report on October of the
same year.[4] The Report made several
proposals, most noteworthy, of which were
that the United States on, President Quirino
gamely and patriotically,[4] took in the
recommendations and sought to implement
them. Thus in November 1950, President
Quirino and William Chapman Foster,
representing the United States Government,
signed an agreement by virtue of which the
former pledged to obtain the necessary
Philippine legislation, in keeping with the Bell
Mission Report, while envoy Foster promised
the necessary by the same Report.[4]
However, much as he tried to become a good
president, Quirino failed to win the people's
affection. Several factors caused the
unpopularity of his administration, namely:[10]
 Failure of government to check
the Huk menace which made travel in the
provinces unsafe, as evidenced by the
killing of former First Lady Aurora
Quezon and her companions on April 28,
1949 by the Huks on the Bongabong-
Baler road, Baler, Tayabas (now part
of Aurora province);
 Economic distress of the times,
aggravated by rising unemployment rate,
soaring prices of commodities, and
unfavorable balance of trade.

Post-presidency and death[edit]

The former tomb of Elpidio Quirino at the Manila A memorial to Quirino in Hibiya Park, Tokyo, Japan
South Cemetery
There are a number of memorials dedicated
Following his failed bid for re-election, Quirino to Quirino. Quirino Avenue in Manila is named
retired from politics to private life in 1953. He for him, as is the LRT station located there.
offered his dedication to serve the Filipino The Novaliches-Ipo Road where his
people, becoming the "Father of Foreign retirement home is situated was renamed
Service" in the Republic of the Philippines. as Quirino Highway. There is also a Quirino
Grandstand in Manila's Rizal Park.
Quirino died of a heart attack during the leap
year day of February 29, 1956 at his In 2016 a memorial to him was established
retirement house in Novaliches, Quezon City. in Hibiya Park, Tokyo, Japan.
He was buried at Manila South
Cemetery in Makati. On February 29, 2016,
his remains were relocated and reinterred at a
special tomb site in the Heroes'
Cemetery in Taguig, in time for the 60th death
anniversary of his death.[11]

Memorials[edit]
Ramon Magsaysay
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Jump to navigationJump to search

"Magsaysay" redirects here. For other uses,

see Magsaysay (disambiguation).

In this Philippine name, the middle name or

maternal family name is del Fierro and the
surname or paternal family name
is Magsaysay.

His Excellency
 President Himself

Ramon F. Magsaysay Sr.

Preceded by Oscar Castelo

KGE GCC QSC MGH Succeeded by Sotero B. Cabahug

In office

September 1, 1950 – February 28, 1953

President Elpidio Quirino

Preceded by Ruperto Kangleon

Succeeded by Oscar Castelo

Member of the Philippine House of

Representatives from Zambales' Lone District

In office

May 28, 1946 – September 1, 1950

7th President of the Philippines Preceded by Valentin Afable

In office Succeeded by Enrique Corpus

December 30, 1953 – March 17, 1957

Personal details
Vice President Carlos P. Garcia

Born Ramon del Fierro Magsaysay

Preceded by Elpidio Quirino

August 31, 1907

Succeeded by Carlos P. Garcia
Iba, Zambales, Insular Government of the Philippine
Secretary of National Defense Islands

In office Died March 17, 1957 (aged 49)

January 1, 1954 – May 14, 1954 Balamban, Cebu, Philippines
 statesman who served as the
Cause of death Airplane crash seventh President of the Philippines, from
December 30, 1953 until his death in
an aircraft disaster. An automobile mechanic
Resting place Manila North Cemetery, Santa Cruz, Manila by profession, Magsaysay was appointed
military governor of Zambales after his
Philippines
outstanding service as a guerilla leader during
the Pacific War. He then served two terms
Political party Nacionalista Party (1953–1957)
as Liberal Party congressman
for Zambales before being appointed as
Liberal Party[1][2] (1946–1953) Secretary of National Defense by
President Elpidio Quirino. He was elected
Luz Banzon president under the banner of the Nacionalista
Spouse(s) (m. 1933; his death 1957) Party.
He was the first Philippine president born
during the 20th century and the first to be born
Children Teresita
after the Spanish colonial era.
Milagros

Ramon
Contents
Alma mater José Rizal University
 1Biography

Profession Engineer, Soldier o 1.1School life

 1.1.1Career during
Signature World War II

o 1.2Family

o 1.3House of Representatives
Military service
o 1.4Secretary of National
Defense
Allegiance  Philippines
 1.4.11951 Padilla
incident
Branch/service Philippine Army
 1.4.2Presidential
election of 1953
Years of service 1942–1945
o 1.5Presidency
Rank Captain
 1.5.1Cabinet

Unit 31st Infantry Division  1.5.2Domestic policies

Ramon del Fierro  1.5.2.1Presiden

Magsaysay KGE GCC QSC MGH (August 31, t's Inauguration Day
1907 – March 17, 1957) was a Filipino
  1.5.2.2Agrarian Magsaysay" – news · n
reform ewspapers · books · sc
holar · JSTOR (March
 1.5.2.3HUKBAL 2011)  (Learn how and
AHAP when to remove this
template message)
 1.5.3Foreign policies

 1.5.3.1SEATO

 1.5.3.2Defense
Council

 1.5.3.3Laurel-
Langley Agreement

 1.5.3.4Bandung
Conference

 1.5.3.5Reparati
on agreement

o 1.6Death Magsaysay in his teenage years

Ramon del Fierro Magsaysay, of

 2Honors mixed Tagalog and Ilocano descent,[3] was
born in Iba, Zambales on August 31, 1907 to
 3Popular references Exequiel Magsaysay y de los Santos (April 18,
1874 in San Marcelino, Zambales – January
 4Ancestry 24, 1969 in Manila), a blacksmith, and
Perfecta del Fierro y Quimson (April 18, 1886
 5See also in Castillejos, Zambales – May 5, 1981
in Manila), a schoolteacher.[4][5][6]
 6References School life[edit]
 7External links
He spent his grade school life somewhere
in Castillejos and his high school life at
Pampanga Academy in San Narciso,
Biography[edit] Zambales. After college, Magsaysay entered
the University of the Philippines in 1927,
This section needs
where he enrolled in a pre-medical course.
additional citations [4]
 He worked as a chauffeur to support himself
for verification. Ple as he studied engineering; and later, he
ase help improve transferred to the Institute of Commerce at
this José Rizal College now Jose Rizal
article by adding University (1928–1932), where he received a
citations to reliable baccalaureate in commerce. He then worked
as an automobile mechanic in a bus company
sources. Unsourced
(Florida) and shop superintendent. [4]
material may be
challenged and
removed.
Find sources: "Ramon
Career during World War II[edit]
Magsaysay as a guerrilla during the Second World
War
At the outbreak of World War II, he joined the
motor pool of the 31st Infantry Division of
the Philippine Army.
When Bataan surrendered in 1942,
Magsaysay escaped to the hills, narrowly
evading Japanese arrest on at least four
occasions. There he organised the Western
Luzon Guerrilla Forces, and was
commissioned captain on April 5, 1942. For
three years, Magsaysay operated under Col.
Merrill's famed guerrilla outfit & saw action at
Sawang, San Marcelino, Zambales, first as a
supply officer codenamed Chow and later as
commander of a 10,000 strong force.
[4]
 Magsaysay was among those instrumental
in clearing the Zambales coast of the
Japanese prior to the landing of American
forces together with the Philippine
Commonwealth troops on January 29, 1944.
Family[edit]
He was married to Luz
Magsaysay (née Banzon) on June 16, 1933
and they had three children: Teresita "Sita"
(1934–1979), Milagros "Mila" (b. 1936)
and Ramon "Jun" Banzon-Magsaysay, Jr. (b.
1938).
Other Relatives Several of Magsaysay's
relatives became prominent public figures in
their own right:
 Ramon Magsaysay, Jr., son; former
Congressman and Senator
 Genaro Magsaysay, brother; former
Senator
 Vicente Magsaysay, nephew; Former
Governor of Zambales
 JB Magsaysay, grandnephew; Actor
 Antonio M. Diaz, nephew;
Congressman and Assemblyman of
Zambales
 Anita Magsaysay-Ho, cousin; painter
 Doris M. Ho, niece; shipping executive
House of Representatives[edit]
On April 22, 1946, Magsaysay, encouraged
by his ex-guerrillas, was elected under the
Liberal Party[1] to the Philippine House of
Representatives. In 1948, President Manuel
Roxas chose Magsaysay to go
to Washington as Chairman of the Committee
on Guerrilla Affairs, to help to secure passage
of the Rogers Veterans Bill, giving benefits to
Philippine veterans. In the so-called "dirty
election" of 1949, he was re-elected to a
second term in the House of Representatives.
During both terms he was Chairman of the
House National Defense Committee.
Secretary of National Defense[edit]
This section needs
additional citations
for verification. Ple
ase help improve
this
article by adding
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sources. Unsourced
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In early August 1950, he offered
President Elpidio Quirino a plan to fight the
Communist guerillas, using his own
experiences in guerrilla warfare during World
War II. After some hesitation, Quirino realized 1951 Padilla incident[edit]
that there was no alternative and appointed
Magsaysay Secretary of National Defence on
August 31, 1950. He intensified the campaign
against the Hukbalahap guerillas. This
success was due in part to the unconventional
methods he took up from a former advertising
expert and CIA agent, Colonel Edward
Lansdale. In the counterinsurgency the two
utilized deployed soldiers distributing relief
goods and other forms of aid to outlying,
provincial communities. Prior to Magsaysay's
appointment as Defense Secretary, rural
citizens perceived the Philippine Army with
apathy and distrust. However, Magsaysay's
term enhanced the Army's image, earning
them respect and admiration.[7]
In June 1952, Magsaysay made a goodwill
tour to the United States and Mexico. He
visited New York, Washington, D.C. (with a
medical check-up at Walter Reed Hospital) Theatrical poster of the 1961 film The Moises
and Mexico City where he spoke at the Padilla Story that narrates the 1951 event.
Annual Convention of Lions International.
When news reached Magsaysay that his
By 1953, President Quirino thought the threat
political ally Moises Padilla was
of the Huks was under control and Secretary
being tortured by men of provincial governor
Magsaysay was becoming too weak.
Rafael Lacson, he rushed to Negros
Magsaysay met with interference and
Occidental, but was too late. He was then
obstruction from the President and his
informed that Padilla's body was swimming in
advisers, in fear they might be unseated at the
blood, pierced by fourteen bullets, and was
next presidential election. Although
positioned on a police bench in the town
Magsaysay had at that time no intention to
plaza.[8] Magsaysay himself carried Padilla's
run, he was urged from many sides and finally
corpse with his bare hands and delivered it to
was convinced that the only way to continue
the morgue, and the next day, news clips
his fight against communism, and for a
showed pictures of him doing so.[9] Magsaysay
government for the people, was to be elected
even used this event during his presidential
president, ousting the corrupt administration
campaign in 1953.
that, in his opinion, had caused the rise of the
communist guerrillas by bad administration. The trial against Lacson started in January
He resigned his post as defense secretary on 1952; Magsaysay and his men presented
February 28, 1953, and became the enough evidence to convict Lacson and his 26
presidential candidate of the Nacionalista men for murder.[8] In August 1954, Judge
Party, disputing the nomination with Eduardo Enríquez ruled the men were guilty
senator Camilo Osías at the Nacionalista and Lacson, his 22 men and three other
national convention. mayors of Negros Occidental municipalities
were condemned to the electric chair.[10]
Presidential election of 1953[edit]
Presidential elections were held on November
10, 1953 in the Philippines. Incumbent
President Elpidio Quirino lost his opportunity
for a second full term as President of the
Philippines to former Defense Secretary
Magsaysay. His running mate, Senator José
Yulo lost to Senator Carlos P. García. Vice
President Fernando Lopez did not run for re-
election. This was the first time that an elected
Philippine president did not come from
the Senate. Moreover, Magsaysay started the
practice in the Philippines of "campaign
jingles" during elections, for one of his
inclinations and hobbies was dancing.
The United States Government, including
the Central Intelligence Agency, had strong
influence on the 1953 election, and
candidates in the election fiercely competed
with each other for U.S. support.[11]
Presidency[edit]
Presidential styles of
Ramon F. Magsaysay
Reference style His Excellency
Spoken style Your Excellency
Alternative style Mr. President
Ramon Magsaysay swears in as the 7th President
of the Philippines on December 30, 1953
In the election of 1953, Magsaysay was
decisively elected president over the
incumbent Elpidio Quirino. He was sworn into
office wearing the Barong Tagalog, a first by a
Philippine president. He was then called
"Mambo Magsaysay".
As president, he was a close friend and
supporter of the United States and a vocal
spokesman against communism during
the Cold War. He led the foundation of
the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization, also
known as the Manila Pact of 1954, that aimed
to defeat communist-Marxist movements in
South East Asia, South Asia and the
Southwestern Pacific.
During his term, he made Malacañang literally
a "house of the people", opening its gates to
the public. One example of his integrity
followed a demonstration flight aboard a new
plane belonging to the Philippine Air
Force (PAF): President Magsaysay asked
what the operating costs per hour were for
that type of aircraft, then wrote a personal
check to the PAF, covering the cost of his
flight. He restored the people's trust in the
military and in the government.
Magsaysay's administration was considered
one of the cleanest and most corruption-free
in modern Philippines history; the period of his
presidency is often cited as the Philippines's
"Golden Years". Trade and industry
flourished, the Philippine military was at its
prime, and the country gained international
recognition in sports, culture, and foreign
affairs. The Philippines placed second on a
ranking of Asia's clean and well-governed
countries.[12]
Cabinet[edit]
OFFICE NAME
President Ramon Magsay
Vice-President Carlos P. Garcia
Secretary of Agriculture and Natural Resources Salvador Aranet
Juan Rodriguez
Secretary of Education, Culture and Sports Cecilo Putong
Justice Pastor E
Gregorio Herná
Secretary of Foreign Affairs Carlos P. Garcia
Secretary of Finance Jaime Hernánde
Secretary of Justice Pedro Tuazon
Secretary of Labor Eleuterio Adevo
 Angel Castano
Total exports
Ramon Magsaysay
Secretary of National Defense (in concurrent
1954
capacity  Php 36,462 million
as 

Sotero Cabahug
1956  Php 34,727 million

Eulogio Balao
Exchange rates
Secretary of Commerce and Industry Oscar Ledesma
1 US US$ = Php 2.00
Secretary of Public Works,
Vicente Ylagan Orosa Sr. 1 Php = US US$ 0.50
Transportation and Communications

Florencio Moreno
Sources: Philippine Presidency Project
Administrator of Social Services and Development Pacita Madrigal-Warns
Malaya, Jonathan; Eduardo Malaya. So Help Us God... The Inaugurals o

Executive Secretary Fred Ruiz Castro Presidents of the Philippines. Anvil Publishing, Inc.

de Leon Inauguration Day[edit]

President's
Fortunato

Press Secretary Ushering a new era in Philippine government,

J.V. Cruz
President Magsaysay placed emphasis upon
service to the people by bringing the
Domestic policies[edit]
government closer to the former.[2] This was
symbolically seen when, on inauguration day,
Economy of the Philippines under
President Magsaysay ordered the gates
President Ramon Magsaysay of Malacañan Palace open to all and sundry,
who were allowed to freely visit all the
1953–1957
dependencies of the presidential mansion.
Later, this was regulated to allow weekly
Population visitation.[2]
True[2] to his electoral promise, President
1954  21.40 million Magsaysay created the Presidential
Complaints and Action Committee.[2] This body
immediately proceeded to hear grievances
Gross Domestic Product (1985 constant prices)
and recommend remedial action. Headed by
soft-spoken, but active and tireless, Manuel
1954  Php 157,054 million Manahan, this committee would come to hear
nearly 60,000 complaints in a year, of which
Php 179,739 million more than 30,000 would be settled by direct
1956
action and a little more than 25,000 would be
referred to government agencies for
Growth rate, 1954–56 7.2% appropriate follow-up. This new entity,
composed of youthful personnel, all loyal to
Per capita income (1985 constant prices)
the President, proved to be a highly
successful morale booster restoring the
people's confidence in their own government.
1954  Php 7,339 He appointed Zotico Tex Paderanga Carrillo,
his Close Aide and Secretary 1953, as PCAC
1956  Php 8,073 Chief for Mindanao and Sulu. He became a
close friend to the president because of his
charisma to the common people of Mindanao.
Zotico is a local Journalist and an esteemed
writer from a Prominent Family in Camiguin
Island, Misamis Oriental, Zotico become a
depository of complaints and an eye of the
president in the region his diplomatic skills
became a passage for the government, moro
and the rebels to hear the real situation in
every city and municipalities. with his zero
corruption mandate he recognized a turn of
achievement of Zotico that made him his
compadre when Zotico named his 5th child
after the President when he won the Election
in 1953 Ramon Magsaysay P. Carrillo
became one of the many God children of the
president. President Magsaysay also Visited
Mindanao several times because of this
Friendship he is the first President visited
Camiguin Island. Where thousand of people
waited for his arrival in one of the Port in
Camiguin Island.[2]
President Ramon F. Magsaysay was the first
president who regularly wore the Barong
Tagalog (national costume). He set an
example of humility by insisting that he be
called "Mr. President" and not "His
Excellency". (Ryan A. Gragasin)
Agrarian reform[edit]
See also: Land reform in the Philippines
To amplify and stabilize the functions of the
Economic Development Corps (EDCOR),
President Magsaysay worked[2] for the
establishment of the National Resettlement
and Rehabilitation Administration (NARRA).
[2]
 This body took over from the EDCOR and
helped in the giving some sixty-five thousand
acres to three thousand indigent families for
settlement purposes.[2] Again, it allocated
some other twenty-five thousand to a little
more than one thousand five hundred
landless families, who subsequently
became farmers.[2]
As further aid to the rural people, [2] the
president established the Agricultural Credit
and Cooperative Financing Administration
(ACCFA). The idea was for this entity to make
available rural credits. Records show that it
did grant, in this wise, almost ten million
dollars. This administration body next devoted
its attention to cooperative marketing. [2]
Along this line of help to the rural areas,
President Magsaysay initiated in all
earnestness the artesian wells campaign. A
group-movement known as the Liberty Wells
Association was formed and in record time
managed to raise a considerable sum for the
construction of as many artesian wells as
possible. The socio-economic value of the
same could not be gainsaid and the people
were profuse in their gratitude. [2]
Finally, vast irrigation projects, as well as
enhancement of the Ambuklao Power plant
and other similar ones, went a long way
towards bringing to reality the rural
improvement program advocated by President
Magsaysay.[2]
President Ramon Magsaysay at the Presidential
Study, Malacañan Palace.
President Ramon Magsaysay enacted the
following laws as part of his Agrarian Reform
Program:
 Republic Act No. 1160 of 1954 –
Abolished the LASEDECO and
established the National Resettlement
and Rehabilitation Administration
(NARRA) to resettle dissidents and
landless farmers. It was particularly aimed
at rebel returnees providing home lots and
farmlands in Palawan and Mindanao.
 Republic Act No. 1199 (Agricultural
Tenancy Act of 1954) – governed the
relationship between landowners and
tenant farmers by organizing share-
tenancy and leasehold system. The law
provided the security of tenure of tenants.
 It also created the Court of Agrarian Foreign policies[edit]
Relations.
 Republic Act No. 1400 (Land Reform
Act of 1955) – Created the Land Tenure
Administration (LTA) which was
responsible for the acquisition and
distribution of large tenanted rice and corn
lands over 200 hectares for individuals
and 600 hectares for corporations.
 Republic Act No. 821 (Creation of
Agricultural Credit Cooperative Financing
Administration) – Provided small farmers
and share tenants loans with low interest
rates of six to eight percent.[13] Eleanor Roosevelt with President Ramon
HUKBALAHAP[edit] Magsaysay and then First Lady Luz Magsaysay of
In early 1954, Benigno Aquino, Jr. was the Philippines in Manila
appointed by President Ramon Magsaysay to
act as personal emissary to Luís Taruc, leader SEATO[edit]
of the rebel group, Hukbalahap. Also in 1954,
The administration of President Magsaysay
Lt. Col. Laureño Maraña, the former head of
was active in the fight against the expansion
Force X of the 16th PC Company, assumed
of communism in the Asian region. He made
command of the 7th BCT, which had become
the Philippines a member of the Southeast
one of the most mobile striking forces of the
Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO), which was
Philippine ground forces against the Huks,
established in Manila on September 8, 1954
from Colonel Valeriano. Force X employed
during the "Manila Conference". [15] Members of
psychological warfare through combat
SEATO were alarmed at the possible victory
intelligence and infiltration that relied on
of North Vietnam over South Vietnam, which
secrecy in planning, training, and execution of
could spread communist ideology to other
attack. The lessons learned from Force X and
countries in the region. The possibility that a
Nenita were combined in the 7th BCT.
communist state can influence or cause other
With the all out anti-dissidence campaigns countries to adopt the same system of
against the Huks, they numbered less than government is called the domino theory.[16]
2,000 by 1954 and without the protection and
The active coordination of the Magsaysay
support of local supporters, active Huk
administration with the Japanese government
resistance no longer presented a serious
led to the Reparation Agreement. This was an
threat to Philippine security. From February to
agreement between the two countries,
mid-September 1954, the largest anti-Huk
obligating the Japanese government to pay
operation, "Operation Thunder-Lightning" was
$550 million as reparation for war damages in
conducted that resulted in the surrender of
the Philippines.[16]
Luis Taruc on 17 May. Further cleanup
operations of the remaining guerillas lasted Defense Council[edit]
throughout 1955, diminishing its number to
less than 1,000 by year's end.[14] Taking the advantage of the presence of U.S.
Secretary John Foster Dulles in Manila to
attend the SEATO Conference, the Philippine
government took steps to broach with him the
establishment of a Joint Defense Council.
Vice-President and Secretary of Foreign
Affairs Carlos P. Garcia held the opportune
conversations with Secretary Dulles for this
purpose. Agreement was reached thereon
and the first meeting of the Joint United
States–Philippines Defense Council was held
in Manila following the end of the Manila
Conference. Thus were the terms of the
Mutual Defense Pact between
the Philippines and the United States duly
implemented.[2]
Laurel-Langley Agreement[edit]
At Malacañang Palace, 1955. Clockwise, from top
left: Senator Edmundo Cea, Former President José
P. Laurel Sr., Senator Primicias, Senate
President Eulogio A. Rodriguez, Sr., President
Ramon F. Magsaysay, & House Speaker José B.
Laurel Jr.
The Magsaysay administration negotiated the
Laurel-Langley Agreement which was a trade
agreement between the Philippines and the
United States which was signed in 1955 and
expired in 1974. Although it proved deficient,
the final agreement satisfied nearly all of the
diverse Filipino economic interests. While
some have seen the Laurel-Langley
agreement as a continuation of the 1946 trade
act, Jose P. Laurel and other Philippine
leaders recognized that the agreement
substantially gave the country greater
freedom to industrialize while continuing to
receive privileged access to US markets.[17]
The agreement replaced the unpopular Bell
Trade Act, which tied the economy of the
Philippines to that of United States economy.
Bandung Conference[edit]
Billed as an all-Oriental meet to promote Afro-
Asian economic and cultural cooperation and
to oppose colonialism or neocolonialism by
either the United States or the Soviet Union in
the Cold War, or any other imperialistic
nations, the Asian–African Conference was
held in Bandung (Java) in April 1955, upon
invitation extended by the Prime Ministers
of India, Pakistan, Burma, Ceylon,
and Indonesia. The conference is commonly
known as the Bandung Conference. Although,
at first, the Magsaysay Government seemed
reluctant to send any delegation. Later,
however, upon advise of Ambassador Carlos
P. Rómulo, it was decided to have the
Philippines participate in the conference.
Rómulo was asked to head the Philippine
delegation.[2] At the very outset indications
were to the effect that the conference would
promote the cause of neutralism as a third
position in the current cold war between the
capitalist bloc and the communist group. John
Kotelawala, Prime Minister of Ceylon,
however, broke the ice against neutralism.
[2]
 He was immediately joined by Rómulo, who
categorically stated that his delegation
believed that "a puppet is a puppet", [2] no
matter whether under a Western Power or an
Oriental state.[2]
At one time in the course of the conference,
Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru acidly
spoke against the SEATO. Quick to draw,
Ambassador Rómulo delivered a stinging,
eloquent retort that prompted Prime Minister
Nehru to publicly apologize to the Philippine
delegation.[2]
Records had it that the Philippine delegation
ably represented the interests of the
Philippines and, in the ultimate analysis,
succeeded in turning the Bandung
Conference into a victory against the plans of
its socialist and neutralist delegates. [2]
Reparation agreement[edit]
Following the reservations made by
Ambassador Romulo, on the Philippines
behalf, upon signing the Japanese Peace
Treaty in San Francisco on September 8,
1951, for several years of series of
negotiations were conducted by the Philippine
government and that of Japan. In the face of
adamant claims of the Japanese government
that it found impossible to meet the demand
for the payment of eight billion dollars by the
way of reparations, president Magsaysay,
during a so-called "cooling off"[2] period, sent a
Philippine Reparations Survey Committee,
headed by Finance Secretary Jaime
Hernandez, to Japan for an "on the spot"
study of that country's possibilities.[2]
When the Committee reported that Japan was
in a position to pay, Ambassador Felino Neri,
appointed chief negotiator, went to Tokyo. On
May 31, 1955, Ambassador Neri reached a
compromise agreement with Japanese
Minister Takazaki, the main terms of which
consisted in the following: The Japanese Tomb of President Magsaysay at the Manila North
government would pay eight hundred million
dollars as reparations. Payment was to be Cemetery.
made in this wise: Twenty million dollars
would be paid in cash in Philippine currency;
thirty million dollars, in services; five million
dollars, in capital goods; and two hundred and
fifty million dollars, in long-term industrial
loans.[2]
On August 12, 1955, President Magsaysay
informed the Japanese government, through
Prime Minister Ichiro Hatoyama, that the
Philippines accepted the Neri-Takazaki
agreement.[2] In view of political developments
in Japan, the Japanese Prime Minister could
only inform the Philippine government of the
Monument at the crash site in Manunggal,
Japanese acceptance of said agreement on
March 15, 1956. The official Reparations Balamban, Cebu
agreement between the two government was
Magsaysay's term, which was to end on
finally signed at Malacañang Palace on May
December 30, 1957, was cut short by a plane
9, 1956, thus bringing to a rather satisfactory
crash. On March 16, 1957, Magsaysay left
conclusion this long drawn controversy
Manila for Cebu City where he spoke at three
between the two countries.[2]
educational institutions. That same night, at
Death[edit] about 1 am, he boarded the presidential plane
Main article: 1957 Cebu Douglas C-47 crash "Mt. Pinatubo", a C-47, heading back
to Manila. In the early morning hours of March
17, the plane was reported missing. By late
afternoon, newspapers had reported the
airplane had crashed on Mt. Manunggal in
Cebu, and that 36 of the 56 aboard were
killed. The actual number on board was 25,
including Magsaysay. Only
newspaperman Néstor Mata survived. Vice-
President Carlos García, who was on an
official visit to Australia at the time, assumed
the presidency to serve out the last eight
months of Magsaysay's term.
The crash site of Ramon Magsaysay's presidential He was survived by First Lady Luz
plane at Mount Manunggal, Cebu Magsaysay (1914–2004), then 43 years old
alongside with his three grown-up children,
daughters Teresita (1934–1979) then 23,
Milagros (1936–), then aged 21 and his only
son Ramon 'Jun' Jr. (1938–), then aged 18, as
well as his elderly parents, Exequiel and
Perfecta Magsaysay who were both still living
in their old ages of 83 and 71 at that time.
An estimated 2 million people attended
Magsaysay's state funeral on March 22, 1957.
[18][19][20]
 He was posthumously referred to as the
"Champion of the Masses".
Honors[edit]
National Honors
 : Quezon Service Cross -
posthumous (July 4, 1957)
 : Order of the Golden Heart,
Member - posthumous (March 17, 1958)[21]
Foreign Honors
  Thailand: Knight Grand Cordon of
The Most Exalted Order of the White
Elephant (April 1955)
  Cambodia: Grand Cross of
the Royal Order of Cambodia (January
1956)
 The First Team, a 1971 thriller by
author John Ball, hinges on the effort to
recapture the USS Ramon Magsaysay, an
American ballistic missile submarine.
Freeing the submarine from control of
the Soviet Union will force the Soviets to
surrender their occupation of the United
States.
 In Robert A. Heinlein's novel Starship
Troopers, the smallest starships are
named after footsoldiers. Upon reading
some of their names, Filipino protagonist
Johnnie Rico remarks, "There ought to be
one named Magsaysay."
 In Gundam Seed, an Agamemnon-
class carrier is named after Magsaysay; in
episode 48: "The Magsaysay will take
command of space divisions 48 and 211
from this point on", and this reference is
further related to Starship
Troopers' tribute: "The remaining vessels
of the 15th carrier group are to gather at
the signal coordinates of the Heinlein".

Popular references[edit] Carlos P. Garcia

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 In office

December 30, 1953 – March 18, 1957

President Ramon Magsaysay

Preceded by Fernando Lopez

Succeeded by Diosdado Macapagal

Secretary of Foreign Affairs

In office

December 30, 1953 – March 18, 1957

President Ramon Magsaysay

8th President of the Philippines

Preceded by Joaquin Miguel Elizalde

In office

March 18, 1957 – December 30, 1961

Succeeded by Vacant

Post later held by Felixberto Serrano

Vice President None (March 18 – December 30, 1957)

Diosdado Macapagal (1957–1961) Senator of the Philippines

Preceded by Ramon Magsaysay In office

May 25, 1946 – December 30, 1953

Succeeded by Diosdado Macapagal
Governor of Bohol
1st President of the 1971 Philippine Constitutional Convention

In office
In office
December 30, 1933 – December 30, 1941
June 1, 1971 – June 14, 1971
Member of the Philippine House of
Representatives from Bohol's 3rd District
President Ferdinand Marcos

In office
Succeeded by Diosdado Macapagal
1925–1931

4th Vice President of the Philippines

Preceded by Teodoro Abueva
 Contents
Succeeded by Filomeno Caseñas Orbeta
 1Early life
 2Family
Personal details  3Political career
 4World War II
Born Carlos Polestico García
 5Vice-Presidency
 6Presidency
o 6.1Accession
o 6.2Anti-Communism
November 4, 1896
o 6.3Filipino First Policy
Talibon, Bohol o 6.4Austerity Program
Captaincy General of the Philippines o 6.5Bohlen–Serrano Agreement
o 6.6Republic Cultural Award
o 6.71961 Presidential Election
Died June 14, 1971 (aged 74) o 6.8Cabinet
Quezon City, Metro Manila  7Post-Presidency and Death
Philippines  8Honors
 9References
 10External links
Resting place Libingan ng mga Bayani, Taguig, Philippines
Early life[edit]
Political party Nacionalista Party García was born in Talibon, Bohol on
November 4, 1896, to Policronio García and
Leonila Dimataga (m. 1933–1971) Ambrosia Polestico, who were both natives
Spouse(s) of Bangued, Abra.
García grew up with politics, with his father
Children Linda García-Campos serving as a municipal mayor for four terms.
He acquired his primary education in his
native town Talibon, then took his secondary
Alma mater Silliman University[1] education in Cebu Provincial High School,
now Abellana National School, both at the top
Philippine Law School
of his class. Initially, he pursued his college
National University (Philippines) education at Silliman University in Dumaguete
City, Negros Oriental, and later studied at
the Philippine Law School, the College of Law
Profession Lawyer of National University, where he earned his
law degree in 1923 and later, where he was
awarded the honorary degree Doctor of
Signature Humanities, Honoris Causa from the National
University in 1961. He was among the top ten
Carlos Polestico Garcia (November 4, 1896 law students in the bar examination. [1]
– June 14, 1971) was a Filipino teacher, poet,
orator, lawyer, public official, political Rather than practice law right away, he
economist, organized guerrilla and worked as a teacher for two years at Bohol
Commonwealth military leader, who was Provincial High School. He became famous
the eighth President of the Philippines. for his poetry in Bohol, where he earned the
nickname "Prince of Visayan Poets" and the
"Bard from Bohol".
Family[edit]
On May 24, 1933, he married Leonila
Dimataga, and they had a daughter, Linda
Garcia-Campos.
Political career[edit]
García entered politics in 1925, scoring an
impressive victory to
become Representative of the Third District
of Bohol. He was elected for another term in
1928 and served until 1931. He was elected
Governor of Bohol in 1933, but served only
until 1941 when he successfully ran
for Senate, but he was unable to serve due to
the Japanese occupation of the
Philippines during the World War II. He
assumed the office when Congress re-
convened in 1945 after Allied liberation and
the end of the war. When he resumed duties
as senator after the war, he was chosen
Senate majority floor leader.[2] The press
consistently voted him as one of the most
outstanding senators. Simultaneously, he
occupied a position in the Nacionalista Party.
World War II[edit]
García refused to cooperate with the
Japanese during the war. He did not
surrender when he was placed on the wanted
list with a price on his head. He instead and
took part in the guerilla activities and served
as adviser in the free government organized
in Bohol.[citation needed]
Vice-Presidency[edit]
See also: Ramón Magsaysay §  Presidency
Garcia (right) and Magsaysay (left)
García was the running mate of Ramón
Magsaysay in the 1953 presidential election in
which both men won. He was
appointed Secretary of Foreign Affairs by
President Magsaysay, and for four years
served concurrently as Vice-President.
As Secretary of Foreign Affairs, he opened
formal reparation negotiations in an effort to
end the nine-year technical state of war
between Japan and the Philippines, leading to
an agreement on April 1954. During
the Geneva Conference of 1954 on Korean
unification and other Asian problems, García,
as chairman of the Philippine delegation,
attacked communist promises in Asia and
defended the U.S. policy in the Far East. In a
speech on May 7, 1954–the day that the Viet
Minh defeated French forces at the Battle of
Diên Biên Phu in Vietnam– Garcia repeated
the Philippine stand for nationalism and
opposition to Communism.[citation needed]
García acted as chairman of the eight-nation
Southeast Asian Security Conference held in
Manila in September 1954, which led to the
development of the Southeast Asia Treaty
Organization (SEATO).[3]
Presidency[edit]
Presidential styles of
Carlos P. García
Reference style His Excellency
Spoken style Your Excellency
Alternative style Mr. President
Economy of the Philippines under
President Carlos García
1957–1961
Population
1957  22.68 million
 Vice-President Carlos P. García (right) was sworn
Gross Domestic Product (1985 constant prices)
in as President upon Magsaysay's death at the

1957 Council of State Room in the Executive Building of

 Php 189,457 million ($ 94.7 billion)
the Malacañan Palace complex. The oath of office
1961  Php 224,430 million ($85.0 billion)
was administered by Chief Justice Ricardo Paras.

At the time of President Magsaysay's sudden

Growth rate, 1957-61 4.6% death on March 17, 1957, García was
heading the Philippine delegation to
Per capita income (1985 constant prices) the SEATO conference then being held
at Canberra, Australia.[4] Having been
immediately notified of the tragedy, Vice
1957  Php 8,353
President García enplaned back for Manila.
Upon his arrival he directly repaired
1961  Php 7,927 to Malacañang Palace to assume the duties of
President. Chief Justice Ricardo Paras, of the
Supreme Court, was at hand to administer the
Total exports oath of office. President Garcia's first actions
dealt with the declaration of a period of
1957  Php 35,980 million mourning for the whole nation and the burial
ceremonies for the late Chief-Executive
Magsaysay.[4]
1961  Php 39,845 million
Anti-Communism[edit]
Exchange rates After much discussion, both official and public,
the Congress of the Philippines, finally,
approved a bill outlawing the Communist
1 US US$ = Php 2.64
Party of the Philippines. Despite the pressure
1 Php = US US$ 0.38 exerted against the congressional measure,
García signed the said bill into law as
Republic Act No. 1700 on June 19, 1957.[4][5]
Sources: Philippine Presidency Project
Republic Act № 1700 was superseded by
Malaya, Jonathan; Eduardo Malaya. So Help Us God... The Inaugurals of the
Presidential Decree № 885, entitled
"Outlawing Subversive Organization,
Presidents of the Philippines. Anvil Publishing, Inc.
Penalizing Membership Therein and For Other
Accession[edit] Purposes." This was amended by Presidential
Decree № 1736, and later superseded by
Presidential Decree № 1835, entitled,
"Codifying The Various Laws on Anti-
Subversion and Increasing the Penalties for
Membership in Subversive Organization."
This, in turn, was amended by Presidential
Decree № 1975. On May 5, 1987, Executive
Order № 167 repealed Presidential Decrees
№ 1835 and № 1975 as being unduly
restrictive of the constitutional right to form
associations.[6]
On September 22, 1992, Republic Act №
1700, as amended, was repealed by Republic
Act № 7636.[7]
Filipino First Policy[edit]
Main article: Filipino First policy
García exercised the Filipino First Policy, for
which he was known. This policy heavily
favored Filipino businessmen over foreign
investors. He was also responsible for
changes in retail trade which greatly affected
the Chinese businessmen in the country. In a
speech during a joint session of Congress on
September 18, 1946, García said the
following:
We are called upon to decide on
“ this momentous debate whether
or not this land of ours will
remain the cradle and grave, the
womb and tomb of our race – the
only place where we can build
our homes, our temples, and our
altars and where we erect the
castles of our racial hopes,
dreams and traditions and where
we establish the warehouse of
”
our happiness and prosperity, of
our joys and sorrows.[8]
Austerity Program[edit]
In the face of the trying conditions in the
country, García initiated what has been called
"The Austerity Program". His administration
was characterized by its austerity program
and its insistence on a comprehensive
nationalist policy. On March 3, 1960, he
affirmed the need for complete economic
freedom and added that the government no
longer would tolerate the dominance of
foreign interests (especially American) in the
national economy. He promised to shake off
"the yoke of alien domination in business,
trade, commerce and industry." Garcia was
also credited with his role in reviving Filipino
cultural arts.[3] The main points of the Austerity
Program were:[4]
1. The government would tighten up its
controls to prevent abuses in the over
shipment of exports under license and
in under-pricing as well.
2. There would be a more rigid
enforcement of the existing
regulations on barter shipments.
3. Government imports themselves were
to be restricted to essential items.
4. The government also would reduce
rice imports to a minimum.
5. An overhauling of the local
transportation system would be
attempted so as to reduce the
importation of gasoline and spare
parts.
6. The tax system would be revised so
as to attain more equitable distribution
of the payment-burden and achieve
more effective collection from those
with ability to pay.
7. There would be an intensification of
food production.
The program was hailed[4] by the people at
large and confidence was expressed that the
measures proposed would help solve the
standing problems of the Republic.[4]
Bohlen–Serrano Agreement[edit]
During his administration, he acted on the
Bohlen–Serrano Agreement, which shortened
the lease of the American military bases from
99 years to 25 years and made it renewable
after every five years.[9]
Republic Cultural Award[edit]
In addition to his laws and programs, the
Garcia administration also put emphasis on
reviving the Filipino culture. In doing so, the
Republic Cultural Award was created. To this
day, the award is being given to Filipino
artists, scientists, historians, and writers.[10]
1961 Presidential Election[edit]
Main article: 1961 Philippine presidential
election
At the end of his second term, he ran for re–
election in the Presidential elections in
November 1961, but was defeated by his
Vice-President Diosdado Macapagal, who
belonged to the opposing Liberal Party (the
President and the Vice-President are elected
separately in the Philippines).
Cabinet[edit]
OFFICE NAME
President Carlos P. Garc
Vice-President Diosdado Maca
Secretary of Agriculture and Natural Resources Juan Rodrigue
 César Fortich
Secretary of Education, Culture and Sports Martin Aguilar, Jr.
Manuel Lim
Daniel Salcedo
José E. Romero
Secretary of Finance Jaime Hernández
Dominador Aytona
Carlos P. García
Secretary of Foreign Affairs (in concurrent capacity
President Garcia's tomb at the Libingan ng mga
as 
Bayani.
Felixberto Serrano
Secretary of Health PaulinoAfter
J. García
his failed re–election bid, García retired
Elpídioto Tagbilaran to
Valencia resume as a private citizen.
Secretary of Justice Pedro Tuazon
On June 1, 1971, García was elected
Jesús Barrera
delegate of the 1971 Constitutional
Enrique Fernández
Convention. The convention delegates
Alejo Mabanag
elected him as the President of the
Secretary of Labor Ángel Castano
Convention. However, just days after his
Secretary of National Defense Eulogioelection,
Balao on June 14, 1971, Garcia died from a
Jesús Vargas
fatal heart attack on 5:57 p.m. at his residence
in Bohol Avenue (now Sgt. Esguerra Avenue),
Alejo Santos
Secretary of Commerce and Industry Quezon City.[11] He was succeeded as
Pedro Hernaez
Manuelpresident
Lim of the Convention by his former
Secretary of Public Works, Vice-President, Diosdado Macapagal.[citation needed]
Florencio Moreno
Transportation and Communications García became the first layman to lie in
Administrator of Social Services and Development Amparo Villamor
state in Manila Cathedral—a privilege until
Executive Secretary thende
Fortunato limited
León to a deceased Archbishop of
Manila—and the first President to be buried at
Juan Pajo
Nataliothe Libingan
Castillo ng mga Bayani.[citation needed]

Post-Presidency and Honors[edit]

Death[edit] Foreign Honors

  Malaya:  : Order of the

Crown of the Realm, Honorary Recipient
(D.M.N.(K)) - (1959)[12]
  Spain:  : Order of Civil
Merit, Collar - (October 1, 1957) [13]

  South Vietnam:  : Order of

Kim Khanh - (March 19, 1956)[14]

Garcia, circa 1960s

 9th President of the Philippines

In office
Diosdado Macapagal December 30, 1961 – December 30, 1965
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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This article is about the former president of Vice President Emmanuel Pelaez
the Philippines. For his grandson and current
a member of Congress, see Diosdado
Macapagal Arroyo. Preceded by Carlos P. Garcia

In this Philippine name, the middle name or

maternal family name is Pangan and the Succeeded by Ferdinand Marcos
surname or paternal family name
is Macapagal, Sr.. 2nd President of the 1971 Philippine Constitutional Convention

His Excellency
In office

June 14, 1971 – January 17, 1973

Diosdado P. Macapagal Sr.

President Ferdinand Marcos

GCrM Preceded by Carlos P. Garcia

Succeeded by Position abolished

5th Vice President of the Philippines

In office

December 30, 1957 – December 30, 1961

President Carlos P. García

Preceded by Carlos P. Garcia

Succeeded by Emmanuel Pelaez

Member of the Philippine House of

Representatives from Pampanga's 1st District

In office
Diosdado Macapagal in 1962
December 30, 1949 – December 30, 1957
Preceded by Amado Yuzon Signature

Succeeded by Francisco Nepomuceno

Diosdado Pangan Macapagal
Sr. GCrM (Tagalog pronunciation: [makapaˈɡal],
[1]
 September 28, 1910 – April 21, 1997) was
Personal details the ninth President of the Philippines, serving
from 1961 to 1965, and the sixth Vice-
President, serving from 1957 to 1961. He also
Born Diosdado Pangan Macapagal served as a member of the House of
Representatives, and headed
the Constitutional Convention of 1970. He was
the father of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, who
September 28, 1910
followed his path as President of the
Lubao, Pampanga, Philippine Islands Philippines from 2001 to 2010.
A native of Lubao, Pampanga, Macapagal
graduated from the University of the
Died April 21, 1997 (aged 86)
Philippines and University of Santo Tomas,
Makati, Metro Manila, Philippines both in Manila, after which he worked as a
lawyer for the government. He first won
election in 1949 to the House of
Resting place Libingan ng mga Bayani, Taguig City, Philippines
Representatives, representing a district in his
14°31′11″N 121°2′39″E home province of Pampanga. In 1957, he
became vice president under the rule of
President Carlos P. Garcia, whom he later
Nationality Filipino defeated in the 1961 election.
As President, Macapagal worked to suppress
graft and corruption and to stimulate the
Political party Liberal Party
Philippine economy. He introduced the
country's first land reform law, placed the
Purita de la Rosa peso on the free currency exchange market,
Spouse(s) (m. 1938; died 1943) and liberalized foreign exchange and import
controls. Many of his reforms, however, were
crippled by a Congress dominated by the
Eva Macaraeg (m. 1946–1997) rival Nacionalista Party. He is also known for
shifting the country's observance
of Independence Day from July 4 to June 12,
Children Ma. Cielo R. Macapagal-Salgado commemorating the day President Emilio
Arturo Macapagal
Aguinaldo unilaterally declared the
independence of the First Philippine
Ma. Gloria M. Macapagal-Arroyo Republic from the Spanish Empire in 1898. He
Diosdado M. Macapagal Jr. stood for re-election in 1965, and was
defeated by Ferdinand Marcos, who
subsequently ruled for 21 years.
Alma mater University of the Philippines Under Marcos, Macapagal was elected
University of Santo Tomas president of the Constitutional
Convention which would later draft what
became the 1973 Constitution, though the
Profession Lawyer manner in which the charter was ratified and
modified led him to later question its
Professor
legitimacy. He died of heart
 failure, pneumonia, and renal complications,
in 1997, at the age of 86.
Macapagal was also a reputed poet in the
Chinese and Spanish language, though his
poetic oeuvre was eclipsed by his political
biography.[citation needed]
Contents
 1Early life
o 1.1Early education
o 1.2Early career
o 1.3First marriage
o 1.4Second marriage
 2House of Representatives
 3Vice presidency
 4Presidency
o 4.1Cabinet
o 4.2Major legislation signed
o 4.3Domestic policies
 4.3.1Economy
 4.3.2Socio-economic
program
 4.3.3Land reform
 4.3.4Anti-corruption
drive
 4.3.4.1Stonehill
controversy
 4.3.5Independence Day
o 4.4Foreign policies
 4.4.1North Borneo claim
 4.4.2Maphilindo
 4.4.3Vietnam War
o 4.51963 midterm election
o 4.61965 presidential campaign
 5Post-presidency and death
 6Legacy
o 6.1Birthplace (ancestral house
and lot)
o 6.2Museum and library
 7Electoral history
 8Honors
 9Publications
 10See also
 11References
 12External links
Early life[edit]
Diosdado Macapagal was born on September
28, 1910, in Lubao, Pampanga, the third of
five children in a poor family.[2] His father was
Urbano Macapagal y Romero (c. 1883 –
1946),[3] a poet who wrote in the
local Pampangan language and his mother
was Romana Pangan Macapagal, daughter of
Atanacio Miguel Pangan (a former cabeza de
barangay of Gutad, Floridablanca, Pampanga)
and Lorenza Suing Antiveros. Urbano's
mother, Escolastica Romero Macapagal is a
midwife and schoolteacher who
taught catechism.[4]
Diosdado is a distant descendant of Don Juan
Macapagal, a prince of Tondo, who was a
great-grandson of the last reigning Lakan of
the Kingdom of Tondo, Lakan Dula.[5] He is
also related to well-to-do Licad family through
Diosdado's mother Romana who is a second
cousin of Maria Vitug Licad, grandmother of
renowned pianist, Cecile Licad. Romana's
grandmother, Genoveva Miguel Pangan and
Maria's grandmother, Celestina Miguel
Macaspac are siblings. Their mother, Maria
Concepcion Lingad Miguel is a daughter of
Jose Pingul Lingad and Gregoria Malit
Bartolo.[6]
Diosdado's family earned extra income by
raising pigs and accommodating boarders in
their home.[4] Due to his roots in poverty,
Macapagal would later become affectionately
known as the "Poor boy from Lubao".
[7]
 Diosdado Macapagal was also a reputed
poet in the Spanish language although his
poet work was eclipsed by his political
biography.
Early education[edit]
Macapagal excelled in his studies at local
public schools, graduating valedictorian at
Lubao Elementary School,
and salutatorian at Pampanga High School.
[8]
 He finished his pre-law course at
the University of the Philippines, then enrolled
at Philippine Law School in 1932, studying on
a scholarship and supporting himself with a
part-time job as an accountant.[4][8] While in law
school, he gained prominence as an orator
and debater.[8] However, he was forced to quit
schooling after two years due to poor health
and a lack of money.[4]
Returning to Pampanga, he joined boyhood
friend Rogelio de la Rosa in producing and
starring in Tagalog operettas patterned after
classic Spanish zarzuelas.[4] It was during this
period that he married his friend's
sister, Purita de la Rosa in 1938.[4] He had two
children with de la Rosa, Cielo and Arturo.[7]
Macapagal raised enough money to continue
his studies at the University of Santo Tomas.
[4]
 He also gained the assistance of
philanthropist Don Honorio Ventura, the
Secretary of the Interior at the time, who
financed his education.[9] He also received
financial support from his mother's relatives
notably from the Macaspacs who owned large
tracts of land in barrio Sta. Maria, Lubao,
Pampanga. After receiving his Bachelor of
Laws degree in 1936, he was admitted to
the bar, topping the 1936 bar examination
with a score of 89.95%.[8] He later returned to
his alma mater to take up graduate studies
and earn a Master of Laws degree in 1941,
a Doctor of Civil Law degree in 1947, and a
PhD in Economics in 1957.[8]
Early career[edit]
After passing the bar examination, Macapagal
was invited to join an American law firm as a
practicing attorney, a particular honor for a
Filipino at the time.[10] He was assigned as a
legal assistant to President Manuel L.
Quezon in Malacañang Palace.[8] During the
Japanese occupation of the Philippines in
World War II, Macapagal continued working in
Malacañan Palace as an assistant to
President José P. Laurel, while secretly aiding
the anti-Japanese resistance during the Allied
liberation against the Japanese.[8]
After the war, Macapagal worked as an
assistant attorney with one of the largest law
firms in the country, Ross, Lawrence, Selph
and Carrascoso.[8] With the establishment of
the independent Republic of the Philippines in
1946, he rejoined government service when
President Manuel Roxas appointed him to
the Department of Foreign Affairs as the head
of its legal division.[7] In 1948,
President Elpidio Quirino appointed
Macapagal as chief negotiator in the
successful transfer of the Turtle Islands in
the Sulu Sea from the United Kingdom to the
Philippines.[8] That same year, he was
assigned as second secretary to
the Philippine Embassy in Washington, D.C.
[7]
 In 1949, he was elevated to the position of
Counselor on Legal Affairs and Treaties, at
the time the fourth-highest post in the
Philippine Foreign Office.[11]
First marriage[edit]
In 1938, he married Purita de la Rosa. They
had two children, Cielo Macapagal-Salgado
and Arturo Macapagal. Purita died in 1943.
Second marriage[edit]
On May 5, 1946 he married Dr. Evangelina
Macaraeg, with whom he had two
children, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (who would
become President of the Philippines) and
Diosdado Macapagal, Jr.
House of Representatives[edit]
On the urging of local political leaders of
Pampanga province, President Quirino
recalled Macapagal from his position in
Washington to run for a seat in the House of
Representatives representing the 1st District
of Pampanga.[12] The district's incumbent,
Representative Amado Yuzon, was a friend of
Macapagal, but was opposed by the
administration due to his support by
communist groups.[12] After a campaign that
Macapagal described as cordial and free of
personal attacks, he won a landslide victory in
the 1949 election.[12] He won re-election in
the 1953 election, and served as
Representative in the 2nd and 3rd Congress.
At the start of legislative sessions in 1950, the
members of the House of Representatives
elected Macapagal as Chairman of the
Committee on Foreign Affairs, and he was
given several important foreign assignments.
[11]
 He was a Philippine delegate to the United
Nations General Assembly multiple times,
notably distinguishing himself in debates over
Communist aggression with Andrei
Vishinsky and Jacob Malik of the Soviet
Union.[11] He took part in negotiations for
the U.S.-R.P. Mutual Defense Treaty,
the Laurel–Langley Agreement, and
the Japanese Peace Treaty.[8] He also
authored the Foreign Service Act, which
reorganized and strengthened the
Philippine foreign service.[7]
As a Representative, Macapagal authored
administration. Assigned to performing only
ceremonial duties as vice president, he spent
his time making frequent trips to the
countryside to acquaint himself with voters
and to promote the image of the Liberal Party.
[7]

and sponsored several laws of socio-

economic importance, particularly aimed at
benefiting the rural areas and the poor.
Among the pieces of legislation which
Macapagal promoted were the Minimum
Wage Law, Rural Health Law, Rural Bank
Law, the Law on Barrio Councils, the Barrio
Industrialization Law, and a law nationalizing
the rice and corn industries.[8] He was
consistently selected by the Congressional
Press Club as one of the Ten Outstanding
Congressmen during his tenure. [8] In his
second term, he was named Most
Outstanding lawmaker of the 3rd Congress .[8]
Macapagal swears in as President of the
Philippines at the Quirino Grandstand, Manila on
Vice presidency[edit]
December 30, 1961
In the 1957 general election, the Liberal
Party drafted Representative Macapagal to
run for Vice President as the running-mate Presidency[edit]
of José Yulo, a former Speaker of the House
of Representatives. Macapagal's nomination Presidential styles of
was particularly boosted by Liberal Party
President Eugenio Pérez, who insisted that Diosdado P. Macapagal
the party's vice presidential nominee have a
clean record of integrity and honesty.[12] While
Reference style His Excellency
Yulo was defeated by Carlos P. Garcia of
the Nacionalista Party, Macapagal was
elected Vice President in an upset victory,
Spoken style Your Excellency
defeating the Nacionalista candidate, José B.
Laurel, Jr., by over eight percentage points. A
month after the election, he was also chosen Alternative style Mr. President
as the head of the Liberal Party.[9]
As the first ever Philippine vice president to be In the 1961 presidential election, Macapagal
elected from a rival party of the president, ran against Garcia's re-election bid, promising
Macapagal served out his four-year vice an end to corruption and appealing to the
presidential term as a leader of the opposition. electorate as a common man from humble
The ruling party refused to give him a Cabinet beginnings.[4] He defeated the incumbent
position in the Garcia administration, which president with a 55% to 45% margin. [7] His
was a break from tradition.[8] He was offered a inauguration as the president of the
position in the Cabinet only on the condition Philippines took place on December 30, 1961.
that he switch allegiance to the ruling
Nationalista Party, but he declined the offer Cabinet[edit]
and instead played the role of critic to the
administration's policies and performance. Office Name TERM
[7]
 This allowed him to capitalize on the
increasing unpopularity of the Garcia
 December January 2,
Secretary of Fernando
Diosdado 30, 1961 – 1962 – July
President Finance Sison
Macapagal December 31, 1962
30, 1965

August 1,
December Rodrigo 1962–
Emmanuel 30, 1961 – Pérez January 7,
Vice-President
Pelaez December 1964
30, 1965

January 8,
Secretary of Rufino 1964–
Agriculture and José Locsin 1961–1962 Hechanova December
Natural Resources 13, 1965

Benjamin December
1962–1963 Secretary of Emmanuel
Gozon 1961 – July
Foreign Affairs Pelaez
1963

José
1963–1965
Feliciano Salvador P.
1963
Lopez

February
Faustino
Commissioner of 15, 1960 – Carlos P.
Sy- 1963 – 1964
Budget December Romulo
Changco
30, 1965

May 1964 –
Mauro
December December
Secretary of Mendez
José E. 30, 1961 – 30, 1965
Education, Culture
Romero September
and Sports
4, 1962
January
Secretary of Francisco
1962 – July
Health Duque, Jr.
September 22, 1963
José 5, 1962 –
Tuason December
30, 1962
July 23,
1963 –
Floro Dabu
March 6,
December 1964
Alejandro 31, 1962 –
Roces September
7, 1965
Rodolfo May 1,
Canos 1964 – June
 20, 1964 Paulino
1962
Cases

December
Manuel 13, 1964 – Brigido
1962 – 1963
Cuenco December Valencia
29, 1965

Jorge Abad 1963 – 1965

January
Secretary of Jose W.
1962 – May
Justice Diokno
1962
Secretary of
Sixto Roxas 1963
Agrarian Reform

May 1962 –
Juan Liwag
July 1963
Claudette
1963 – 1964
Caliguiran

July 1963 –
Salvador
December
Mariño Benjamin
1965 1964 – 1965
Gozon

December Major legislation signed[edit]

Secretary of Macario 30, 1961 –
National Defense Peralta, Jr. December  Republic Act No. 3512 – An Act
30, 1965 Creating A Fisheries Commission
Defining Its Powers, Duties and
Functions, and Appropriating Funds
Therefore.
Secretary of
Manuel  Republic Act No. 3518 – An Act
Commerce and 1961 – 1962
Lim Creating The Philippine Veterans' Bank,
Industry
and For Other Purposes.
 Republic Act No. 3844 – An Act To
Ordain The Agricultural Land Reform
Rufino Code and To Institute Land Reforms In
1962 – 1963
Hechanova The Philippines, Including The Abolition of
Tenancy and The Channeling of Capital
Into Industry, Provide For The Necessary
Cornelio Implementing Agencies, Appropriate
1963 – 1965
Balmaceda Funds Therefor and For Other Purposes.
 Republic Act No. 4166 – An Act
Changing The Date Of Philippine
Secretary of Independence Day From July Four To
Public Works, Marciano June Twelve, And Declaring July Four As
1961 – 1962 Philippine Republic Day, Further
Transportation and Bautista
Communications Amending For The Purpose Section
Twenty-Nine Of The Revised
Administrative Code.
 Republic Act No. 4180 – An Act
Amending Republic Act Numbered Six Presidents of the Philippines. Anvil Publishing, Inc.
Hundred Two, Otherwise Known As The
Minimum Wage Law, By Raising The Economy[edit]
Minimum Wage For Certain Workers, And In his inaugural address, Macapagal promised
For Other Purposes. a socio-economic program anchored on "a
Domestic policies[edit] return to free and private enterprise", placing
economic development in the hands of private
Economy of the Philippines under entrepreneurs with minimal government
interference.[7]
President Diosdado Macapagal
Twenty days after the inauguration, exchange
1961–1965
controls were lifted and the Philippine
peso was allowed to float on the free currency
Population exchange market. The currency controls were
initially adopted by the administration
of Elpidio Quirino as a temporary measure,
1962  29.20 million
but continued to be adopted by succeeding
administrations. The peso devalued from
P2.64 to the U.S. dollar, and stabilized at
Gross Domestic Product (1985 constant prices)
P3.80 to the dollar, supported by a
1962  Php 234,828 million $300 million stabilization fund from
the International Monetary Fund.[7]
Php 273,769 million To achieve the national goal of economic and
1965
social progress with prosperity reaching down
to the masses, there existed a choice of
Growth rate, 1962-65 5.5 % methods. First, there was the choice between
the democratic and dictatorial systems, the
Per capita income (1985 constant prices)
latter prevailing in Communist countries. On
this, the choice was easy as Filipinos had long
been committed to the democratic method.
1962  Php 8,042 [13]
 With the democratic mechanism, however,
the next choice was between free
1965  Php 8,617 enterprise and the continuing of the controls
system. Macapagal stated the essence of free
enterprise in layman parlance in declaring
Total exports before Congress on January 22, 1962 that
"the task of economic development belongs
1962  Php 46,177 million principally to private enterprise and not to the
government.[13]

1965  Php 66,216 million

Exchange rates

1 US$ = Php 3.80

1 Php = US$ 0.26

Sources: Philippine Presidency Project

Malaya, Jonathan; Eduardo Malaya. So Help Us God... The Inaugurals of the

Macapagal inaugurating the Masalip
Dam in Tubao, La Union
Before independence there was free
enterprise in the Philippines under
Presidents Manuel Quezon, Sergio
Osmeña and Manuel Roxas. In 1950
President Elpidio Quirino deviated from free
enterprise launching as a temporary
emergency measure the system of exchange
and import controls. The controls system was
carried on by President Magsaysay and
Garcia.[13]
The first fundamental decision Macapagal had
to make was whether to continue the system
of exchange controls of Quirino, Magsaysay
and Garcia or to return to the free enterprise
of Quezon, Osmena and Roxas.[13] It had been
his view since he was a Congressman for
eight years that the suitable economic system
for Filipinos was free enterprise. So on
January 21, 1962 after working for 20 straight
hours he signed a Central Bank decree
abolishing exchange controls and returning
the country to free enterprise.[13]
During the 20 days available to make a
decision on choice between controls and free
enterprise, between his inauguration as
President and before the opening
of Congress, Macapagal's main adviser was
Governor Andres Castillo of the Central Bank.
Further reform efforts by Macapagal were
blocked by the Nacionalistas, who dominated
the House of Representatives and the Senate
at that time. Nonetheless, Macapagal was
able to achieve steady economic progress,
and annual GDP growth averaged at 5.53%
for 1962–65.[7]
Socio-economic program[edit]
The removal of controls and the restoration of
free enterprise was intended to provide only
the fundamental setting in which Macapagal
could work out economic and social progress.
[13]
 A specific and periodic program for the
guidance of both the private sector and the
government was an essential instrument to
attain the economic and social development
that constituted the goal of his labors.[13]
Such a program for his administration was
formulated under his authority and direction
by a group of able and reputable economic
and business leaders the most active and
effective of which was Sixto Roxas III. From
an examination of the planned targets and
requirements of the Five-Year program –
formally known as the Five-Year Socio-
Economic Integrated Development Program –
it could be seen that it aimed at the following
objectives.[13]
 immediate restoration of economic
stability;
 alleviating the plight of the common
man; and
 establishing a dynamic basic for future
growth.
Free enterprise was restored with decontrol.
The Five-Year Economic Program had been
prescribed. Land reform abolishing tenancy
had been launched. These were essential
foundations for economic and social progress
for the greatest number.[13]
The essential foundations having been laid,
attention must then be turned to the equally
difficult task of building the main edifice by
implementing the economic program.
Although the success of Macapagal's Socio-
Economic Program in free enterprise
inherently depended on the private sector, it
would be helpful and necessary for the
government to render active assistance in its
implementation by the citizens.[13]
Such role of the government in free
enterprise, in the view of Macapagal, required
it (1) to provide the social overhead like roads,
airfields and ports that directly or proximately
promote economic growth, (2) to adopt fiscal
and monetary policies salutary to investments,
and most importantly (3) to serve as an
entrepreneur or promote of basic and key
private industries, particularly those that
require capital too large for businessmen to
put up by themselves. Among the enterprises
he selected for active government promotion
were integrated steel, fertilizer, pulp,
meat canning and tourism.[13]
Land reform[edit]
See also: Land reform in the Philippines

Macapagal (left) in front of the Aguinaldo house
replica at the Quirino Grandstand, June 12, 1962
Like Ramon Magsaysay, President Diosdado
Macapagal came from the masses. He
savored calling himself the "Poor boy from
Lubao".[14] Ironically, he had little popularity
among the masses.[14] This could be attributed
to an absence any charismatic appeal owing
to his stiff personality.[14] But despite this,
Macapagal had certain achievements.
[14]
 Foremost of these was the Agricultural
Land Reform Code of 1963 (Republic Act No.
3844) which provided for the purchase of
private farmlands with the intention of
distributing them in small lots to the landless
tenants on easy term of payment. [14] It is a
major development in history of land reform in
the Philippines,
In comparison with the previous agrarian
legislation, the law lowered the retention limit
to 75 hectares, whether owned by individuals
or corporations. It removed the term
"contiguous" and established
the leasehold system.[14] The share-tenancy or
the kasama system was prohibited.[14] It
formulated a bill of rights that assured
agricultural workers the right to self-
organization and to a minimum wage. It also
created an office that acquired and distributed
farmlands and a financing institution for this
purpose.[14] The major flaw of this law was,
however, that it had several exemptions, such
as ort (big capital plantations established
during the Spanish and American periods);
fishponds, saltbeds, and lands primarily
planted
to citrus, coconuts, cacao, coffee, durian, and
other similar permanent trees; landholdings
converted
to residential, commercial, industrial, or other
similar non-agricultural purposes.[14]
It was viewed that the 75-hectare retention
limit was just too high for the growing
population density. Moreover, this law merely
allowed the transfer of the landlordism from
one area to another.[14] This was because
landlords were paid in bonds, which he could
use to purchase agricultural lands.[14] Likewise,
the farmer was free to choose to be excluded
from the leasehold arrangements if he
volunteered to give up the landholdings to the
landlord.[14]
Within two years after the law was
implemented, no[14] land was being purchased
under its term and conditions caused by
the peasants' inability to purchase the land.
[14]
 Besides, the government seemed lacking of
strong political will, as shown by
the Congress' allotment of only one
million Philippine pesos for the implementation
of this code. At least Php200 million was
needed within a year from the enactment and
implementation of the code, and
Php300 million in the next three years for the
program to be successful. However, by 1972,
the code had benefited only 4,500 peasants
covering 68 estates, at the cost of
Php57 million to the government.
Consequently, by the 1970s, the farmers
ended up tilling less land, with their share in
the farm also being less.[14] They incurred more
debts, depending on the landlord, creditors,
and palay buyers. Indeed, during the
administration of Macapagal, the productivity
of the farmers further declined.[14]
Anti-corruption drive[edit]
One of Macapagal's major campaign pledges
had been to clean out the government
corruption that had proliferated under former
President Garcia.[15] The administration also
openly feuded with Filipino
businessmen Fernando Lopez and Eugenio
Lopez, brothers who had controlling interests compete, I decided we needed a different
in several large businesses.[7] The holiday."[22]
administration alluded to the brothers as
"Filipino Stonehills who build and maintain Foreign policies[edit]
business empires through political power,
including the corruption of politicians and
other officials".[16] In the 1965 election, the
Lopezes threw their support behind
Macapagal's rival, Ferdinand Marcos, with
Fernando Lopez serving Marcos' running
mate.[16]
Stonehill controversy[edit]
Main article: Stonehill scandal
The Administration's campaign against Macapagal (center) during a visit in Brazil in 1960
corruption was tested by Harry Stonehill, an
American expatriate with a $50-million North Borneo claim[edit]
business empire in the Philippines.
[15]
 Macapagal's Secretary of Justice, Jose W.
Diokno investigated Stonehill on charges of
tax evasion, smuggling, misdeclaration of
imports, and corruption of public officials.
[15]
 Diokno's investigation revealed Stonehill's
ties to corruption within the government.
Macapagal, however, prevented Diokno from
prosecuting Stonehill by deporting the
American instead, then dismissing Diokno
from the cabinet. Diokno questioned
Macapagal's actions, saying, "How can the
government now prosecute the corrupted
President Diosdado Macapagal on the bridge of
when it has allowed the corrupter to
go?"[15] Diokno later served as a Senator of the the USS Oklahoma City in 1962
Republic.
Independence Day[edit] Wikisource has original
text related to this article:
Macapagal appealed to nationalist sentiments
by shifting the commemoration of Philippine North Borneo Claim -
independence day. On May 12, 1962, he Diosdado Macapagal's
signed a proclamation which declared
Second State of the
Tuesday, June 12, 1962, as a special public
holiday in commemoration of the declaration Nation Address on 28
of independence from Spain on that date in January 1963
1898.[17][18] The change became permanent in
1964 with the signing of Republic Act No. On September 12, 1962, during President
4166.[19] For having issued his 1962 Diosdado Macapagal's administration, the
proclamation, Macapagal is generally credited territory of eastern North Borneo (now Sabah),
with having moved the celebration date of the and the full sovereignty,[23][24] title and dominion
Independence Day holiday.[20][21] Years later, over the territory were ceded by heirs of
Macapagal told journalist Stanley Karnow the the Sultanate of Sulu, HM Sultan Muhammad
real reason for the change: "When I was in the Esmail E. Kiram I, to the Republic of the
diplomatic corps, I noticed that nobody came Philippines.[25] The cession effectively gave the
to our receptions on the Fourth of July, but Philippine government the full authority to
went to the American Embassy instead. So, to pursue their claim in international courts. The
Philippines broke diplomatic relations with
Malaysia after the federation had included
Sabah in 1963.[26][27] It was revoked in 1989
because succeeding Philippine
administrations have placed the claim in the
back burner in the interest of pursuing cordial
economic and security relations with Kuala
Lumpur.[28] To date, Malaysia continues to
consistently reject Philippine calls to resolve
the matter of Sabah's jurisdiction to
the International Court of Justice.[29][unreliable
source?]
 Sabah sees the claim made by the
Philippines' Moro leader Nur Misuari to take
Sabah to International Court of Justice (ICJ)
as a non-issue and thus dismissed the claim.
[30]
Maphilindo[edit]
Wikisource has original
text related to this article:
Manila Accorrd
Wikisource has original
text related to this article:
Manila Declaration
Wikisource has original
text related to this article:
Joint Statement by the
governments of
Philippines, Malaysia and
Indonesia
In July 1963, President Diosdado Macapagal
convened a summit meeting in Manila in
which a nonpolitical confederation for
Malaysia, the Philippines, and
Indonesia, Maphilindo, was proposed as a
realization of José Rizal's dream of bringing
together the Malay peoples, seen as artificially
divided by colonial frontiers.[31]
Maphilindo was described as a regional
association that would approach issues of
common concern in the spirit of consensus.
However, it was also perceived as a tactic on
the parts of Jakarta and Manila to delay, or
even prevent, the formation of the Federation
of Malaysia. Manila had its own claim
to Sabah (formerly British North Borneo),
 and Jakarta protested the formation of
[31]
Malaysia as a British imperialist plot. The plan
failed when Sukarno adopted his plan of
"konfrontasi" with Malaysia. The Konfrontasi,
or Confrontation basically aimed at preventing
Malaysia from attaining independence. The
idea was inspired onto President Sukarno by
the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI), or literally
the Indonesian Communist Party. The party
convinced President Sukarno that the
formation of Malaysia is a form of neo-
colonization and would affect tranquility in
Indonesia. The subsequent development
of ASEAN almost certainly excludes any
possibility of the project ever being revived.[31]
Vietnam War[edit]
US President Lyndon B. Johnson (right) with
Macapagal (left) in 1963
Before the end of his term in 1965, President
Diosdado Macapagal persuaded Congress to
send troops to South Vietnam. However this
proposal was blocked by the opposition led
by Senate President Ferdinand Marcos who
deserted Macapagal's Liberal Party and
defected to the Nacionalista Party.[32]
The U.S. government's active interest in
bringing other nations into the war had been
part of U.S. policy discussions as early as
1961. President Lyndon Johnson first publicly
appealed for other countries to come to the
aid of South Vietnam on April 23, 1964–in
what was called the "More Flags" program.
[32]
 Chester Cooper, former director of Asian
affairs for the White House, explained why the
impetus came from the United States instead
of from the Republic of South Vietnam: "The
'More Flags' campaign ... required the
application of considerable pressure for
Washington to elicit any meaningful
commitments. One of the more exasperating
aspects of the search…was the lassitude …...
of the Saigon government. In part ... the South
Vietnam leaders were preoccupied with
political jockeying. ... In addition, Saigon
appeared to believe that the program was a
public relations campaign directed at the
American people."[32]
1963 midterm election[edit]
Main article: 1963 Philippine Senate election
The senatorial election was held on
November 12, 1963. Macapagal's Liberal
Party (LP) won four out of the eight seats up
for grabs during the election – thereby
increasing the LP's senate seats from eight to
ten.
1965 presidential campaign[edit]
Main article: 1965 Philippine presidential
election
President-elect Ferdinand E. Marcos is received by
incumbent President Diosdado Macapagal at the
Malacañan Palace Music Room, before both
proceeded to the inaugural venue, December 30,
1965.
Towards the end of his term, Macapagal
decided to seek re-election to continue
seeking reforms which he claimed were stifled
by a "dominant and uncooperative opposition"
in Congress.[7] With Senate President
Ferdinand Marcos, a fellow member of the
Liberal Party, unable to win his party's
nomination due to Macapagal's re-election
bid, Marcos switched allegiance to the rival
Nacionalista Party to oppose Macapagal.[7]
Among the issues raised against the
incumbent administration were graft and
corruption, rise in consumer goods, and
persisting peace and order issues.
 Macapagal was defeated by Marcos in
[7]
the November 1965 polls.
Post-presidency and death[edit]
Grave of Diosdado Macapagal at the Libingan ng
mga Bayani.
Macapagal announced his retirement from
politics following his 1965 loss to Marcos. In
1971, he was elected president of
the constitutional convention that drafted what
became the 1973 constitution. The manner in
which the charter was ratified and later
modified led him to later question its
legitimacy. In 1979, he formed the National
Union for Liberation as a political party to
oppose the Marcos regime.
Following the restoration of democracy in
1986, Macapagal took on the role of
elder statesman, and was a member of
the Philippine Council of State.[8] He also
served as honorary chairman of the National
Centennial Commission, and chairman of the
board of CAP Life, among others.
In his retirement, Macapagal devoted much of
his time to reading and writing. [8] He published
his presidential memoir, authored several
books about government and economics, and
wrote a weekly column for the Manila
Bulletin newspaper.
Diosdado Macapagal died of heart
failure, pneumonia and renal complications at
the Makati Medical Center on April 21, 1997.
He is buried at the Libingan ng mga Bayani.
Legacy[edit]
On September 28, 2009, Macapagal's
daughter, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo,
inaugurated the President Diosdado
Macapagal Museum and Library, located at 
his home town of Lubao, Pampanga.[33][34]
President Benigno S. Aquino III declared
September 28, 2010 as a special non-working
holiday in Macapagal's home province of
Pampanga to commemorate the centennial of
his birth.[35]
Birthplace (ancestral house and lot) Inside the small house
[edit]  
The landmarks are located in front of Lubao
Institute at San Nicolas 1, Lubao, Pampanga. 

Marker
Museum and library[edit]
The "Bahay Kubo" of Macapagal
These house the personal books and
 
memorabilia of Macapagal.

Ferdinand Marcos
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Mural
Jump to navigationJump to search
  This article is about a former President of the
Philippines. For his son, a politician and
 former senator of the Philippines,
see Ferdinand Marcos Jr.
In this Philippine name, the middle name or
maternal family name is Edralin and the
surname or paternal family name is Marcos.

His Excellency
Interior
 
Ferdinand Marcos
 involved)

Succeeded by Cesar Virata

Secretary of National Defense

In office

August 28, 1971 – January 3, 1972

President Himself

Preceded by Juan Ponce Enrile

Succeeded by Juan Ponce Enrile

Marcos in 1982

10th President of the Philippines In office

December 31, 1965 – January 20, 1967

In office

December 30, 1965 – February 25, 1986 President Himself

Prime Minister Himself (1978–1981) Preceded by Macario Peralta

Cesar Virata (1981–1986)
Succeeded by Ernesto Mata
Vice President Fernando Lopez (1965–1972)
11th President of the Senate of the Philippines

Preceded by Diosdado Macapagal

In office

April 5, 1963 – December 30, 1965

Succeeded by Corazon Aquino

3rd Prime Minister of the Philippines President Diosdado Macapagal

In office Preceded by Eulogio Rodriguez

June 12, 1978 – June 30, 1981
Succeeded by Arturo Tolentino
Preceded by Office established
Senator of the Philippines
(Position previously held by Jorge B. Vargas as Ministries
 Imee
In office Children
Bongbong
December 30, 1959 – December 30, 1965
Irene
Member of the Philippine House of Representatives from Aimee (adopted)
Norte's 2nd District
Alma mater University of the Philippines

In office Profession Lawyer

December 30, 1949 – December 30, 1959 Jurist

Politician
Preceded by Pedro Albano
Signature

Succeeded by Simeon M. Valdez

Military service

Personal details Allegiance  Philippines / United States[a]

Rank First lieutenant

Born Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos
Major

Unit 21st Infantry Division (USAFFE)

September 11, 1917 14th Infantry Regiment (USAFIP-NL)
Sarrat, Ilocos Norte, Philippine Islands
Battles/wars World War II

Died September 28, 1989 (aged 72)

Honolulu, Hawaii, U.S. This article is part of a series

about
Ferdinand Marcos

Resting place Ferdinand E. Marcos Presidential Center, 

Ilocos Norte
 Early Life
(1993–2016)
 Family
Heroes' Cemetery, Taguig, Metro Manila
 Legacy
(since November 18, 2016)
 Prime Minister
 1965 Philippine presidential election
Political party Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (1978–1989)

Other political Liberal Party (1946–1965) President of the Philippines

affiliations Nacionalista Party (1965–1978)

Imelda Romualdez (m. 1954) First Term

Spouse(s)
 1965 Philippine presidential election
  1st Inauguration
 Presidency
 Communist insurgency
 Moro conflict
Second Term
 1969 Philippine presidential election
 2nd Inauguration
 First Quarter Storm
 Plaza Miranda bombing
 Vietnam War
Martial Law
 Proclamation No. 1081
 Martial law under Ferdinand Marcos
 Human rights
 Escalante Massacre
 Chico River Dam Project
 Bataan Nuclear Power Plant
Third Term
 Presidential election and referendum, 1981 Philippines under martial law on September
 Assassination of Benigno Aquino, Jr.
 People Power Revolution
 1986 Philippine presidential election
 Order of Sikatuna (Only two of the supposed 33 Marcos
awards - the Gold Cross and the Distinguished Service Star - were
given during the Second World War, and both had been contested by
Marcos' superiors.)[1]
 v
 t
 e
Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos
Sr. (/ˈmɑːrkɔːs/,[2] September 11, 1917 –
September 28, 1989) was a Filipino politician
and kleptocrat[3][4][5][6][7][8][9] who was the
tenth President of the Philippines from 1965 to
1986.[10] A leading member of the New Society
Movement, he ruled as a dictator[4][11][12]
[13]
 under martial law from 1972 until 1981.
[14]
 His regime was infamous for its corruption,
[15][16][17][18]
 extravagance,[19][20][21] and brutality.[22][23][24]
Marcos claimed an active part in World War II,
including fighting alongside the Americans in
the Bataan Death March and being the "most
decorated war hero in the Philippines". [25] A
number of his claims were found to be false[26]
[27][28][29][30]
 and the United States
Army documents described Marcos's wartime
claims as "fraudulent" and "absurd".[31]
Marcos started as an attorney, then served in
the Philippine House of Representatives from
1949 to 1959 and the Philippine Senate from
1959 to 1965. He was elected President in
1965, and presided over a growing economy
during the beginning and intermediate portion
of his 20-year rule,[32] but ended in loss of
livelihood, extreme poverty, and a crushing
debt crisis.[33][34][35] Marcos placed the
23, 1972,[36][37][38] during which he revamped the
constitution, silenced the media, [39] and used
violence and oppression[24] against the political
opposition,[40] Muslims, communists,[41] and
ordinary citizens.[42] Martial law was ratified by
90.77% of voters in the 1973 Philippine
Martial Law referendum, though the
referendum was marred with controversy.[43][44]
After being elected for a third term in the 1981
Philippine presidential election, Marcos's
popularity suffered greatly due to public
outrage of the assassination of Benigno
Aquino Jr. in 1983. The assassination, along
with economic collapse, revitalized the
opposition, resulting in them securing a better-
than-expected victory in the 1984 Philippine
parliamentary election. Both of these factors
alongside growing discontent and the
 discovery of documents exposing his finances
and falsified war records, led him to call
the snap election of 1986. Allegations of mass
cheating, political turmoil, and human rights
abuses led to the People Power Revolution of
February 1986, which removed him from
power.[45] To avoid what could have been a
military confrontation in Manila between pro-
and anti-Marcos troops, Marcos was advised
by US President Ronald Reagan through
Senator Paul Laxalt to "cut and cut cleanly",
[46]
 after which Marcos fled to Hawaii.[47] Marcos
was succeeded by Corazon "Cory" Aquino,
widow of the assassinated opposition
leader Senator Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino
Jr. who had flown back to the Philippines
to face Marcos.[45][48][49][50]
According to source documents provided by
the Presidential Commission on Good
Government (PCGG),[51][52][53] the Marcos family
stole US$5–10 billion.[54] The PCGG also
maintained that the Marcos family enjoyed a
decadent lifestyle, taking away billions of
dollars[51][53] from the Philippines[55][56] between
1965 and 1986. His wife Imelda Marcos,
whose excesses during the couple's conjugal
dictatorship[57][58][59] made her infamous in her
own right, spawned the term "Imeldific". [22][60][61]
[62]
 Two of their children, Imee
Marcos and Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos
Jr., are still active in Philippine politics.
Contents
 1Early life
o 1.1Parents
o 1.2Baptism
o 1.3Education
 2The murder of Julio Nalundasan
 3Military service during World War II
 4House of Representatives (1949–
1959)
 5Philippine Senate (1959–1965)
o 5.1Senate Presidency
 6Presidency
 7First term (1966–1969)
o 7.1Presidential campaign
o 7.2Expansion of the Philippine
Military
o 7.3Vietnam War
o 7.4Loans for Infrastructure
Development
o 7.51969 Presidential Campaign
 8Second term (1969–1972)
o 8.1Inflation and social unrest
o 8.2"Moderate" and "radical"
opposition
 8.2.1The "moderate"
opposition
 8.2.2The "radical"
opposition
o 8.3First Quarter Storm
o 8.4Constitutional Convention of
1971
o 8.5Early growth of the CPP New
People's Army
o 8.6Rumored coup d'état and
assassination plot
o 8.7Plaza Miranda bombing
o 8.81971 Suspension of the Writ
of Habeas Corpus
o 8.91972 Manila bombings
 9Martial Law (1972–1981)
o 9.1Proclamation No. 1081
o 9.2Bagong Lipunan (New
Society)
o 9.31973 Martial Law
Referendum
o 9.4Rolex 12 and the military
o 9.5U.S. foreign policy and
martial law under Marcos
o 9.6Withdrawal of Taiwan
relations in favor of the People's Republic
of China
o 9.7First parliamentary elections
after martial law declaration
o 9.8Prime Minister
o 9.9Proclamation No. 2045
 10Third term (1981–1986)
o 10.1Aquino's assassination
o 10.2Impeachment attempt
o 10.3Physical decline
 11Cabinet
o 11.1Cabinet under the Third
Republic
o 11.2Cabinet during the Martial
Law period until 1986
 12Economic performance
o 12.1Debt
 o 12.2Reliance on US trade
o 12.3Economy during martial law
(1973–1980)
o 12.4Economy after martial law
(1981–1985)
o 12.5Creation of the Credit
Information Bureau
o 12.6Economic controversies
 13Snap election, revolution
 14Exile in Hawaii
o 14.1Fleeing from the Philippines
to Hawaii
 14.1.1Plans to return to
the Philippines and 'The Marcos
Tapes'
 15Corruption in the Marcos Era
o 15.1Monopolies
 15.1.1Establishment of
Metro Manila
 15.1.2Floating Casino in
Manila Bay
 15.1.3Philippine Long
Distance Telephone Company
(PLDT)
 15.1.4Manila Electric
Co. (MERALCO)
o 15.2Infrastructure projects
 15.2.1Cultural Center of
the Philippines (CCP) Complex
 15.2.2Manila Film
Center
 15.2.3Bataan Nuclear
Power Plant
 15.2.4San Juanico
Bridge
o 15.3Marcos's Green Revolution
o 15.4Overseas investments and
bank accounts
o 15.5The US-Marcos
Relationship
 15.5.1Obtaining
additional aid
o 15.6Trials filed against the
Marcoses
 15.6.1Criminal history
prior to political career
 15.6.2Sandiganbayan,
Supreme Court, and International
Trials
o 15.7Illegal Swiss foundations
 16Death and burial
 17Personal life
o 17.1Immediate family
o 17.2Ancestry
 18Legacy
o 18.1Human rights abuses
 18.1.1Abductions
 18.1.2Torture
 18.1.2.1Psychol
ogical and emotional torture
 18.1.2.2Physica
l torture
 18.1.2.3Sexual
torture
 18.1.3Killings
 18.1.3.1"Salvag
ings"
 18.1.3.2Enforce
d disappearances
 18.1.3.3Notable
murders
 18.1.3.4Civilian
massacres
 18.1.3.5Muslim
massacres
 18.1.4Family denial
o 18.2Ill-gotten wealth
o 18.3Recognition
 18.3.1National
 18.3.2Foreign
o 18.4Works
 18.4.1Infrastructure and
monuments
 18.4.2Laws
 18.4.3Authored works
o 18.5Historical Legacy
 19Reparations
 20See also
 21Notes
 22References
o 22.1Sources
 23Further reading
 24External links
Early life[edit]
Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos was
born on September 11, 1917 in the town
of Sarrat, Ilocos Norte to Mariano
Marcos (1897–1945) and Josefa
Edralin (1893–1988).[63]
Parents[edit]
Main article: Marcos family
Mariano Marcos was a lawyer and
congressman from Ilocos Norte, Philippines.
[64]
 He was killed in the waning days of World
War II.[65][66]
Josefa Marcos was a schoolteacher who
would far outlive her husband—dying in 1988,
two years after the Marcos family left her in
Malacañang Palace when they fled into exile
after the 1986 People Power Revolution.[67]
Baptism[edit]
Ferdinand was baptized into the Philippine
Independent Church,[68] but was baptized in
the Roman Catholic Church at the age of
three.[according to whom?]
Education[edit]
Marcos studied law at the University of the
Philippines in Manila, attending the College of
Law. He excelled in both curricular and extra-
curricular activities, becoming a
valuable[editorializing] member of the university's
swimming, boxing, and wrestling teams. He
was also an accomplished and
prolific[editorializing] orator, debater, and writer for
the student newspaper. While attending
the UP College of Law, he became a member
of the Upsilon Sigma Phi, where he met his
future colleagues in government and some of
his staunchest critics.[69][70]
When he sat for the 1939 Bar Examinations,
he was the bar topnotcher (top scorer),[clarification
needed]
 with a near-perfect[peacock  term] score of
98.8%, but allegations of cheating prompted
the Philippine Supreme Court to re-calibrate
his score to 92.35%.[71] He graduated cum
laude.[citation needed] He was elected to the Pi
Gamma Mu and the Phi Kappa
Phi international honor societies, the latter
giving him its Most Distinguished Member
Award 37 years later.[72]
The murder of Julio
Nalundasan[edit]
Main article: Julio Nalundasan
In December 1938, Ferdinand Marcos was
prosecuted for the murder of Julio
Nalundasan. He was not the only accused
from the Marcos clan; also accused was his
father, Mariano, his brother, Pio, and his
brother-in-law Quirino Lizardo. Nalundasan,
one of the elder Marcos's political rivals, had
been shot and killed in his house in Batac on
September 21, 1935 – the day after he had
defeated Mariano Marcos a second time for a
seat in the National Assembly.[73] According to
two witnesses, the four had conspired to
assassinate Nalundasan, with Ferdinand
Marcos eventually pulling the trigger. In late
January 1939, they were finally denied
bail[74] and later in the year, they were
convicted. Ferdinand and Lizardo received
the death penalty for premeditated murder,
while Mariano and Pio were found guilty
of contempt of court. The Marcos family took
their appeal to the Supreme Court of the
Philippines, which overturned the lower court's
decision on 22 October 1940, acquitting them
of all charges except contempt. [75]
Military service during World
War II[edit]
Main article: Military career of Ferdinand
Marcos
Marcos's military service during World War
II has been the subject of debate and
controversy, both in the Philippines and in
international military circles.[76]
Marcos, who had received ROTC training,
was activated for service in the US Armed
Forces in the Philippines (USAFIP) after
the attack on Pearl Harbor. He served as a
3rd lieutenant during the mobilization in the
summer and fall of 1941, continuing until April
1942, after which he was taken prisoner.
[77]
 According to Marcos's account, he was
released from prison by the Japanese on
August 4, 1942,[77] and US Military records
show that he rejoined USAFIP forces in
December 1944.[77] Marcos's Military service
then formally ended with his discharge as a
Major in the 14th Infantry, US Armed Forces
in the Philippines Northern Luzon, in May
1945.[78]
Controversies regarding Marcos's military
service revolve around: the reason for his
release from the Japanese POW camp;[77] his
actions between release from prison in August
1942 and return to the USAFIP in December
1944;[77] his supposed rank upon discharge
from USAFIP;[78] and his claims to being the
recipient of numerous military decorations,
most of which were proven to be fraudulent. [76]
Documents uncovered by the Washington
Post in 1986 suggested that Marcos's release
in August 1942 happened because his father,
former congressman and provincial
governor Mariano Marcos, "cooperated with
the Japanese military authorities" as publicist.
[77]
After his release, Marcos claims that he spent
much of the period between his August 1942
release and his December 1944 return to
USAFIP[77] as the leader of a guerilla
organization called Ang Mga
Mahárlika (Tagalog, "The Freemen") in
Northern Luzon.[79] According to Marcos's
claim, this force had a strength of 9,000 men.
[79]
 His account of events was later cast into
doubt after a United States military
investigation exposed many of his claims as
either false or inaccurate.[80]
Another controversy arose in 1947, when
Marcos began signing communications with
the rank of Lt. Col., instead of Major.[78] This
prompted US officials to note that Marcos was
only "recognized as a major in the roster of
the 14th Infantry USAFIP, NL as of 12
December 1944 to his date of discharge."[78]
The biggest controversy arising from Marcos's
service during World War II, however, would
concern his claims during the 1962 Senatorial
Campaign of being "most decorated war hero
of the Philippines"[76] He claimed to have been
the recipient of 33 war medals and
decorations, including the Distinguished
Service Cross and the Medal of Honor, but
researchers later found that stories about the
wartime exploits of Marcos were mostly
propaganda, being inaccurate or untrue.
[81]
 Only two of the supposed 33 awards – the
Gold Cross and the Distinguished Service
Star – were given during the war, and both
had been contested by Marcos's superiors.[81]
House of Representatives
(1949–1959)[edit]
This section needs expansion. You
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After the surrender of the Japanese and the
end of World War II, the American
government became preoccupied with setting
up the Marshall Plan to revive the economies
of the western hemisphere, and quickly
backtracked from its interests in the
Philippines, granting the islands
independence on July 4, 1946. [82][83] Marcos ran
for his father's old post as house
representative of the 2nd district of Ilocos
Norte and won three consecutive terms,
serving in the house from 1949 to 1959.[84]
Marcos joined the "Liberal Wing" that split
from the Nacionalista Party, which eventually
became the Liberal Party. He eventually
became the Liberal Party's spokesman on
economic matters, and was made chairman of
the House Neophytes Bloc which included
future President Diosdado Macapagal, future
Vice President Emmanuel Pelaez and future
Manila Mayor Arsenio Lacson.[84]
Marcos became chairman of the House
Committee on Commerce and Industry and a
member of the House Committees on
Defense, Ways and Means; Industry; Banks
Currency; War Veterans; Civil Service; and on
Corporations and Economic Planning. He was
also a member of the Special Committee on
Import and Price Controls and the Special
Committee on Reparations, and of the House
Electoral Tribunal.[84]
Philippine Senate (1959–
1965)[edit]
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After he served as member of the House of
Representatives for three terms, Marcos won
his senate seat in the elections in 1959 and
became the Senate minority floor leader in
1960. He became the executive vice president
of the Liberal Party in and served as the party
president from 1961 to 1964.
Senate Presidency[edit]
From 1963 to 1965, he became the Senate
President. Thus far, he is the last Senate
President to become President of the
Philippines. He introduced a number of
significant bills, many of which found their way
into the Republic statute books.[84]
Presidency[edit]
Presidential styles of
Ferdinand E. Marcos
Reference style His Excellency
Spoken style Your Excellency
Alternative style Mr. President
Further information: Timeline of the Marcos
Dictatorship
Ferdinand Marcos was inaugurated to his first
term as the tenth President of the
Philippines on 30 December 1965, after
winning the Philippine presidential election of
1965 against the incumbent
President, Diosdado Macapagal. His
inauguration marked the beginning of his two-
decade long stay in power, even though the
1935 Philippine Constitution had set a limit of
only two four-year terms of office.
Before Marcos's presidency, the Philippines
was the second largest economy in Asia,
behind only Japan.[85] He pursued an
aggressive program of infrastructure
development funded by foreign loans,
[85]
 making him very popular throughout almost
all of his first term and eventually making him
the first and only President of the Third
Philippine Republic to win a second term,
although it would also trigger an inflationary
crisis which would lead to social unrest in his
second term, and would eventually lead to his
declaration of martial law in 1972. [86][87]
On the evening of September 23, 1972,
President Ferdinand Marcos announced that
he had placed the entirety of
the Philippines under martial law.[88] This
marked the beginning of a 14-year period of
one man rule which would effectively last until
Marcos was exiled from the country on
February 25, 1986. Even though the formal
document proclaiming martial law -
Proclamation No. 1081 - was formally lifted on
January 17, 1981, Marcos retained virtually all
of his powers as dictator until he was ousted
by the EDSA Revolution.[88]
First term (1966–1969)[edit]
Main article: First term of the presidency of
Ferdinand Marcos
Presidential campaign[edit]
Main article: 1965 Philippine presidential
election
Ferdinand Marcos is sworn into his first term on
December 30, 1965.
Marcos ran a populist campaign emphasizing
that he was a bemedalled war hero emerging
from World War II. In 1962, Marcos would
claim to be the most decorated war hero of
the Philippines by garnering almost every
medal and decoration that the Filipino and
American governments could give to a soldier.
[89]
 Included in his claim of 27 war medals and
decorations are that of the Distinguished
Service Cross and the Medal of Honor.[89]
[90]
 According to Primitivo Mijares, author of the
book The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand
Marcos and Imelda Marcos,[91] the opposition
Liberal Party would later confirm that many of
his war medals were only acquired in 1962 to
aid in his reelection campaign for the Senate,
not for his presidential campaign. [92] Marcos
won the presidency in 1965.[93]
Expansion of the Philippine
Military[edit]
The leaders of some of the SEATO nations in front
of the Congress Building in Manila, hosted by
Marcos on 24 October 1966
One of Marcos's earliest initiatives upon
becoming president was to significantly
expand the Philippine Military. In an
unprecedented move, Marcos chose to
concurrently serve as his own Defense
Secretary, allowing him to have a direct hand
in running the Military.[10] He also significantly
increased the budget of the armed forces,
tapping them in civil projects such as the
construction of schools. Generals loyal to
Marcos were allowed to stay in their positions
past their retirement age, or were rewarded
with civilian government posts, leading
Senator Benigno S. Aquino Jr. to accuse
Marcos in 1968 of trying to establish "a
garrison state."[94]
Vietnam War[edit]
Under intense pressure from the
administration of Lyndon B. Johnson,
[95]
 Marcos reversed his pre-presidency
position of not sending Philippine forces to
Vietnam War,[96] and consented to a limited
involvement,[97] asking Congress to approve
sending a combat engineer unit. Despite
opposition to the new plan, the Marcos
government gained Congressional approval
and Philippine troops were sent from the
middle of 1966 as the Philippines Civic Action
Group (PHILCAG). PHILCAG reached a
strength of some 1,600 troops in 1968 and
between 1966 and 1970 over 10,000 Filipino
soldiers served in South Vietnam, mainly
being involved in civilian infrastructure
projects.[98][unreliable source?]
Marcos with Japanese Emperor Hirohito in 1966
Loans for Infrastructure
Development[edit]
See also: edifice complex
With an eye towards becoming the first
president of the third republic to be reelected
to a second term, Marcos began taking up
massive foreign loans to fund the "rice, roads,
and schoolbuildings" he promised in his
reelection campaign. With tax revenues
unable to fund his administration's 70%
increase in infrastructure spending from 1966-
1970, Marcos began tapping foreign loans.
creating a budget deficit 72% higher than the
Philippine government's annual deficit from
1961-1965.[10]
This began a pattern of loan-funded spending
which the Marcos administration would
continue until the Marcoses were deposed in
1986, resulting in economic instability still
being felt today, and of debts that experts say
the Philippines will have to keep paying well
into 2025.[10] The grandest infrastructure
projects of Marcos's first term, especially
the Cultural Center of the Philippines complex,
also marked the beginning of what critics
would call Marcos couple's Edifice complex,
with grand public infrastructures projects
prioritized for public funding because of their
propaganda value.[99]
1969 Presidential Campaign[edit]
Main article: Ferdinand Marcos presidential
campaign, 1969
Ferdinand Marcos's campaign for a second
term formally began with his nomination as
the presidential candidate of the Nacionalista
Party at its July 1969 general meeting. A
meeting of the party's ruling junta had met a
week earlier to assure that the nomination
would be unanimous.[100] Under the 1935
Constitution of the Philippines which was in
force at the time, Marcos was supposed to be
allowed a maximum of two four year terms as
President.[10]
During the 1969 campaign, Marcos launched
USD50 million worth in infrastructure projects
in an effort to curry favor with the electorate.
[101]
 This rapid campaign spending was so
massive that it would be responsible for the
Balance of Payments Crisis of 1970, whose
inflationary effect would cause social unrest
leading all the way up to the proclamation of
Martial Law in 1972.[86][87] Marcos was reported
to have spent PhP 100 for every PhP 1 that
Osmena spent, using up PhP 24 Million in
Cebu alone.[102]
With his popularity already beefed up by debt-
funded spending, Marcos's popularity made it
very likely that he would win the election, but
he decided, as National Artist for
Literature Nick Joaquin reported in
the Philippines Free Press, to "leave nothing
to chance."[100] Time and Newsweek would
eventually call the 1969 election the "dirtiest,
most violent and most corrupt" in Philippine
modern history, with the term "Three Gs",
meaning "guns, goons, and gold"[103]
[104]
 coined[105] to describe administration's
election tactics of vote-buying, terrorism and
ballot snatching.[102]
Second term (1969–1972)[edit]
Main article: Second term of the presidency of
Ferdinand Marcos
See also: 1969 Philippine presidential
election
Ferdinand Marcos takes the Oath of Office for a
second term before Chief Justice Roberto
Concepcion on December 30, 1969
Presidential elections were held on November
11, 1969 and Marcos was reelected for a
second term. He was the first and last Filipino
president to win a second full term.[106][107][108]
[109]
 His running mate, incumbent Vice
President Fernando Lopez was also elected to
a third full term as Vice President of the
Philippines.
Inflation and social unrest[edit]
Marcos won the November 1969 election by a
landslide, and was inaugurated on December
30 of that year. But Marcos's massive
spending during the 1969 presidential
campaign had taken its toll and triggered
growing public unrest.[110] During the campaign,
Marcos spent $50 million worth in debt-funded
infrastructure, triggering a Balance of
Payments crisis.[111] The Marcos administration
ran to the International Monetary Fund (IMF)
for help, and the IMF offered a debt
restructuring deal. New policies, including a
greater emphasis on exports and the
relaxation of controls of the peso, were put in
place. The Peso was allowed to float to a
lower market value, resulting in drastic
inflation, and social unrest.[110]
Marcos's spending during the campaign led to
opposition figures such as Senator Lorenzo
Tañada, Senator Jovito Salonga, and
Senator Jose Diokno to accuse Marcos of
wanting to stay in power even beyond the two
term maximum set for the presidency by the
1935 constitution.[110]
"Moderate" and "radical"
opposition[edit]
The media reports of the time classified the
various civil society groups opposing Marcos
into two categories.[112][113] The "Moderates",
which included church groups, civil
libertarians, and nationalist politicians, were
those who wanted to create change through
political reforms.[112] The "radicals", including a
number of labor and student groups, wanted
broader, more systemic political reforms.[112][114]
The "moderate" opposition[edit]
See also: Movement of Concerned Citizens
for Civil Liberties
With the Constitutional Convention occupying
their attention from 1971 to 1973, statesmen
and politicians opposed to the increasingly
more-authoritarian administration of
Ferdinand Marcos mostly focused their efforts
on political efforts from within the halls of
power.[10] This notably included the National
Union of Students in the Philippines,[114] and
later the Movement of Concerned Citizens for
Civil Liberties or MCCCL, led by Senator Jose
W. Diokno.[113] The MCCCL's rallies are
particularly remembered for their diversity,
attracting participants from both the moderate
and radical camps; and for their scale, with
the biggest one attended by as many as
50,000 people.[113]
The "radical" opposition[edit]
Main article: Communist Party of the
Philippines
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Around 1970, student activism was raging and
many student activists joined the ranks of the
communists. Kabataang Makabayan (Patriotic
Youth, or 'KM') a political organization
founded by Jose Maria Sison intended to be a
nationwide extension of the Student Cultural
Association of the University of the
Philippines,[115][116] carried out study sessions on
Marxism–Leninism and intensified the
deployment of urban activists in rural areas to
prepare for People's war.[117][118] The line
between leftist activists and communists
became increasingly blurred, as a significant
number of KM advanced activists joined the
party of the Communist Party also founded
by Jose Maria Sison.[117]
During the campaign period for the 1969
elections, students called promoted a mock
campaign called the Dante-for-
President movement, likely referring to New
People's Army founder Bernabe 'Kumander
Dante' Buscayno.[119]
In Marcos's diary,[120][non-primary source needed][121][non-primary source
needed]
 he wrote that the whole crisis has been
utilized by communism to create a
revolutionary situation. He lamented that the
powerful Lopez family blamed him in their
newspapers for the riots thus raising the ire of
demonstrators. He mentioned that he was
informed by his mother of a planned
assassination paid for by the powerful
oligarch, Eugenio Lopez Sr. (Iñing Lopez). He
narrated how he dissuaded his supporters
from the Northern Philippines in infiltrating the
demonstration in Manila and inflicting harm on
the protesters, and how he showed to the UP
professors that the Collegian was carrying the
communist party articles and that he was
disappointed in the faculty of his alma
mater for becoming a spawning ground of
communism. He also added that he asked
Ernesto Rufino, Vicente Rufino, and Carlos
Palanca to withdraw advertisements from The
Manila Times which was openly supporting
revolution and the communist cause, and they
agreed to do so.
First Quarter Storm[edit]
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Main article: First Quarter Storm
By the time Marcos gave the first State of the
Nation Address of his second term on January
26, 1970, the unrest born from the 1969-1970
Balance of Payments Crisis exploded into a
series of demonstrations, protests, and
marches against the government. Student
groups - some moderate and some radical -
served as the driving force of the protests,
which lasted until the end of the university
semester in March 1970, and would come to
be known as the "First Quarter Storm".[122][110]
During Marcos's January 26, 1970 State of
the Nation Address, the moderate National
Union of Students of the Philippines organized
a protested in front of Congress, and invited
student groups both moderate and radical to
join them. Some of the students participating
in the protest harangued Marcos as he and
his wife Imelda as they left the Congress
building, throwing a coffin, a stuffed alligator,
and stones at them.[123]
The next major protest took place on January
30, in front of the presidential palace, [124] where
activists rammed the gate with a fire truck and
once the gate broke and gave way, the
activists charged into the Palace grounds
tossing rocks, pillboxes, Molotov cocktails. At
least two activists were confirmed dead and
several were injured by the police.
The mayor of Manila at the time, Antonio
Villegas, commended the Manila Police
District for their "exemplary behavior and
courage" and protecting the First Couple long
after they have left. The death of the activists
was seized on by The Manila Times and
the Manila Chronicle, both of which were
controlled by Fernando Lopez's family. These
newspapers blamed Marcos for the deaths
and added fire to the weekly protests.[121][non-primary
source needed]
On February 18, protesters vandalized and
set fire to the U.S. embassy lobby, resulting in
a strong protest from the U.S. Ambassador. [117]
[119][120][non-primary source needed]
The KM protests ranged from 50,000 to
100,000 in number per weekly mass action.
[117]
 Students had declared a week-long boycott
of classes and instead met to organize protest
rallies.[119]
Constitutional Convention of
1971[edit]
Main article: Philippine Constitutional
Convention of 1971
Expressing opposition to the Marcos's policies
and citing rising discontent over wide
inequalities in society,[10] critics of Marcos
began campaigning in 1967 to initiate
a constitutional convention which would revise
change the 1935 Constitution of the
Philippines.[125] On March 16 of that year, the
Philippine Congress constituted itself into a
Constituent Assembly and passed Resolution
No. 2, which called for a Constitutional
Convention to change the 1935 Constitution.
[126]
Marcos surprised his critics by endorsing the
move, but historians later noted that the
resulting Constitutional Convention would lay
the foundation for the legal justifications
Marcos would use to extend his term past the
two four-year terms allowable under the 1935
Constitution.[10]
A special election was held on November 10,
1970 to elect the delegates of the convention.
[10](p"130")
 Once the winners had been determined,
the convention was convened on June 1,
1971 at the newly completed Quezon City
Hall.[127] A total of 320 delegates were elected
to the convention, the most prominent being
former Senators Raul Manglapus and Roseller
T. Lim. Other delegates would become
influential political figures, including Hilario
Davide, Jr., Marcelo Fernan, Sotero
Laurel, Aquilino Pimentel, Jr., Teofisto
Guingona, Jr., Raul Roco, Edgardo
Angara, Richard Gordon, Margarito Teves,
and Federico Dela Plana.[10][128]
By 1972 the convention had already been
bogged down by politicking and delays, when
its credibility took a severe blow in May 1972
when a delegate exposed a bribery scheme in
which delegates were paid to vote in favor of
the Marcoses – with First Lady Imelda Marcos
herself implicated in the alleged payola
scheme.[10](p"133")[129]
The investigation on the scheme was
effectively shelved when Marcos declared
martial law in September 1972, and had 11
opposition delegates arrested. The remaining
opposition delegates were forced to go either
into exile or hiding. Within two months, an
entirely new draft of the constitution was
created from scratch by a special committee.
[130]
 The 1973 constitutional plebiscite was
called to ratify the new constitution, but the
validity of the ratification was brought to
question because Marcos replaced the
method of voting through secret ballot with a
system of viva voce voting by "citizen's
assemblies".[131](p213) The ratification of the
constitution was challenged in what came to
be known as the Ratification Cases.[132][133]
Early growth of the CPP New
People's Army[edit]
On December 29, 1970, Philippine Military
Academy instructor Lt Victor Corpuz led New
People's Army rebels in a raid on the PMA
armory, capturing rifles, machine guns,
grenade launchers, a bazooka and thousands
of rounds of ammunition in 1970. [134] In 1972,
China, which was then actively supporting and
arming communist insurgencies in Asia as
part of Mao Zedong's People's War Doctrine,
transported 1,200 M-14 and AK-47 rifles[135] for
the NPA to speed up NPA's campaign to
defeat the government.[136][137]
Rumored coup d'état and
assassination plot[edit]
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Rumors of coup d'état were also brewing. A
report of the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations
Committee said that shortly after the 1969
Philippine presidential election, a group
composed mostly of retired colonels and
generals organized a revolutionary junta with
the aim of first discrediting President Marcos
and then killing him. The group was headed
by Eleuterio Adevoso, an official of the
opposition Liberal Party. As described in a
document given to the committee by a
Philippine Government official, key figures in
the plot were Vice President Fernando Lopez
and Sergio Osmena Jr., whom Marcos
defeated in the 1969 election.[138] Marcos even
went to the U.S. embassy to dispel rumors,
spread by the Liberal Party, that the U.S.
supported a coup d'état.[121][non-primary source needed]
While a report obtained by The New York
Times speculated that rumors of a coup could
be used by Marcos to justify martial law, as
early as December 1969 in a message from
the U.S. Ambassador to the U.S. Assistant
Secretary of State, the ambassador said that
most of the talk about revolution and even
assassination has been coming from the
defeated opposition, of which Adevoso is a
leading activist. He also said that the
information he has on the assassination plans
are 'hard' or well-sourced and he has to make
sure that it reaches President Marcos.[139][140]
In light of the crisis, Marcos wrote an entry in
his diary in January 1970:[121][non-primary source needed] "I
have several options. One of them is to abort
the subversive plan now by the sudden arrest
of the plotters. But this would not be accepted
by the people. Nor could we get the Huks
(Communists), their legal cadres and support.
Nor the MIM (Maoist International Movement)
and other subversive [or front] organizations,
nor those underground. We could allow the
situation to develop naturally then after
massive terrorism, wanton killings and an
attempt at my assassination and a coup
d'etat, then declare martial law or suspend the
privilege of the writ of habeas corpus – and
arrest all including the legal cadres. Right now
I am inclined towards the latter."
Plaza Miranda bombing[edit]
According to interviews by The Washington
Post with unnamed former Communist Party
of the Philippines Officials "the (Communist)
party leadership planned – and three
operatives carried out – the (Plaza Miranda)
attack in an attempt to provoke government
repression and push the country to the brink
of revolution... (Communist Party Leader)
Sison had calculated that Marcos could be
provoked into cracking down on his
opponents, thereby driving thousands of
political activists into the underground, the
anonymous former officials said. Recruits
were urgently needed, they said, to make use
of a large influx of weapons and financial aid
that China had already agreed to
provide."[141] José María Sison continues to
deny these claims,[142] and the CPP has never
released any official confirmation of their
culpability in the incident. Marcos and his
allies claimed that Benigno Aquino Jr. was
part of the plot, which is generally regarded as
absurd given that Aquino was pro-American
and pro-capitalist.[143][144]
Most historians continue to hold Marcos
responsible for the Plaza Miranda bombing as
he is known to have used false flag operations
as a pretext for martial law.[145][146] There were a
series of deadly bombings in 1971, and the
CIA privately stated that Marcos was
responsible for at least one of them. The
agency was also almost certain that none of
the bombings were perpetrated by
Communists. US intelligence documents
declassified in the 1990s contained further
evidence implicating Marcos, provided by a
CIA mole within the Philippine army.[147]
Another false flag attack took place with the
attempted assassination of Defense
Minister Juan Ponce Enrile in 1972. President
Nixon approved Marcos's martial law initiative
immediately afterwards.[147]
Ferdinand Marcos with U.S. Secretary of
State George Shultz, 1982.
1971 Suspension of the Writ of
Habeas Corpus[edit]
As a response to the Plaza Miranda bombing,
Marcos issued Proclamation No. 889, through
which he assumed emergency powers and
suspended the writ of habeas corpus - an act
which would later be seen as a prelude to the
declaration of Martial Law more than a year
later.[144]
Marcos's suspension of the writ became the
event that forced many members of the
moderate opposition, including figures
like Edgar Jopson, to join the ranks of the
radicals. In the aftermath of the bombing,
Marcos lumped all of the opposition together
and referred to them as communists, and
many former moderates fled to the mountain
encampments of the radical opposition to
avoid being arrested by Marcos's forces.
Those who became disenchanted with the
excesses of the Marcos administration and
wanted to join the opposition after 1971 often
joined the ranks of the radicals, simply
because they represented the only group
vocally offering opposition to the Marcos
government.[148][149]
1972 Manila bombings[edit]
Plaza Miranda was soon followed by a series
of about twenty explosions which took place in
various locations in Metro Manila in the
months immediately proceeding Ferdinand
Marcos's proclamation of Martial Law.[150] The
first of these bombings took place on March
15, 1972, and the last took place on
September 11, 1972 - twelve days before
martial law was announced on September 23
of that year.
The Marcos regime officially attributed the
explosions communist "urban guerillas",
[150]
 and Marcos included them in the list of
"inciting events" which served as
rationalizations for his declaration of Martial
Law.[151] Marcos's political opposition at the
time questioned the attribution of the
explosions to the communists, noting that the
only suspects caught in connection to the
explosions were linked to the Philippine
Constabulary.[151]
The sites of the 1972 Manila bombings
included the Palace Theater and Joe's
Department Store on Carriedo Street, both in
Manila; the offices of the Philippine Long
Distance Telephone Company (PLDT),
Filipinas Orient Airways, and Philippine
American Life and General Insurance
Company (PhilamLife); the Cubao branch of
the Philippine Trust Company (now known as
PhilTrust Bank); the Senate Publication
Division and the Philippine Sugar Institute in
Quezon City, and the South Vietnamese
embassy.[150]
However, only one of these incidents - the
one in the Carriedo shopping mall - went
beyond damage to property; one woman was
killed and about 40 persons were injured.[151]
Martial Law (1972–1981)[edit]
Main article: Martial law under Ferdinand
Marcos
September 24, 1972 issue of the Sunday edition of
the Philippine Daily Express
Proclamation No. 1081[edit]
Marcos's declaration of martial law became
known to the public on September 23, 1972
when his Press Secretary, Francisco Tatad,
announced through the radio[36][37]
[38]
 that Proclamation № 1081, which Marcos
had supposedly signed two days earlier on
September 21, had come into force and would
extend Marcos's rule beyond
the constitutional two-term limit.[152] Ruling by
decree, he almost dissolved press
freedom and other civil liberties to add
propaganda machine, closed down Congress
and media establishments, and ordered the
arrest of opposition leaders and militant
activists, including senators Benigno Aquino
Jr., Jovito Salonga and Jose Diokno.[153]
[154]
 However, unlike Ninoy Aquino's Senate
colleagues who were detained without
charges, Ninoy, together with communist NPA
leaders Lt. Corpuz and Bernabe Buscayno,
was charged with murder, illegal possession
of firearms and subversion.[155] Marcos claimed
that martial law was the prelude to creating
his Bagong Lipunan, a "New Society" based
on new social and political values.
Bagong Lipunan (New Society)[edit]
Marcos had a vision of a  Bagong
Lipunan (New Society) similar
to Indonesian president Suharto's "New Order
administration", China leader Mao Zedong's
Great Leap Forward and Korean Kim Il-
Sung's Juche. He used the years of martial
law to implement this vision. According to
Marcos's book Notes on the New Society, it
was a movement urging the poor and the
privileged to work as one for the common
goals of society and to achieve the liberation
of the Filipino people through self-realization.
[citation needed]
University of the Philippines
Diliman economics professor and
former NEDA Director-General Dr. Gerardo
Sicat,[156] an MIT Ph.D. graduate, portrayed
some of Martial Law's effects as follows:[157]
Economic reforms suddenly became possible
under martial law. The powerful opponents of
reform were silenced and the organized
opposition was also quilted. In the past, it took
enormous wrangling and preliminary stage-
managing of political forces before a piece of
economic reform legislation could even pass
through Congress. Now it was possible to
have the needed changes undertaken through
presidential decree. Marcos wanted to deliver
major changes in an economic policy that the
government had tried to propose earlier.
The enormous shift in the mood of the nation
showed from within the government after
martial law was imposed. The testimonies of
officials of private chambers of commerce and
of private businessmen dictated enormous
support for what was happening. At least, the
objectives of the development were now being
achieved...[158]

Japanese imperial army soldier Hiroo
Onoda offering his military sword to Marcos on the
day of his surrender on March 11, 1974
The Marcos regime instituted a mandatory
youth organization, known as the Kabataang
Barangay, which was led by Marcos's eldest
daughter Imee. Presidential Decree 684,
enacted in April 1975, required that all youths
aged 15 to 18 be sent to remote rural camps
and do volunteer work.[159][160]
1973 Martial Law Referendum[edit]
Martial Law was put on vote in July 1973 in
the 1973 Philippine Martial Law
referendum and was marred with
controversy[43][44] resulting to 90.77% voting yes
and 9.23% voting no.
Rolex 12 and the military[edit]
Along with Marcos, members of his Rolex
12 circle like Defense Minister Juan Ponce
Enrile, Chief of Staff of the Philippine
Constabulary Fidel Ramos, and Chief of Staff
of the Armed Forces of the Philippines Fabian
Ver were the chief administrators of martial
law from 1972 to 1981, and the three
remained President Marcos's closest advisers
until he was ousted in 1986. Other peripheral
members of the Rolex 12 included Eduardo
"Danding" Cojuangco Jr. and Lucio Tan.
Between 1972 and 1976, Marcos increased
the size of the Philippine military from 65,000
to 270,000 personnel, in response to the fall
of South Vietnam to the communists and the
growing tide of communism in South East
Asia. Military officers were placed on
the boards of a variety of media corporations,
public utilities, development projects, and
other private corporations, most of whom were
highly educated and well-trained graduates of
the Philippine Military Academy. At the same
time, Marcos made efforts to foster the growth
of a domestic weapons manufacturing
industry and heavily increased military
spending.[161]
Many human rights abuses were attributed to
the Philippine Constabulary which was then
headed by future president Fidel Ramos.
The Civilian Home Defense Force, a
precursor of Civilian Armed Forces
Geographical Unit (CAFGU), was organized
by President Marcos to battle with the
communist and Islamic insurgency problem,
has particularly been accused of notoriously
inflicting human right violations on leftists, the
NPA, Muslim insurgents, and rebels against
the Marcos government.[41] However, under
martial law the Marcos administration was
able to reduce violent urban crime, collect
unregistered firearms, and suppress
communist insurgency in some areas.[162]
U.S. foreign policy and martial law
under Marcos[edit]
By 1977, the armed forces had quadrupled
and over 60,000 Filipinos had been arrested
for political reasons. In 1981, Vice
President George H. W. Bush praised Marcos
for his "adherence to democratic principles
and to the democratic processes".[b] No
American military or politician in the 1970s
ever publicly questioned the authority of
Marcos to help fight communism in South
East Asia.
From the declaration of martial law in 1972
until 1983, the U.S. government provided $2.5
billion in bilateral military and economic aid to
the Marcos regime, and about $5.5 billion
through multilateral institutions such as
the World Bank.[167]
In a 1979 U.S. Senate report, it was stated
that U.S. officials were aware, as early as
1973, that Philippine government agents were
in the United States to harass Filipino
dissidents. In June 1981, two anti-Marcos
labor activists were assassinated outside of a
union hall in Seattle. On at least one
occasion, CIA agents
blocked FBI investigations of Philippine
agents.[168]
Withdrawal of Taiwan relations in
favor of the People's Republic of
China[edit]
Main articles: Philippines–Taiwan
relations and China–Philippines relations
Prior to the Marcos administration, the
Philippine government had maintained a close
relationship with the Kuomintang-
ruled Republic of China (ROC) government
which had fled to the island of Taiwan, despite
the victory of the Communist Party of China in
the 1949 Chinese Communist Revolution.
Prior administrations had seen the People's
Republic of China (PRC) as a security threat,
due to its financial and military support of
Communist rebels in the country.[169]
By 1969, however, Ferdinand Marcos started
publicly asserting the need for the Philippines
to establish a diplomatic relationship with
the People's Republic of China. In his 1969
State of the Nation Address, he said:[170]
We, in Asia must strive toward a modus
vivendi with Red China. I reiterate this need,
which is becoming more urgent each day.
Before long, Communist China will have
increased its striking power a thousand fold
with a sophisticated delivery system for its
nuclear weapons. We must prepare for that
day. We must prepare to coexist peaceably
with Communist China.
— Ferdinand Marcos, January 1969
In June 1975, President Marcos went to the
PRC and signed a Joint Communiqué
normalizing relations between the Philippines
and China. Among other things, the
Communiqué recognizes that "there is but one
China and that Taiwan is an integral part of
Chinese territory…" In turn, Chinese Prime
Minister Zhou Enlai also pledged that China
would not intervene in the internal affairs of
the Philippines nor seek to impose its policies
in Asia, a move which isolated the local
communist movement that China had
financially and militarily supported. [171][172]
The Washington Post in an interview with
former Philippine Communist Party Officials,
revealed that, "they (local communist party
officials) wound up languishing in China for 10
years as unwilling "guests" of the (Chinese)
government, feuding bitterly among
themselves and with the party leadership in
the Philippines".[141]
The government subsequently captured NPA
leaders Bernabe Buscayno in 1976 and Jose
Maria Sison in 1977.[172]
First parliamentary elections after
martial law declaration[edit]
The 1978 Philippine parliamentary
election was held on April 7, 1978 for the
election of the 166 (of the 208) regional
representatives to the Interim Batasang
Pambansa (the nation's first parliament). The
elections were participated by several parties
including Ninoy Aquino's newly formed party,
the Lakas ng Bayan (LABAN) and the
regime's party known as the Kilusang
Bagong Lipunan (KBL).
The Ninoy Aquino's LABAN party fielded 21
candidates for the Metro Manila area including
Ninoy himself and Alex Boncayao, who later
was associated with Filipino communist death
squad Alex Boncayao Brigade[173][174] that killed
U.S. army Colonel James N. Rowe. All of the
party's candidates, including Ninoy, lost in the
election.
Marcos's KBL party won 137 seats, while
Pusyon Bisaya led by Hilario Davide Jr., who
later became the Minority Floor Leader, won
13 seats.
Prime Minister[edit]
In 1978, the position returned when Ferdinand
Marcos became Prime Minister. Based
on Article 9 of the 1973 constitution, it had
broad executive powers that would be typical
of modern prime ministers in other countries.
The position was the official head of
government, and the commander-in-chief of
the armed forces. All of the previous powers
of the President from the 1935 Constitution
were transferred to the newly restored office
of Prime Minister. The Prime Minister also
acted as head of the National Economic
Development Authority. Upon his re-election
to the Presidency in 1981, Marcos was
succeeded as Prime Minister by an American-
educated leader
and Wharton graduate, Cesar Virata, who was
elected as an Assemblyman (Member of the
Parliament) from Cavite in 1978. He is the
eponym of the Cesar Virata School of
Business, the business school of
the University of the Philippines Diliman.
Proclamation No. 2045[edit]
After putting in force amendments to the
constitution, legislative action, and securing
his sweeping powers and with the Batasan,
his supposed successor body to the
Congress, under his control, President
Marcos issued Proclamation 2045, which
technically "lifted" martial law, on January 17,
1981. [citation needed]
However, the suspension of the privilege of
the writ of habeas corpus continued in the
autonomous regions of Western
Mindanao and Central Mindanao. The
opposition dubbed the lifting of martial law as
a mere "face lifting" as a precondition to the
visit of Pope John Paul II.[175]
Third term (1981–1986)[edit]
Main article: 1981 Philippine presidential
election and referendum
President Ferdinand E. Marcos in Washington in
1983.
We love your adherence to democratic
principles and to the democratic process, and
we will not leave you in isolation.
— U.S. Vice President George H. W.
Bush during Ferdinand E. Marcos
inauguration, June 1981[176][b]
On June 16, 1981, six months after the lifting
of martial law, the first presidential election in
twelve years was held. President Marcos ran
and won a massive victory over the other
candidates.[177] The major opposition parties,
the United Nationalists Democratic
Organizations (UNIDO), a coalition of
opposition parties and LABAN, boycotted the
election.
After the lifting of martial law, the pressure on
the communist CPP–NPA alleviated. The
group was able to return to urban areas and
form relationships with legal opposition
organizations, and became increasingly
successful in attacks against the government
throughout the country.[172] The violence
inflicted by the communists reached its peak
in 1985 with 1,282 military and police deaths
and 1,362 civilian deaths.[172]
Aquino's assassination[edit]
Main article: Assassination of Benigno Aquino
Jr.
On August 21, 1983, opposition
leader Benigno Aquino Jr. was assassinated
on the tarmac at Manila International Airport.
He had returned to the Philippines after three
years in exile in the United States, where he
had a heart bypass operation to save his life
after Marcos allowed him to leave the
Philippines to seek medical care. Prior to his
heart surgery, Ninoy, along with his two co-
accused, NPA leaders Bernabe
Buscayno (Commander Dante) and Lt. Victor
Corpuz, were sentenced to death by a military
commission on charges of murder, illegal
possession of firearms and subversion. [155]
A few months before his assassination, Ninoy
had decided to return to the Philippines after
his research fellowship from Harvard
University had finished. The opposition
blamed Marcos directly for the assassination
while others blamed the military and his wife,
Imelda. Popular speculation pointed to three
suspects; the first was Marcos himself through
his trusted military chief Fabian Ver; the
second theory pointed to his wife Imelda who
had her own burning ambition now that her
ailing husband seemed to be getting weaker,
and the third theory was that Danding
Cojuangco planned the assassination
because of his own political ambitions. [178] The
1985 acquittals of Chief of Staff
General Fabian Ver as well as other high-
ranking military officers charged with the crime
were widely seen as a whitewash and a
miscarriage of justice.
On November 22, 2007, Pablo Martinez, one
of the convicted suspects in the assassination
of Ninoy Aquino Jr. alleged that it was Ninoy
Aquino Jr.'s relative, Danding Cojuangco,
cousin of his wife Corazon Cojuangco Aquino,
who ordered the assassination of Ninoy
Aquino Jr. while Marcos was recuperating
from his kidney transplant. Martinez also
alleged only he and Galman knew of the
assassination, and that Galman was the
actual shooter, which is not corroborated by
other evidence of the case.[179]
Impeachment attempt[edit]
In August 1985, 56 Assemblymen signed a
resolution calling for the impeachment of
President Marcos for alleged diversion of U.S.
aid for personal use,[180] citing a July 1985 San
Jose Mercury News exposé of the Marcos's
multimillion-dollar investment and property
holdings in the United States.
The properties allegedly amassed by the First
Family were the Crown Building, Lindenmere
Estate, and a number of residential
apartments (in New Jersey and New York), a
shopping center in New York, mansions (in
London, Rome and Honolulu), the Helen
Knudsen Estate in Hawaii and three
condominiums in San Francisco, California.
The Assembly also included in the complaint
the misuse and misapplication of funds "for
the construction of the Manila Film Center,
where X-rated and pornographic films[citation
needed]
 are exhibited, contrary to public morals
and Filipino customs and traditions." The
impeachment attempt gained little real
traction, however, even in the light of this
incendiary charge; the committee to which the
impeachment resolution was referred did not
recommend it, and any momentum for
removing Marcos under constitutional
processes soon died.[citation needed]
Physical decline[edit]
See also: People Power Revolution
During his third term, Marcos's health
deteriorated rapidly due to kidney ailments, as
a complication of a chronic autoimmune
disease lupus erythematosus. He had a
kidney transplant in August 1983, and when
his body rejected the first kidney transplant,
he had a second transplant in November
1984.[181] Marcos's regime was sensitive to
publicity of his condition; a palace physician
who alleged that during one of these periods
Marcos had undergone a kidney
transplant was shortly afterwards found
murdered. Police said he was kidnapped and
slain by communist rebels.[181] Many people
questioned whether he still had capacity to
govern, due to his grave illness and the
ballooning political unrest.[182] With Marcos
ailing, his powerful wife, Imelda, emerged as
the government's main public figure. Marcos
dismissed speculations of his ailing health as
he used to be an avid golfer and fitness buff
who liked showing off his physique.
By 1984, U.S. President Ronald
Reagan started distancing himself from the
Marcos regime that he and previous American
presidents had strongly supported even after
Marcos declared martial law. The United
States, which had provided hundreds of
millions of dollars in aid, was crucial in
buttressing Marcos's rule over the years,
[183]
 although during the Carter
administration the relationship with the U.S.
had soured somewhat when President Jimmy
Carter targeted the Philippines in his human
rights campaign.
Economic performance[edit]
Main article: Economy of the Philippines
under Ferdinand Marcos
Economy of the Philippines under
President Ferdinand Marcos
1966–1971
 Population 1972  ₱ 381,497 million

1967  33.71 million 1985  ₱571,883 million

Gross Domestic Product (1985 constant prices)

Growth rate, 1972–85 average 3.43%

1966  ₱285,886 million Per capita income (1985 constant prices)

1971  ₱361,791 million

1972  ₱9,802

Growth rate, 1966–71 average 4.75% 1985  ₱10,524

Per capita income (1985 constant prices) Exchange rates

1967  ₱8,932 USD1 = ₱20

₱1 = USD0.05
1971  ₱9,546

Sources:[186][187][188]
Total exports
The 21-year period of Philippine economic
history during Ferdinand Marcos's regime—
 ₱70,254 million
1966
from his election in 1965 until he was ousted
by the People Power Revolution in 1986—was
1971  ₱63,626 million
a period of significant economic highs and
lows.[189][190][191][10]
Exchange rates
Debt[edit]
To help finance a number of economic
USD1 = ₱6.44
development projects, the Marcos government
₱1 = USD0.16 borrowed large amounts of money from
international lenders.[192][193] The external debt of
the Philippines rose more than 70-fold from
Sources:[186][187]
$360 million in 1962 to $26.2 billion in 1985,
[194]
 making the Philippines one of the most
Economy of the Philippines under indebted countries in Asia.[192] Philippine
President Ferdinand Marcos Annual Gross Domestic Product grew from
$5.27 billion in 1964 to $37.14 billion in 1982,
1972–1985 a year prior to the assassination of Ninoy
Aquino. The GDP went down to $30.7 billion
in 1985, after two years of economic
Population
recession brought about by political instability
following Ninoy's assassination. [195] A
1985  54.3 million considerable amount of this money went to
the Marcos family and friends in the form of
behest loans.[citation needed]
Gross Domestic Product (1985 constant prices)
Reliance on US trade[edit]
As a former colony of the United States, the
Philippines was heavily reliant on the
American economy to purchase agricultural
goods such as sugar,[196] tobacco, coconut,
bananas, and pineapple[197][198] and US
corporations prospered.
Economy during martial law
(1973–1980)[edit]
See also: Economy of the Philippines
According to World Bank Data, the
Philippine's Annual Gross Domestic Product
quadrupled from $8 billion in 1972 to $32.45
billion in 1980, for an inflation-adjusted
average growth rate of 6% per year, while
debt stood at US$17.2 billion by the end of
1980.[195][199] Indeed, according to the U.S.-
based Heritage Foundation, the Philippines
enjoyed its best economic development since
1945 between 1972 and 1979.[200] The
economy grew amidsts two severe global oil
shocks following the 1973 oil crisis and 1979
energy crisis – oil price was $3 / barrel in 1973
and $39.5 in 1979, or a growth of 1200%. By
the end of 1979, debt was still manageable,
with debt to Debt-GNP ratio about the same
as South Korea, according to the US National
Bureau of Economic Research.[199]
Foreign capital was invited to invest in certain
industrial projects. They were offered
incentives, including tax exemption privileges
and the privilege of bringing out their profits in
foreign currencies. One of the most important
economic programs in the 1980s was
the Kilusang Kabuhayan at
Kaunlaran (Movement for Livelihood and
Progress). This program was started in
September 1981. It aimed to promote the
economic development of the barangays by
encouraging its residents to engage in their
own livelihood projects. The government's
efforts resulted in the increase of the nation's
economic growth rate to an average of six
percent or seven percent from 1970 to 1980.
[201]
Economy after martial law
(1981–1985)[edit]
Marcos at the North–South Summit on
International Cooperation and Development
in Cancun alongside other world leaders
including I. Gandhi, F. Mitterrand, R. Reagan, M.
Thatcher, K. Waldheim, Zhao Ziyang; October 23,
1981.
The Philippine economy, heavily reliant on
exports to the United States, suffered a great
decline after the Aquino assassination in
August 1983 because Filipino business and
political leaders who studied in Harvard, Yale,
and other US universities began lobbying
American and foreign firms to discourage
them from investing in the Philippines. This
was taking place at the same time that China
was beginning to accept free-market
capitalism and American businesses were
jockeying to establish manufacturing plants in
China. The political troubles of the Philippines
hindered the entry of foreign investments, and
foreign banks stopped granting loans to the
Philippine government.
In an attempt to launch a national economic
recovery program and despite his growing
isolation from American businesses, Marcos
negotiated with foreign creditors including
the International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development, World Bank, and
the International Monetary Fund (IMF), for a
restructuring of the country's foreign debts –
to give the Philippines more time to pay the
loans. Marcos ordered a cut in government
expenditures and used a portion of the
savings to finance the Sariling Sikap (Self-
Reliance), a livelihood program he established
in 1984.
However, the economy continued to shrink In 1981, Ferdinand Marcos issued Letter of
despite the government's recovery efforts due Instructions No. 1107 mandating the Central
to a number of reasons. Most of the so-called Bank of the Philippines to analyze the
government development programs failed to probability of establishing and funding the
materialize. Government funds were often operation of a credit bureau in the
siphoned off by Marcos or his cronies. Philippines due to the disturbing increase of
American investors were discouraged by the failures on corporate borrowers.[204] In
Filipino economic elite who were against the adherence to the order, Central Bank of the
corruption that by now had become endemic Philippines organized the Credit Information
in the Marcos regime.[202] The failure of the Exchange System under the department of
recovery program was further augmented by Loans and Credit. It was created to engage in
civil unrest, rampant graft and corruption collating, developing and analyzing credit
within the government, and Marcos's lack of information on individuals, institutions,
credibility. The unemployment rate increased business entities and other business
from 6.25% in 1972 to 11.058% in 1985.[203] concerns. It aims to develop and undertake
the continuing exchange of credit data within
Considering the severe 1984–1985 recession,
its members and subscribers and to provide
the Philippine economy annual growth rate
an impartial source of credit information for
from 1972 to 1985 of 3.4% is significantly
debtors, creditors and the public. On April 14,
lower than the 5.4% growth rate achieved by
1982, Credit Information Bureau, Inc. was
other countries in ASEAN (Thailand, Malaysia,
incorporated as a non-stock, non-profit
Indonesia, Singapore) in the same time
corporation. CIBI was created pursuant to LOI
period.[34]
No. 1107 dated February 16, 1981 and was
Creation of the Credit further strengthened by PD No. 1941 which
recognizes and supports CIBI as a
Information Bureau[edit] suitable credit bureau to promote the
This development and maintenance of rational and
section may efficient credit processes in the financial
contain an system and in the economy as a whole. In
excessive 1997, Credit Information Bureau, Inc. was
amount of incorporated and transformed into a private
intricate detail entity and became CIBI Information,
that may Inc. CIBI is a provider of information and
interest only a intelligence for business, credit and
particular individuals.[205] The company also supplies
audience. Plea compliance reports before accrediting
se help suppliers, industry partners and even hiring
by spinning professionals.[206]
off or relocating 
any relevant Economic controversies[edit]
information, According to the book The Making of the
and removing Philippines by Frank Senauth (p. 103):[207]
excessive detail
that may be Marcos himself diverted large sums of
against Wikiped government money to his party's campaign
ia's inclusion funds. Between 1972 and 1980, the average
policy. (Decembe monthly income of wage workers had fallen by
r 2018) (Learn 20%. By 1981, the wealthiest 10% of the
how and when to population was receiving twice as much
remove this income as the bottom 60%.[208]
template
message) The country's total external debt rose from
Main article: CIBI Information, Inc. US$2.3 billion in 1970 to US$26.2 billion in
1985 during Marcos's term. Marcos's critics
charged that policies have become debt-
driven with rampant corruption and plunder of
public funds by Marcos and his cronies. This
held the country under a debt-servicing crisis
which is expected to be fixed by only 2025.
Critics have pointed out an elusive state of the
country's development as the period is marred
by a sharp devaluing of the Philippine Peso
from 3.9 to 20.53. The overall economy
experienced a slower growth GDP per capita,
lower wage conditions and higher
unemployment especially towards the end of
Marcos's term after the 1983–1984 recession.
Some of Marcos's critics claimed that poverty
incidence grew from 41% in the 1960s at the
time Marcos took the Presidency to 59% when
he was removed from power,[209][210][199][211][212][213]
From 1972 to 1980, agricultural production fell
by 30%. After declaring martial law in 1972,
Marcos promised to implement agrarian
reforms. However, the land reforms served
largely to undermine Marcos's landholder
opponents, not to lessen inequality in the
countryside,[214] and encouraged conversion to
cash tenancy and greater reliance on farm
workers.[215] Under Marcos, timber products
were among the nation's top exports but little
attention was paid to the environmental
impacts of deforestation as cronies never
complied with reforestation agreements. By
the early 1980s, forestry collapsed because
most of the Philippines' accessible forests had
been depleted—of the 12 million hectares of
forestland, about 7 million had been left
barren."[216][217]
While the book claimed that agricultural
production declined by 30% in the 1970s and
suggested that timber exports were growing in
the same period, an article published by the
World Bank on Philippine Agriculture says that
crops (rice, corn, coconut, sugar), livestock
and poultry and fisheries grew at an average
rate of 6.8%, 3% and 4.5%, respectively from
1970 to 1980, and the forestry sector actually
declined by an annual average rate of 4.4%
through the 1970s.[218]
Despite claims made by the book that land
reforms served largely to undermine Marcos's
landholder opponents, Marcos's government
did not distribute to small farmers his political
rival Ninoy Aquino's family's 6,453
hectare Hacienda Luisita plantation, the
biggest in the country.[219][220]
By 1960
the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations had
worked with the Garcia administration and
the UP College of Agriculture to establish
the International Rice Research
Institute (IRRI) in Los Baños, Laguna,[221]
(p7)
 signaling the rise of the Green
Revolution (industrialized, chemical
agriculture) to the Philippines.[222] In the late
'60s, the Marcos administration took
advantage of IRRI's new "miracle rice" cultivar
(IR8),[222] promoting its use throughout the
Philippines. While this resulted in annual rice
production in the Philippines increasing from
3.7 to 7.7 million tons in two decades and
made the Philippines a rice exporter for the
first time in the 20th century,[223][224] the switch to
IR8 required more fertilizers and pesticides.
This and other related reforms resulted in high
profits for transnational corporations, but were
generally harmful to small, peasant farmers
who were often pushed into poverty.[225]
Snap election,
revolution[edit]
Main articles: 1986 Philippine presidential
election and People Power Revolution
In late 1985, in the face of escalating public
discontent and under pressure from foreign
allies, Marcos called a snap election with
more than a year left in his term. He
selected Arturo Tolentino as his running mate.
The opposition to Marcos united behind two
American-educated leaders, Aquino's
widow, Corazon, and her running
mate, Salvador Laurel.[226][227]
It was during this time that Marcos's World
War II medals for fighting the Japanese
Occupation was first questioned by the foreign
press. During a campaign in
Manila's Tondo district, Marcos retorted:[228]
You who are here in Tondo and fought under
me and who were part of my guerrilla
organization—you answer them, these crazy
individuals, especially the foreign press. Our
opponents say Marcos was not a real
guerrilla. Look at them. These people who
were collaborating with the enemy when we
were fighting the enemy. Now they have the
nerve to question my war record. I will not pay
any attention to their accusation.
— Ferdinand Marcos, January 1986
Marcos was referring to both presidential
candidate Corazon Aquino's father-in-
law Benigno Aquino Sr. and vice presidential
candidate Salvador Laurel's father, José P.
Laurel, who were leaders of the KALIBAPI, a
puppet political party that collaborated with
the Japanese during the Japanese occupation
of the Philippines. Both were arrested and
charged for treason after the war.[229]
The elections were held on February 7, 1986.
[230]
 The official election canvasser,
the Commission on Elections (COMELEC),
declared Marcos the winner. The final tally of
the COMELEC had Marcos winning with
10,807,197 votes against Aquino's 9,291,761
votes. On the other hand, the partial 69% tally
of the National Movement for Free
Elections (NAMFREL), an accredited poll
watcher, had Aquino winning with 7,502,601
votes against Marcos's 6,787,556 votes.
Cheating was reported on both sides.[231] This
electoral exercise was marred by widespread
reports of violence and tampering of election
results.
Despite common knowledge that Marcos
cheated the elections, some claim that Marcos
is the one that had been cheated by
NAMFREL because his Solid North votes
were transmitted very late to the tabulation
center at the PICC. Two Namfrel volunteers
were hanged in Ilocos. The Ilocano votes
were enough to overwhelm Cory's lead in
Metro Manila and other places.[232]
The alleged fraud culminated in the walkout of
35 COMELEC computer technicians to protest
the manipulation of the official election results
to favor Ferdinand Marcos. The walkout of
computer technicians was led by Linda
Kapunan[233] and the technicians were
protected by Reform the Armed Forces
Movement (RAM) officers led by her husband
Lt. Col. Eduardo "Red" Kapunan. RAM, led by
Lt. Col. Gregorio "Gringo" Honasan and
backed by Enrile had plotted a coup d'etat to
seize Malacañang and kill Marcos and his
family.[234]
The failed election process gave a decisive
boost to the "People Power movement." Enrile
and Ramos would later abandon Marcos's
'sinking ship' and seek protection behind the
1986 People Power Revolution, backed by
fellow-American educated Eugenio Lopez
Jr., Jaime Augusto Zobel de Ayala, and the
old political and economic elites. At the height
of the revolution, Juan Ponce Enrile revealed
that a purported and well-publicized ambush
attempt against him years earlier was in fact
faked, in order for Marcos to have a pretext for
imposing martial law. However, Marcos never
ceased to maintain that he was the duly
elected and proclaimed president of the
Philippines for a fourth term, but unfairly and
illegally deprived of his right to serve it. On
February 25, 1986, rival presidential
inaugurations were held,[235] but as Aquino
supporters overran parts of Manila and seized
state broadcaster PTV-4, Marcos was forced
to flee.[236]
Exile in Hawaii[edit]
Fleeing from the Philippines to
Hawaii[edit]
Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos on a walk with U.S.
President Ronald Reagan.
At 15:00 PST (GMT+8) on February 25, 1986,
Marcos talked to United States Senator Paul
Laxalt, a close associate of the United States
President, Ronald Reagan, asking for advice
from the White House. Laxalt advised him to
"cut and cut cleanly", to which Marcos
expressed his disappointment after a short
pause.[237] In the afternoon, Marcos talked
to Enrile, asking for safe passage for him and
his family, and included his close allies like
General Ver. Finally, at 9:00 p.m., the Marcos
family was transported by four Sikorsky HH-
3E helicopters[238] to Clark Air Base in Angeles
City, Pampanga, about 83 kilometers north of
Manila, before boarding US Air Force C-
130 planes bound for Andersen Air Force
Base in Guam, and finally to Hickam Air Force
Base in Hawaii where Marcos arrived on
February 26.
As per the official 23-page US Customs
record, the two C-141 transport planes that
carried the Marcos family and their closest
allies had 23 wooden crates; 12 suitcases and
bags, and various boxes, whose contents
included enough clothes to fill 67 racks; 413
pieces of jewelry; 24 gold bricks, inscribed "To
my husband on our 24th anniversary"; and
more than 27m Philippine pesos in freshly
printed notes. The jewelry included 70 pairs of
jewel-studded cufflinks; an ivory statue of the
infant Jesus with a silver mantle and a
diamond necklace. The total value of these
items was $15 millon.[239] Meanwhile, when
protestors stormed Malacañang Palace
shortly after their departure, it was famously
discovered that Imelda had left behind over
2,700 pairs of shoes in her closet.[240]
The Catholic hierarchy and Manila's middle
class were crucial to the success of the
massive crusade, but only within Metro Manila
because no mass demonstrations or protests
against Marcos occurred in the provinces and
islands of Visayas and Mindanao.
Plans to return to the Philippines and 'The
Marcos Tapes'[edit]
More than a year after the People Power
Revolution, it was revealed to the United
States House Foreign Affairs subcommittee in
1987 that Marcos held an intention to fly back
to the Philippines and overthrow the Aquino
government. Two Americans, namely attorney
Richard Hirschfeld and business consultant
Robert Chastain, both of whom posed as
arms dealers, gained knowledge of a plot by
gaining Marcos's trust and secretly tape
recorded their conversations with the ousted
leader.
According to Hirschfeld, he was first invited by
Marcos to a party held at the latter's family
residence in Oahu, Hawaii. After hearing that
one of Hirschfeld's clients was Saudi Sheikh
Mohammad Fassi, Marcos's interest was
piqued because he had done business with
Saudis in the past. A few weeks later, Marcos
asked for help with securing a passport from
another country, in order to travel back to the
Philippines while bypassing travel restrictions
imposed by the Philippines and United States
governments. This failed, however, and
subsequently Marcos asked Hirschfeld to
arrange a $10-million loan from Fassi.
On January 12, 1987, Marcos stated to
Hirschfeld that he required another $5-million
loan "in order to pay 10,000 soldiers $500
each as a form of 'combat life insurance.'
When asked by Hirschfeld if he was talking
about an invasion of the Philippines, Marcos
responded, "Yes." Hirschfeld also recalled that
the former president said that he was
negotiating with several arms dealers to
purchase up to $18 million worth of weapons,
including tanks and heat-seeking missiles,
and enough ammunition to "last an army three
months."
Marcos had thought of being flown to his
hometown in Ilocos Norte, greeted by his loyal
supporters, and initiating a plot to kidnap
Corazon Aquino. ″What I would like to see
happen is we take her hostage,″ Marcos told
Chastain. ″Not to hurt her ... no reason to hurt
her .. to take her.″
Learning of this plan, Hirschfeld contacted the
US Department of Justice, and was asked for
further evidence. This information eventually
reached President Ronald Reagan, who
placed Marcos under "island arrest", further
limiting his movement.[241][242]
In response, the Aquino government
dismissed Marcos's statements as being a
mere propaganda ploy.[243]
Corruption in the Marcos
Era[edit]
Monopolies[edit]

Ferdinand Marcos in Washington, 1983
Marcos’ administration spawned new
oligarchs in Philippine society who became
instant millionaires. These oligarchs
plundered government financing institutions to
finance their corporate raiding, monopolies
and various takeover schemes. Marcos’
cronies were awarded timber, mining and oil
concessions and vast tracts of rich
government agricultural and urban lands, not
to mention lush government construction
contracts. During his martial law regime,
Marcos confiscated and appropriated by force
and duress many businesses and institutions,
both private and public, and redistributed
them to his cronies and close personal
friends. A presidential crony representing
Westington won for its principal the $500
million bid for the construction of the Bataan
Nuclear Power Plant in Bagac. The crony's
commission was $25 million or $200 million
representing five percent of the total bid price.
These new oligarchs were known to be
insatiable and more profligate than the
oligarchs of pre-martial law days.[244] Two of
Marcos's friends were Eduardo "Danding"
Cojuangco Jr., who would go on to
control San Miguel Corporation, and Ramon
Cojuangco, late businessman and chairman
of PLDT, and father of Antonio "Tony Boy"
Cojuangco (who would eventually succeed his
father in the telecommunications company),
both happened to be cousins of Corazon
Aquino. These associates of Marcos then
used these as fronts to launder proceeds from
institutionalized graft and corruption in the
different national governmental agencies as
"crony capitalism" for personal benefit. Graft
and corruption via bribery, racketeering,
and embezzlement became more prevalent
during this era. Marcos also silenced the free
press, making the press of the state
propaganda the only legal one, which was a
common practice for governments around the
world that sought to fight communism.
Marcos and his close Rolex 12 associates
like Juan Ponce Enrile used their powers to
settle scores against old rivals such as the
Lopezes who were always opposed to the
Marcos administration. Enrile and the Lopezes
(Eugenio Lopez Sr. and Eugenio Lopez Jr.)
were Harvard-educated Filipino leaders.
Leading opponents such as Senators Benigno
Aquino Jr., Jose Diokno, Jovito Salonga and
many others were imprisoned for months or
years. This practice considerably alienated the
support of the old social and economic elite
and the media, who criticized the Marcos
administration endlessly.[245] The old social and
economic elite, all of whom relied on trade
and agricultural and industrial exports to the
United States such as the families of Enrile,
Lopez, Cojuangco, and Aquino, sought a free-
market economy. At this point, Marcos
controlled both the oligarchy and the
oligopoly.
Establishment of Metro Manila[edit]
Without the consent of the people of Manila
and environs, Marcos merged four
neighboring cities and thirteen municipalities
into a Metro Manila. Without the consent of
residents of the merged cities and
municipalities, he appointed his wife, Imelda
Marcos as governor of Metro Manila - the
second most powerful office in the republic.
Given that Metro Manila accounts for around
20% of the country's population, it is
estimated to be responsible for at least 70% of
gross national receipts. It is the seat of the
national government and some 90% of the
national government's offices and
instrumentalities are located within its
environs. Its budget is second to the national
government. In the words of Carlos P.
Romulo, Mrs. Marcos was the de facto Vice
President of the Philippines. Because of this,
the Marcoses possessed a monopoly of
power.[244]
Floating Casino in Manila Bay[edit]
One of the first acts of Imelda Romualdez
Marcos as the Governor of Metro Manila was
to legalize gambling to raise revenue for the
new metropolis. A floating casino was allowed
to operate exclusively inside the Manila Bay. It
is owned and operated by “mysterious”
stockholders according to the major daily.
However, the people of Manila are aware that
behind the floating casino management was
the brother of Imelda Marcos. One of the most
lucrative gambling managements back then
was the Jai-Alai, managed by a corporation
that received its franchise from the pre-war
Commonwealth government. As soon as its
franchised expired, a new corporation took
over management of Jai-Alai. It was
immediately under the control of the First
Lady's brother. This new management was
allowed to perform operations denied from the
former, and it is estimated that the take
between the Jai-Alai fronton and the floating
casino is Php 2 million a day.[244]
Philippine Long Distance Telephone
Company (PLDT)[edit]
Reports of the U.S. Senate and the U.S.
Securities and Exchange Commission have
described massive million-dollar bribes to
officials of the government-backed Philippine
Long Distance Telephone Company by the
General Telephone and Electric Co. of New
York in exchange for supply contracts. The
officials of PLDT needed to be investigated for
violations of foreign currency regulations and
unearned income. However, different
stakeholders were kept silent. As one PLDT
official boasted “an expose will only hurt the
Palace.” In the U.S. and Japan, presidents
have been driven out of office for similar
misconduct.[244]
Manila Electric Co. (MERALCO)[edit]
The Manila Electric Co. (MERALCO) was one
of the largest corporations in the Philippines
before the declaration of Martial Law. It was
owned and controlled by the Lopez family.
After martial law was imposed, it became the
prime target for takeover by the Marcos-
Romualdez family. Among the first things the
clan did was to arrest the eldest son of
Eugenio Lopez, Sr., the major stockholder of
Meralco for allegedly plotting the
assassination of Ferdinand Marcos.
In the years 1973-1974, the Organization of
Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC)
started applying the oil prize squeeze. As a
public utility that supplies power needs of the
metro, MERALCO was caught in a vicious
vise. Its fuel costs started to double, triple, and
quadruple but the government refused to
allow them to charge higher consumer rates.
Within a year, MERALCO was at the brink of
bankruptcy. Government financing institutions
refused to guarantee MERALCO’s foreign
loans. As a result, the company was pushed
to the edge of massive defaults in loans.
It was here that the Marcos-Romualdez clan
stepped in. According to Eugenio Lopez, Sr.,
he was promised the release of his eldest son
from prison in exchange for the sale of his
control in MERALCO to the Marcos-
Romualdez group. After several months of
negotiations and with the increasing loan
defaults, Mr. Lopez conceded defeat. He even
died without seeing his son Eugenio, Jr.
released from the Marcos martial law prison.
After the Marcos-Romualdez takeover, the
government allowed MERALCO to increase
consumer rates. The government gave huge
subsidies to the company. On the fifth
anniversary of martial rule, Jesus Bigornia of
Bulletin Today wrote that MERALCO rose as
one of the top earners. Around Php 200
million in net income was recorded. This was
168% more than the previous year. Aside
from being allowed to raise electricity rates,
MERALCO was also exempted from paying
the duty of oil imports, which is a form of
indirect subsidy it should share with poor
consumers.[244]
Infrastructure projects[edit]
Ferdinand Marcos’s term was characterized
by booming infrastructure,[246] but to the
detriment of the economy and of the lives of
Filipinos.[247][248][249] Most of Marcos’s
infrastructure projects were funded by loans
that greatly increased the Philippines’ foreign
deficit from $360 million in 1962, when Marcos
became president, to around $28.3 billion in
1986, when he was overthrown.[249] Many of
these projects were rushed, and so were not
safe for long-term use.[249]
Primitivo Mijares discusses these projects in
his book, The Conjugal Dictatorship: “Actually,
the Imelda projects for which she has been
greatly admired and credited for pushing are
most expensive. The Cultural Center, the Folk
Arts Theatre, the Heart Foundation, the
Nutrition Center, etc. are extravagantly
financed with public and private funds. I would
estimate that, if the normal expenditures for
one project is made known to the President
and to the public as consisting say Pl million,
Imelda would normally push it through at a
minimum cost of F5 million.”[250]
The following is a list of some of the most
controversial projects constructed during the
Marcos era.
Cultural Center of the Philippines (CCP)
Complex[edit]
The CCP Complex is an 77-
hectare[251] reclaimed property in Pasay City
designed by Leandro Locsin. It includes the
CCP main building, Folk Arts Theater,
Philippine International Convention Center,
Manila Film Center and Coconut Palace (also
called the “Tahanang Pilipino”).[252] It was
established as a result of Ferdinand Marcos’s
issuance of Executive Order No. 30 s. 1966,
which stated that “the preservation and
promotion of Philippine culture in all its varied
aspects and phases is a vital concern of the
State.”[253] Following this issuance, he
appointed a seven-member board of trustees,
who then unanimously elected Imelda
Romualdez Marcos as its chair.[252]
On September 8, 1969, the CCP main
building was inaugurated as the “country’s
premier arts institution.”[254] The inauguration
was originally set in January 1969, but was
postponed because funds were running out
from campaign overspending. The projected
budget for the construction of CCP was P15
million, but by December 1968 the cost had
already reached P48 million, and the
construction was not even complete yet.
Because of this, Imelda Romualdez Marcos
loaned $7 million from the National Investment
Development Corporation to finance the
remaining amount. By 1972, debt for the
construction of the theater alone has reached
P63 million.[252]
Manila Film Center[edit]
Construction of the Manila Film Center began
in January 1981 and was spearheaded by
Imelda Romualdez Marcos. It costed $25
million.[249][255]
Construction work was compressed to just 10
months so it could be used as a venue for the
first Manila International Film Festival
scheduled on January 18, 1982.[252] To meet
the deadline, around 4,000 workers were
employed to work three 24-hour non-stop
shifts. The lobby, which would normally take 6
weeks to finish, was constructed in 72 hours
by 1,000 workers.[249]
As a result of the rushed construction, a
scaffolding collapsed on a group of workers in
November 17, 1981, two months before the
deadline.[252] Despite the accident, work
continued, and the bodies of the workers were
buried in cement. Rescuers and ambulances
were only permitted to enter the site 9 hours
after the incident.[249]
Following the tragedy, then Prime Minister
Cesar Virata disapproved the $5 million
subsidy, which was intended for the film
festival.[256] The expenses incurred during
opening night and the Film Center’s
operations ended up being shouldered by the
Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas (then the Central
Bank).[252]
Bataan Nuclear Power Plant[edit]
The Bataan Nuclear Power Plant (BNPP) is
one of the six nuclear power plants that the
Marcos regime planned to build. [257] It stands in
Morong, Bataan, atop Napot Point that
overlooks the West Philippine Sea.
Construction of the BNPP began in 1976 and
was completed in 1985.[258]
Controversy surrounding the BNPP began
well after its construction. In 1974, National
Power was already negotiating with General
Electric to get the order. However,
Westinghouse, another energy company,
hired a lobbyist: Herminio Disini, a friend of
Ferdinand Marcos. Using his proximity to
Marcos, Westinghouse made a direct offer to
Marcos and his cabinet to supply a plant with
two 620 Mw reactors at a base price of $500
million. The estimated total price was raised to
around $650 million because of other charges
like fuel and transmission lines.[257] Soon after,
the negotiations with General Electric were
scrapped, and Westinghouse won the deal.
By March 1975, Westinghouse’s contract
price increased to $1.1 billion for interest and
escalation costs.[257]
There were numerous issues regarding its
safety and usability. After the Three Mile
Island incident in the United States,
construction of the nuclear power plant was
stopped. A safety inquiry was done
subsequently, which revealed over 4,000
defects.[257] The site chosen for the nuclear
plant was also dangerous, as it was built near
the open sea, the then-dormant Mount
Pinatubo, and was within 25 miles of three
geological faults.[257] The nuclear plant was
discontinued in 1986 following the Chernobyl
disaster.[249] Its goal of generating 620 Mw of
electricity was never achieved. [259]
Its cost reached over $2.3 million and was
only paid off by the government in April 2017,
31 years after the beginning of its
construction. However, government spending
for the BNPP continues long after that.
Maintaining the plant costs the government
P40 million a year. In 2011, the government
had to reimburse P4.2 billion to National
Power Corporation for the plant’s
maintenance. To contribute to the cost of its
maintenance, it was transformed into a tourist
attraction.[249]
San Juanico Bridge[edit]
San Juanico Bridge connecting Leyte and Samar
The San Juanico Bridge is part of the Pan-
Philippine Highway and links the provinces of
Leyte and Samar through Tacloban City and
Santa Rita, Samar. Having a total length of
2.16 kilometers, it is the longest bridge over a
body of water in the Philippines.[260] It is said to
be Ferdinand Marcos’s gift to his wife Imelda,
whose hometown was Leyte.[261]
Construction of the bridge began in 1969. It
was inaugurated on July 2, 1973, in time for
Imelda Marcos’s birthday. The cost of the
construction reached $22 million and was
acquired through the Japanese Official
Development Assistance loans.[262]
At the time the project was conceived, there
was not a need yet for a bridge that connects
Leyte and Samar, for both of these provinces
were still relatively underdeveloped. There
was not enough traffic between these two
islands to warrant a bridge to be constructed
there. It is for this reason that the San Juanico
Bridge remains to be the one of the costliest
white elephant projects during the Marcos era.
[262]
Marcos's Green Revolution[edit]
The Green Revolution is a set of research
technology transfer initiatives from the 1950s
to 1960s that increased agricultural production
worldwide, particularly in developing countries
such as the Philippines.[263]
With the support of the Rockefeller and Ford
Foundations, the International Rice Research
Institute (IRRI) was established in the
Philippines. By 1966, the rice variety IR-8 was
created. It required intensive irrigation, plenty
of fertilizer, and chemical pesticides, but
produced substantially higher yields.[263]
This lead to the creation of Ferdinand Marcos
major programs, Presidential Decree No. 27,
the Masagana 99 agricultural program, which
had the goal of producing 99 sacks or 4.4 tons
of unmilled rice per hectare to ensure self-
sufficiency in food.[264]
Annual rice production in the Philippines
increased from 3.7 to 7.7 million tons in two
decades.The switch to IR8 rice made the
Philippines a rice exporter for the first time in
the 20th century.[264]
Although IR8 should promising results, the
years from 1965 to 1986 showed a complete
paradox of events. The income per capita
rose, the economy was growing, yet people
were in famine. The American economist
James K. Boyce calls this phenomenon
“immiserizing growth,” when economic growth,
and political and social conditions are such
that the rich get absolutely richer and the poor
become absolutely poorer.[265]
Gonzalo Gatan's Pesticide case
One of the possible causes to this was the
case reported by Gonzalo Gatan of the Manila
Pest Control Company against the key
implementors of Masagana 99. He was
allegedly unable to introduce his agricultural
pesticides to the market due to the
"conivance" between transnational
corporations (TNCs) that dominated the
production and distribution of chemicals and
the Fertilizer and Pesticide Authority (FPA)
(Ofreno 1982: 109). In the production of IR8
rice, FPA specified that only certain
agricultural pesticides, all of which were
German and American pesticide imports, were
to be used. Any other pesticide needed to
undergo tests at the National Crop Protection
Center and at the Bureau of Plant Industry,
whose laboratories were headed by German
and American specialists. These laboratories
were said to have been set up through RP-
German Crop Protection Agreement and with
the help of the United States Agency for
International Development. Therefore, none of
Gatan’s formulations made it to the FPA
recommended pesticides (Ofreno 1982: 109-
110).[266] Probably any other local pesticide
which that tried to penetrate the market faced
the same fate.
Marcos's Land Control
Marcos also allegedly took feudal control of
landlords by only covering rice and corn lands
to Masagana 99, excluding the vast sugar
haciendas of his crony Danding Cojuangco
and even Hacienda Luisita in Tarlac.
Effects of Masagana 99
After the declaration of Martial Law in 1972,
the gap between the rich and the poor
became significantly wide. Possible gains
from Masagana 99 were either going out of
the country or going to the rich alone. Even if
rice supply was high and prices were down,
people could not afford to buy rice. In a 1979
review of Philippine grain production policy,
the World Bank found that total rice
consumption in the 1970s slowed, growing at
only 2.9%, barely in step with the rate of
population increase. Studies by the Food and
Nutrition Research Institute found that by
1982, two thirds of families consumed less
than the recommended minimum daily calorie
intake. 25% of the country’s pre-schoolers
were stunted, 14% were wasted, and an
appalling 69% were underweight. Between
1970 and 1983, infant mortality was at 59 per
1,000 in rural areas and 55 per 1,000 in urban
areas – among the highest in East and
Southeast Asia. The cause of infant and child
deaths could be directly traced to hunger and
a lack of basic health care services.[265]
Overseas investments and
bank accounts[edit]
The overseas properties of Marcos and his
associates created an empire spanning
places as diverse as California, Washington,
New York, Rome, Vienna, Australia, Antilles,
the Netherlands, Hong Kong,  Switzerland and
Singapore.[267] The more popular properties
among those in this empire are the multi-
million dollar New York real estate
investments, California banks and Swiss bank
accounts; lesser known ones are villas in
Austria, London, and Rome, gold and
diamond investments in South Africa, and
banks and hotels in Israel.
There were ten prominent Filipinos, led by
Ferdinand Marcos and Imelda Marcos, who
acquired, presumably illegally, various
extensive properties in the U.S. They were
Roberto Benedicto, Antonio Floirendo, Juan
Ponce Enrile, Jose Yao Campos, Eduardo
Cojuangco, Roman Cruz, Jr., Geronimo
Velasco, and Rodolfo Cuenca.[268] Other
nominees who were noted as having been
crucial in considerable overseas transactions
were Ricardo Silverio, Herminio Disini,
Nemesio Yabi and Edna Camam.[268] Dewey
Dee, one of Marcos’ main nominees, as well
as Jose Yao Campos would later reveal how
they fronted Marcos’ investments both locally
and abroad via at least twenty five interlocking
corporations set up for this purpose.
The main way the Marcoses were able to get
money abroad was via the laundering of dirty
money. Contrary to images commonly
conjured by the word "dirty", dirty money, as
defined by Jean Ziegler, who wrote
extensively about the faults of the Swiss
banking system, is simply "capital whose scattered internationally to acquire and
transfer does not relate to any repayment of establish several multimillion assets in various
debt or trading transaction." The notion that U.S. locations.[268]
dirty money is money which was stolen
Marcos, through different international banks,
via dirty means has been used by various
was able to launder money abroad. Crocker
officials to excuse the unreasonable transfer
National Bank in San Francisco, for example,
of capital abroad, defending themselves
had to settle with the US Treasury
through trite legalisms and the urgency of
Department, because they failed to report $4
preserving money amidst local hyperinflation
billion in cash deposits from 1980 to 1984
and political instability, as well as to
from six Hong Kong-based banks.[267] Hong
completely deny its existence.[267]  Estelito
Kong was a favorite among Filipino
Mendoza, Marcos’ Solicitor General, is quoted
launderers. Due to the absence of foreign
in Ricardo Manapat's book Some Are Smarter
exchange controls in Hong Kong, it was
than Others: The History of Marcos' Crony
impossible to determine the origin of the
Capitalism as defining dirty money as money
money.
whose "value moves merely in one direction
without any equal compensatory movement in Crocker merely stated that the money came
the other."[267] from "various Asian countries."[267] The
compliance of private banks with anonymous
The process by which Marcos laundered dirty
individuals looking to deposit their money
money abroad was very comprehensive and
enabled money laundering. Consequently,
difficult to track. First, overseas bank accounts
money laundering is an integral part of private
were established in order to have easy access
banking. Marcos would later go on to seek the
to the funds without concern for Philippine
help of other private banks in Switzerland,
exchange laws. Often, cronies would choose
Hong Kong, Austria, Panama, Liechtenstein,
distinguished U.S. law firms which specialized
and the Netherland Antilles. The Swiss are
in offshore real investment in U.S.
known for their mastery in money laundering
jurisdictions.[268] Then, a lawyer or accountant
thanks to the central role of secrecy in their
would be contacted to establish an offshore
society.[267] Austria, which also has its own
corporation, usually in Hong Kong, to serve as
tradition of banking secrecy, allowed accounts
the managing director of the corporation. A
to be opened without the client ever revealing
"shell" company, organized solely for the
his or her name, something Swiss banks did
purpose of moving and hiding the true
not even allow.[267] Hong Kong, more
ownership of assets served as a channel for
conveniently located for the Philippines, has
transferring funds from the Philippines
developed facilities for the movement of
inconspicuously.[268][267] As this happened,
money and the ready availability of various
another lawyers, often in the U.S., would be
British lawyers who offer services of opening
hired for a fee of S200 to S3,000 to arrange
front or shell corporations for a fee. Panama is
for the incorporation of another offshore
noted for its corrupt politicians and convenient
corporation through accounting firms in
transit point to the U.S.[267] The Netherland
Curaçao in the Netherlands Antilles.[268] This
Antilles served as the home for more than
would become the significant link between the
35,000 shell companies of Marcos in order to
real estate investment and the client. By this
invest anonymously in overseas financial
point, it would be more and more convoluted,
markets and U.S. real estates.[267] Throughout
becoming in the process much more difficult
the entire process, highly-paid lawyers,
to track. One San Francisco lawyer, who
accountants, investment consultants and
represented affluent Filipino investors in
portfolio managers were hired in order to
California land deals, said "You’ll never find
organize shell corporations and acquire
out who the principals are. Every time I have
overseas properties.[267]
ever dealt with these guys, I have never dealt
with a document signed by a principal." The The Marcoses invested a lot in the US East
Marcos group used this very complicated and and West coasts, but there were also
developed "laundering" process of involving important investments in Texas and
multiple layers of dummy corporations Washington state.[267] Most of the major real
estate investments were Imelda's purchases
of real estate in New York, Jose Campos
Yao's investments in Texas and Seattle, and
crony purchases in California. [267]
Jose Campos Yao, a Marcos ally and crony,
along with his associates, purchased a whole
city block in Seattle, Washington in 1983. He
used the Unam Investment Corp., a shell
corporation based in Netherlands Antilles and
a corporation he is the president of, and
purchased the Seattle real estate worth
S9,178,215 on May 13, 1983.[267][269] Included in
the acquisition are 600 Pike Street, 614 Pike
Street, 1506 Sixth Avenue, 1520 Sixth
Avenue, 151 Seventh Avenue, 1521 Seventh
Avenue and 1575 Seventh Avenue.
Throughout the entire process of the
purchase, Yao and his associates hid their
identities from the Seattle attorney and
worked through Simeon Dee until the final
negotiations.[267]
In Texas, Yao also purchased a 5,000 acres
of prime land in the late 1970s and early
1980s. The land included Tarrant County,
Dallas as well as in San Antonio and Corpus
Christi. The land would be valued at S51
million.[267]
Geronimo Velasco, Marcos’ Minister of
Energy, and Rodolfo Cuenca, one of the
Philippine cronies who dominated the
construction industry, were both connected to
several real estate purchases in California.
[267]
 Velasco, using either Decision Research
Management, a shell company in Hong Kong,
or through Velasco's nephew, Alfredo de
Borja, purchased several expenses properties
in California, including a mansion in Woodside
for $1.5 million (price as of 1986), a
condominium in Los Angeles for $675,000
(price as of June 3, 1982) and a luxury
condominium in San Francisco for $400,000
(price as of 1984).[267] Cuenca, on the other
hand, purchased different real estates
properties in San Francisco through TRA
Equities Inc., a shell corporation registered in
Delaware. His purchases included a
condominium, a home, two office buildings
and an annex in San Francisco, as well as a
home in San Bruno.[267]
In New Jersey while she was still studying,
Imee Marcos, President Ferdinand Marcos’
eldest daughter, was given an 18th-century
estate to live in. The estate was purchased on
October 26, 1982 and includes a mansion and
13 acres of land.[270] The Marcos family spent
approximately $3 to $5 million in furnishings
and improvements. As for President
Ferdinand Marcos’ only son, Ferdinand Jr., he
was given a house in Cherry Hill, New Jersey,
purchased for $119,000,  while he was
studying in the Wharton Business School of
the University of Pennsylvania. Another
property was bought for $90,000 in the area
for the servants and security that was serving
his son on November 23, 1978. [267][271]
Imelda, in purchasing estate properties in
Manhattan, organized many shell corporations
based in Hong Kong, Panama and the
Netherland Antilles. She elicited the help of
key individuals such as Gliceria Tantoco, one
of Imelda's closest friends and business
associates, Antonio Floirendo, who was
instrumental in Imelda's involvement in the
lucrative sugar trading business in New York
and the purchase of the Olympic Towers,
Rolando Gapud, one of Marcos’ financial
advisers, Fe Roa Gimenez and Vilma H.
Bautista, personal assistants of Imelda, and
Joseph and Ralph Bernstein, who played key
roles in helping the Marcoses purchase and
conceal ownership of their Manhattan
properties.[267]
Imelda Marcos purchased five expensive
Manhattan condominiums at the Olympic
Towers, located on 5th Avenue, New York.
[267]
 The first three condominiums were
purchased by Thetaventure Ltd., a Hong Kong
based shell corporation, for a total of
$688,000 and was remodelled for $3.75
million. The fourth and fifth condominium were
bought for $270,000 and $1.1 million
respectively. Imelda also purchased her own
resort, the Lindenmere Estate in Center
Moriches, Suffolk County, Long Island. It was
estimated to be between $19 to $20 million
after renovations were done. The restorations
was paid for by Vilma Bautista, Imelda's
personal assistant and Luna 7 Development
Corp., a corporation registered in New York.
[267]
 The Townhouse at 13-15 East 66th, New
York City, is quite a different case from the
other properties, because it was not
purchased by a shell corporation but by the
Philippine Consulate and the Philippine
National Bank. The sixth floor of the
townhouse was converted into a private disco
where the guests can have fun and play with
giant pillows. It also housed the expensive art
Imelda collected over the years.[267] Imelda
would also purchase Herald Center, a
shopping center worth $70 million, 200
Madison, an office building acquired for $50
million, Crown Building, a large edifice located
at 730 Fifth Avenue bought for $51 million
through Lasutra Corp. N.V., and 50 Wall
Street, a large historic building in New York's
financial district bought for $71 million through
NYLand (CF8) Ltd., a shell corporation based
in the Netherlands Antilles.[267]
All of these properties and investments are
only a fraction of the entire Marcos empire.
The Center for Research and
Communications, a Philippine private think-
tank, estimated that Marcos and his cronies
took away not only $10 million but $30 billion
since the 1950s.[268]
The US-Marcos
Relationship[edit]
Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos with the Johnsons in
1966
Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos with the Nixons in
1969
All five American presidents from 1965 to
1985 were unwilling to jeopardize the US-
Marcos relationship mainly to protect and
retain access of the US military bases in the
Philippines. However, at the same time, for
the US, the Philippines was just one of its
many allies, and for the Philippines, the US
was its only patron. Therefore, Marcos
ensured to identify himself closely to the US in
order to secure a strong bargaining power
with their government. Indeed, he had
manipulated this American connection to
sustain him during his two decades of power.
US support was believed to be the only
reason why Marcos remained in power.[272]
Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos meet with President
Reagan in 1982
Over his term, Marcos was able to strengthen
his ties to the US government. Johnson
received two engineer battalions bought with
the Philippine's American aid as a form of
Philippines military participation in the
Vietnam War. After the fall of South Vietnam,
Gerald Ford demanded better security
assistance from allies, such as the
Philippines. While Carter wanted to retain the
US military bases in the Philippines to project
military power in the Indian Ocean to guard
West's oil supply line from the Middle East.
[272]
 All of which, Marcos granted.
Obtaining additional aid[edit]
To obtain additional aid, Marcos often
leveraged on threats that caught the attention
of the US government. To secure additional
aid for his campaign, Marcos threatened to
search every visiting American naval vessel.
The US responded by assisting his campaign
indirectly, injecting several million dollars into
the government banking system.[273]
In another instance, when the issues of
military bases heated up in the Philippines
during 1969, Marcos secretly assured the US
he had no desire for an American withdrawal.
Yet he received warnings from the Philippine
embassy in Washington that “provisions
should now be made in anticipation of a
possible phasing out or minimization of U.S.
aid to the Republic of the Philippines, both for
military aid and non-military items, considering
the evolving temper of the American
Congress.” Afraid, Marcos began to suggests
threats again. In one of his presidential
speeches, he stated that the bases were a
threat to regional peace and security, while
reminding the United States of its "solemn
obligation" to continue aid. He warned that the
bases could "imperil more than they serve our
interests."[274] In the last weeks of the Ford
administration, Marcos had rejected the U.S.
compensation, Kissinger's package, of $1
billion in mixed grants and loans for being too
small.
Trials filed against the
Marcoses[edit]
Criminal history prior to political
career[edit]
Ferdinand Marcos, along with his father,
brother, and brother in-law was prosecuted in
December 1938 for the Murder of Julio
Nalundasan who had been shot on
September 21, 1935. Two witnesses reported
that the then 18-year old Ferdinand was the
one who pulled the trigger on the elder
Marcos’ political rival, who had just defeated
Mariano Marcos for the second time for a seat
in the National Assembly the day prior to his
murder.[275] The quartet were convicted in
1940, with Ferdinand and brother in-law
Lizardo receiving the death penalty for
premeditated murder. However an appeal to
the Supreme Court by the Marcos clan
resulted in the lower court's decision to acquit
the four of all charges except contempt, in
October 1940.
Sandiganbayan, Supreme Court, and
International Trials[edit]
On November 9, 2018, Imelda Marcos was
found “guilty beyond reasonable doubt…” by
the Sandiganbayan of seven counts of graft
for the private organizations set up in
Switzerland during her active duty as a
government official from 1968 to 1986. In less
than 20 days however, the Sandiganbayan
listed Imelda's “advanced age” and health
condition as considerations for allowing the
accused to post bail. The Fifth Division's (of
the Sandiganbayan) ruling read that “the fact
that she is of advanced age and for health
reasons, consistent with the doctrine in Enrile
vs Sandiganbayan, bail is allowed for these
seven cases.”[276] The Supreme Court of the
Philippines affirms that the Marcoses’ assets,
that are beyond the legal and declared
government salaries, are considered as ill-
gotten wealth. In 1998 however, the Supreme
Court acquitted Imelda Marcos of corruption
charges from a previous graft conviction in
1993.
Some US Court of Appeals of the Ninth Circuit
confirmed a contempt judgement in relation to
the assets of Imelda and her son Bongbong in
the United States. Although on a different
subject matter, this judgement awarded
$353.6 million to human rights victims, which
was arguably the largest contempt award ever
affirmed by an appellate court.
Illegal Swiss foundations[edit]
In 1986, following the overthrow of the Marcos
regime, it was discovered that as early as
1968, Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos, under
the pseudonyms William Saunders and Jane
Ryan, opened four bank accounts in Swiss
banks amounting to nearly $1 million.
[268]
 Ferdinand Marcos’ salary then was only
60,000 pesos a year.[268] Imelda Marcos, on the
other hand, did not have any visible means of
income. Eventually, the Presidential
Commission on Good Government (PCGG),
the body created by the government of
President Corazon Aquino to recover the
Marcos “hidden wealth” would determine that
the late dictator stole between $5 to 10 billion
from the Philippine treasury.[268] Dr. Bernardo
Villegas of the Center for Research and
Communication, meantime, affirmed that the
total amount probably came closer to $13
Billion. [277](p"27")
The initial deposit of under $1 million grew
into hundreds of millions especially after
Marcos declared martial law in 1972.
[268]
 Marcos and his cronies milked major
sectors of the economy, extorted business
establishments, skimmed from international entrepreneurial activity of opening bank
loans, borrowed from banks without collateral, accounts and deposits, transferring funds,
established phony companies, and siphoned earning interests and even profit from
off vital capital funds to overseas donations.[268] investment, for the private benefit of the
Marcos family as beneficiaries”. For example,
In March 1986, the Philippine Government
in the creation of the Maler Foundation,
has identified an $800 million Swiss bank
Imelda and Ferdinand created it but appointed
account held by Marcos, which at the time
Andre Barbey and Jean Louis Suiner as
was the largest asset of Marcos and his wife,
attorneys, administrators, and managers of
Imelda, yet made public.[278] But another
the foundation. Imelda then conducted
commission member, Mary C. Bautista, said
business to get investments amounting to at
the commission actually had information on
least US$75 million.[279]
more than one account held by Marcos in
Switzerland.[278] The commission is seeking to
regain five buildings in New York worth an Death and burial[edit]
estimated $350 million that it asserts are
See also: Burial of Ferdinand Marcos
secretly owned by the Marcoses.
Switzerland's federal tribunal ruled in
December 1990 that cash in Swiss banks
would only be returned to the Philippine
government if a Philippine court convicted her.
In December 1997 (Reuters 1997:3),
Switzerland's highest court ordered the Swiss
banks to return $500 million of Marcos’ secret
accounts to the Philippine government,
marking a major step forward in efforts to
recover the Marcos’ hidden wealth.[268] That
same year, the Philippine Senate, through its The body of Ferdinand Marcos was stored in a
Blue Ribbon Committee chairman Franklin
refrigerated crypt at the Ferdinand E. Marcos
Drilon, has revealed the existence of 97
alleged accounts of Ferdinand Marcos in 23 Presidential Center in Batac, Ilocos Norte until
banks in Europe, the United States, and Asia, 2016.
suspected to be depositories of wealth looted
from the Philippine treasury. 13 of the 23 In his dying days, Marcos was visited by Vice
banks mentioned by Drilon are in Switzerland, President Salvador Laurel.[280] During the
namely: Swiss Credit Bank, Swiss Bank meeting with Laurel, Marcos offered to return
Corp., Bankers Trust AG, Banque Paribas, 90% of his ill-gotten wealth to the Filipino
Affida Bank, Copla, S.A., Lombard Odier et people in exchange for being buried back in
Cie, Standard Chartered Bank, Swiss the Philippines beside his mother, an offer
Volkabank, Bank Ricklin, Compaigne Banque also disclosed to Enrique Zobel. However,
Et D’ Investissements, Compaigne de Gestion Marcos's offer was rebuffed by the Aquino
Et De Banque Gonet Sa Nyon, and Bank government.[281][282][283]
Hoffman AG.[268]
Marcos died in Honolulu on the morning of
The Sandiganbayan 5th Division has recently September 28, 1989, of kidney, heart, and
convicted Imelda Marcos of seven counts of lung ailments. Marcos was interred in a
graft for creating and maintaining private private mausoleum at Byodo-In Temple on the
foundations in Switzerland, violating the anti- island of Oahu where his remains were visited
graft law that prohibits public officials from daily by the Marcos family, political allies and
having pecuniary interests in private friends.
businesses.[279] As the Sandiganbayan's
The Aquino government refused to allow
decision reads, “Though named as a
Marcos's body to be brought back to the
foundation, the evidence shows that these
Philippines. The body was only brought back
entities were put up primarily for the
to the Philippines four years after Marcos's burial. Among those who gathered to oppose
death during the term of President Fidel the burial were youth groups and opponents
Ramos.[284] of the burial of Ferdinand Marcos in
the Libingan ng mga Bayani. The League of
From 1993 to 2016, his remains were interred
Filipino Students described the transfer of
inside a refrigerated crypt in Ilocos Norte,
Marcos's remains as being done like "a thief in
where his son, Ferdinand Jr., and eldest
the night." They also criticized the
daughter, Imee, have since become the local
government's involvement in the burial of the
governor and congressional representative,
former president who they described as a
respectively. A large bust of Ferdinand
"fascist dictator". The Kabataan Partylist also
Marcos (inspired by Mount Rushmore) was
condemned the burial, labeling it as a "grave
commissioned by the tourism minister, Jose
travesty" and as "galawang Hokage" in
Aspiras, and carved into a hillside in Benguet.
reference to the burial of Marcos being
It was subsequently destroyed; suspects
planned and conducted unbeknownst to the
included left-wing activists, members of a local
public.[287]
tribe who had been displaced by construction
of the monument, and looters hunting for the
legendary Yamashita treasure.[285] Personal life[edit]
Opinion on his burial remains split: 50 percent Immediate family[edit]
of the 1,800 respondents of a survey
conducted by SWS in February 2016 said
Marcos "was worthy to be buried at the
Libingan ng Mga Bayani" while the other half
rejected a hero's burial, calling him a "thief".[286]
On November 18, 2016, the remains of
Marcos were buried at the Libingan ng mga
Bayani despite opposition from various
groups. The burial came as unexpected to
many, as the Supreme Court's ruling still
Richard Nixon with the Marcos family in 1969
allowed 15 days for the opposition to file a
motion for reconsideration. On the morning of Ferdinand Marcos married Imelda
November 18, using Philippine Armed Forces Romualdez on May 1, 1954, and the marriage
helicopters, his family and their supporters produced three children:[186]
flew his remains from Ilocos to Manila for a
private burial. 1. Maria Imelda Josefa (Imee, born 12
November 1955), Senator of the
Philippines
2. Ferdinand Jr. (Bongbong, born 13
September 1957), Senator of the
Philippines
3. Irene (born 16 September 1960)
His fourth child, Aimee Marcos (born 1979), is
adopted.[288]
Students of the Ateneo de Manila Ancestry[edit]
University along Katipunan Avenue protesting Marcos claimed that he was a descendant
against the burial of Marcos insisting that the of Antonio Luna, a Filipino general during
the Philippine–American War.[289] He also
former President is not a hero, but a dictator.
claimed that his ancestor was a 16th-century
Various protest groups formed immediately pirate, Lim-A-Hong (Chinese: 林阿鳳), who
upon hearing the news of the unexpected
used to raid the coasts of the South China
Sea.[290][291]
showAncestors
of Ferdinand
Marcos[292]
Legacy[edit]
Human rights abuses[edit]
This section needs
expansion. You can help
by adding to it. (July 2017)
As many student activists like Edgar
Jopson and Rigoberto Tiglao, farmers
like Bernabe Buscayno, journalists like Satur
Ocampo, legal political opposition (Ninoy
Aquino[294] and fellow candidate in 1978
election Alex Boncayao[174]), and priest and
nuns joined or developed relationships with
the CPP/NDF/NPA,[295] many farmers,
[296]
 student protesters,[297] leftists,[41] political
opponents,[298] journalists and members of the
media[299][300] accused of being members or
sympathizing with
the CPP, NPA or MNLF[301] or of plotting
against the government were frequent targets
of human rights violations. Victims would
simply be rounded up with no arrest warrant
nor reading of prisoners' rights and kept
indefinitely locked up with no charges filed
against them.[302] In a keynote speech at
the University of the East, journalist Raissa
Robles described how anyone could just be
arrested (or abducted) with ease through pre-
signed Arrest Search and Seizure Orders
(ASSO),[303] which allowed the military or police
to detain victims on trumped up charges or
unclear allegations according
to Rappler research.[304] Anybody could be
picked up at anytime for any reason by the
military or the police, according to Raissa's
husband, journalist Alan Robles. [42][305]
A 1976 Amnesty International report had
listed 88 government torturers, including
members of the Philippine Constabulary and
the Philippine Army, which was respectively
under the direct control of Major General Fidel
V. Ramos and Defense Minister Juan Ponce
Enrile.[23][306] According to torture victim
Rigoberto Tiglao, nearly all of the human
rights abuses President Marcos has been
accused of were undertaken by Philippine
Constabulary units, especially through its
national network of "Constabulary Security
Units," whose heads reported directly to Fidel
V. Ramos. The most dreaded of these was
the Manila-based 5th Constabulary Security
Unit (CSU) which featured the dreaded
torturer Lt. Rodolfo Aguinaldo,[24][302] credited
with capturing most of the Communist Party
leaders including Jose Ma. Sison and the
communist's Manila-Rizal Regional
Committee he headed,[307] the Metrocom
Intelligence and Security Group (MISG)
[304]
 under the command of Col. Rolando
Abadilla,[24] and the Intelligence Service,
Armed Forces of the Philippines (ISAFP).[302]
There are various statistics for human rights
abuses committed during the Marcos regime.
Task Force Detainees of the Philippines has
recorded:[308]
 2,668 incidents of arrests
 398 disappearances
 1,338 salvagings
 128 frustrated salvagings
 1,499 killed or wounded in massacres
Amnesty International reports:[309]
 70,000 imprisoned
 34,000 tortured
 3,240 documented as killed
Historian Alfred McCoy gives a figure of 3,257
recorded extrajudicial killings by the military
from 1975 to 1985, 35,000 tortured and
70,000 incarcerated.[24][310] The
newspaper Bulatlat (lit. "to open carelessly")
places the number of victims of arbitrary arrest
and detention at 120,000, the extrajudicial
execution of activists under martial law at
1,500 and Karapatan (a local human rights
group)'s records show 759 involuntarily
disappeared with their bodies never found. [311]
In addition to these, up to 10,000 Moro
Muslims were killed in massacres by
the Philippine Army, Philippine Constabulary,
and the Ilaga pro-government paramilitary
group.[312]
Abductions[edit]
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Victims were often taken to military
"safehouses",[313] a euphemism for hidden
places of torture,[314] often blindfolded.[302][315] In a
document titled "Open Letter to the Filipino
People," martial law martyr Edgar "Edjop"
Jopson described safehouses as such:
"Safehouses usually have their windows
always shut tight. They are usually covered
with high walls. One would usually detect
[safehouses] through the traffic of motorcycles
and cars, going in and out of the house at
irregular hours. Burly men, armed with pistols
tucked in their waists or in clutch bags, usually
drive these vehicles."[316]
Torture[edit]
Various forms of torture were used by the
military, and these forms of torture were
usually combined with each other.[298]
Psychological and emotional torture[edit]
Among the forms of psychological and
emotional torture performed were:
 Solitary confinement.[298] Victims
include Ninoy Aquino, Danilo Vizmanos,
CPP/NPA Leaders Lt. Victor Corpuz,
Bernabe Buscayno, and Jose Maria
"Joma" Sison, and World War II Hunter's
Guerrilla forces commander Eleuterio
"Terry" Adevoso, who was accused of
plotting a coup.[302][140]
 Sleep deprivation.[317][298] Victims include
Ninoy Aquino and Maria Elena-Ang.
 Playing loud, repetitive music.
[298]
 Victims include Ninoy Aquino.
 Forcing victims to strip naked.
[317]
 Victims include Virgillo Villegas, Maria
Elena Ang, Erlene Dangoy, and Monica
Atienza.[302]
 Government units mutilating, cooking
and eating the flesh of victims
(cannibalism) in front of their family and
friends to sow terror.[318]
Physical torture[edit]
Physical torture was also often inflicted upon
victims. Aside from deadly weapons,
implements of torture included water, pliers,
thumb tacks, ballpoint pens, and flat irons.
Physical torture also took the forms of:
 Beatings. Almost all who were tortured
were subjected to beatings. Victims
include Rigoberto Tiglao,[307] Roland
Simbulan, Julius Giron, Macario Tiu,
Eugenio Magpantay, Joseph Gatus, Rev.
Cesar Taguba, Reynaldo Guillermo,
Alejandro Arellano, Charley Palma, Victor
Quinto, Pedro de Guzman Jr., Reynaldo
Rodriguez, Ma. Cristina Verzola, Armando
Teng, Romeo Bayle, Agaton Topacio,
Reynaldo Ilao, Erlinda Taruc-Co, Ramon
Casiple, Winfiredo Hilao,[302] Bernabe
Buscayno and Jose Maria Sison.[298][319]
 Electric Shock (also known as
the Meralco Treatment)[302] - where electric
wires were attached to fingers, genitalia,
arms or the head of the victim, beatings.
Victims include Etta Rosales, Charlie
Revilla Palma, Wilfredo Hilao, Romeo
Tolio, Reynaldo Guillermo, Alejandro
Arellano, Victor Quinto, Pedro de Guzman
Jr., Reynaldo Rodriguez, Julius giron,
Armando Teng, Santiago Alonzo, Romeo
Bayle, Agaton Topacio,[298] Neri
Colmenares,[320] Trinidad Herrera and
Marco Palo.[302]
 San Juanico Bridge or Air Treatment -
Victim lies between two cots. If the
victim's body falls or sags, he or she
would be beaten. Victims include Jose
"Pete" Lacaba and Bonifacio Ilagan. [298][321]
[302]
 Truth Serum. Victims include Pete
Lacaba, Danilo Vizmanos, Fernando
Tayag, Bernardo Escarcha, Julius Giron,
[302]
 and Victor Quinto.[298]
 Russian Roulette - a revolver with one
bullet loaded is spun up, aimed at the
head of the victim, and then the trigger
pulled. Victims include Etta Rosales,
Cesar Taguba, Carlos Centenera, [298] and
Winifredo Hilao and Danilo Vizmanos.[302]
 Pistol-whipping - beating with rifle or
pistol butts. Victims include Reynaldo
Guillermo, Robert sunga, Joseph Gatus,
Maria Elena-Ang and Nathan Quimpo. [298]
 Water Cure (also known as
the Nawasa Treatment)[302] - large amounts
of water would be forced through the
victim's mouth, then forced out by beating.
Victims Include Judy Taguiwalo,
Guillermo Ponce de Leon, Alfonso
Abzagado, Andrew Ocampo, and Jose
Maria Sison.[298][319]
 Wet Submarine - victims' heads would
be submerged in a toilet full of urine and
excrement. Victims include Charlie Palma
and Wenifredo Villareal.[302]
 Dry Submarine - victims' heads would
be inserted into plastic bags, causing
suffocation. Victims include Rolieto
Trinidad.[302]
 Strangulation - Done by hand, electric
wire or steel bar. Victims include Etta
Rosales, Carlos Centenera, Willie
Tatanis, Juan Villegas and Reynaldo
Rodriguez.[298]
 Ashtray - cigarette burns would be
inflicted on the victim. Victims include
Marcelino Tolam Jr., Philip Limjoco,
Charley Palma, Ma. Cristina Verzola,
Reynaldo Rodriguez[298] Neri Colmenares,
[320]
 Ernesto Luneta and Peter Villaseñor. [302]
 Flat Iron burns - feet are burned with
flat irons. Victims include Cenon
Sembrano and Bonfiacio Ilagan. [321][298]
 Candle burns. Victims include Etta
Rosales[298]
Trinidad, Nestor Bugayong, Winifredo
Hilao,[302] Pete Villaseñor and Judy
Taguiwalo.[298]
 Food deprivation. Victims include NPA
founder Jose Maria Sison[319] and Rev.
Cesar Taguba.[302]
 Pompyang (cymbals) - ear clapping.
Victims include Charlie Revilla and Julius
Giron.[302]
 Putting bullets between fingers then
squeezing the hands tightly. Victims
include Erlene Dangoy.[302]
Sexual torture[edit]
 Rape.[298] Victims include Maria Cristina
Pargas-Bawagan,[322] Etta Rosales,[323]
[322]
 and Erlene Dangoy.[302]
 Gang Rape. Victims include Hilda
Narciso.[298][322][313]
 Molestation. Victims include Judy
Taguiwalo, Erlinda Taruc-Co[298] and
Cristina Pargas.[302]
 Sticks inserted into penises. Victims
include Bonifacio Ilagan.[321]
Killings[edit]
"Salvagings"[edit]
This section needs
expansion. You can help
by adding to it. (July 2017)

 Sinusunog na rekado (burning spices) Number

or Pepper Torture - concentrated peppery of
substance placed on lips, ears and "salvage
genitals. Victims include Rolieto Trinidad, " cases
[302]
 Meynardo Espeleta.[298] and Carlos Yari. (TFDP)
[302]
[302][324]

 Animal Treatment - victims are

manacled and caged like beasts. Victims No
include Leandro Manalo, Alexander Y .
Arevalo, Manuel Daez, Marcelo Gallarin, e of
romualdo Inductivo, Faustino Samonte, a ca
Rodolfo Macasalabang. Others like Cesar r se
Taguba was made to drink his own urine s
and Satur Ocampo was made to eat his
own feces.[298] 198
139
 Cold Torture - Forcing victims to sit 0
against air conditioners set on maximum
while shirtless, or to sit or lie down on 198
218
blocks of ice while naked (sometimes with 1
electric wires). Victims include Rolieto
 Number
of
"salvage
" cases
(TFDP)
[302][324]
No
Y .
e of
a ca
r se
s known "desaparecidos" or "the
198
210
2
198
368
3
198
538
4
Tot 1,47
al 3
Summary executions were prevalent during
the Martial Law era with bodies being
recovered in various places and often bearing
signs of torture and mutilation.[316][325] Such
cases were referred to as Salvaging with the
term widely believed to have originated from
the Spanish word salvaje, meaning savage.
[326]
 Mutilated remains were often dumped on
roadsides in public display in order to spread
a sense of fear and to intimidate opponents
from encouraging actions against the
government — turning the Philippines into a
theater state of terror.[24]
Anyone could be "salvaged" - Communist
rebels, suspects, innocent civilians and priests
included. TFDP documented 1,473 "salvage"
cases from 1980 to 1984 alone: [302][324]
Victims included Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng
Maynila student Liliosa Hilao,[327] Archimedes
Trajano and Juan Escandor.[302] Also included
in the list of summary execution victims was
the 16-year-old Luis Manuel "Boyet"
Mijares who was tortured brutally with his
body found with burn marks, all his nails
pulled and removed, 33 ice pick wounds
around his body, skull bashed in, eyeballs
gouged out, and genitals mutilated before
being dropped from a helicopter. [328][329][302]
Enforced disappearances[edit]
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See also: Extrajudicial killings and forced
disappearances in the Philippines
Enforced disappearances, also
disappeared"—people who suddenly went
missing, sometimes without a trace and with
bodies never recovered.[330]
Victims include Primitivo "Tibo" Mijares,
[328]
 Emmanuel Alvarez, Albert Enriquez, Ma.
Leticia Ladlad, Hermon Lagman,[328] Mariano
Lopez, Rodelo Manaog, Manuel Ontong,
Florencio Pesquesa, Arnulfo Resus, Rosaleo
Romano, Carlos Tayag, Emmanuel Yap,
[331]
 Jan Quimpo,[328] Rizalina Ilagan, Christina
Catalla, Jessica Sales and Ramon Jasul.[332]
Notable murders[edit]
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expansion. You can help
by adding to it. (July 2017)
While the numbers of political detainees went
down, the number of people killed rose and
spiked in 1981, the year Martial Law was
officially lifted by Marcos according to Task
Force Detainees of the Philippines. According
to Senator Jose Diokno, "As torture (cases)
declined, a more terrible tactic emerged;
unofficial executions"—suspected dissidents
were simply arrested and vanished.[302]
Murder victims include:
 Fr. Zacarias Agatep[298]
 Senator Ninoy Aquino, August 21,
1983. Assassinated on the tarmac of
the Manila International Airport
 Lorena Barros[298]
 Wiliam Vincent "Bill" Begg[298]
 NPA commander Alex Boncayao,[333]
 Macli-ing Dulag
 Juan Escandor[298]
 Fr. Tulio Favali[298]
 Resteta Fernandez[298]
 Zoilo Francisco, August 1979.
Arrested in Brgy. Doña
Anecita, Pambujan, Northern Samar. He
was decapitated by elements of the
60th Philippine Constabulary (PC)
Battalion, and his stomach slashed open.
[302]
 Liliosa Hilao
 Antonio "Tonyhil" Hilario[298]
 Evelio Javier
 Edgar Jopson
 Emmanuel "Eman" Lacaba
 Silver Narciso, Feb. 10, 1979.
Arrested by the PC in Bgy. Hitalinga,
Artacho, Eastern Samar - interrogated
about the presence of NPA rebels,
tortured, slashed with a knife, died with 9
wounds and both ears chopped off.[302]
 Soldedad Salvador[298]
 Noel Cerrudo Tierra[298]
 Nilo Valerio[298]
Civilian massacres[edit]
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expansion. You can help
by adding to it. (October 2017)
It is hard to judge the full extent of massacres
and atrocities which happened during the
Marcos regime due to a heavily censored
press at the time.[334]
Some of the civilian massacres include the
following:
 Guinayangan, Quezon. Feb. 1, 1981 -
coconut farmers marched to air their
grievances against the coco levy fund
scam.[302] The military opened fire on a
group of 3000 farmers[302] that neared
Guinayangan plaza. Two people died and
27 were wounded.[335]
 Tudela, Misamis Occidental. Aug. 24,
1981 - A Subanon family, the Gumapons,
were asleep in Sitio Gitason, Barrio
Lampasan when paramilitary members of
the "Rock Christ", a fanatical pseudo-
religious sect, strafed their house. 10 of
the 12 persons in the house were killed,
including an infant.[335]
 Las Navas, Northern Samar. Sept. 15,
1981 - 18 heavily armed security men of
the San Jose Timber Corp. (owned
by Juan Ponce Enrile) who were also
members of the Special Forces of
the Civilian Home Defense Force
(CHDF) and allied with the Lost
Command (a paramilitary group pursuing
insurgents) ordered residents of Barrio
Sag-od to come out of their homes. They
opened fire, killing 45 men, women and
children. Only 13 inhabitants of Barrio
Sag-od survived.[302][335]
 Culasi, Antique. Dec. 19, 1981 - More
than 400 of Culasi's mountain barangays
held a protest to raise two issues:
complaint against a new Philippine
Constabulary company in their area and
the reduction of taxes on farm products.
The protesters were warned, but they
pushed on. Soldiers opened fire while
they were on the bridge. Five farmers died
and several were injured.[335]
 Talugtug, Nueva Ecija. Jan. 3, 1982 -
5 men in their twenties were rounded up
by military elements at around 7pm. The
next day, their corpses were found. The
military had suspected them to be
communist supporters.[335]
 Dumingag, Zamboanga del Sur. Feb.
12, 1982 - Members of the Ilaga killed 12
persons to avenge the death of their
leader who was reportedly killed by the
NPA.[335]
 Hinunangan, Southern Leyte. March
23, 1982 - Troopers of the 357th PC
company killed 8 people in Masaymon
barrio. 6 of the 8 victims were 3–18 years
of age.[335]
 Bayog, Zamboanga del Sur. May 25,
1982 - Airplanes dropped bombs on
Barangay Dimalinao as military reprisal
against the community because
communist rebels killed 23 soldiers two
days earlier.[302] Three people died and
eight people were injured. Days later, two
men from the community were picked up
and killed. Months later, the residence of
Bayog's Jesuit parish priest was strafed
with bullets. He had written letters
 protesting the torture and harassment
of Subanon who were suspected to be
supporters of armed communists.[335]
 Daet, Camarines Norte. June 14, 1982
- People from different barrios marched to
denounce "fake elections", Cocofed, and
to demand an increase in copra prices.
Soldiers opened fire as marchers moved
forward. Four people died on the spot, at
least 50 were injured, and 2 of the
seriously wounded died 2 months later. [335]
 Pulilan, Bulacan. June 21, 1982 - In a
dimly lit house, six peasant organizers
were discussing and assessing their work
when 25-35 uniformed military men with
firearms burst in. While one of them was
able to slip away, 5 of the peasants were
taken by elements of the 175th PC
Company to Pulo in San Rafael town. By
midnight, 5 bullet-riddled corpses lay at
the municipal hall of San Rafael.[335]
 Labo, Camarines Norte. June 23,
1982 - Five men were gunned down by
soldiers of the 45th Infantry Battalion's
Mabilo detachment to avenge the death of
a friend of one of the soldiers in the hands
of unidentified gunmen.[335]
 Roxas, Zamboanga del Norte.[335] A
week before Fr. Tullio Favali was
murdered, 8 members of a family,
including a three-year-old child were
murdered by soldiers and militia men. All
of them were parishioners of Favali. The
massacre was never investigated.[302]
 Gapan, Nueva Ecija.[335] The Bautista
family of five were strafed in their house
by men in camouflaged uniforms.[302]
 Escalante, Negros Occidental.
September 20, 1985. A crowd of 5000
farmers, students, fisherfolk, religious
clergy gathered in front of the plaza of the
city hall to protest the 13th anniversary of
Martial Law's imposition. It was the
second day of a three-day 'Welga ng
Bayan'. About 50 firemen, armed soldiers
of the Regional Special Action Forces
(RSAF) and member of the Civilian Home
Defense Force (CHDF) attempted to
disperse the crowd. They hosed
demonstrators from firetrucks, soldiers
used tear gas, and the CHDF opened fire
with assault rifles and a machine gun.
 Between 20[302] to 30 people were killed,
[302]
and 30 were wounded.[336] This is now
known as the Escalante Massacre, or
'Bloody Thursday', even though the
massacre happened on a Friday.[336]
Muslim massacres[edit]
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The Marcos regime had started to kill
hundreds of Moros even before the imposition
of Martial Law in 1972.[337] Thousands of Moro
Muslims were killed during the Marcos regime,
prompting them to form insurgent groups and
separatist movements such as the Moro
National Liberation Front (MNLF) and Moro
Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), which became
more radical with time due to atrocities against
Muslims.[338] According to the study The
Liberation Movements in Mindanao: Root
Causes and Prospects for Peace, a doctoral
dissertation by Marjanie Salic Macasalong,
the number of Moro victims killed by
the Army, Philippine Constabulary, and
the Ilaga (a notorious government-
sanctioned[339] terrorist cult known for
cannibalism and land grabbing that served as
members of the CHDF)[335] reached as high as
10,000 lives.[312]
Some of the massacres include:
 The Jabidah Massacre in March 1968
with 11 to 68 Moros killed. This is the
aftermath of an aborted operation to
destabilize Sabah, Operation Merdeka.
 From 1970 to 1971, pro-government
militias like the Ilaga were behind 21
cases of massacres which left 518 people
dead, 184 injured and 243 houses burned
down.[340][312]
 The Tacub Massacre in Kauswagan,
Lanao del Norte, 1971 - five truckloads of
displaced resident voters were stopped at
a military checkpoint in Tacub. People
were asked to line up as if in a firing
squad, then they were summarily
executed in with open fire from armed
men. Dozens of bodies were strewn all
 over the road of the barangay after the
incident.[337]
 The Manili massacre in June 1971,
with 70-79 Moros, including women and
children, were killed inside a mosque by
suspected Ilaga and Philippine
Constabulary[340]
 The Burning of Jolo, Sulu[334] in
February 7–8, 1974, where land, sea and
air bombardment by the Armed Forces of
the Philippines caused fires and
destruction in the central commercial town
of Jolo that killed over 1,000 and possibly
up to 20,000 civilians.[341] It was described
as "the worst single atrocity to be
recorded in 16 years of the Mindanao
conflict" by the April 1986 issue of the
Philippines Dispatch.[342]
 The Malisbong Massacre in
September 1974, where about 1,500 male
Moros were killed inside a mosque, 3,000
women and children aged 9–60 were
detained, and about 300 women raped by
the Philippine Constabulary.[340]
 The Pata Island massacre in 1982
where 3,000 Tausug civilians, including
women and children, were killed by
months of Philippine military artillery
shelling.[340]
 The Tong Umapoy Massacre in 1983
where a Navy ship opened fire on a
passenger boat en route to an athletic
event in Bongao, Tawi-Tawi. 57 people on
board were killed.[339]
Family denial[edit]
On the stories of human rights abuses during
the Marcos administration, Ferdinand
"Bongbong" Marcos Jr. describes them as
"self-serving statements by politicians, self-
aggrandizement narratives, pompous
declarations, and political posturing and
propaganda."[343][344]
Ill-gotten wealth[edit]
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The Philippine Supreme Court considers all
Marcos assets beyond their legally declared
earnings/salary to be ill-gotten wealth[345] and
such wealth to have been forfeited in favor of
the government or human rights victims.[346]
Among the sources of the Marcos wealth are
alleged to be diverted foreign economic aid,
US Government military aid (including huge
discretionary funds at Marcos disposal as a
"reward" for sending some Filipino troops to
Vietnam) and kickbacks from public works
contracts over a 2-decades-long rule.[347]
In 1990 Imelda Marcos, his widow, was
acquitted of charges that she raided the
Philippine's treasury and invested the money
in the United States by a U.S. jury.[348] In 1993,
she was convicted of graft in Manila for
entering into three unfavorable lease
contracts between a Government-run
transportation agency and another
government-run hospital.[349] In 1998, the
Philippine Supreme Court overturned the
previous conviction of Imelda Marcos and
acquitted her of corruption charges.[350] In
2008, Philippine trial court judge Silvino
Pampilo acquitted Imelda Marcos, then widow
of Ferdinand Marcos, of 32 counts of illegal
money transfer[351] from the 1993 graft
conviction.[352] In 2010, she was ordered to
repay the Philippine government almost
$280,000 for funds taken by Ferdinand
Marcos in 1983.[353] In 2012, a US Court of
Appeals of the Ninth Circuit upheld a
contempt judgement against Imelda and her
son Bongbong Marcos for violating an
injunction barring them from dissipating their
assets, and awarded $353.6 million to human
rights victims.[354] As of October 2015, she still
faces 10 criminal charges of graft, along with
25 civil cases,[355][356] down from 900 cases in
the 1990s, as most of the cases were
dismissed for lack of evidence.[357] According to
the [Presidential Commission on Good
Government|PCGG] and The Guardian,
Ferdinand Marcos had an accumulated stolen
wealth of US$5–10 billion during his
presidency from 1965 to 1986, while earning
an annual salary equivalent to US$13,500.00.
[358]
In 2014, Vilma Bautista, the former secretary
of Imelda Marcos was sentenced to prison for
conspiring to sell a Monet, Sisley and other
masterpiece artworks belonging to the
Republic of the Philippines for tens of millions
of dollars.[359][360]
On May 9, 2016, the International Consortium
of Investigative Journalists released the
searchable database from Panama Papers.
[361]
 His two daughters, Imee Marcos Manotoc
and Irene Marcos Araneta,[362][363] have been
named, along with his grandsons Fernando
Manotoc, Matthew Joseph Manotoc,
Ferdinand Richard Manotoc, his son-in-law
Gregorio Maria Araneta III,[364] including his
estranged son-in-law Tommy Manotoc's
relatives Ricardo Gabriel Manotoc and
Teodoro Kalaw Manotoc.[365]
On September 3, 2017, President Rodrigo
Duterte said the family of the late dictator
Ferdinand Marcos is "ready to return" their
stolen wealth to the government, possibly
through a settlement.[366] In January 2018, a
draft House Bill proposing a compromise
settlement and immunity for the Marcoses
submitted by the late Ferdinand Marcos's
legal counsel Oliver Lozano was revealed on
Social Media[367] to have been received by the
Duterte government in July 2017.[368]
Recognition[edit]
National[edit]
 : Chief Commander of
the Philippine Legion of
Honor (September 11, 1972)[369]
 Man of the Year 1965, Philippine Free
Press (January 1, 1966)[370]
Foreign[edit]
  Gabon: Grand Cross of the Order
of the Equatorial Star (July 8, 1976)
  Indonesia: Star of Indonesia, First
Class (January 12, 1968)[371]
  Japan: Grand Cordon of the
Supreme Order of the
Chrysanthemum (September 20, 1966)[372]
  Jordan: Grand Collar of the Order
of al-Hussein bin Ali (March 1, 1976)[373]
  Sovereign Military Order of Malta:
Grand Cross of the Order pro merito
Melitensi[374]
  Romania: Order of the Star of the
Romanian Socialist Republic (April 9,
1975)[375]
  Singapore: Order of Temasek,
First Class (January 15, 1974)
  Spain:
o Knight of the Collar of
the Order of Isabella the
Catholic (December 22, 1969)[376]
o Knight Grand Cross of
the Order of Military Merit- White
Decoration (February 18, 1974) [376]
  Thailand:
o Knight of the Most
Auspicious Order of the
Rajamitrabhorn (January 15, 1968)
o Thammasat University:
Honorary degree of Doctor of
Laws (LLD) honoris causa (January
15, 1968)
Marcos and his wife, Imelda, were jointly
credited in 1989 by Guinness World
Records with the largest-ever theft from a
government: an estimated 5 to 10 billion
dollars.[377][378][379][380][381][382] As of January 2020,
Ferdinand Marcos is listed in the Guiness
World Records website as holding the record
for "Greatest robbery of a Government".[383]
Works[edit]
Infrastructure and monuments[edit]
North Luzon Expressway, one of Marcos's
infrastructure projects
Marcos's government built widely publicized
infrastructure projects and monuments using
foreign currency loans[384] and at great
taxpayer cost.[385][386] This focus on
infrastructure, which critics saw as a
propaganda technique, eventually earned the
colloquial label "edifice complex".[385][386][99]
These including hospitals[387] like the Philippine
Heart Center, Lung Center, and Kidney
Center, transportation infrastructure like San
Juanico Bridge (formerly Marcos Bridge), Pan-
Philippine Highway, North Luzon Expressway,
South Luzon Expressway,[388] and Manila Light
Rail Transit (LRT), and 17 hydroelectric[389]
[390]
 and geothermal power plants[391][392] to
lessen the country's dependency on oil.[393] By
1983, the Philippines became the second
largest producer of geothermal power in the
world with the commissioning of the Tongonan
1 and Palinpinon 1 geothermal plants. [391]
[394]
 According to UP Economics Professor Dr.
Sicat, "a study of infrastructure construction
by various presidents shows that Marcos was
the president who made the largest
infrastructure investment. This is not because
he was the longest-serving leader of the
country alone. On a per-year basis, he led all
the presidents. Only Fidel Ramos had bested
him in road building for a period of one year".
[395]
 On the education front, 47[396] state colleges
and universities were built during the Marcos
administration, which represents over 40% of
all the existing 112 state colleges and
universities[397][398] in the country. To help
transform the country's agricultural-based
economy to a Newly industrialized country,
[399]
 he spearheaded the development of 11
heavy industrialization projects[400] including
steel, petrochemical,[401] cement, pulp and
paper mill, and copper smelter.[402] Cultural and
heritage sites like the Cultural Center of the
Philippines, Nayong Pilipino, Philippine
International Convention Center and the
disastrous and ill-fated Manila Film
Center were built as well.
Laws[edit]
Likewise, the country crafted a large number
of decrees, laws, and edicts during Marcos's
term.[403] From 1972 to 1986, the Marcos
Administration codified laws through 2,036
Presidential Decrees,[404] an average of 145
per year during the 14-year period. To put this
into context, only 14, 12, and 11 laws were
passed in 2015, 2014 and 2013, respectively.
[405]
 A large amount of the laws passed during
the term of Marcos remain in force today and
are embedded in the country's legal system.
[403]
Marcos, together with agriculture minister
and Harvard-educated Arturo Tanco[406] and
later on Salvador Escudero Jr., was
instrumental in the Green Revolution in the
Philippines and initiated an agricultural
program called Masagana 99, improving
agricultural productivity and enabling the
country to achieve rice sufficiency in the late
1970s.[407][408]
Authored works[edit]
 National discipline: the key to our
future (1970)[409]
 Today's Revolution:
Democracy (1971)[409]
 Notes on the New Society of the
Philippines (1973)[409]
 Tadhana: the history of the Filipino
People (1977, 1982)[409]
 The democratic revolution in the
Philippines (1977)[409]
 Five years of the new society (1978)[409]
 President Ferdinand E. Marcos on
law, development and human
rights (1978)[409]
 President Ferdinand E. Marcos on
agrarian reform (1979)[409]
 An Ideology for Filipinos (1980)
 An introduction to the politics of
transition (1980)[409]
 Marcos's Notes for the Cancun
Summit, 1981 (1981)[409]
 Progress and Martial Law (1981)
 The New Philippine Republic: A Third
World Approach to Democracy (1982)[409]
 Toward a New Partnership: The
Filipino Ideology (1983)[409]
 A Trilogy on the Transformation of
Philippine Society (1988)
Historical Legacy[edit]

Bust of Ferdinand Marcos before it was destroyed
in 2002.
Marcos left a mixed legacy for future
generations. On one hand, many laws written
by Marcos are still in force and in effect. Out
of thousands of proclamations, decrees, and
executive orders, only a few were repealed,
revoked, modified or amended.[410] On the
other hand, his twenty years in power
represent the bloodiest in the history of
Philippines, with more extra judicial killings of
civic people than those that occurred during
parallel Latin American dictatorships
like Augusto Pinochet's. More importantly,
many people who rose to power under
Marcos continued to remain in power or even
ascended higher after his exile, thus leaving a
further imprint on present-day Filipino affairs.
One of these was Fidel Ramos, a general
promoted by Marcos who supervised many
terror killings and tortures, who later switched
sides and subsequently fought elections and
became president himself.[411]
I often wonder what I will be remembered in
history for. Scholar? Military hero? Builder?
The new constitution? Reorganization of
government? Builder of roads, schools? The
green revolution? Uniter of variant and
antagonistic elements of our people? He
brought light to a dark country? Strong rallying
point, or a weak tyrant?
— Ferdinand Marcos[412]
Massive foreign loans also enabled Marcos to
build more schools, hospitals and
infrastructure than all of his predecessors
combined,[14] but at great cost. Today,
according to Ibon Foundation, Filipino citizens
are still bearing the heavy burden of servicing
public debts incurred during Marcos's
administration, with ongoing interest payments
on the loan schedule by the Philippine
government estimated to last until 2025–59
years after Marcos assumed office and 39
years after he was kicked out. [413]
Corazon Aquino had an opportunity to default
and not pay foreign debt incurred during the
Marcos administration. However, due to
Finance Secretary Jaime Ongpin's
warning[414] on the consequences of a
debt default, which includes isolating the
country from the international financial
community and hampering the economic
recovery, Corazon Aquino honored all the
debts incurred during the Marcos
Administration,[415] contrary to expectations of
left-learning organizations like Ibon foundation
which advocated for non-payment of debt.
[416]
 Jaime Ongpin, who is a brother of Marcos
trade minister Roberto Ongpin, was later
dismissed by Cory Aquino and later died in an
apparent suicide after "he had been
depressed about infighting in Aquino's cabinet
and disappointed that the 'People Power'
uprising which had toppled dictator Ferdinand
Marcos had not brought significant change". [417]
In the 2004 Global Transparency Report,
Marcos appeared in the list of the World's
Most Corrupt Leaders, listed in second place
behind Suharto, the former President of
Indonesia.[16][418]
The amount of theft perpetrated by Marcos's
regime was probably less than that by Suharto
on Indonesia, but harmed our country more
because the sums stolen by Marcos were sent
out of the country, whereas Suharto's loot
mostly were invested in Indonesia.
— Former Senator Vicente Paterno[419]
According to Jovito Salonga, monopolies in
several vital industries were created and
placed under the control of Marcos cronies,
such as the coconut industries
(under Eduardo Cojuangco Jr. and Juan
Ponce Enrile), the tobacco industry
(under Lucio Tan), the banana industry
(under Antonio Floirendo), the sugar industry
(under Roberto Benedicto),
and manufacturing (under Herminio Disini and
Ricardo Silverio). The Marcos and Romualdez
families became owners, directly or indirectly,
of the nation's largest corporations, such as
the Philippine Long Distance Company
(PLDC), of which the present name
is Philippine Long Distance
Telephone (PLDT), Philippine
Airlines (PAL), Meralco (an electric
company), Fortune Tobacco, numerous
newspapers, radio and TV broadcasting
companies (such as ABS-CBN), several
banks (most notably the Philippine
Commercial and Industrial Bank; PCIBank of
the Lopezes [now BDO after merging with
Equitable Bank and after BDO acquired the
merged Equitable PCI]), and real estate in
New York, California and Hawaii.[420] The
Aquino government also accused them of
skimming off foreign aid and international
assistance.
During the ICIJ's (International Consortium of
Investigative Journalists) expose of offshore
leaks in April 2013, the name of his eldest
daughter, Imee Marcos, appeared on the list
of wealthy people involved in offshore
financial secrecy. It was revealed that she is
hiding parts of her father's ill-gotten wealth
in tax havens in the British Virgin Islands.[421][422]
Comparisons have also been made between
Ferdinand Marcos and Lee Kuan Yew's
authoritarian style of governance and
Singapore's success,[423] but in his
autobiography, From Third World to First: The
Singapore Story: 1965–2000, Lee relates:
It is a soft, forgiving culture. Only in the
Philippines could a leader like Ferdinand
Marcos, who pillaged his country for over 20
years, still be considered for a national burial.
Insignificant amounts of the loot have been
recovered, yet his wife and children were
allowed to return and engage in politics.
— Lee Kuan Yew[424]
According to Presidential Commission on
Good Government, the Marcos family and
their cronies looted so much wealth from the
Philippines that, to this day, investigators have
difficulty determining precisely how many
billions of dollars were stolen.[425] The agency
claimed that Marcos stole around $5 to $10
billion from the Philippine treasury.[426][427][428]
[429]
 Adjusted for inflation, this would be
equivalent to about US$11.16 to US$22.3
billion or over 550 billion to 1.1 trillion
Philippine pesos in 2017.[430]
Reparations[edit]
In 1995, some 10,000 Filipinos won a
U.S. class-action lawsuit filed against the
Marcos estate. The claims were filed by
victims or their surviving relatives consequent
on torture, execution, and disappearances.[431]
[432]
The Swiss government, initially reluctant to
respond to allegations that stolen funds were
held in Swiss accounts,[433] has returned $684
million of Marcos's stash.[434][435][436][437]
Corazon Aquino repealed many of the
repressive laws that had been enacted during
Marcos's dictatorship. She restored the right
of access to habeas corpus, repealed anti-
labor laws and freed hundreds of political
prisoners.[438]
From 1989 to 1996, a series of suits were
brought before U.S. courts against Marcos
and his daughter Imee, alleging that they bore
responsibility for executions, torture, and
disappearances. A jury in the Ninth Circuit
Court awarded US$2 billion to the plaintiffs
and to a class composed of human rights
victims and their families.[439] On June 12,
2008, the U.S. Supreme Court (in a 7–2 ruling
penned by Justice Anthony
Kennedy in Republic of the Philippines v.
Mariano Pimentel) held that: "The judgment of
the Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit is
reversed, and the case is remanded with
instructions to order the District Court to
dismiss the interpleader action." The court
dismissed the interpleader lawsuit filed to
determine the rights of 9,500 Filipino human
rights victims (1972–1986) to recover US$35
million, part of a US$2 billion judgment in U.S.
courts against the Marcos estate, because the
 Philippines government is an indispensable
party, protected by sovereign immunity. The
Philippines government claimed ownership of
the funds transferred by Marcos in 1972 to
Arelma S.A., which invested the money
with Merrill Lynch, Pierce, Fenner & Smith
Inc., in New York.[440][441][442]
In July 2017, the Philippine Court of Appeals
rejected the petition seeking to enforce the
United States court decision that awarded the
$2 billion in compensation to human rights
victims during the term of former President
Ferdinand Marcos.[443]
See also[edit]
 Hawaii portal
 Politics portal
 Law portal
 War portal
 Philippines portal
 Switzerland portal
 United States portal
 Conjugal dictatorship
 Kleptocracy
 Rolex 12
 Bantayog ng mga Bayani Center
 List of Filipinos by net worth
 List of South East Asian people by net
worth
 List of films about Martial Law in the
Philippines
Notes[edit]
1. ^ the United States controlled the
Philippines as a protectorate
2. ^ Jump up to:a b There is some
disagreement between sources about
whether President Bush said principle[163]
[164]
 or principles
Maria Corazon "Cory" Cojuangco
Aquino[2] (born Maria Corazon Sumulong
Cojuangco; 25 January 1933 – 1 August
2009) was a Filipino politician who served as
the 11th President of the Philippines,
becoming the first woman to hold that office.
Corazon Aquino was the most prominent
figure of the 1986 People Power Revolution,
which ended the 21-year rule of
President Ferdinand Marcos. She was
named Time magazine's Woman of the
Year in 1986. Prior to this, she had not held
any elective office.
A self-proclaimed "plain housewife",[3] she was
married to Senator Benigno Aquino Jr., the
staunchest critic of President Marcos. She
emerged as leader of the opposition after her
husband was assassinated on 21 August
1983 upon returning to the Philippines from
exile in the United States. In late 1985,
Marcos called for a snap election, and Aquino
ran for president with former senator Salvador
Laurel as her running mate for vice president.
After the election held on 7 February 1986,
the Batasang Pambansa proclaimed Marcos
and his running mate Arturo Tolentino as the
winners; allegations were made of electoral
fraud, with Aquino calling for massive civil
disobedience actions. Defections from
the Armed Forces of the Philippines and the
support of the local Catholic hierarchy led to
the People Power Revolution that ousted
Marcos and secured Aquino's accession on
25 February 1986.
As President, Aquino oversaw the
promulgation of the 1987 Constitution, which
limited the powers of the Presidency and re-
established the bicameral Congress. Her
administration provided strong emphasis on
and concern for civil liberties and human
rights, and on peace talks to resolve the
ongoing Communist insurgency and Islamist
secession movements. Her economic policies
centered on restoring economic health and
confidence and focused on creating a market-
oriented and socially responsible economy. In
1987, she became the first Filipino to be
bestowed with the prestigious Prize For
Freedom Award.[4]
Several coup attempts were made against
Aquino's government; it also faced various
natural calamities until the end of her term in
1992. She was succeeded as President
by Fidel Ramos, and returned to civilian life
 while remaining public about her opinions on  4.1.2International
political issues. In recognition for her role in engagements
the world's most peaceful revolution to attain  4.1.3Charitable and
democracy, she was awarded the social initiatives
prestigious Ramon Magsaysay Award in  5Illness and death
1998. o 5.1Wake and funeral
Aquino was diagnosed with colorectal o 5.2Reaction
cancer in 2008; she died on 1 August 2009.  5.2.1Local reaction
Her monuments of peace and democracy  5.2.2International
were established in the capital Manila and her reaction
home province of Tarlac after her death. Her  6Honors
son Benigno Aquino III became President of  7In popular culture
the Philippines from 30 June 2010 to 30 June  8Legacy
2016. Throughout her life, Aquino was known  9Awards and achievements
to be a devout Roman Catholic, and was  10Honorary doctorates
fluent in French, Japanese, Spanish,
 11Foreign orders
and English aside from her
native Tagalog and Kapampangan.[5] She is  12Ancestry
highly regarded by the international diplomatic  13References
community as the Mother of Democracy.[6][7][8][9] o 13.1Bibliography
[10][11][12]
 14External links

Early life and education[edit]

Contents
Aquino was born Maria Corazon Sumulong
Cojuangco on 25 January 1933
 1Early life and education
in Paniqui, Tarlac,[13] and was the sixth (of
 21986 presidential campaign whom two died in infancy) of eight children
o 2.1Accession as President of José Cojuangco, a former congressman,
 3Presidency and Demetria Sumulong, a pharmacist. Her
o 3.1Constitutional and political siblings were Pedro, Josephine, Teresita,
reforms Jose Jr. and Maria Paz. Both Aquino's parents
o 3.2Ministerial Cabinet under the Freedom Constitution
came from prominent clans. Her father was a
(1986-1987)[13]
prominent Tarlac businessman and politician,
o 3.3Cabinet (1987-1992)[13] and her grandfather, Melecio Cojuangco, was
o 3.4Socio-economic programs a member of the historic Malolos Congress.
and policies Her mother belonged to the Sumulong family
 3.4.1Economic of Rizal province who were also politically
management influential; Juan Sumulong, a prominent
 3.4.2Agrarian reform member of the clan, ran
o 3.5Natural disasters and against Commonwealth President Manuel L.
calamities Quezon in 1941.[14]
o 3.6Electrical power grid As a young girl, Aquino spent her elementary
inadequacy school days at St. Scholastica's College in
o 3.7Controversies and Cabinet Manila, where she graduated on top of her
Infighting class as valedictorian. She transferred
o 3.8Influence in 1992 presidential to Assumption Convent to pursue high school
campaign studies. Afterwards, her family went to the
 4Post-presidency and continued political United States and she attended the
activism Assumption-run Ravenhill
o 4.1Activities and drives Academy in Philadelphia. In 1949, she
 4.1.1Political causes graduated from Notre Dame Convent
School in New York. She then pursued her
college education in the U.S. graduating from
the College of Mount Saint Vincent in 1953 in
New York, with a major in French and minor in
mathematics. During her stay in the United
States, Aquino volunteered for the campaign
of U.S. Republican presidential
candidate Thomas Dewey against
then Democratic U.S. President Harry S.
Truman during the 1948 U.S. Presidential
Election.[14]
After graduating from college, she returned to
the Philippines and studied law at Far Eastern
University in 1953.[5] She later met Benigno
"Ninoy" S. Aquino Jr.—son of the late
Speaker Benigno S. Aquino Sr. and a
grandson of General Servillano Aquino. She
discontinued her law education and married
Ninoy in Our Lady of Sorrows church
in Pasay on 11 October 1954.[15] The couple
raised five children: Maria Elena ("Ballsy";
born 1954), Aurora Corazon ("Pinky"; born
1957), Benigno Simeon III ("Noynoy"; born
1960), Victoria Elisa ("Viel"; born 1961)
and Kristina Bernadette ("Kris"; born 1971).[16]
[17]
Aquino had initially had difficulty adjusting to
provincial life when she and her husband
moved to Concepcion, Tarlac in 1955. Aquino
found herself bored in Concepcion, and
welcomed the opportunity to have dinner with
her husband inside the American military
facility at nearby Clark Field.[18]
Unknown to many, she voluntarily sold some
of her prized inheritance to fund the candidacy
of her husband. She led a modest existence
in a bungalow in suburban Quezon City. A
member of the Liberal Party, Aquino's
husband Ninoy rose to become the youngest
governor in the country and eventually
became the youngest senator ever elected to
the Senate of the Philippines in 1967. During
her husband's political career, Aquino
remained a housewife who helped raise their
children and played hostess to her spouse's
political allies who would frequent their
Quezon City home.[19] She would decline to
join her husband on stage during campaign
rallies, preferring instead to stand at the back
of the audience and listen to him. [18]
Ninoy Aquino soon emerged as a leading
critic of the government
of President Ferdinand Marcos. He was then
touted as a strong candidate for president to
succeed Marcos in the 1973 elections.
However, Marcos, being barred by the
Constitution to seek a third term,
declared martial law on 21 September 1972,
and later abolished the existing 1935
Constitution, thereby allowing him to remain in
office. As a consequence, her husband was
among those to be first arrested at the onset
of martial law, later being sentenced to death.
During his incarceration, Ninoy sought
strength from prayer, attending
daily Mass and saying the rosary three times
a day. As a measure of sacrifice and solidarity
with her husband and all other political
prisoners, she enjoined her children from
attending parties and she also stopped going
to the beauty salon or buying new clothes until
a priest advised her and her children to
instead live as normal lives as possible.[18]
In 1978, despite her initial opposition, Aquino
decided to run in the 1978 Batasang
Pambansa elections. A reluctant speaker,
Corazon Aquino campaigned on behalf of her
husband, and for the first time in her life
delivered a political speech. In 1980, upon the
intervention of U.S. President Jimmy Carter,
[3]
 Marcos allowed Senator Aquino and his
family to leave for exile in the United States,
where he sought medical treatment. [20] The
family settled in Boston, and Aquino would
later call the next three years as the happiest
days of her marriage and family life. On 21
August 1983, however, Ninoy ended his stay
in the United States and returned without his
family to the Philippines, only to be
assassinated on a staircase leading to the
tarmac of the Manila International Airport
(now Ninoy Aquino International Airport or
NAIA), which was later renamed in his honor
(see Assassination of Benigno Aquino Jr.).
Corazon Aquino returned to the Philippines a
few days later and led her husband's funeral
procession, in which more than two million
people participated.[3]
1986 presidential
campaign[edit]
Main article: 1986 Philippine presidential
election
Following her husband's assassination in
1983, Aquino became active and visible in
various demonstrations and protests held
against the Marcos regime. She began to
assume the mantle of leadership left by her
husband Ninoy and started to become the
symbolic figurehead of the anti-Marcos
political opposition. In the last week of
November 1985, Marcos surprised the nation
by announcing on American television that he
would hold a snap presidential election in
February 1986, in order to dispel and remove
doubts against his regime's legitimacy and
authority.[21]
Initially reluctant, Aquino was eventually
prevailed upon to heed the people's clamor,
after one million signatures urging her to run
for president were presented to her. Despite
this, United Opposition (UNIDO) leader
Salvador Laurel, did not immediately give way
to his close friend's widow. Laurel only gave
way to Cory after a political deal which was
later reneged on by Cory after the election.
According to Salvador Laurel's diary, Cory
offered to Laurel that he would be her Prime
Minister, she would step down in two years,
he would name 30 percent of the Cabinet, and
that she would appoint the remaining 70
percent after close consultations with him. As
an example of the deal recorded by Laurel
later being reneged upon, after Aquino
succeeded as President, the office of Prime
Minister abolished by the new Constitution in
October 1986.[22] Salvador Laurel eventually
ran as Cory Aquino's running mate for Vice
President under the United Opposition
(UNIDO) party. With that, the Aquino-Laurel
tandem was formally launched to challenge
Marcos and finally put an end to his two-
decade rule.
In the subsequent political developments and
events, given Ninoy's links with the
communists,[23] Marcos charged that Aquino
was being supported by communists and
agreed to share power with them once elected
into power. A political novice, Aquino
categorically denied Marcos' charge and even
stated that she would not appoint a single
communist to her cabinet.[24] Running on the
offensive, the ailing Marcos also accused
Aquino of playing "political football" with the
United States with respect to the continued
United States military presence in the
Philippines at Clark Air Base and Subic Naval
Base.[25] Furthermore, the male strongman
derided Aquino's womanhood, by saying that
she was "just a woman" whose place was in
the bedroom.[3] In response to her
opponent's sexist remark, and in reference to
the fact that the ailing and feeble Marcos was
increasingly seen as being largely a front man
for his wife, Imelda, Aquino simply remarked
that "may the better woman win in this
election". Marcos also attacked Aquino's
inexperience and warned the country that it
would be a disaster if a woman like her with
no previous political experience was to be
elected president, to which Aquino cleverly
and sarcastically responded, admitting that
she had "no experience in cheating, lying to
the public, stealing government money, and
killing political opponents".
The snap election called by Marcos, which
was held on 7 February 1986, was marred by
massive electoral fraud, violence, intimidation,
coercion and disenfranchisement of voters.
Election Day proved to be bloody as one of
Aquino's staunchest allies, former Antique
province Governor Evelio Javier, was brutally
murdered, allegedly by some of Marcos'
supporters in his province. Furthermore,
during the counting and tallying of votes
conducted by the Commission on
Elections (COMELEC), 30 poll computer
technicians walked out to dispute and contest
the alleged election-rigging being done in
favor of Marcos. However, not known to
many, the walkout of computer technicians
was led by Linda Kapunan,[26] wife of Lt Col
Eduardo Kapunan, a leader of Reform the
Armed Forces Movement, which plotted to
attack the Malacañang Palace and kill Marcos
and his family,[27] leading some to believe that
the walkout could have been planned with
ulterior motives.[28] Despite this, the Batasang
Pamabansa, which was dominated by Marcos'
ruling party and its allies, declared President
Marcos as the winner on 15 February 1986.
However, NAMFREL's count showed that
Corazon Aquino won. In protest to the
declaration of the Philippine parliament,
Aquino called for a rally dubbed "Tagumpay
ng Bayan" (People's Victory Rally) the
following day, during which she claimed that
she was the real winner in the snap election
according to NAMFREL's count and urged
Filipinos to boycott the products and services
by companies controlled or owned by Marcos'
cronies. The rally held at the historic Rizal
Park in Luneta, Manila drew a mammoth-
sized crowd, which sent a strong signal that
Filipinos were quite tired of Marcos' two
decades of rule and the lengths to which he
would go to perpetuate it. Further, the dubious
election results drew sharp reactions from
both local quarters and foreign countries.
The Catholic Bishops' Conference of the
Philippines (CBCP) issued a statement
strongly criticizing the conduct of the election
which was characterized by violence and
fraud. The United States Senate likewise
condemned the election.[19][29] Aquino rejected a
power-sharing agreement proposed by the
American diplomat Philip Habib, who had
been sent as an emissary by U.S.
President Ronald Reagan to help defuse the
tension.[29] On 25 February 1986, supporters of
Aquino and Marcos celebrated the
inauguration of their supported President. This
was the same day that Ferdinand E. Marcos
fled the country.[30]
Accession as President[edit]
Main article: People Power Revolution
announced their defection from the Marcos
government, citing strong belief that Aquino
was the real winner in the contested
presidential election. Enrile, Ramos, and the
rebel soldiers then set up operations in Camp
Aguinaldo, the headquarters of the Armed
Forces of the Philippines, and Camp
Crame (headquarters of the Philippine
Constabulary) across Epifanio de los Santos
Avenue (EDSA). Cardinal Sin appealed to the
public in a broadcast over Church-run Radio
Veritas, and millions of Filipinos trooped to the
part of Epifanio De los Santos
Avenue between the two camps to give their
support and prayers for the rebels.[31]
At that time, Aquino was meditating in
a Carmelite convent in Cebu, and upon
learning of the defection, she urged people to
rally behind Minister Enrile and General
Ramos. Aquino flew back to Manila to prepare
for the takeover of the government, and
after three days of peaceful mass protests,
was sworn in as the eleventh President of the
Philippines on 25 February 1986. [32]
Presidency[edit]
Main article: Presidency of Corazon Aquino

Corazon Aquino takes the oath of office

before Chief Justice Claudio Teehankee
Sr. in Club Filipino, San Juan on 25 February 1986

On 22 February 1986, disgruntled and

reformist military officers led by then-Defense
Minister Juan Ponce Enrile and General Fidel
V. Ramos, surprised the entire nation and the
international community when they
Corazon Aquino during a ceremony honoring the
United States Air force.
The triumph of the peaceful People Power
Revolution and the ascension of Corazon
Aquino into power signaled the end of
authoritarian rule in the Philippines and the
dawning of a new era for Filipinos. The
relatively peaceful manner by which Aquino
came into power drew international acclaim
and admiration not only for her but for the
Filipino people, as well.
She was the first female president of the
country and the only president with no political
background. She is also regarded as the
first female president in Asia. One of Aquino's
first moves was the creation of
the Presidential Commission on Good
Government (PCGG), which was tasked to go
after the Marcos ill-gotten wealth.
Constitutional and political
reforms[edit]
Presidential styles of
Corazon C. Aquino
Reference style Her Excellency
Spoken style Your Excellency
Alternative style Madam President
Immediately after assuming the presidency,
President Aquino issued Proclamation No. 3,
which established a revolutionary
government. She abolished the 1973
Constitution that was in force during Martial
Law, and by decree issued
the provisional 1986 Freedom
Constitution pending the ratification of a more
formal, comprehensive charter. This allowed
her to exercise both executive and legislative
powers until the ratification of the 1987
Constitution and the restoration of Congress
in 1987.[33]
Aquino promulgated two landmark legal
codes, namely, the Family Code of 1987,
which reformed the civil law on family
relations, and the Administrative Code of
1987, which reorganized the structure of
the executive branch of government. Another
landmark law that was enacted during her
tenure was the 1991 Local Government Code,
which devolved national government powers
to local government units (LGUs). The new
Code enhanced the power of LGUs to enact
local taxation measures and assured them of
a share in the national revenue. Aquino
closed down the Marcos-dominated Batasang
Pambansa to prevent the new Marcos loyalist
opposition from undermining her democratic
reforms and reorganized the membership of
the Supreme Court to restore
its independence.
In May 1986, the reorganized Supreme Court
declared the Aquino government as "not
merely a de facto government but in fact and
law a de jure government", whose legitimacy
had been affirmed by the community of
nations.[34] This Supreme Court decision
affirmed the status of Aquino as the rightful
leader of the Philippines. To fast-track the
restoration of a full constitutional government
and the writing of a new charter, she
appointed 48 members of the 1986
Constitutional Commission ("Con-Com"), led
by retired activist Supreme Court Associate
Justice Cecilia Muñoz-Palma. The Con-Com
completed its final draft in October 1986. [35] On
2 February 1987, the new Constitution of the
Philippines, which put strong emphasis on civil
liberties, human rights and social justice, was
overwhelmingly approved by the Filipino
people. The ratification of the new
Constitution was followed by the election of
senators and congress that same year and
the holding of local elections in 1988.
Socio-economic programs and Economic management[edit]
policies[edit] As soon as she assumed the presidency of
the Philippines, Aquino moved quickly to
Economy of the Philippines under tackle the issue of the US$28 billion-foreign
debt incurred by her predecessor, which has
President Corazon Aquino badly tarnished the international credit
1986–1992 standing and economic reputation of the
country. After weighing all possible options
such as choosing not to pay, Aquino
Population
eventually chose to honor all the debts that
were previously incurred in order to clear the
1986  56 million country's image. Her decision proved to be
unpopular but Aquino defended that it was the
most practical move. It was crucial for the
Gross Domestic Product (constant 1985 prices)
country at that time to regain the investors'
confidence in the Philippine economy.
1986  Php 591,423 million Beginning in 1986, the Aquino administration
paid off $4 billion of the country's outstanding
1991  Php 716,522 million debts to regain good international credit
ratings and attract the attention of future
markets. Although it borrowed an additional
Growth rate, 1986-91 3.5% $9 billion, increasing the net national debt by
$5 billion within six years after the ouster of
former President Ferdinand Marcos in 1986,
Per capita income (constant 1985 prices)[36]
 due to the need to infuse capital and money
into the economy, the Aquino administration
1986  Php 10,622 succeeded in wrangling lower interest rates
and longer payment terms in settling the
 Php 11,250 country's debts. From 87.9 percent when it
1991
inherited the foreign debt from the Marcos
regime, the Cory Aquino administration was
Total exports able to reduce by 30.1 percent the Philippines'
external debt-to-GDP ratio to 67.8 percent in
1986  Php 160,571 million 1991.[37]
Furthermore, recognizing how crony
1991  Php 231,515 million capitalism weakened the economy due to
collusion between government and big
business and adhering to the Catholic social
Exchange rates principle of subsidiarity, President Aquino set
out on a course of market liberalization
1 US US$ = Php 27.61 agenda while at the same time emphasizing
solidarity, people empowerment and civic
1 Php = US US$0.04 engagement to help alleviate poverty in the
country. The Aquino administration also
Sources: Philippine Presidency Project sought to bring back fiscal discipline in order
as it aimed to trim down the government's
Malaya, Jonathan; Eduardo Malaya.  So Help Us God... ThebudgetInaugurals of thethat ballooned during Marcos'
deficit
Presidents of the Philippines. Anvil Publishing, term
Inc. through privatization of bad government
assets and deregulation of many vital
industries. As president, Aquino sought out to
dismantle
the cartels, monopolies and oligopolies of
important industries that were set up by
Marcos cronies during the dark days of Martial
Law, particularly in the sugar and coconut
industries. By discarding these monopolies
and allowing market-led prices and
competition, small farmers and producers
were given a fair chance to sell their produce
and products at a more reasonable,
competitive and profitable price. This, in a
way, also helped a lot in improving the lot of
farmers who are in dire need of increasing
their personal income and earnings. It was
also during Aquino's time that vital economic
laws such as the Built-Operate-Transfer Law,
Foreign Investments Act and the Consumer
Protection and Welfare Act were enacted.
The economy posted a positive growth of
3.4% during her first year in office. But in the
aftermath of the 1989 coup attempt by the
rightist Reform the Armed Forces Movement,
international confidence in the Philippine
economy was seriously damaged. During her
presidency, Aquino made fighting inflation one
of her priorities, after reeling from skyrocketing
prices during the Martial Law years, in which
at one point inflation reached 50.3 percent in
1984. Although inflation peaked at 18.1
percent during the 1991 Gulf War, which
caused panic among Filipinos who have many
family members working in the Middle East,
inflation during Aquino's time averaged 9.6
percent from 1986 to 1992, which was way
lower than the average 20.9 percent-inflation
rate that was recorded during the last 6 years
of the Marcos dictatorship.[38][39] Overall, the
economy under Aquino had an average
growth of 3.8% from 1986 to 1992. [40]
President Corazon Aquino with U.S. Vice
President Dan Quayle participate in the Veterans'
Day Service at the Arlington National Cemetery, in
10 November 1989
Soon after taking office, several Senators
declared that the presence of U.S. military
forces in the Philippines was an affront to
national sovereignty. Even though Aquino
personally felt that they should remain, certain
members of the Senate called for the United
States military to vacate U.S. Naval Base
Subic Bay and Clark Air Base.[41] The United
States objected, pointing that they had leased
the property and the leases were still in effect.
[42]
 Also, thousands of Filipinos worked at these
military facilities and they would lose their jobs
and the Filipino economy would suffer if the
U.S. military moved out. The United States
stated that the facilities at Subic Bay were
unequaled anywhere in Southeast Asia and a
U.S. pullout could make all of that region of
the world vulnerable to an incursion by the
Soviet Union or by a resurgent Japan. The
Senate refused to back down and insisted that
the United States get out even though Aquino
herself led a protest against a pullout. The
protest gathered between 100,000 and
150,000 supporters, far short of the 500,000
to 1 million that had been originally expected.
[43]
 The matter was still being debated
when Mount Pinatubo erupted in June 1991,
covering the entire area with volcanic ash.
Despite all attempts to continue the Subic
Base, Aquino could not get around the
Senate's decision. She had to formally
concede to it, and in December 1991 the
government served notice that the U.S. must
close the base by the end of 1992. [44]
Agrarian reform[edit]
See also: Land reform in the Philippines
President Aquino holds talks with the officials from
the International Rice Research Institute.
President Aquino envisioned agrarian and
land reform as the centerpiece of her
administration's social legislative agenda.
However, her family background and social
class as a privileged daughter of a wealthy
and landed clan became a lightning rod of
criticisms against her land reform agenda. On
22 February 1987, three weeks after the
resounding ratification of the 1987
Constitution, agrarian workers and farmers
marched to the historic Mendiola Street near
the Malacañan Palace to demand genuine
land reform from Aquino's administration.
However, the march turned violent when
Marine forces fired at farmers who tried to go
beyond the designated demarcation line set
by the police. As a result, at least 12 were
killed and 51 protesters were injured [45] in this
incident now known as the Mendiola
Massacre. This incident led some prominent
members of the Aquino Cabinet to resign their
government posts.
In response to calls for agrarian reform,
President Aquino issued Presidential
Proclamation 131 and Executive Order 229 on
22 July 1987, which outlined her land reform
program, which included sugar lands. In 1988,
with the backing of Aquino, the new Congress
of the Philippines passed Republic Act No.
6657, more popularly known as the
"Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law". The
law paved the way for the redistribution of
agricultural lands to tenant-farmers from
landowners, who were paid in exchange by
the government through just
compensation but were also allowed to retain
not more than five hectares of land.
[46]
 However, corporate landowners were also
allowed under the law to "voluntarily divest a
proportion of their capital stock, equity or
participation in favor of their workers or other
qualified beneficiaries", in lieu of turning over
their land to the government for redistribution.
[47]
 Despite the flaws in the law, the Supreme
Court upheld its constitutionality in 1989,
declaring that the implementation of the
comprehensive agrarian reform program
(CARP) provided by the said law, was "a
revolutionary kind of expropriation".[48]
Despite the implementation of CARP, Aquino
was not spared from the controversies that
eventually centered on Hacienda Luisita, a
6,453-hectare estate located in the Province
of Tarlac, which she, together with her siblings
inherited from her father Jose Cojuangco (Don
Pepe).[49]
Critics argued that Aquino bowed to pressure
from relatives by allowing stock redistribution
under Executive Order 229. Instead of land
distribution, Hacienda Luisita reorganized
itself into a corporation and distributed stock.
As such, ownership of agricultural portions of
the hacienda were transferred to the
corporation, which in turn, gave its shares of
stocks to farmers.[49]
The arrangement remained in force until
2006, when the Department of Agrarian
Reform revoked the stock distribution scheme
adopted in Hacienda Luisita, and ordered
instead the redistribution of a large portion of
the property to the tenant-farmers. The
Department stepped into the controversy
when in 2004, violence erupted over the
retrenchment of workers in the Hacienda,
eventually leaving seven people dead.[49]
Natural disasters and
calamities[edit]
During her last two years in office, President
Aquino's administration faced series of natural
disasters and calamities. Among these were
the 1990 Luzon earthquake, which left around
1,600 people dead and the 1991 volcanic
eruption of what was then thought to be a
dormant Mount Pinatubo, which was the
second largest terrestrial eruption of the 20th
century, killing around 300 people and
causing widespread long-term devastation of
agricultural lands in Central Luzon.[50] On 1
November 1991 Tropical Storm Thelma (also
known as Typhoon Uring) caused massive
flooding in Ormoc City, leaving around 5,000
dead in what was then considered to be the
deadliest typhoon in Philippine history. On 8
November, Aquino declared all
of Leyte a disaster area.[51] On 20 December
1987, the MV Doña Paz sank which Time and
others have dubbed as "the deadliest
peacetime maritime disaster of the 20th
century",[52] given the death toll which were
initially estimated to be around 1,500 [53] which
later grew for at least 3,000,[54] and finally
exceeded about 4,300.[52] Aquino described
the aftermath as "a national tragedy of
harrowing proportions...[the Filipino people's]
sadness is all the more painful because the
tragedy struck with the approach
of Christmas".[55]
Electrical power grid
inadequacy[edit]
During Aquino's presidency,
electric blackouts became common in Manila.
The capital experienced blackouts lasting 7– Influence in 1992 presidential
12 hours, bringing numerous businesses to a
halt. By the departure of Aquino in June 1992, campaign[edit]
businesses in Manila and nearby provinces
had lost nearly $800 million since the
preceding March.
Corazon Aquino's decision to mothball the
Bataan Nuclear Plant built during the Marcos
administration contributed to the power crisis
in the 1990s, as the 620 megawatts capacity
of the plant was enough to cover the shortfall
at that time.[56]

Controversies and Cabinet

Infighting[edit]
When 15 farmers staging a peaceful rally in
Mendiola were gunned down by the military
under Aquino on 22 January 1987 during
the Mendiola Massacre, Jose Diokno, head of
the Presidential Committee on Human Rights
and chairman of the government panel in
charge of negotiations with rebel forces
resigned from his two government posts in
deep disgust and great sadness. His daughter
Maris said, "It was the only time we saw him
near tears."[57]
In September 1987, Vice President Doy
Laurel resigned as Cory's Secretary of
Foreign Affairs. In his letter to Cory, he said:
"the past years of Marcos are now beginning
to look no worse than your first two years in
office. And the reported controversies and
scandals involving your closest relatives have
become the object of our people’s outrage.
From 16,500 NPA regular when Marcos fell,
the communists now claim an armed strength
of 25,200. From city to countryside, anarchy
has spread. There is anarchy within the
government, anarchy within the ruling
coalesced parties, and anarchy in the
streets."[58]
Corazon Aquino's Finance Minister, Jaime
Ongpin, who successfully advocated against
not paying debt incurred during Marcos'
administration,[59] was later dismissed by Cory
Aquino and later died in an apparent suicide
in December 1987 after "he had been
depressed about infighting in Aquino's cabinet
and disappointed that the 'People Power'
uprising which had toppled dictator Ferdinand
Marcos had not brought significant change". [60]
President Corazon Aquino addresses base
workers at a rally at Remy Field concerning jobs for
Filipino workers after the Americans withdraw from
the U.S. facilities
In part due to Marcos' excesses, the framers
of the 1987 Constitution limited the president
to a single six-year term, with no possibility of
re-election. As the end of her presidency drew
near, close advisers and friends told Aquino
that since she was not inaugurated under the
1987 Constitution, she was still eligible to
seek the presidency again in the
upcoming 1992 elections, the first presidential
elections held under normal and peaceful
circumstances since 1965. However, Aquino
strongly declined the requests for her to seek
reelection and wanted to set an example to
both citizens and politicians that the
presidency was not a lifetime position.
Initially, she named Ramon V. Mitra, a friend
of her husband Ninoy and then Speaker of
the Philippine House of Representatives, as
her candidate for the presidential race in
1992. However, she later on backtracked and
instead threw her support behind the
candidacy of her defense secretary and EDSA
Revolution hero, General Fidel V. Ramos,
who constantly stood by and defended her
government from the various coup attempts
and rebellions that were launched against her.
Her sudden change of mind and withdrawal of
support from Mitra drew criticism not only from
her supporters in the liberal and social
democratic sectors but also from the Roman
Catholic Church, which questioned her
anointing of Ramos since the latter was
a Protestant. Nevertheless, Aquino's
candidate eventually won the 1992 elections,
albeit with only 23.58% of the total votes in a
wide-open campaign, and was sworn in as the
12th President of the Philippines on 30 June
1992.
Post-presidency and
continued political
activism[edit]
Mrs. Aquino speaking before the 2003 Ninoy
Aquino Award ceremony at the U.S. Embassy in
Manila.
Activities and drives[edit]
Political causes[edit]
On 30 June 1992, President Aquino formally
and peacefully handed over power to Ramos,
after six years of hard-fought democratic
transition and restoration. After the
inauguration of the new President, Aquino
chose to leave by riding in a simple
white Toyota Crown she had purchased,
rather than the lavish government-
issued Mercedes Benz which she and Ramos
had ridden in on the way to the ceremonies, to
make the point that she was once again an
ordinary citizen.[61]
After Aquino retired to private life following the
end of her term she remained active in the
Philippine political scene, constantly voicing
opposition and dissent to government actions
and policies, which she deemed as threats to
the liberal traditions and democratic
foundations of the country. In 1997, Aquino,
together with Cardinal Jaime Sin, led a huge
rally which succeeded in thwarting then
President Fidel Ramos' attempt to extend his
term by amending the 1987 Constitution's
restriction on presidential term limits. In 1998,
Aquino endorsed the candidacy of former
police general and Manila Mayor Alfredo
Lim for president. Lim, however, lost to then
Vice-President Joseph Estrada, who won by a
landslide.[62] The following year, Aquino again
with Cardinal Sin successfully opposed
President Estrada's plan to amend the
Constitution, which he said was intended to lift
provisions that 'restrict' economic activities
and investments; he denied that it was
another ploy for him to extend his stay in
office.
In 2000, Aquino joined the mounting calls for
Estrada to resign from office, amid strong
allegations of bribery charges and gambling
kickbacks and a series of corruption scandals,
which eventually led to his unsuccessful
impeachment in December of that year. In her
Preface to Frank-Jürgen Richter and Pamela
Mar's book Asia's New Crisis,[63] she decries
that the unique Asian way of doing business
has given rise to much crony capitalism and
opacity in Asia, including the Philippines. In
January 2001, during the Second EDSA
Revolution which ousted Estrada, Aquino
enthusiastically supported the ascendancy of
another woman, then-Vice President Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo, to power.[64] Estrada was
acquitted of perjury but
found guilty of plunder and sentenced
to reclusion perpetua with the
accessory penalties of perpetual
disqualification from public
office and forfeiture of ill-gotten wealth on 12
September 2007 and pardoned by
Macapagal-Arroyo on 26 October 2007.
In 2005, after a series of revelations and
exposes alleged and implicated
President Gloria Macapagal-
Arroyo in rigging the 2004 presidential
elections, Aquino called on Macapagal-Arroyo
to resign in order to prevent bloodshed,
violence and further political deterioration.
[65]
 Aquino was once again in the streets
leading massive demonstrations demanding
the resignation of President Arroyo.[66]
In the 2007 senatorial elections, Aquino
actively campaigned for the senatorial bid of
her only son, Noynoy Aquino, who ran
successfully. In December 2008, Corazon
Aquino publicly expressed regret for her
participation in the EDSA Revolution of 2001,
which installed Arroyo into power. She
apologized to former President Joseph
Estrada for the role she played in his ouster in
2001.[67] For this action, many politicians
criticized Aquino.[68] In June 2009, two months
before her death, Aquino issued a public
statement which strongly denounced and
condemned the Arroyo administration's plan
of amending the 1987 Constitution, calling
such attempt as a "shameless abuse of
power."
International engagements[edit]
Shortly after leaving the presidency, Aquino
traveled abroad, giving speeches and lectures
on issues of democracy, development, human
rights and women empowerment. In 1997,
Aquino attended the wake and funeral of
Saint Mother Teresa of Calcutta, whom she
met during the latter's visit in Manila in 1989.
In the 2000s (decade), Aquino joined various
global leaders and democratic icons in urging
the Government of Burma to unconditionally
release Burmese democratic leader Aung San
Suu Kyi from detention, whom she delivered a
speech on behalf in the 1994 meeting of
the UNESCO World Commission on Culture
and Development in Manila. In 2005, Aquino
joined the international community in
mourning the death of Pope John Paul II.[citation
needed]
Charitable and social initiatives[edit]
Aside from being visible in various political
gatherings and demonstrations, Aquino was
heavily involved in several charitable activities
and socio-economic initiatives. From 1992
until her death, Aquino was chairperson of the
Benigno S. Aquino, Jr. Foundation which she
set up in her husband's honor right after his
brutal assassination in 1983. Further, she
supported other causes such as the Gawad
Kalinga social housing project for the poor
and homeless. In 2007, Aquino helped
establish the PinoyME Foundation, a non-
profit organization which aims to provide
microfinancing programs and projects for the
poor. She was also a lifelong member of
the Council of Women World Leaders, an
international organization of former and
current female heads of state and
government. She also studied painting, and
would occasionally give away her paintings to
friends and family. In some events, Aquino
auctioned her painting and gave all of the
money to charity. She never sold her art for
her own profit.[69]
Illness and death[edit]
Main article: Death and funeral of Corazon
Aquino
Wikinews has related
news: Former
Philippine President
Corazon Aquino dies
at age 76
On 24 March 2008, Aquino's family
announced that the former President had
been diagnosed with colorectal cancer. Upon
her being earlier informed by her doctors that
she had only three months to live,[70] she
pursued medical treatment
and chemotherapy. A series of
healing Masses for Aquino (a devout Catholic)
were held throughout the country intended for
her recovery. In a public statement during one
healing Mass on 13 May 2008, Aquino said
that her blood tests indicated that she was
responding well to treatment; her hair and
appetite loss were apparent. [71]
By July 2009, Aquino was reported to be in
very serious condition, suffering from loss of
appetite, and was confined to the Makati
Medical Center.[72] It was later announced that
Aquino and her family had decided to
stop chemotherapy and other medical
interventions for her.[73][74]
Aquino died in the Makati Medical Center at
3:18 a.m. on 1 August 2009 due
to cardiorespiratory arrest at the age of 76.[75]
Wake and funeral[edit]
where throngs of mourners gathered and
sang the patriotic protest anthem "Bayan Ko".
[79]
 Aquino's casket was solemnly brought
inside the Cathedral by mid-afternoon that
day. Following her death, all Roman Catholic
dioceses in the country held requiem Masses.
[80]

Queue for Aquino's wake in front of

the Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Maynila campus,
which had opened its facilities including a clinic and
restrooms for the mourners.[76] The cross topping
the dome of Manila Cathedral is visible in the upper
right of the photo.

Upon learning of Aquino's death, then

incumbent President Gloria Macapagal
Arroyo, who was then on a state visit to the
United States, announced a 10-day mourning
period for the former President and issued
Corazon Aquino's funeral procession, with an
Administrative Order No. 269 detailing the
necessary arrangements for a state funeral. honour guard composed of one serviceman from
[77]
 Aquino's children, however, declined the each branch of the Armed Forces and
government's offer of a state funeral for their
mother.[78] the Philippine National Police.

All churches in the Philippines celebrated On 4 August 2009, Ferdinand "Bongbong"

requiem masses simultaneously throughout
the country and all government offices flew
the Philippine flag at half mast. Hours after her
death, Aquino's body lay in repose for public
viewing at the La Salle Green Hills campus
in Mandaluyong City. On 3 August 2009,
Aquino's body was transferred from La Salle
Greenhills to Manila Cathedral in Intramuros,
during which hundreds of thousands of
Filipinos lined the streets to view and escort
the former leader's body. On the way to the
Cathedral, Aquino's funeral cortege passed
along Ayala Avenue in Makati, stopping in
front of the monument to her husband Ninoy,
Marcos, Jr., and Imee Marcos—children of the
late former President Ferdinand Marcos—paid
their last respects to Aquino despite the two
families' fierce political rivalry; the Aquinos
have been blaming the late dictator for the
assassination of Ninoy Aquino Jr. in 1983.
The Marcos siblings were received by
Aquino's daughters María Elena, Aurora
Corazon, and Victoria Elisa.[81] Early the next
day, President Arroyo, who had cut short her
trip in the United States, briefly paid her last
respects to her erstwhile ally President
Aquino.[82][83]
A final requiem Mass was held on the morning
of 5 August 2009, with then-Archbishop of
Manila Cardinal Gaudencio Rosales, then-
Bishop of Balanga Socrates B. Villegas, and
other high-ranking clergymen concelebrating.
Aquino's daughter Kris spoke on behalf of her
family towards the end of the Mass. Aquino's
flag-draped casket was escorted from the
Cathedral to Manila Memorial Park
in Parañaque, where she was interred beside
her husband in the family mausoleum.
Aquino's funeral procession took more than
eight hours to reach the burial site, as tens of
thousands of civilians lined the route to pay
their respects. Philippine Air Force UH-
1 helicopters showered the procession with
yellow confetti and ships docked at Manila's
harbour blared their sirens, all to salute the
late President, .
Reaction[edit]
Both local and international leaders showed
respect for Aquino's achievements in the
process of democratization in the Philippines.
Local reaction[edit]
Various politicians across the political
spectrum expressed their grief and praise for
the former Philippine leader. President Arroyo,
once an ally of Aquino, remembered the
sacrifices she made for the country and called
her a "national treasure."[84] Former President
Estrada said that the country had lost its
mother and guiding voice with her sudden
death. He also described Aquino as the
"Philippines' most loved woman."[85] Although
once bitter political foes, Aquino and Estrada
reconciled and joined hands together in
opposing President Arroyo.[86]
Former Senate President Juan Ponce Enrile,
Aquino's defense minister and later fierce
critic, asked the public to pray for her eternal
repose. Although former Aquino interior
minister and Senate Minority floor
leader Aquilino Pimentel, Jr., revealed that he
had "mixed feelings" about Aquino's death, he
also said that the country "shall be forever
indebted to Cory for rallying the nation behind
the campaign to topple dictatorial rule and
restore democracy".[87]
Ordinary Filipinos throughout the country wore
either yellow shirts or held masses for Aquino
as their way of paying tribute to the woman
who once led them in a revolution that
changed the course of their country's history.
Yellow Ribbons, which were once used during
Aquino's battle with Marcos, were tied along
major national roads and streets as a sign of
solidarity and support for the now deceased
Aquino and her grieving family. In popular
social networking sites such
as Facebook and Twitter, Filipinos posted
yellow ribbons in their accounts as a tribute to
the former Philippine leader. Following her
death, Filipino Catholics called on the Church
to have Aquino canonized and declared as
a saint. During her lifetime, Aquino was known
and praised for her strong spirituality and
sincere devotion to the Catholic faith. Days
after her funeral, the Bangko Sentral ng
Pilipinas (BSP) announced that it supported
calls to put the former President on the 500-
Peso banknote alongside her husband, Ninoy
Aquino.[88]
International reaction[edit]
Across the globe, messages of sympathy and
solidarity with the Filipino people were sent by
various heads of state and international
leaders. Pope Benedict XVI, in his letter to
Archbishop Rosales, recalled Aquino's
"courageous commitment to the freedom of
the Filipino people, her firm rejection of
violence and intolerance" and called her a
woman of courage and faith. U.S.
President Barack Obama, through White
House Press Secretary Robert Gibbs, said
that "her courage, determination, and moral
leadership are an inspiration to us all and
exemplify the best in the Filipino nation". U.S.
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton expressed
sadness over the passing of Aquino, to whom
she had sent a personal letter of best wishes
for recovery while she was still in hospital in
July 2009. Clinton said that Aquino was
"admired by the world for her extraordinary
courage" in leading the fight against
dictatorship.[89] Meanwhile, South African
President Jacob Zuma called Aquino "a great
leader who set a shining example of peaceful
transition to democracy in her country".[90]
Queen Elizabeth II of the United Kingdom,
through the British Ambassador in Manila,
sent a message to the Filipino people which
read: "I am saddened to hear of the death of
Corazon 'Cory' Aquino the former President of
the Republic of the Philippines". She also
added, "I send my sincere condolences to her
family and to the people of the Philippines.
Signed, Elizabeth R".[91]
Furthermore, Russian President Dmitry
Medvedev, in a telegram to President Arroyo,
said that "the name of Corazon Aquino is
associated with a period of profound reforms
and the democratic transformation of Filipino
society". Medvedev also lauded Aquino's
sympathy to Russian people and her
contribution to the improvement of Russian-
Filipino relations.[92]
Moreover, global democratic icons such
as Timor-Leste President José Ramos-
Horta and Wan Azizah, wife of Malaysian
opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim, came to the
Philippines not just to express their
sympathies but to attend their friend Aquino's
death and funeral, as well.
After her release from imprisonment for
almost 20 years, Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma's
democratic opposition leader, publicly stated
that Aquino is one of her inspirations as she
continues to champion the cause of
democracy in Myanmar. She has also
expressed her good wishes for Aquino's son,
then incumbent Philippine president Benigno
S. Aquino III.
Foreign Policy listed Corazon Aquino, along
with Eleanor Roosevelt, Václav Havel, Ken
Saro-Wiwa, and Sari Nusseibeh, as people
who "never won the Nobel Prize, but should
have."[93]
Honors[edit]
After leaving the presidency, Aquino received
several awards and citations. In 1994, Aquino
was cited as one of 100 Women Who Shaped
World History in a reference book written by
Gail Meyer Rolka and published by Bluewood
Books in San Francisco, California. [94] In 1996,
she received the J. William Fulbright Prize for
International Understanding from the Fulbright
Association, joining past recipients such
as Jimmy Carter and Nelson Mandela.[95] In
August 1999, Aquino was chosen
by Time Magazine as one of the 20 Most
Influential Asians of the 20th century.[96] The
same magazine cited her in November 2006
as one of 65 great Asian Heroes, along
with Aung San Suu Kyi, Deng Xiaoping, Lee
Kuan Yew, Mahatma Gandhi, and
King Bhumibol Adulyadej.[97] In 2002, Aquino
became the first woman named to the Board
of Governors of the Board of the Asian
Institute of Management, a leading graduate
business school and think tank in the Asia
Pacific region.[98] She served on the Board until
2006.[99]
In popular culture[edit]
Aquino was portrayed by Laurice Guillen in
the 1988 HBO miniseries A Dangerous Life.
Aquino was a main character in Boy Noriega's
1987 stage comedy Bongbong at
Kris (Bongbong and Kris), about an imagined
romantic coupling between the only son of
Ferdinand Marcos and the youngest daughter
of the Aquinos. In the movie Alfredo Lim:
Batas ng Maynila, Aquino was portrayed by
Filipino actress Luz Valdez. Aquino was
portrayed by Tess Villarama in The Obet
Pagdanganan Story (1997) and
in Chavit (2003). She was also portrayed by
Geraldine Malacaman in the 1998 musical
play Lean. In the defunct comedy gag
show Ispup, Madz Nicolas played
a parodized version of Aquino who often
reminisces about life with Ninoy. In 2004,
Aquino was portrayed by Irma Adlawan in the
miniseries Sa 'Yo Lamang (Only Yours).
In 2008, a musical play about Aquino starring
Isay Alvarez as Aquino, was staged at
the Meralco Theater. Entitled Cory, the
Musical, it was written and directed by Nestor
Torre and featured a libretto of 19 original
songs composed by Lourdes Pimentel, wife of
Senator Aquilino Pimentel.[100][101][102] A two-part
special of Maalaala Mo Kaya aired on 23 and
30 January 2010. Actors Bea Alonzo played
Corazon Aquino and Piolo Pascual portrayed
Ninoy Aquino also Jodi Sta. Maria portrayed
daughter Kris Aquino.
In 2013, the exhibit, A Gift of Self, was
showcased in commemoration of Aquino's 4th
death anniversary. The exhibit featured 30 of
Aquino's paintings, all exuding her signature
bold strokes and floral motifs which she based
on her memory of the revolution and her love
for haiku.[69]
Legacy[edit]
Cory Aquino memorial at General Tinio, Nueva
Ecija.
Former Philippine President Corazon Aquino's
grave is next to her husband Ninoy Aquino's at the
Manila Memorial Park in Parañaque, Philippines
As the guiding light of the People Power
Revolution, Corazon Aquino is fondly
remembered and deeply revered by most
Filipinos as the "mother of Philippine
democracy",[103] and the "housewife who led a
revolution".[104] She has been hailed
by American columnist Georgie Anne
Geyer as a modern-day Joan of Arc.[105]
Despite the accolades she has received for
assuming the mantle of leadership of the
democratic struggle against the Marcos
dictatorship, Aquino has always stated that it
was actually the Filipino people, not her, who
restored democracy in the Philippines and
maintained that she was only an instrument.
To preserve and celebrate her legacy, various
types of commemorations and memorials in
honor of President Aquino were made. Among
these are as follow:
 On 3 February 2010, Grand Prize
winner Julian Eymard Paguiligan
of Bulacan State University's College of
Architecture and Fine Arts (CAFA) made
his painting entry entitled Ika-25 ng
Pebrero, 1986 presented in the last year's
24th Visual Arts National Competition for
the Directories Philippines Corporation's
directory cover as a paid tribute. He made
a portrait of the late President Aquino in
27.5x34.25" watercolor on paper, as a
symbol for her contribution not only
for democracy, but also in the successes
of the EDSA Revolution in the past.[106]
 On 1 August 2010, the first
anniversary of her death, a 200x250
wide photo mosaic of Aquino was
unveiled near the Quirino Grandstand at
the Luneta Park in the presence of her
son, President Benigno Aquino III and her
supporters. It has been submitted to the
Guinness World Records to be certified as
the largest photo mosaic in the world.[107]
 On 9 October 2010, Manila
Mayor Alfredo S. Lim inaugurated a public
market in Baseco, Port Area known as the
President Corazon C. Aquino Public
Market.[108]
 On 16 December 2010, President
Benigno Aquino III and the Bangko
Sentral ng Pilipinas (Central Bank of the
Philippines) announced the release of
new 500-peso bank notes and unveiled
their new design, which features both the
late Senator Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino
Jr. and Corazon Aquino.[109]
 On July 2013, a new hospital, the
Corazon C. Aquino Hospital in Barangay
Biasong, Dipolog City, was opened to the
public.
 On 10 December 2015, the Republic
Act No. 10176, a bill that changes the
name of Batasan Hills High School
(BHES) into "President Corazon C.
Aquino Elementary School" (PCCAES)
in Batasan Hills, Quezon City, was signed
into law by President Benigno Aquino III.
[110]
President Corazon Aquino ended her term in
1992 with the country reeling under severe
power shortage crisis. It was the offshoot of
her administration's failure to provide
replacement for the more than 600-MW of
electricity foregone with the government's
decision to mothball the Bataan nuclear power
plant (BNPP).[111]
Awards and
achievements[edit]
 1986 Time Woman of the Year
 1986 Eleanor Roosevelt Human
Rights Award
 1986 United Nations Silver Medal
 1986 Canadian International Prize for
Freedom
 1986 International Democracy Award
from the International Association of
Political Consultants
 1987 Prize For Freedom Award
from Liberal International
 1993 Special Peace Award from the
Aurora Aragon Quezon Peace Awards
Foundation and Concerned Women of the
Philippines
 1995 Path to Peace Award
 1996 J. William Fulbright Prize for
International Understanding from the U.S.
Department of State
 1998 Ramon Magsaysay Award for
International Understanding
 1998 Pearl S. Buck Award
 1999 One of Time Magazine's 20
Most Influential Asians of the 20th
Century
 2001 World Citizenship Award
 2005 David Rockefeller Bridging
Leadership Awards
 2005 One of the World's Elite Women
Who Make a Difference by the
International Women's Forum Hall of
Fame
 2006 One of Time Magazine's 65
Asian Heroes
 2008 One of A Different View's 15
Champions of World Democracy
 EWC Asia Pacific Community Building
Award
 Women's International Center
International Leadership Living Legacy
Award
 Martin Luther King, Jr. Nonviolent
Peace Prize
 United Nations Development Fund for
Women Noel Foundation Life Award
Honorary doctorates[edit]
 Doctor of International Relations,
honoris causa, from:
o Boston University in Boston
o Eastern University in St.
David, Pennsylvania
o Fordham University in New
York
o Waseda University in Tokyo
 Doctor of Civil Law, honoris causa,
from:
o Far Eastern University (59th
Commencement Exercises, March
1987)
 Doctor of Laws, honoris causa, from:
o University of the Philippines
Diliman
o University of Santo
Tomas in Manila
 Doctor of Humane Letters, honoris
causa, from:
o Ateneo de Manila University
o College of Mount Saint
Vincent in New York
o Xavier University – Ateneo de
Cagayan (Cagayan de Oro City,
Philippines)
 Doctor of Humanities, honoris causa,
from:
o Bicol University (Posthumous),
2011
o San Beda College in Manila,
2000
o Seattle University, 2002
o Stonehill College in Easton,
Massachusetts
o University of Oregon, 1995
 Doctor of Public Administration,
Joseph Estrada in 1998
honoris causa, from:
o Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng
Maynila (University of the City of 13th President of the Philippines
Manila), June 1994
In office
Foreign orders[edit] June 30, 1998 – January 20, 2001

  Japan:  : Supreme Order of

the Chrysanthemum, Grand Cordon - Vice President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo
(November 1986)

Preceded by Fidel Ramos

Joseph Estrada
Succeeded by Gloria Macapagal Arroyo

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia 26th Mayor of Manila

Jump to navigationJump to search

In office
"Erap" redirects here. For the French
company, see ERAP. June 30, 2013 – June 30, 2019

Vice Mayor Isko Moreno (2013–2016)

His Excellency
Honey Lacuna (2016–2019)

Joseph Estrada Preceded by Alfredo Lim

Succeeded by Isko Moreno

9th Vice President of the Philippines

In office

June 30, 1992 – June 30, 1998

President Fidel V. Ramos

Preceded by Salvador Laurel

Succeeded by Gloria Macapagal Arroyo

Chairman of the Presidential Anti-Crime Commission

 In office Children 11 (incl. Jinggoy, Joseph Victor)

1992–1997
Residence Santa Mesa, Manila

President Fidel Ramos

Alma mater Mapúa University
Senator of the Philippines
Central Colleges of the Philippines

In office
Occupation Actor, politician
June 30, 1987 – June 30, 1992

Mayor of San Juan, Metro Manila Profession Businessperson

In office Signature

August 5, 1969 – March 26, 1986

Website erap.ph

Preceded by Braulio Santo Domingo

Joseph Ejercito Estrada (born Jose
Marcelo Ejercito; April 19, 1937) is
Succeeded by Reynaldo San Pascual a Filipino politician and former actor who
served as the 13th President of the
Philippines from 1998 to 2001, ninth Vice
Personal details President of the Philippines from 1992 to
1998, and the 26th Mayor of the City of
Manila, the country's capital,[1] from 2013 to
Born Jose Marcelo Ejercito 2019. In 2001, he became the first president
in Asia to be impeached from an executive
role and resigned from power.
April 19, 1937 (age 82) Estrada gained popularity as a film actor,
playing the lead role in over a hundred films in
Tondo, Manila, Commonwealth of the Philippines
an acting career spanning some three
decades, and model, who was started as a
Died January 17, 2020 (aged 82)
fashion and ramp model at the age of 13. He
used his popularity as an actor to make gains
in politics, serving as Mayor of San Juan from
Political party PMP (1997–present) 1969 to 1986, as Senator from 1987 to 1992,
then as Vice President under President Fidel
Ramos from 1992 to 1998.
Other political Nacionalista (1969–1988) Estrada was elected President in 1998 with a
affiliations Liberal Party (1988–1991) wide margin of votes separating him from the
other challengers, and was sworn into the
NPC (1991–1997) presidency on June 30, 1998. In 2000 he
UNA (2012–2015) declared an "all-out-war" against the Moro
Islamic Liberation Front and captured its
Luisa Pimentel (m. 1959)
headquarters and other camps.[2][3] However,
Spouse(s) allegations of corruption spawned
an impeachment trial in the Senate, and in
 2001 Estrada was ousted by "People Power o 4.6EDSA II
2" after the prosecution walked out of the
impeachment court when the senator-judges  4.6.1Protests
voted "no" in the opening of the second
envelope.  4.6.2Resignation
In 2007, Estrada was sentenced by a special
division of the Sandiganbayan to reclusión  5Post-Presidency
perpetua for the plunder of $80 million from
the government, but was later o 5.1Trial
granted pardon by President and his former
deputy Gloria Macapagal Arroyo. He ran for o 5.2Perjury case
president again in the 2010 presidential
election, but was defeated by o 5.3Pardon and release from
Senator Benigno Aquino III by a wide margin. detention
He later served as Mayor of Manila for two
terms, from 2013 to 2019.
o 5.4Activities

 62010 Presidential election

Contents
 7Other activities
 1Early life and education
 8Mayor of Manila
 2Career
 9Electoral history
o 2.1Film actor
 10In popular culture
o 2.2Entry into politics
 11Personal life
 2.2.1Mayor of San Juan
o 11.1Marriage and family
 2.2.2Senator of the
Philippines o 11.2Extramarital affairs

 3Vice-Presidency o 11.3Other relatives

 4Presidency  12Awards and honors

4.1Cabinet (1998–2001)[12]
o  13References

o 4.2Domestic policies  14External links

 4.2.1Rebellion in
Mindanao Early life and education[edit]
This section does
o 4.3Foreign policies not cite any source
s. Please
o 4.4Economy help improve this
section by adding
o 4.5Corruption charges and
citations to reliable
impeachment
 sources. Unsourced opportunities and housing. Its educational
material may be arm, the Mowelfund Film Institute, has
produced some of the most skilled and
challenged
respected producers, filmmakers, writers and
and removed. performers in both the independent and
Find sources: "Joseph mainstream sectors of the industry since its
Estrada" – news · news inception in 1979.[4][failed verification] He also founded,
papers · books · schola together with Guillermo de Vega, the first
r · JSTOR (July Metro Manila Film Festival in 1975.[citation needed]
2019)  (Learn how and
when to remove this Entry into politics[edit]
template message) This section of
a biography of a
José Marcelo Ejército Sr. was born at 8:25 pm living person needs
on April 19, 1937 at Manuguit Maternity additional citations 
Hospital (now known as Amisola Maternity for verification. Plea
Hospital) in Tondo, an urban district of Manila.
se help by
His family later moved to the wealthy suburb
of San Juan. He belonged to a wealthy family, adding reliable
and was the eighth of ten children of Emilio sources.
Ejercito Sr. (1898–1977) and his wife, Maria Contentious
Marcelo (1905–2009). After graduating from material about living
the Ateneo elementary school in 1951, he was persons that is
expelled during his second year of secondary unsourced or poorly
studies at the Ateneo High School for
sourced must be
disciplinary conduct. Later during college he
enrolled in a Bachelor of Sciencs in Civil removed
Engineering course at the Mapúa Institute of immediately,
Technology in an effort to please his father. especially if
However, he would leave once again and later potentially libelous 
transferred to Central Colleges of the or harmful.
Philippines College of Engineering but Find sources: "Joseph
dropped out. Estrada" – news · news
In his twenties, he began a career as a drama papers · books · scholar 
actor, usually playing the role of the · JSTOR (November
villain/antagonist. He adopted the stage name 2012) (Learn how and
"Joseph Estrada", as his mother objected to when to remove this
his chosen career and his decision to quit template message)
schooling multiple times. He also acquired the
nickname "Erap" (a play on the Tagalog slang Mayor of San Juan[edit]
"pare", meaning 'buddy') from his friend, fellow
actor Fernando Poe, Jr. Estrada entered politics in 1967, running for
mayor of San Juan, Metro Manila, then a
municipality of Rizal, failing and only
Career[edit] succeeding in 1969 after winning an electoral
Film actor[edit] protest against Braulio Sto. Domingo. His
administration was marked by unequaled
Main article: Joseph Estrada filmography
accomplishments in infrastructure
In 1974 Estrada founded the Movie Workers development.[citation needed] These included the
Welfare Foundation (Mowelfund), which helps establishment of the first Municipal High
filmmakers through medical reimbursements, School, the Agora complex, a modern
hospitalization, surgery and death benefits, slaughterhouse, a sprawling government
livelihood, and alternative income center with a post office, a mini-park and the
paving of 98 percent of the town's roads and In 1992, Joseph Estrada initially ran for
alleys. president with Vicente Rivera, Jr. as his
running mate but he withdrew his bid and
As mayor, he paid particular attention to the
instead ran for vice-president as the running
elementary education of children by improving
mate of Eduardo Cojuangco, Jr. under
and renovating school buildings, constructing
the Nationalist People's Coalition. Though
additional school structures, health centers,
Cojuangco lost to former National Defense
barangay halls and playgrounds in all the
Secretary Fidel Ramos, Estrada won the vice-
barangays and providing artesian wells to
presidency garnering more votes than his
areas with low water supply. He relocated
closest opponent, Ramon Mitra, Jr.'s running
some 1,800 squatter families out of San Juan
mate, Marcelo Fernan.
to Taytay, Rizal, at no cost. He was also the
first mayor to computerize assessment of the As Vice-President, Estrada was the chairman
Real Estate Tax in the Municipal Assessor's of President Ramos' Presidential Anti-Crime
Office.[5] When Corazon Aquino assumed the Commission (PACC). Estrada arrested
presidency in 1986, all elected officials of the criminal warlords and kidnapping syndicates.
local government were forcibly removed and [6]
 He resigned as chairman in 1997.
replaced by appointed officers-in-charge,
In the same year Estrada, together with
including Estrada[citation needed].
former President Corazon Aquino,
Senator of the Philippines[edit] Cardinal Jaime Sin, Senator Gloria Macapagal
Arroyo and other political leaders, led an anti-
The following year, Estrada won a seat in charter change rally brought in an estimated
the Senate under the Grand Alliance for half a million people to Rizal Park against the
Democracy (GAD) placing 16th in the charter change moves by Ramos and his
elections (out of 24 winners). He was supporters.[7]
appointed Chairman of the Committee on
Public Works. He was Vice-Chairman of the
Committees on Health, Natural Resources Presidency[edit]
and Ecology and Urban Planning. Main article: Presidency of Joseph Estrada
In the Senate, Estrada was credited with the
passage of, among other major pieces of
legislation, the bills on irrigation project and Presidential styles of
the protection and propagation of carabaos, Joseph Ejercito Estrada
the beast of burden in the rural areas.
As a senator, he was one of the so-called
"Magnificent 12" who voted to terminate the
RP-US Military Bases Agreement leading to
the withdrawal of American servicemen from
the Clark Air Base in Pampanga and
the Subic Naval Base in Zambales. Reference style His Excellency
In 1989, the Free Press cited him as one of
the Three Outstanding Senators of the Year. Spoken style Your Excellency
He was conferred the degree of Doctor of
Humanities, Honoris Causa by the Bicol
University in April 1997, and the University of Alternative style Mr. President
Pangasinan in 1990.
Estrada was the first president to use a
Vice-Presidency[edit] special name as his official address name,
See also: Presidency of Fidel V. Ramos combining his real family name, Ejercito, with
his screen name, thus forming "Joseph
Ejercito Estrada".[8] Estrada was inaugurated
on June 30, 1998 in the historical town
of Malolos in Bulacan province in paying
tribute to the cradle of the First Philippine
Republic. That afternoon the new president
delivered his inaugural address at the Quirino
Grandstand in Luneta. He assumed office
amid the Asian Financial Crisis and with
agricultural problems due to poor weather
conditions, thereby slowing the economic
growth to -0.6% in 1998 from 5.2% in 1997.
[9]
 The economy recovered by 3.4% in 1999
and 4% in 2000.[10] In 2000 he declared an "all-
out-war" against the Moro Islamic Liberation
Front and captured its headquarters and other
camps.[2][3] However, allegations of corruption
spawned a railroaded impeachment trial in the
Senate courtesy of house speaker Manuel
Villar, and in 2001 Estrada was ousted from a
coup after the trial was aborted.
In his Inaugural Address, Estrada said:
One hundred years after Kawit, fifty
“ years after independence, twelve years
after EDSA, and seven years after the
rejection of foreign bases, it is now the
turn of the masses to experience
liberation. We stand in the shadow of
those who fought to make us free – free
from foreign domination, free from
domestic tyranny, free from
superpower dictation, free from
economic backwardness.[11]
Domestic policies[edit]
Main article: Domestic_Policies of Joseph
Estrada
Rebellion in Mindanao[edit]
Main articles: 2000 Philippine campaign
against the Moro Islamic Liberation
Front and Battle of Camp Abubakar
During the Ramos administration a cessation
of hostilities agreement was signed between
the Philippine Government and the Moro
Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) in July 1997.
This was continued by a series of peace talks
and negotiations in Estrada administration.
[3]
 The MILF, an Islamic group formed in 1977,
seeks to be an independent Islamic State from
the Philippines, and, despite the agreements,
a sequence of terrorist attacks on the
Philippine military and civilians still continued.
[3]
 These included the kidnapping of a foreign
priest, namely Father Luciano Benedetti; the
destruction by arson of Talayan,
Maguindanao's municipal hall; the takeover of
the Kauswagan Municipal Hall; the bombing
of the Lady of Mediatrix boat at Ozamiz City;
and the takeover of the Narciso Ramos
Highway. By doing so, they inflicted severe
damage on the country's image abroad, and
scared much-needed investments away. For
this reason, on March 21, 2000, Estrada
declared an "all out war" against the MILF.
During the war the Catholic Bishops'
Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) asked
Estrada to negotiate a cease-fire with MILF,
but Estrada opposed the idea arguing that a
cease-fire would cause more terrorist attacks.
For the next three months of the war, Camp
Abubakar, headquarters of the MILF, fell
along with other 13 major camps and 43
minor camps, and then all of which became
under controlled by the government. The
MILF leader Hashim Salamat fled to Malaysia.
The MILF later declared a Jihad on the
government. On July 10 of the same year, the
President went to Minadanao and raised the
Philippine flag symbolizing victory. After the
war the President said, "... will speed up
government efforts to bring genuine and
lasting peace and development in Mindanao".
In the middle of July the president ordered the
military to arrest top MILF leaders.[13]
In his state of the nation address, popularly
called "SONA", the president highlighted his
vision for Mindanao:
 The first is to restore and maintain
peace in Mindanao—because without
peace, there can be no development.
 The second is to develop Mindanao—
because without development, there can
be no peace.
 The third is to continue seeking peace
talks with the MILF within the framework
of the Constitution—because a peace
 agreed upon in good faith is preferable to
a peace enforced by force of arms.
 And the fourth is to continue with the
implementation of the peace agreement
between the government and the Moro
National Liberation Front, or MNLF—
because that is our commitment to our
countrymen and to the international
community.
In addition to this the president said his
administration can move with more speed in
transforming Mindanao into a progressive
economic center.[13] High on the list of priorities
was the plight of MILF guerrillas who were
tired of fighting and had no camps left to
which to report. On October 5, 2000 the first
massive surrender of 669 LC-MILF
mujahideen led by the renegade vice mayor of
Marugong, Lanao del Sur Malupandi Cosandi
Sarip and seven other battalion commanders,
surrendered to President Estrada at the 4th ID
headquarters in Camp Edilberto Evangelista,
Bgy. Patag, Cagayan de Oro City. They were
followed shortly by a second batch of 855
surrenderees led by Lost command MILF
Commander Sayben Ampaso on December
29, 2000.[14]
Foreign policies[edit]
Main article: Presidency_of_Joseph_Estrada
§ Foreign_Policies
Economy[edit]
By the end of Estrada's administration, debt
supposedly reached P 2.1 trillion in 1999.
Domestic debt supposedly amounted to P
986.7 billion while foreign debt stood at
US$52.2 billion. The fiscal deficit had
reportedly doubled to more than P 100 billion
from a low of P 49 billion in 1998.[15] Despite
such setbacks, the GDP by 1999 posted a 3.2
percent growth rate, up from a low of −0.5
percent in 1998. Moreover, domestic
investments started to increase from 18.8% of
GDP in 1999 to 21.2% of GDP in 2000. [16]
Corruption charges and
impeachment[edit]
President Estrada in 2000.
In October 2000, Ilocos Sur governor Luis
"Chavit" Singson, a close friend of the
President, alleged that he had personally
given Estrada ₱400 million as payoff from
jueteng, a grassroots-based numbers game,
hidden in a bank account known as "Jose
Velarde", as well as ₱180 million from the
government price subsidy for the tobacco
farmers' marketing cooperative after Estrada
ordered a full blown investigation into Chavit
Singson's alleged misuse of millions of pesos
in public funds. Singson's allegation caused
controversy across the nation, which
culminated in the House of Representatives'
filing of an impeachment case against Estrada
on November 13, 2000. House
Speaker Manny Villar fast-tracked the
impeachment complaint. The impeachment
suit was brought to the Senate and an
impeachment court was formed, with Chief
Justice Hilario Davide, Jr. as presiding officer.
Estrada pleaded "not guilty".
This was the first time the Filipino public
witnessed, through radio and television, an
elected president stand in trial and face
possible impeachment with full media
coverage. During the trial, the prosecution
presented witnesses and alleged pieces of
evidence to the impeachment court regarding
Estrada's alleged involvement in jueteng. The
existence of secret bank accounts which he
allegedly uses for receiving payoffs was also
brought to the fore.
In the 2004 Global Transparency Report,
Estrada made into the list of the World's All-
Time Most Corrupt Leaders in the World. He
was listed tenth and he was said to have
amassed between $78 million to $80 million.[17]
[18]
 Also making it to the list from
the Philippines is Ferdinand Marcos, who
ended up second in the list as he was said to
have embezzled between $5 billion to
$10 billion during his 21 years as President
from 1965 to 1986.
EDSA II[edit]
Main article: EDSA Revolution of 2001
Protests[edit]
On the evening of January 16, 2001, the
impeachment court voted not to open an
envelope that allegedly contained
incriminating evidence against Estrada simply
because it was not part of the impeachment
complaint. The final vote was 11–10, in favor
of keeping the envelope closed. The
prosecution panel (of congressmen and
lawyers) walked out of the impeachment court
in protest of this vote. The 11 senators who
voted not to open the envelope are known as
the "Craven Eleven". That night, anti-Estrada
protesters gathered in front of the EDSA
Shrine at Epifanio de los Santos Avenue, not
too far away from the site of the 1986 People
Power Revolution that overthrew Ferdinand
Marcos.
On January 19, 2001, Armed Forces of the
Philippines Chief of Staff Angelo Reyes,
seeing the political upheaval throughout the
country, decided to "withdraw his support" of
the president and pay his allegiance to the
vice president, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo.
Resignation[edit]
The following day, the Supreme Court
declared the presidency vacant, saying that
Estrada had resigned the office. At noon, the
Chief Justice swore in Gloria Macapagal-
Arroyo as president of the Philippines. Before
Estrada's departure from Malacañang, he
issued the following press release:
At twelve o'clock noon today,
“ Vice President Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo took her ” release and his reinstatement as president but
oath as President of the
Republic of the Philippines.
While along with many other
legal minds of our country, I
have strong and serious
doubts about the legality and
constitutionality of her
proclamation as President, I
do not wish to be a factor that
will prevent the restoration of
unity and order in our civil
society.
It is for this reason that I now
leave Malacañang Palace, the
seat of the presidency of this
country, for the sake of peace
and in order to begin the
healing process of our nation. I
leave the Palace of our people
with gratitude for the
opportunities given to me for
service to our people. I will not
shirk from any future
challenges that may come
ahead in the same service of
our country.
I call on all my supporters and
followers to join me in to
promotion of a constructive
national spirit of reconciliation
and solidarity.
May the Almighty bless our
country and beloved
people. Mabuhay![19]
Post-Presidency[edit]
Estrada returned to his old home in San Juan.
He maintained that he never resigned,
implying that Arroyo's government was
illegitimate.
The new government created a special court
and charged him with plunder and had him
arrested in April. His supporters marched to
the EDSA Shrine demanding Estrada's
were dispersed by high-grade teargas and
warning shots from automatic rifles. On the
morning of May 1, the protesters marched
straight to Malacañang Palace. Violence
erupted and the government declared a State
of Rebellion. Many Filipino protesters were
badly injured and arrested, including
politicians. The government called out the
military and was able to quell the
demonstration with teargas and automatic
rifles. The bloody uprising came to be known
as EDSA III.
Estrada was initially detained at the Veterans'
Memorial Medical Center in Quezon City and
then transferred to a military facility in Tanay,
Rizal, but he was later transferred to a nearby
vacation home, virtually in house arrest.
Under Philippine law, plunder had the
maximum penalty of death; however the death
penalty was eventually repealed.

Trial[edit]
Main article: Trial of Joseph Estrada Estrada in 2012.

On September 12, 2007, the Sandiganbayan The Sandiganbayan's special division, on

finally gave its decision, finding Estrada not
guilty on his perjury case but guilty of plunder
"beyond reasonable doubt". He was
sentenced to reclusión perpetua. He was thus
the first Philippine President who was
convicted of Plunder.[20]
On September 26, 2007, Joseph Estrada
appealed by filing a 63-page motion for
reconsideration of
the Sandiganbayan judgment penned
by Teresita de Castro (submitting five legal
grounds).[21][22] Estrada alleged that the court
erred "when it convicted him by acquitting his
alleged co-conspirators."[23]
On October 5, 2007, the Sandiganbayan's
Special Division ruled to set on October 19
an oral argument (instead of a defense reply)
on Joseph Estrada's motion for
reconsideration. Estrada asked for the court's
permission to attend the hearing, since it
ordered the prosecution to file a comment
before October 11.[24]
Perjury case[edit]
June 27, 2008, ordered Estrada to file
comment within 10 days, on the motion of the
Ombudsman's Special Prosecutor to re-open
the trial of his perjury case regarding 1999
statement of assets, liabilities and net worth
(SALN). The court was also to resolve Banco
de Oro's (formerly Equitable PCI Bank), plea
that it cannot determine "without hazard to
itself" who to turn over to the P1.1 billion Jose
Velarde assets due to claims by Wellex Group
/ William Gatchalian and a Bureau of Internal
Revenue stay order.[25]
Pardon and release from
detention[edit]
On October 22, 2007, Acting Justice
Secretary Agnes Devanadera stated that
Joseph Estrada is seeking a "full, free, and
unconditional pardon" from President Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo. Estrada's lawyer Jose
Flaminiano wrote Arroyo: "The time has come
to end President Estrada's fight for justice and
vindication before the courts. Today
[Monday], we filed a withdrawal of his Motion
for Reconsideration." Estrada, 70, stressed
the "delicate condition" of his mother in asking
for pardon.[26]
On October 25, 2007, President Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo granted executive
clemency to Joseph Estrada based on the
recommendation by the Department of Justice
(DoJ). Acting Executive Secretary and Press
Secretary Ignacio R. Bunye quoted the signed
Order: "In view hereof in pursuant of the
authority conferred upon me by the
Constitution, I hereby grant Executive
clemency to Joseph Ejercito Estrada,
convicted by the Sandiganbayan of plunder
and imposed a penalty of reclusión perpetua.
He is hereby restored to his civil and political
rights." Bunye noted that Estrada committed
in his application not to seek public office, and
he would be free from his Tanay resthouse on
October 26, noon.[27][28][29] On October 26, 2007,
after almost seven years of detention, Joseph
Estrada was finally released after
the Sandiganbayan promulgated the historical
resolution.[30]
Estrada at the Malacañan Palace State Dining
Room in July 2016
Activities[edit]
When Estrada was released he gave a
message to the Filipino people that he can
once again help the lives of the people,
especially the poor. He also stated that he
made errors as a public servant but he
assured them that, notwithstanding his
conviction for it, corruption was not one of
them. After the release he had a nationwide
tour called "Lakbay Pasasalamat"[31][32] (Thank
you tour) and during those trips he thanked
the people for their support and gave them
relief goods such as food, medicines and
clothing.[5][33][34] In politics, he stated that he was
convincing leaders of the opposition to have
unity, and that failing that, he would run.[35]
2010 Presidential
election[edit]
Joseph Estrada stated in interviews that he
would be willing to run for the opposition in the
event that they are unable to unite behind a
single candidate.[36][37] Fr. Joaquin Bernas and
Christian Monsod, members of the
constitutional commission that drafted the
1987 Constitution, stated that the constitution
clearly prohibits any elected president from
seeking a second term at any point in time.
[38]
 Romulo Macalintal, election counsel of
President Arroyo, clarified that the
constitutional ban doesn't prevent Estrada
from attaining the presidency in the event that
he were to be elevated from the vice-
presidency, for example.[39] However, Rufus
Rodriquez, one of Estrada's lawyers, claims
that the former president is within his rights to
do so because the prohibition banning re-
election only applies to the incumbent
president.[36]
On October 22, 2009 former President Joseph
Estrada announced that he would run again
for president with Makati City Mayor Jejomar
Binay as his running mate.[40]
His Senatorial lineup included Francisco
Tatad, Juan Ponce Enrile, Jinggoy
Estrada, Joey de Venecia and Miriam
Defensor Santiago. However, he lost
to Benigno Aquino III on election.
Other activities[edit]
In 1972 Estrada starred in Blood Compact.
In October 2010, the magazine Foreign
Policy included Estrada in its list of five former
head of states/governments who did not make
"a positive difference in the world", but "faded
away into obscurity." Also included in this
"Bad Exes" list were Thailand's Thaksin
Shinawatra, Spain's Jose Maria Aznar, and
Germany's Gerhard Schroder.[41]
Estrada announced in November 2010 that he
will be selling his 3,000 square-metre (0.74-
acre) home in San Juan, Metro Manila for
nearly seven million dollars
(300 million Philippine pesos) to "pursue his
real estate business."[citation needed] Agence France
Presse reported that Estrada "has put up two
high-rise residential condominium buildings
and plans to build a third soon."[42]
Mayor of Manila[edit]
Estrada (center, back row) with members 10th City
Council of Manila in July 13, 2016. Elected in 2013
as Mayor of Manila, he was reelected again in
2016.
In May 2012, Estrada announced his intention
to run for Mayor of Manila in the 2013
elections to continue his political career.[43]
Around noon of May 14, 2013, the day after
the conduct of the 2013 Philippine mid-term
elections, Estrada and his running-mate and
re-electionist Vice Mayor Francisco "Isko
Moreno" Domagoso were proclaimed mayor-
elect and vice mayor-elect, respectively by the
City Board of Canvassers for the City of
Manila.
After serving two consecutive terms as mayor,
Estrada intended to run for a third term,
competing against former Manila vice mayor
Isko Moreno and former Manila mayor Alfredo
Lim.[44]
Running for a third and last term as Mayor of
Manila, on May 13, 2019, Estrada was
stunned by a crippling loss to Isko Moreno
Domagoso, Manila's Vice Mayor from 2007 to
2016. Mayor-elect Isko Moreno Domagoso,
beating Estrada by close to 150,000 votes in a
landslide victory, was then officially
proclaimed winner by the City Board of
Canvassers on 14 May 2019.[45][circular reference]
Estrada conceded defeat on the evening of 13
May, the City of Manila overwhelmingly
rejecting his bid for another term as Mayor.[46]
In popular culture[edit]
Since the beginning of his political career,
Estrada has been the butt of many jokes in
the Philippines. The majority of the jokes
about him center around his limited English
vocabulary, while others focus on his
corruption scandals. During his presidential
campaign in 1998, Estrada authorized the
distribution of the joke compilation
book ERAPtion: How to Speak English
Without Really Trial.[48]
Personal life[edit]
Joseph Estrada is the first President to have
previously worked in the entertainment
industry as a popular artist, and for being the
first to sport any sort of facial hair during his
term, specifically his trademark
acting mustaches and wristbands.
Marriage and family[edit]
Estrada is married to former First Lady-turned-
senator Dr. Luisa "Loi" Pimentel, whom he
met while she was working at the National
Center for Mental Health (NCMH)
in Mandaluyong City, and has three children
with her:
 Jose "Jinggoy" Ejercito, Jr, Mayor of
San Juan (1992–2001); Senator (2004–
2016) (married to Precy Vitug)
 Jackie Ejercito (formerly married to
Beaver Lopez)
 Jude Ejercito (married to Rowena
Ocampo)
Extramarital affairs[edit]
He also has 8 children from several
extramarital relationships.[49]
With former actress Peachy Osorio:
 Joel Eduardo "Jojo" Ejercito
 Teresita "Tetchie" Ejercito
With former San Juan City Mayor Guia name is Macaraeg, the birth surname or
Gomez: paternal family name is Macapagal, and
the marital name is Arroyo.
 Joseph Victor Ejercito; Mayor of San
Juan (2001–2010), Representative of San
Her Excellency
Juan City (2010–2013) and Senator
(2013–2019). (married to Cindy Lotuaco)
With a former air hostess who is publicly
known only by the name "Larena": Gloria Macapagal Arroyo

 Jason Ejercito
With former actress Laarni Enriquez: CYC

 Jerika Ejercito
 Juan Emilio "Jake" Ejercito
 Jacob Ejercito
With former air hostess Joy Melendrez:

 Joma Ejercito
Other relatives[edit]
Several of Ejercito's relatives became
prominent figures in politics and showbiz.

 Jorge Ejercito ("George Estregan"),

brother; actor
 E.R. Ejercito ("George Estregan Jr."),
son of George Estregan and nephew;
actor, Mayor of Pagsanjan,
Laguna (2001–2010) and Governor
of Laguna (2010–2014).
 Gary Ejercito ("Gary Estrada"), Arroyo in 2018
nephew; actor and board member
of Quezon province.
14th President of the Philippines
 Gherome Ejercito, nephew; basketball
player
In office

January 20, 2001 – June 30, 2010

Vice President Teofisto Guingona (2001–2004)

Gloria Macapagal Noli de Castro (2004–2010)

Arroyo Preceded by Joseph Estrada

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to navigationJump to search
In this Philippine name for married women, Succeeded by Benigno Aquino III
the birth middle name or maternal family
 25th Speaker of the House of Representatives of the Philippines Secretary of Social Welfare and Development

In office In office

July 23, 2018 – June 30, 2019 June 30, 1998 – October 12, 2000

President Rodrigo Duterte President Joseph Estrada

Preceded by Pantaleon Alvarez Preceded by Lilian Laigo

Succeeded by Alan Peter Cayetano Succeeded by Dulce Saguisag

10th Vice President of the Philippines Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives

In office In office

June 30, 1998 – January 20, 2001 August 15, 2016 – March 15, 2017

President Joseph Estrada President Rodrigo Duterte

Preceded by Joseph Estrada Preceded by Roberto Puno

Succeeded by Teofisto Guingona Succeeded by Linabelle Villarica

Secretary of National Defense Member of the Philippine House of Representatives

Acting from Pampanga's 2nd district

In office In office
November 30, 2006 – February 1, 2007 June 30, 2010 – June 30, 2019

Preceded by Avelino Cruz Preceded by Mikey Arroyo

Succeeded by Hermogenes Ebdane Succeeded by Mikey Arroyo

Senator of the Philippines

In office

September 1, 2003 – October 2, 2003

In office

June 30, 1992 – June 30, 1998

Preceded by Angelo Reyes

Personal details
Succeeded by Eduardo Ermita
 classmate and future U.S. President Bill
Born Maria Gloria Macaraeg Macapagal Clinton.[5] Born as the daughter of
President Diosdado Macapagal, Arroyo was a
professor of economics at Ateneo de Manila
University, where her eventual successor,
April 5, 1947 (age 72) President Benigno Aquino III, was one of her
Lubao, Pampanga, Philippines students. She entered government in 1987,
serving as the assistant secretary and
undersecretary of the Department of Trade
Political party LDP (before 1998) and Industry upon the invitation of
President Corazon Aquino, Benigno's mother.
KAMPI (1997–2009)
After serving as a senator from 1992 to 1998,
Lakas-CMD I (1998–2009) she was elected to the vice presidency under
President Joseph Estrada, despite having run
Lakas-CMD II (2009–2017)
on an opposing ticket.
PDP–Laban[1] (2017–present)
After Estrada was accused of corruption, she
resigned her cabinet position as Secretary of
Jose Miguel Arroyo (m. 1968) Social Welfare and Development and joined
Spouse(s)
the growing opposition against the president,
who faced impeachment. Estrada was soon
Children 3, including Mikey and Dato forced out from office by the Second EDSA
Revolution in 2001, and Arroyo was sworn
into the presidency by Chief Justice Hilario
Education Georgetown University Davide, Jr. on January 20 that year. In 2003,
the Oakwood mutiny occurred after signs of
Assumption College (BA)
a martial law declaration were seen under her
Ateneo de Manila University (MA) rule.[6][7] She was elected to a full six-year
presidential term in the controversial and
University of the Philippines, Diliman (PhD
fraudelent 2004 Philippine elections, and was
sworn in on June 30, 2004. The election
results was marred with cheating due to
Net worth ₱ 479.5 million (Dec 2018)[2]
the Hello Garci scandal.[8][9] Her administration
was also embroiled in the 2007 NBN–ZTE
Signature deal corruption scandal.[10] Arroyo's presidency
in the first quarter of 2001 began with a net
satisfaction rating of +24. By the first quarter
of 2009, her net satisfaction rating was at −32,
Website Official website
making her one of the most unpopular
presidents in Philippine history.[11] A 2010
Maria Gloria Macaraeg Macapagal- leaked diplomatic cable from the United
Arroyo CYC (Tagalog pronunciation: [makapaˈɡal States stated that Arroyo's administration was
ɐˈɾɔjɔ], born April 5, 1947)[3] is 'corrupt', even worse than Ferdinand
a Filipino academic and former politician who Marcos's, and that Arroyo's husband, Jose
was the 14th President of the Philippines from Miguel Arroyo, is 'one of the most corrupt'.
2001 until 2010. She recently held the position [12]
 Following her presidency, she was elected
of the Speaker of the House of to the House of Representatives through her
Representatives of the Philippines, making home district, which was her last bailiwick,
her the first woman to hold the position from making her the second Philippine president—
2018 until 2019, when she retired. [4] after José P. Laurel—to pursue a lower office
Arroyo studied Economics at Georgetown after their presidency.
University at Washington, D.C. where she On November 18, 2011, Arroyo was arrested
began a lasting friendly relationship with her following the filing of criminal charges against
 her for electoral fraud. She was held at
the Veterans Memorial Medical
Center in Quezon City under charges
of electoral sabotage[13][14] but released on bail
in July 2012. She was rearrested on charges
of misuse of $8.8 million in state lottery funds
in October 2012.[15] She was given a hospital
arrest allegedly due to "life-threatening health
conditions" certified by her doctors.[16] On July
19, 2016, she was acquitted by the Supreme
Court by a vote of 11-4 under the
administration of her ally, Rodrigo Duterte.
[17]
 Also, the Supreme Court declared the
DOJ's hold departure order unconstitutional.[18]
[19]
 Her lawyers afterwards stated that Arroyo
no longer needed her medical paraphernalia,
releasing her from the hospital.[20]
She has since been a member of
the Philippine Academy of the Spanish
Language after she announced her support to
bring back Spanish as an official language of
the Philippines during her 9-year presidency.
In July 23, 2018, she was elected as the
Speaker of the House of Representatives of
the Philippines under the Duterte
Administration controversially[21] replacing Pant
aleon Alvarez.[22] She spearheaded various
controversial bills, including a bill that sought
to lower the age of criminal liability to 12 years
old.[23]
Contents
 1Early life
 2Senator
 3Vice Presidency (1998–2001)
 4Presidency (2001–2010)
o 4.1First term (2001–2004)
 4.1.1Succession
 4.1.2Corruption charges
and Oakwood Mutiny
 4.1.32004 Presidential
Election
o 4.2Second term (2004–2010)
 4.2.12004 Presidential
Election rigging allegations
 4.2.2State of
Emergency
 4.2.3Charter Change
o 4.3Economy
o 4.4Domestic policies
o 4.5Foreign policies
o 4.6Public perception
 5Post-presidency
o 5.12010 election to House of
Representatives
o 5.22011 spinal surgery
o 5.32011 hospital arrest
o 5.42013 reelection to the House
of Representatives
o 5.52014 medical problems and
reapplication for bail
o 5.62015 United Nations Working
Group on Arbitrary Detention
o 5.72016 Supreme Court
acquittal
o 5.82018 House Speakership
 6Scouting
 7Government and political titles
 8Honours and awards
o 8.1Foreign Honours
 9Ancestry
 10Notes
 11References
 12External links
Early life[edit]
Gloria Macapagal Arroyo y Macaraeg was
born as Maria Gloria Macaraeg
Macapagal in Lubao, Pampanga, Philippines,
to politician Diosdado Macapagal and his
wife, Evangelina Macaraeg Macapagal. She is
the sister of Diosdado "Boboy" Macapagal, Jr.
She has two older siblings from her father's
first marriage, Arturo Macapagal and Cielo
Macapagal Salgado.[3] During summer
vacations, she lived with her maternal
grandmother in Iligan City.[24] [24] She is a skilled
polyglot. She is fluent in
English, Tagalog, Spanish, French, and
several other Philippine languages, such
as Kapampangan, Ilokano, Hiligaynon,
Pangasinense, Bikolano, and Cebuano.
In 1961, when Arroyo was just 14 years old,
her father was elected as president. She
moved with her family into Malacañang
Palace in Manila. A municipality was named in
her honor, Gloria, Oriental Mindoro. She
attended Assumption Convent for her
elementary and high school education,
graduating valedictorian in 1964. Arroyo then
studied for two years at Georgetown
University's Walsh School of Foreign
Service in Washington, D.C. where she was a
classmate of future United States
President Bill Clinton.[25] She then earned her
Bachelor of Arts degree in Economics
from Assumption College graduating magna
cum laude in 1968.
In 1968, Arroyo married lawyer and
businessman Jose Miguel
Arroyo of Binalbagan, Negros Occidental,
whom she had met while still a teenager.
[3]
 They had three children, Juan Miguel (born
1969), Evangelina Lourdes (born 1971)
and Diosdado Ignacio Jose Maria (born in
1974). She pursued a master's degree in
Economics at the Ateneo de Manila
University (1978) and a Ph.D. in Economics
from the University of the Philippines
Diliman (1985).[26] From 1977 to 1987, she
held teaching positions in several schools,
notably the University of the Philippines and
the Ateneo de Manila University. She became
chairperson of the Economics Department at
Assumption College.
In 1987, she was invited by
President Corazon Aquino to join the
government as Assistant Secretary of
the Department of Trade and Industry. She
was promoted to Undersecretary two years
later. In her concurrent position as Executive
Director of the Garments and Textile Export
Board, Arroyo oversaw the rapid growth of the
garment industry in the late 1980s.
Senator[edit]
Arroyo entered politics in the 1992 election,
running for senator. At the first general
election under the 1987 Constitution, the top
twelve vote-getting senatorial candidates
would win a six-year term, and the next twelve
candidates would win a three-year term.
[27]
 Arroyo ranked 13th in the elections, earning
a three-year term. She was re-elected in
1995, topping the senatorial election with
nearly 16 million votes.
As a legislator, Arroyo filed over 400 bills and
authored or sponsored 55 laws during her
tenure as senator, including the Anti-Sexual
Harassment Law, the Indigenous People's
Rights Law, and the Export Development Act.
[3]
The 1995 Mining Act, which allows 100%
foreign ownership of Philippine mines, has
come under fire from left-wing political groups.
Vice Presidency (1998–2001)
[edit]
Arroyo considered a run for the presidency in
the 1998 election, but was persuaded by
President Fidel V. Ramos and leaders of the
administration party Lakas-Christian Muslim
Democrats to instead seek the vice-
presidency as the running mate of its
presidential candidate, House Speaker Jose
de Venecia, Jr.[28] Though the latter lost to
popular former actor Joseph Estrada, Arroyo
won the vice presidency by a large margin,
garnering more than twice the votes of her
closest opponent, Estrada's running mate
Senator Edgardo Angara.[29]
Arroyo began her term as Vice President on
June 30, 1998. She was appointed by Estrada
to a concurrent position in the cabinet
as Secretary of Social Welfare and
Development.[28]
Arroyo resigned from the Cabinet in October
2000, distancing herself from Estrada, who
was accused of corruption by a former political
supporter, Chavit Singson, Governor from
Ilocos Sur.[30] She had initially resisted
pressure from allies to speak out against
Estrada,[31] but eventually joined calls for
Estrada's resignation.[30]
Presidency (2001–2010)[edit]
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 Early Life  Euro Generals scandal

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 2009 flu pandemic in the Philippines
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o ASEAN Charter

Post-Presidency

First term
 Philippine House of Representatives

 EDSA II election (2010)

 1st inauguration  2011 hospital arrest

 Presidency  2016 Supreme Court acquittal


 Deputy Speaker
 Speaker
 v
 t
 e
First term (2001–2004)[edit]
Succession[edit]
The last quarter of 2000 up to the first week of
January 2001 was a period of political and
economic uncertainty for the Philippines. On
January 16, 2001, the impeachment trial also
took a new direction. Private prosecutors
walked out of the trial when pro-Estrada
senators prevented the opening of an
evidence (a brown envelope) containing bank
records allegedly owned by President
Estrada. With the walkout, the impeachment
trial was not completed and Filipinos
eventually took to the streets in masses to
continue the clamor for President Estrada's
resignation. From January 17 to 20,
2001, hundreds of thousands of Filipinos
gathered at Epifanio de los Santos
Avenue (EDSA), the site of the original People
Power Revolution. The clamor for a change in
the presidency gained momentum as various
sectors of Philippine society – professionals,
students, artists, politicians, leftist and rightist
groups – joined what became known as EDSA
II. Officials of the administration, the Armed
Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and
the Philippine National Police (PNP) also
withdrew their support for President Estrada.
Gloria Macapagal Arroyo displayed on a two
hundred peso bill, being sworn in as president by
Chief Justice Hilario Davide, Jr. in January 2001.
Days after leaving Malacañang Palace,
President Estrada's lawyers questioned the
legitimacy of Arroyo's presidency before the
Supreme Court. He reiterated that he had not
resigned as president and that at most, Arroyo
was just serving in an acting capacity. The
high court, however, voted unanimously to
uphold the legitimacy of Arroyo's succession.
As a consequence, Estrada no longer enjoys
immunity from charges being filed against
him.
In the last week of April 2001, the
Sandiganbayan ordered the arrest of Estrada
and his son, then mayor Jinggoy Estrada, for
plunder charges. A few days later, Estrada
supporters protested his arrest, gathered at
the EDSA Shrine, and staged what they
called, EDSA III – comparing their actions to
the People Power revolution of 1986 and
January 2001.
Thousands of protesters demanded the
release of Estrada. Eventually, they also
called for the ouster of Arroyo and the
reinstatement of the former. On May 1, 2001,
they marched towards Malacañang to force
Arroyo to give in to their demands. Violence
erupted when the protesters attempted to
storm the presidential palace and the military
and police were ordered to use their arms to
drive them back. Arroyo declared a state of
rebellion because of the violence and
prominent political personalities affiliated with
Estrada were charged and arrested. The so-
called EDSA III was the first serious political
challenge to the Arroyo presidency.
Corruption charges and Oakwood
Mutiny[edit]
Main article: Oakwood mutiny
The Oakwood mutiny occurred in the
Philippines on July 27, 2003. A group of 321
armed soldiers who called themselves
"Bagong Katipuneros"[32] led by Army
Capt. Gerardo Gambala and Navy Lt. Antonio
Trillanes IV took over the Oakwood Premier
Ayala Center (now Ascott Makati) serviced
apartment tower in Makati City to show
the Filipino people the alleged corruption of
the Gloria Macapagal Arroyo administration,
believing that the President was going to
declare martial law.
2004 Presidential Election[edit]
Presidential styles of
Gloria Macapagal Arroyo
Reference style Her Excellency
Spoken style Your Excellency
Alternative style Madam President
Article VII Section 4 of the 1987
Constitution explicitly states that the president
of the Philippines can only serve for one term.
However, the same provision also implicitly
states that a president's successor who has
not served for more than four years can still
seek a full term for the presidency. Although
Arroyo fell under this category, she initially
announced on December 30, 2002 that she
would not seek the presidency in 2004. She
emphasized that she would devote her
remaining months in office to serving the
people and improving the economy of the
Philippines.
In October 2003, Arroyo changed her mind
and announced that she would contest the
May 2004 presidential elections and seek a
direct mandate from the people. She
explained, "There is a higher cause to change
society...in a way that nourishes our future".
With her decision, the initial criticisms hurled
against Arroyo centered on her lack of word of
honor.
As predicted by SWS exit polls, Arroyo won
the election by a margin of over one million
votes against Poe. However, the
congressional canvassing was quite
contentious as opposition lawmakers in the
National Board of Canvassers argued that
there were many discrepancies in the election
returns and that insinuations of cheating were
raised. On June 23, 2004, Congress
proclaimed Arroyo and Noli de Castro as
president and vice president, respectively.
Second term (2004–2010)[edit]
2004 Presidential Election rigging
allegations[edit]
Arroyo taking her Oath of Office for a full term as
president before Chief Justice Hilario Davide
Jr. in Cebu City on June 30, 2004.
On June 30, 2004, in a break with tradition,
Arroyo first delivered her inaugural speech at
the Quirino Grandstand in Manila. She then
departed for Cebu City for her oath taking, the
first time that a Philippine president took the
oath of office outside of Luzon.
Allegations of cheating against Arroyo gained
momentum one year after the May 2004
elections. In a press conference held on June
10, 2005, Samuel Ong, former deputy director
of the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI)
claimed to have audio recordings of
wiretapped conversations between Arroyo
and an official of the Commission on
Elections (COMELEC). Virgilio Garcillano, a
former COMELEC commissioner, would later
be identified as the official talking to Arroyo.
According to Ong, the recordings allegedly
proved that Arroyo ordered the rigging of the
national elections for her to win by around one
million votes against Poe.
The recordings of Ong became known as
the Hello Garci controversy and triggered
massive protests against Arroyo. Key
members of her cabinet resigned from their
respective posts and urged Arroyo to do the
same. On June 27, 2005, Arroyo admitted to
inappropriately speaking to a COMELEC
official, claiming it was a "lapse in judgement".
She, however, denied influencing the outcome
of the elections and declared that she won the
elections fairly. Arroyo did not resign despite
the pressures coming from various sectors of
society.
The Hello Garci controversy became the basis
of the impeachment case filed against Arroyo
in 2005. Attempts to impeach Arroyo failed
later that year. Another impeachment case
was filed against Arroyo in 2006 but was also
defeated at the House of Representatives.
In October 2007, lawyer Alan Paguia filed an
impeachment complaint against Arroyo in
connection with the issue of bribery. Paguia's
complaint was based on the revelation
of Pampanga Governor Ed Panlilio that
various governors received half a million
pesos from Malacañang. The impeachment
case, as of the middle of October 2007, has
already been referred to the House of
Representatives Committee on Justice.
State of Emergency[edit]
Main article: 2006 state of emergency in the
Philippines
President Arroyo with Russian President Dmitry
Medvedev, June 9, 2009
On February 24, 2006, a plot to take over the
government was uncovered by authorities,
allegedly headed by Gen. Danilo Lim and
other rightist military adventurists. General
Lim and some of his men were arrested. To
face the threat posed by enemies of the state,
Arroyo issued Presidential Proclamation 1017
(PP 1017) and used it as basis in declaring a
state of emergency throughout the
Philippines. According to Arroyo, this
declaration was done to quell the military
rebellion, stop lawless violence, and promote
peace and stability. PP 1017 also empowered
the government to enforce warrantless arrests
and take over strategic private utilities
companies.
On February 25, 2006, the police raided the
office of the Daily Tribune, a newspaper
known as a critic of the Arroyo administration.
The government then issued a journalism
guidelines to address the threat posed by
critics in the media. Presidential Management
Staff chief Michael Defensor said that the
guidelines were necessary in order to cope
with the emergency situation.
The state of emergency existed for about one
week with the purpose of curbing further
violence, illegal rallies, and public disturbance
throughout the Philippines. The police and the
military dispersed demonstrators and
protesters, especially those along Epifanio de
los Santos Avenue (EDSA). Aside from
General Lim, prominent personalities were
also arrested in connection with their alleged
participation in the attempt to overthrow the
government. Among those arrested were:
1. Col. Ariel Querubin – leader of a group
of Philippine Marines who engaged
the government in a political stand-off
at Fort Bonifacio on February 25,
2005
2. Randy David – led a protest rally
without securing the necessary permit
3. Crispin Beltran – party-list
representative of Anakpawis charged
with inciting to sedition and rebellion
4. Batasan Five – party-list
representatives charged with rebellion
and were placed under the custody of
the House of Representatives; Bayan
Muna's Teodoro Casiño, Satur
Ocampo, and Joel
Virador; Gabriela's Liza Maza, and
Anakpawis' Rafael Mariano
PP 1017 was lifted on March 3, 2006 but
members of the opposition, private lawyers,
and concerned citizens challenged its
constitutionality before the Supreme Court. On
May 4, the high court declared the
proclamation constitutional. However, it also
said that it was illegal for the government to
implement warrantless arrests and seize
private institutions and companies.
Charter Change[edit]
Arroyo currently spearheads a controversial
plan for an overhaul of the constitution to
transform the present unitary and presidential
republic with a bicameral legislature into a
federal parliamentary government with
a unicameral legislature.[33]
President Arroyo with U.S. President George W.
Bush, May 19, 2003
Economy[edit]
Main article: Presidency of Gloria Macapagal
Arroyo §  Economy
Arroyo, who earned a master's degree and
doctorate in economics, made the Philippine
economy the focus of her presidency. Annual
economic growth in the Philippines averaged
4.5% during the Arroyo administration,
expanding every quarter of her presidency.
[34]
 This is higher than in the administrations of
her three immediate predecessors, Corazon
Aquino (3.8%), Fidel Ramos (3.7%),
and Joseph Estrada (3.7%).[35] The Philippine
economy grew at its fastest pace in three
decades in 2007, with real GDP growth
exceeding 7%.[36] The economy was one of the
few to avoid contraction during the 2008
global financial crisis, faring better than its
regional peers due to minimal exposure to
troubled international securities, lower
dependence on exports, relatively resilient
domestic consumption, large remittances from
four-to five-million overseas Filipino workers,
and a growing business process outsourcing
industry.[34] Arroyo's handling of the economy
has earned praise from former US
President Bill Clinton, who cited her "tough
decisions" that put the Philippine economy
back in shape.[37] Despite this growth, the
poverty rate remained stagnant due to a high
population growth rate and uneven distribution
of income.
A controversial expanded value added tax (e-
VAT) law, considered the centerpiece of the
Arroyo administration's economic reform
agenda, was implemented in November 2005,
aiming to complement revenue-raising efforts
that could plug the country's large budget
deficit.[38] Her administration originally set a
target to balance the national budget by 2010.
The tax measure boosted confidence in the
government's fiscal capacity and helped to
strengthen the Philippine peso, making it East
Asia's best performing currency in 2005–06.
[39]
 The peso strengthened by nearly 20% in
2007, making it one of Asia's better
performing currencies for that year, a fact
attributed to a combination of increased
remittances from overseas Filipino
workers and a strong domestic economy. [40]
Early in her presidency, Arroyo implemented a
controversial policy of holiday economics,
adjusting holidays to form longer weekends
with the purpose of boosting domestic tourism
and allowing Filipinos more time with their
families.
President Arroyo with U.S. Secretary of
State Hillary Clinton, February 17, 2009
Domestic policies[edit]
Main article: Presidency of Gloria Macapagal
Arroyo §  Domestic policies
Foreign policies[edit]
Main article: Presidency of Gloria Macapagal
Arroyo §  Foreign Policies
Public perception[edit]
Social Weather Stations quarterly public opinion
polling of the net satisfaction rating of President
Arroyo.
The Social Weather Stations public opinion
group has conducted quarterly surveys
tracking the net satisfaction rating ("satisfied"
rating minus "dissatisfied" rating") of President
Arroyo. She began her presidency in the first
quarter of 2001 with a net satisfaction rating of
+24. Her rating first dipped into the negative in
the first quarter of 2003, making Arroyo the
only president to achieve a negative net
satisfaction rating in SWS opinion polling. Her
rating rebounded well into the positive in
2004, in time for the presidential election
where she won election to a new six-year
term. However, net satisfaction sunk back into
negative territory in the fourth quarter of 2004,
and has remained negative since, dipping as
low as −38 in the second quarter of 2008. Her
net satisfaction rating in the first quarter of
2009 was −32.[41]
Post-presidency[edit]
2010 election to House of
Representatives[edit]
In November 2009, Arroyo formally declared
her intention to run for a seat in the House of
Representatives representing the 2nd
District of Pampanga, making her the second
Philippine President – after Jose P. Laurel – to
pursue a lower office after the expiration of
their presidency.[42] A petition seeking to
disqualify Arroyo from the race was dismissed
by the Comelec for lack of merit, a decision
which was later affirmed by the Supreme
Court.[43] With little serious competition, she
was elected to congress in May 2010 with a
landslide victory.[44] After receiving final military
honors at the inauguration ceremony of
incoming President Benigno Aquino III, she
headed straight to Pampanga for her own
oath-taking as congresswoman.[45]
Despite being considered the strongest
contender for Speaker of the House, Arroyo
declined to seek the position, hoping instead
to take on a role similar to Sonia Gandhi, who
was influential as merely the head of her
party.[46] On her first day as a lawmaker,
Arroyo and her son Dato filed a resolution
calling for Congress to call a constitutional
convention to propose amendments to the
existing constitution.[47]
2011 spinal surgery[edit]
In early 2011 she was diagnosed with cervical
spondylosis or cervical radiculopathy. She
was rushed to the St. Luke's Medical
Center in Global City Taguig July 25, 2011,
minutes after the State of the Nation Address
by Benigno Aquino III.[48] Doctors performed a
5-hour spine surgery on July 29, 2011 [49] Two
more surgeries occurred in August 2011
which aggravated her hypoparathyroidism.
The House of Representatives under the
leadership of Speaker Feliciano Belmonte,
Jr. issued a travel permit allowing her to have
treatment in Germany despite the Department
of Justice hold departure order.[50]
2011 hospital arrest[edit]
Arroyo was arrested on November 18, 2011
after a Pasay court issued a warrant of arrest
against her, following the filing of a complaint
for electoral sabotage by the Commission on
Elections.[51] The arrest warrant was served at
a St. Luke's Medical Center at Taguig where
Arroyo had been confined.[52][53] Days earlier,
the Supreme Court had issued a Resolution
enjoining attempts by the Department of
Justice to prevent her departure from the
Philippines to seek medical treatment
overseas.[54]
She was transferred to the Veterans Memorial
Medical Center in Quezon City on December
9, 2011.[13][14] Arroyo was released from hospital
arrest on bail on July 25, 2012. [55]
On October 29, 2012, she refused to enter 2016 Supreme Court acquittal[edit]
any plea on charges she misused $8.8 million
in state lottery funds during her term in office. On July 19, 2016, a few weeks after Duterte
[56]
 As of December 2013, she was still in was sworn in as president, the Supreme
custody at the Veterans Memorial Medical Court ruled in favor of the dismissal of plunder
Center.[57] On July 19, 2016 the Supreme case against Arroyo, gathering a vote of 11-4
Court dismissed the corruption charges and which was read by spokesperson Theodore
ordered her release from the hospital where Te.[66][67]
she had been detained since 2012.[58]
2013 reelection to the House of hideSupreme Court decision on Arroyo's
motion to dismiss plunder case
Representatives[edit]
While still confined in the Veterans Medical
Center, Arroyo successfully earned a second In Favor (11) Opposed (4)
term as congresswoman for Pampanga's
second legislative district at the conclusion of
the 2013 Philippine mid-term elections on May  Presbitero
13, 2013, defeating the ruling Liberal Velasco Jr.
Party's Vivian Dabu who was the provincial  Estela Bernabe
administrator under priest-turned-politician  Teresita
former Governor Among Ed Panlilio.[59] Leonardo-De Castro
 Diosdado  Maria
2014 medical problems and Peralta Lourdes Sereno
reapplication for bail[edit]  Lucas Bersamin  Antonio
Arroyo was transported to St. Luke's Medical  Mariano del Carpio
Center for tests and treatment and returned to Castillo  Marvic
confinement at the Veteran's Medical Center  Jose P. Perez Leonen
after medical incidents in May and June 2014.  Jose C.  Alfredo
[60][61][62]
 In June, after the second of these Mendoza Benjamin Caguioa
incidents, her attorneys renewed application  Bienvenido L.
for bail.[63] In September, a third medical Reyes
incident caused her to again be rushed to St.  Arturo Brion
Luke's for treatment and returned to  Francis
confinement at the Veteran's Medical Center. Jardeleza
[64]

2015 United Nations Working Group
on Arbitrary Detention[edit]
In a case filed by human rights lawyer Amal
Clooney, the UN Working Group decided
Arroyo's hospital detention arbitrary and
violative of the international law on human
rights. It recognized that the charges against
Mrs. Arroyo were politically motivated since
she was detained as a result of her exercise
to take part in government and that the
detention was arbitrary and illegal under
international law because the Sandiganbayan
court failed to take into account her individual
circumstances when it repeatedly denied her
bail.[65]
She would later be assigned by Duterte's
party, PDP-Laban, as a high-level member of
the House of Representatives after winning
her 3rd term as congresswoman in the House.
She was given committee chairmanships,
among many other roles.
2018 House Speakership[edit]
Arroyo was elected as the first
female Speaker of the House of
Representatives of the Philippines.[68] The
election pushed through on July 23, 2018 due
to a controversial[69] majority manifesto and
vote that ousted Pantaleon Alvarez. In August
2018, amid rumors that she was gunning to
become prime minister under a proposed
federal government, which she was
advocating in the House, Arroyo stated that
she will retire from politics and would not
pursue any position after the May 2019
elections.[70]
In January 2019, her speakership passed a
House bill which lowered the criminal liability
to twelve years old.[71][72] She had a net
satisfaction rating of -4 in September 2018,
which further dropped to -21 in January 2019,
becoming one of the most unpopular House
Speakers in Philippine history.[73] Her
leadership also spearheaded the changing of
House rules in relation to Statements of
Assets, Liabilities, and Net Worth (SALNs),
requiring a PHP 300 fee for access, which
amounts to PHP 87,300 for the SALNs of all
291 members of the House of
Representatives, making it difficult for the poor
to monitor corruption in the House.[74]
In February 2019, Senator Panfilo
Lacson accused Arroyo of adding an
additional pork barrel of 60-160 million pesos
in the national budget.[75]
Arroyo is currently working on a memoir
narrating her experiences as president, which
she plans on limiting to 200 pages for
consumption by the general public.[76]
Scouting[edit]
Arroyo was a Chief Girl Scout of the Girl
Scouts of the Philippines.[77]
Government and political
titles[edit]
 Undersecretary of Trade and Industry
(1987–1992)
 Senator (1992–1998)
 Secretary of Social Welfare and
Development (1998–2000)
 Vice President of the Philippines
(1998–2001)
 President of the Philippines (2001–
2010)
 Representative (2010–2019)
 Speaker of the House of
Representatives of the Philippines (2018–
2019)
Honours and awards[edit]
Foreign Honours[edit]
  Brunei: Knight Grand Cross with
Collar of the Royal Family Order of Laila
Utama of Brunei, 1st Class[78][79]
  Dominican Republic: Grand Cross
of the Order of Merit of Duarte, Sanchez
and Mella, Special Class[80]
  Equatorial Guinea: Grand Cross
of the Order of Independence[81]
  Italy[further explanation needed]
   Vatican
o   Holy See: Knight of
the Decoration of Honour[82]
  Japan: Knight Grand Cordon of
the Order of the Chrysanthemum
  Romania: Grand Cross with Collar
of the Order of the Star of Romania[83]
  Spain: Knight Grand Cross with
Collar of the Order of Isabella the
Catholic[84][85]
Honorary Degrees
 Honorary Doctor of Laws degree
from La Trobe University in Australia
(2000)[86]
 Honorary Doctor of Laws degree
from Waseda University in Tokyo, Japan
(2002)[87]
 Honorary Doctor of Laws degree
from Old Dominion University in Virginia,
United States (2003)[3]
 Honorary Doctor of Laws degree
from Fordham University (2003)[88]
 Honorary Doctor of Humane
Letters degree from University of San
Francisco in California, United States
(2004)[89]
 Honorary Doctor of Humanities degree
from Mapua Institute of Technology in
Manila, Philippines (2004)[3]
 Honorary Doctor of Laws degree
from Kyungsung University in Pusan,
South Korea (2005)[90]
 Honorary Doctor of Laws degree
from Chulalongkorn University in
Bangkok, Thailand[91]
Recognitions
His Excellency
 Outstanding Human Being by
Philippine Reporter Magazine, Weekly
Graphic Magazine, Public Eye Magazine,
Trade Union Congress of the Philippines, Benigno Simeón Aquino III
and by Emil Jurado (Manila Standard
Columnist)
 Woman of the Year, Catholic
Education Association of the Philippines
 Ulirang Ama, Ulirang Ama Awards
Committee, May 13, 2001 One of Asia's
Most Powerful Women, Asiaweek
 Making a Difference for the Filipino
People, Soroptimist International of the
Philippines Region, May 30, 2003
 Most Distinguished Alumna, University
of the Philippines Alumni Association
(UPAA), June 16, 2001
 Time magazine's "People Who
Mattered" list for 2005
 Forbes magazine's 100 Most Powerful
Woman in the World (from 2004 to 2009)
– she ranked 4th in the 2005 list[92]
 Member, Council of Women World
Leaders
 Don Quijote International
Award (category: mejor labor 15th President of the Philippines
institucional – Best institutional work) from
Spain's King Juan Carlos (April 15, 2010)
[93][94]
In office
 Fourth Patron of the Royal Institution June 30, 2010 – June 30, 2016
Singapore[95]

Vice President Jejomar Binay

Preceded by Gloria Macapagal Arroyo

Benigno Aquino III Succeeded by Rodrigo Duterte

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to navigationJump to search Secretary of the Interior and Local Government
This article is about the former Philippine
president. For other people of the same
name, see Benigno Aquino. Acting
In this Philippine name, the middle name or
maternal family name is Cojuangco and the
In office
surname or paternal family name is Aquino.
June 30, 2010 – July 9, 2010
Preceded by Ronaldo Puno Parents Benigno Aquino Jr.

Corazon Aquino
Succeeded by Jesse Robredo

Relatives See Aquino family

Senator of the Philippines

Alma mater Ateneo de Manila University

In office

June 30, 2007 – June 30, 2010

Signature

Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives of the Philippines

In office
This article is part of
November 8, 2004 – February 21, 2006
a series about
Benigno Aquino III
Preceded by Raúl Gonzalez
 Political positions

Succeeded by Simeón Datumanong

 Early Life
Member of the Philippine House of  Family
Representatives from Tarlac's 2nd District
 Death and funeral of Corazon Aquino
 2010 Philippine presidential election 
In office
o Aquino-Binay Campaign, 2010
June 30, 1998 – June 30, 2007  Transition

Preceded by José Yap

15th President of the Philippines

Succeeded by José Yap

Policies
Personal details
 Foreign Policy 
o International trips
Born Benigno Simeón Cojuangco Aquino III
o 2012 Scarborough Shoal standoff
o Philippines v. China arbitration case
February 8, 1960 (age 59)

Sampaloc, Manila, Philippines  Inauguration

 Presidency
Political party Liberal  CPP-NPA-NDF rebellion
 Moro Conflict

 Inaugural address
 2010 Manila hostage crisis
 Influential People in the World.[8]
Impeachment of Merceditas Gutierrez and Renato Corona
 Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro
 K-12 Program
 Pork barrel scam and Million People March
 Zamboanga City crisis
 Haiyan (Yolanda)
 Mamasapano clash
 2015 Lumad massacre
 Bullet planting scandal
Senator of the Philippines
 Philippine Senator
Member of the House of Representatives from Tarlac's 2nd
district
 Philippine House of Representatives election (1998)
 v
 t
 e
Benigno Simeon Cojuangco Aquino III[1][2]
[3]
 (born February 8, 1960) is
a Filipino politician who served as the 15th
President of the Philippines from 2010 until
2016.[4][5][6] Aquino is a fourth-generation
politician and the chairman of the Liberal Party
from 2010 to 2016.
On September 9, 2009, shortly after the death
of his mother, Aquino officially announced that
he would be a candidate in the 2010
presidential election. He was elected and on
June 30, 2010 was sworn into office as
the fifteenth President of the Philippines at
the Quirino Grandstand in Rizal Park, Manila,
[4][7]
 succeeding Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. He
ended his term on June 30, 2016, succeeded
by Rodrigo Duterte.
In 2013, Time named him one of the 100 Most
Contents
 1Early life and education
 2Congressional career
o 2.1House of Representatives
(1998–2007)
o 2.2Senate (2007–10)
 2.2.1Senate bills
 32010 presidential campaign
 4Presidency (2010–2016)
o 4.1Criticisms
 4.1.1Manila hostage
crisis
 4.1.2Typhoon Haiyan
(Yolanda)
 4.1.3Mamasapano
massacre
 4.1.4Noynoying
o 4.2Cabinet
o 4.3Judicial appointments
 5Post-presidency
 6Legal charges
 7Personal life
 8Ancestry
 9Honours and awards
 10See also
 11References
 12External links
Early life and education[edit]
Benigno Simeon "Noy" Aquino III was born at
10:50 am on February 8, 1960 at Far Eastern
University Hospital in Sampaloc, Manila.[1] He
is the third of the five children of Benigno S.
Aquino, Jr., who was then the Vice Governor
of Tarlac province, and Corazon Cojuangco,
daughter of a prominent Tarlac businessman.
He has four sisters, namely: Maria Elena
(Ballsy), Aurora Corazon (Pinky), Victoria
Elisa (Viel), and Kristina Bernadette (Kris). He
attended Ateneo de Manila
University in Quezon City for his elementary,
high school, and college education.[9] Aquino
finished his Bachelor of Arts (major
in economics) from Ateneo de Manila
University in 1981,[4][9] He was one of the
students of former professor of economics at
Ateneo de Manila University, former
President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo.
He joined his family in their exile in the United
States shortly thereafter. He returned to the
Philippines in 1983 shortly after
the assassination of his father and held
several positions working in the private sector.
In September 1972, Aquino's father, who was
then a senator and prominent opposition
leader to President Ferdinand Marcos, was
arrested for subversion. In August 1973,
Aquino's father was brought before a military
tribunal in Fort Bonifacio.[10]
In 1980, after a series of heart attacks,
Aquino's father was allowed to seek medical
treatment in the United States, where
Aquino's family began a period of self-exile. In
1981, shortly after graduation, Aquino joined
his family in the United States.
In 1983, after three years in exile in the United
States, Aquino's family returned to
the Philippines, shortly after the assassination
of his father on August 21, 1983.[9] He had a
short tenure as a member of the Philippine
Business for Social Progress, working as an
assistant of the executive director of PBSP.
[9]
 He later joined Mondragon Industries
Philippines, Inc. as an assistant Retail Sales
Supervisor and assistant promotions manager
for Nike Philippines, Inc.[9]
From 1986 to 1992, during the presidency of
his mother, Aquino joined the Intra-Strata
Assurance Corporation, a company owned by
his uncle Antolin Oreta Jr., as vice president.[9]
On August 28, 1987, eighteen months into the
presidency of Aquino's mother, rebel soldiers
led by Gregorio Honasan staged
an unsuccessful coup attempt, attempting to
lay siege to Malacañang Palace. Aquino was
two blocks from the palace when he came
under fire. Three of Aquino's four security
escorts were killed, and the last was wounded
protecting him. He himself was hit by five
bullets, one of which is still embedded in his
neck.[11]
From 1993 to 1998, he worked for Central
Azucarera de Tarlac, the sugar refinery in the
Cojuangco-owned Hacienda Luisita. He was
employed as the executive assistant for
administration from 1993 to 1996 and
subsequently worked as manager for field
services from 1996 to 1998.[9]
In 1998, he was elected to the House of
Representatives as Representative of the 2nd
district of Tarlac province. He was
subsequently re-elected to the House in 2001
and 2004.[4] In 2007, having been barred from
running for re-election to the House due
to term limits, he was elected to the Senate in
the 14th Congress of the Philippines.[4]
Congressional career[edit]
Aquino is a fourth-generation politician: his
great-grandfather, Servillano "Mianong"
Aquino, served as a delegate to the Malolos
Congress; his paternal grandfather, Benigno
Aquino, Sr., served as Speaker of the House
of Representatives of the Philippines from
1943 to 1944; his maternal grandfather, Jose
Cojuangco, was also a member of the House
of Representatives; and his parents
were Corazon Aquino, who served as the 11th
President of the Philippines (1986–92), and
Senator Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino, Jr. Aquino is
a member of the Liberal Party,[12] where he
held various positions such as Secretary
General and Vice President for Luzon.
House of Representatives (1998–
2007)[edit]
Aquino became Deputy Speaker of the House
of Representatives on November 8, 2004, but
relinquished the post on February 21, 2006,
when Aquino joined his Liberal
Party members in calling for the resignation of
President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo at the
height of the Hello Garci scandal.[4][13]
Aquino was also Chairman of the Board of the
Central Luzon Congressional Caucus.[13]
Senate (2007–10)[edit]
Barred from running for re-election to
the House of Representatives of the
Philippines, to represent the 2nd district of
Tarlac, due to term limits, Aquino was elected
to the Senate of the Philippines in the 2007
Philippine midterm election on May 15, 2007,
under the banner of the Genuine
Opposition (GO), a coalition comprising a
number of parties, including Aquino's
own Liberal Party, seeking to curb attempts by
President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo to amend
the 1986 Philippine Constitution. In Aquino's
political ads, he was endorsed by his younger
sister, TV host Kris Aquino, and his mother,
the late former President Corazon Aquino.
Although a Roman Catholic, Aquino was
endorsed by the pentecostal Jesus Is Lord
Church, one of the
largest Protestant churches in the Philippines.
[14][15][16]
 With more than 14.3 million votes,
Aquino's tally was the sixth highest of the 37
candidates for the 12 vacant seats elected
from the nation at large. Aquino assumed his
new office on June 30, 2007.[4]
During the campaign, Aquino reached out to
his former enemy, Senator Gregorio Honasan,
supporting his application for bail. Aquino told
Job Tabada of Cebu Daily News, on March 5,
2007;
"I endorse Honasan's request for bail para
parehas ang laban [to even out the playing
field]. I was hit by bullets from Honasan's men
in the neck and hips but that's past now. The
principle of my father was, 'Respect the rights
even of your enemies.' Ito ang nagpatingkad
ng demokrasya [This is what defines
democracy]. Genuine reconciliation is
democracy in action."[17]
Aquino was referring to an unsuccessful coup
attempt staged by rebel soldiers led by
Gregorio Honasan on August 28, 1987, in
which Aquino was seriously injured.
Senate bills[edit]
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The Budget Impoundment and Control Act
(SB 3121), wherein "impoundment" refers to
the power of the president to refuse the
release of funds appropriated by the Congress
of the Philippines, is another bill Aquino is
proud of;[18] he regretted,[18] however, that such
power has been used and abused by
President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, a result of
which abuse has been the significant
emasculation of Congress' ability to check the
president's authority. Aquino filed this bill so
the president would have to pass through
Congress every time the president decides to
impound part of the budget.
Another significant Aquino contribution to the
Philippines' corruption problem was Senate
Bill 2035, which is the Preservation of Public
Infrastructures bill, seeking to raise standards
in the construction of all public infrastructures
by penalizing contractors of defective
infrastructures. The bill also requires the
Bureau of Maintenance under the Department
of Public Works and Highways to conduct
periodic inspections of public infrastructures.
Aquino also pushed for the passage of the
Amending the Government Procurement Act
(SB 2160), which applies to all government
procurement activities regardless of source of
funds whether local or foreign; only treaties or
international/executive agreements entered
into by the government prior to its enactment
shall be exempt from coverage. The bill was
filed in light of the Department of
Justice declaration regarding the validity of
the controversial NBN-ZTE scandal, wherein
its international aspect, as well as the fact that
it was an executive agreement, was cited as
one reason for its exemption from the
procurement process stipulated in Republic
Act 9184.
Focusing further on accountability in
government appropriations and spending,
Aquino filed other reform-oriented bills, among
which were Philippine National Police reform;
an increase in penalties for corporations and
work establishments not compliant with
minimum wage; the banning of reappointment
to the Judicial and Bar Council; the prevention
of reappointment and bypassing of
the Commission on Appointments; real
property valuation based on international
standards; and superior responsibility for
senior military officers, who are ultimately
responsible for their own subordinates.
However, none of these bills were passed into
law.
2010 presidential
campaign[edit]
Main article: 2010 Philippine presidential
election
See also: Benigno Aquino III presidential
campaign, 2010
Aquino being proclaimed as the President-elect of
the Philippines by President of the Senate of the
Philippines Juan Ponce Enrile and House
Speaker Prospero Nograles at the Batasang
Pambansa in Quezon City on June 9, 2010.
Map of dignitaries who attend Aquino's
inauguration.
On November 26, 2008, the Liberal
Party elected Mar Roxas, president of the
Liberal Party, as the standard-bearer of the
Liberal Party for President of the Philippines in
the then-upcoming 2010 presidential
elections.[19]
Following the death and funeral of Aquino's
mother, former President Corazon Aquino,
many people began calling on Aquino to run
for President of the Philippines.[4] This
groundswell of support became known as the
"Noynoy Phenomenon".[20]
On August 27, 2009, Edgardo "Eddie" Roces,
son of the late Chino Roces, former publisher
and owner of The Manila Times, and a group
of lawyers and activists formed the Noynoy
Aquino for President Movement (NAPM), a
nationwide campaign to collect a million
signatures in order to persuade Aquino to run
for president,[21] reminiscent of Roces' father,
who on October 15, 1985, launched the Cory
Aquino for President Movement (CAPM),
collecting more than one million signatures
nationwide, asking Aquino's mother to run
against Ferdinand Marcos in the 1986
presidential snap elections.[22]
In September 2009, the Liberal Party held
numerous press conferences in relation to
the 2010 elections at the Club Filipino in
Greenhills, San Juan, the site of the
presidential inauguration of Aquino's mother in
February 1986.
On September 1, 2009, at the Club Filipino, in
a press conference, Senator Mar Roxas,
president of the Liberal Party, announced his
withdrawal from the 2010 presidential race
and expressed his support for Aquino, as the
party standard-bearer instead.[23] Aquino later
stood side by side with Roxas, but did not
make a public statement at the press
conference.[12] The next day, Aquino
announced that he would be going on a
"spiritual retreat" over the weekend to finalize
his decision for the elections, visiting
the Carmelite sisters in Zamboanga City.
[4]
 reminiscent of his mother's own soul-
searching in 1985 before deciding to run for
the elections the following year.[24] He came
back on September 9 to formally announce
his candidacy.[4][25] Almost two weeks later,
Roxas pledged to run alongside Aquino as the
Liberal Party standard-bearer for vice-
president.[26][27] The two men filed their
respective certificates of candidacy
for president and vice-president on November
28, 2009.
Fake psychiatric reports on Aquino's mental
health began circulating online during the 90-
day election campaign period from February 9
– May 8, 2010,[28][29] Aquino received
information that the first such report came
from the wife of Nacionalista Party supporter
and former National Power
Corporation (NAPOCOR) president Guido
Delgado, a move Aquino claims was made
with "malicious intent".[29] A second report
came from an unidentified supporter
of Senator Manny Villar, the Nacionalistas'
leader and presidential candidate. [29][30] Later
presented by Delgado at a press conference,
the psychiatric report was supposedly signed
by Father Jaime C. Bulatao, S.J., PhD,
a Jesuit priest, a professor of Psychology and
a clinical psychologist at the Ateneo de Manila
University, taken when Aquino was finishing
his Bachelor's degree in economics at the
university in 1979. It reportedly showed that
Aquino suffered
from depression and melancholia,[30] the priest
later denied writing the document at all.
[29]
 Another supposed psychiatric report that
later surfaced claimed that Aquino suffered
from major depressive disorder; the report's
supposed author, Jesuit priest Father Carmelo
A. Caluag II, denied writing any evaluations of
Aquino. The university's psychology
department later debunked the documents,
with Aquino labelling them as another
desperate effort by rivals to malign his
reputation.[29]
2010 Philippine electoral vote results
During the campaign,[28] Senator Francis
Escudero began endorsing Aquino as
president and PDP-Laban standard-
bearer Jejomar Binay, for Vice President,
launching the Aquino-Binay campaign.
[31]
 However, this was done without the consent
of the two candidates; Binay was former
President Joseph Estrada's running mate for
vice-president.
During the 2010 presidential election, held on
May 10, 2010, in unofficial tallies, conducted
by the Commission on Elections (COMELEC)
and the Parish Pastoral Council for
Responsible Voting (PPCRV), Aquino was the
leading candidate in tallied votes for
president, and in the official Congressional
canvass, Aquino was the leading candidate in
canvassed votes for president. [32] Aquino was
unofficially being referred to as "president-
apparent" by the media.[33]
On June 9, 2010, at the Batasang Pambansa
Complex, in Quezon City, the Congress of the
Philippines proclaimed Aquino as
the President-elect of the Philippines,[4]
[5]
 following the 2010 election with 15,208,678
votes,[4][6] while Jejomar Binay, the former
mayor of Makati City, was proclaimed as
the Vice President-elect of the Philippines with
14,645,574 votes,[34] defeating runner-up for
the vice presidency Mar Roxas, the standard-
bearer of the Liberal Party for vice president.
Presidency (2010–2016)[edit]
Main article: Presidency of Benigno Aquino III
See also: List of presidential trips made by
Benigno Aquino III and Noynoying
Presidential styles of
Benigno S. Aquino III
Reference style His Excellency[4]
Spoken style Your Excellency
Alternative style Mr. President
Benigno Aquino III takes the oath of office as the
15th President of the Philippines before Associate
Justice Conchita Carpio-Morales at the Quirino
Grandstand on June 30, 2010.
The Presidency of Benigno S. Aquino
III began at noon on June 30, 2010, when he
became the fifteenth President of the
Philippines, succeeding Gloria Macapagal-
Arroyo. Since the start of his presidency, he
has also been referred to in the media
as PNoy.[35][36][37][38]
The presidential transition began on June 9,
2010, when the Congress of the
Philippines proclaimed Aquino the winner of
the 2010 Philippine presidential elections held
on May 10, 2010, proclaiming Aquino as
the President-elect of the Philippines.[5][6] The
transition was in charge of the new
presidential residence, cabinet appointments
and cordial meetings between them and
the outgoing administration.
President Aquino at work
The presidential residence of Aquino is Bahay
Pangarap (English: House of Dreams),
[39]
 located inside of Malacañang Park,[40] at the
headquarters of the Presidential Security
Group across the Pasig
River from Malacañang Palace.[39][41] Aquino is
the first president to make Bahay
Pangarap his official residence.[35]
[42]
 Malacañang Park was intended as a
recreational retreat by former
President Manuel L. Quezon.[42] The house
was built and designed by architect Juan
Arellano in the 1930s,[42][39] and underwent a
number of renovations.[39] In 2008, the house
was demolished and rebuilt in contemporary
style by architect Conrad Onglao,[42][39] a new
swimming pool was built, replacing the
Commonwealth-era swimming pool.[35][42] The
house originally had one bedroom, [39] however,
the house was renovated for Aquino to have
four bedrooms,[35] a guest room, a room for
Aquino's household staff, and a room for
Aquino's close-in security.[40] The house was
originally intended as a rest house, the venue
for informal activities and social functions for
the First Family by former President Manuel L.
Quezon.[39] Malacañang Park was refurbished
through the efforts of First Lady Eva
Macapagal, wife of former President Diosdado
Macapagal, in the early 1960s.[42] First Lady
Macapagal renamed the rest house as Bahay
Pangarap.[42] During the presidency of Fidel V.
Ramos, the house was restored and became
the club house of the Malacañang Golf Club.
[39]
 The house was used by former
President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo to
welcome special guests.[39] Aquino refused to
live in Malacañang Palace, the official
residence of the President of the Philippines,
or in Arlegui Mansion, the residence of former
presidents Corazon Aquino and Fidel V.
Ramos, stating that the two residences are
too big,[39] and also stated that his small family
residence at Times Street in Quezon City
would be impractical, since it would be a
security concern for his neighbors.[41]
Under Secretary of State for Political
Affairs William Joseph Burns (middle) shakes
hands with President Benigno S. Aquino III (right)
as United States Ambassador to the
Philippines Harry K. Thomas, Jr. (left) looks on.
On June 29, 2010, Aquino officially named the
members of his Cabinet, with Aquino himself
as Secretary of the Interior and Local
Government,[43] a position that Vice President-
elect Jejomar Binay initially wanted; however,
Aquino stated that the post was not being
considered for him.[44] He instead offered Binay
various positions, such as head of a
commission to investigate the outgoing Arroyo
administration, the posts of Secretary of
Agrarian Reform, chairman of the Housing
and Urban Development Coordinating Council
(HUDCC), and the chairman of Metropolitan
Manila Development Authority (MMDA), but
Binay refused.[45] Aquino also announced the
formation of a truth commission that will
investigate various issues including corruption
allegations against outgoing President Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo. Aquino named
former Chief Justice Hilario Davide, Jr. to
head the truth commission.[46]
Traditionally, it is the Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court of the Philippines who
administers the oath of office to the
incoming president and vice president,
however, Aquino refused to allow Chief
Justice Renato Corona to swear him into
office, due to Aquino's opposition to the
midnight appointment of Corona by outgoing
President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo on May
12, 2010, two days after the 2010
elections and a month before Arroyo's term
expired.[47] Instead, Aquino formally
requested Associate Justice of the Supreme
Court of the Philippines Conchita Carpio-
Morales, who opposed the midnight
appointment of Corona,[48] to swear him into
office.[49]
Aquino took the oath of office on June 30,
2010, at the Quirino Grandstand in Rizal
Park, Manila.[4][7] The oath of office was
administered by Associate Justice Conchita
Carpio-Morales, who officially accepted
Aquino's request to swear him into office,[4]
[49]
 reminiscent of the decision of his mother,
who in 1986, was sworn into the presidency
by Associate Justice Claudio Teehankee.
[3]
 After being sworn in as
the fifteenth President of the Philippines,
succeeding Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, Aquino
delivered his inaugural address.
During the inaugural address, Aquino created
the "no wang-wang" policy, strengthening the
implementation of Presidential Decree No. 96.
[36][50]
 The term ‘wang-wang’ is street lingo for
blaring sirens.[51] Presidential Decree No. 96
was issued on January 13, 1973 by
former President Ferdinand Marcos,
regulating the use of sirens, bells, whistles,
horns and other similar devices only to motor
vehicles designated for the use of
the president, vice president, senate
president, House Speaker, chief
justice, Philippine National Police, Armed
Forces of the Philippines, National Bureau of
Investigation, Land Transportation Office,
Bureau of Fire Protection and ambulances.[36]
[50]
 However, despite having the privilege of
using ‘wang-wang’, Aquino maintained he
would set the example for his no ‘wang-
wang’ policy, not to use ‘wang-wang’, even if it
means being stuck in traffic and being late
every now and then.[52][53] Aquino also traded
the official black presidential Mercedes Benz
S-Guard limousine for his own white Toyota
Land Cruiser 200.[52] After the inaugural
address, the Metropolitan Manila
Development Authority began to enforce
Aquino's no ‘wang-wang’ policy,
confiscating ‘wang-wang’ from public officials
and private motorists who illegally used them.
[50]
On July 26, 2010, at the Batasang Pambansa,
in Quezon City, Aquino delivered his first
State of the Nation Address (SONA).[37]
[54]
 During Aquino's first State of the Nation
Address (SONA), Aquino announced his
intention to reform the education system in the
Philippines by shifting to K–12 education, a
12-year basic education cycle.[55] K–12
education is used in the United
States, Canada, and Australia. On July 29,
2015, Aquino delivered his final SONA
address, where he discussed the country's
economic improvements and the benefits of
social service programs, particularly
the Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program and
the Philippine Health Insurance Corporation,
during the course of his presidency.[56]
United States President Barack Obama, with
President Aquino
and Vietnamese President Nguyễn Minh Triết, at a
working lunch with leaders of the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations around the United
Nations General Assembly Meeting in New York
City in 2010.
United States Secretary of State Hillary
Clinton delivers remarks at the Millennium
Challenge Corporation (MCC) compact agreement
signing ceremony with President Benigno S.
Aquino III at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel in New York
City, on September 23, 2010.
President Aquino and Pope Francis at Malacañang
on January 16, 2015.
President Aquino with Japanese
Emperor Akihito and Empress Michiko on January
27, 2016.
Criticisms[edit]
Manila hostage crisis[edit]
On August 23, 2010, in front of the Quirino
Grandstand in Rizal Park, Manila, the site of
Aquino's presidential inauguration, the Manila
hostage crisis occurred. Aquino expressed
concern over the matter and gave his
condolences to the victims. Aquino defended
the actions of the police at the scene, stating
that the gunman had not shown any signs of
wanting to kill the hostages. Aquino ordered a
"thorough investigation" into the incident, and
would wait until it is completed before deciding
whether anyone should lose his or her job.
[57]
 Aquino declared that the media may have
worsened the situation by giving the gunman
"a bird's-eye view of the entire situation".
[58]
 Aquino also made reference to the Moscow
theater hostage crisis, which, according to
Aquino, resulted in "more severe" casualties
despite Russia's "resources and
sophistication".[59] On August 24, 2010, Aquino
signed Proclamation No. 23, declaring August
25, 2010, as a national day of mourning,
instructing all public institutions nationwide
and all Philippine embassies and consulates
overseas to lower the Philippine flag at half-
mast, in honor of the eight Hong Kong
residents who died in the crisis.[60][61] On August
25, 2010, at a press conference in
Malacañang, Aquino apologized to those
offended when he was caught on television
apparently smiling while being interviewed at
the crime scene hours after the Manila
hostage crisis.[62] Aquino said;
"My smile might have been misunderstood. I
have several expressions. I smile when I'm
happy, I smile when I'm faced with a very
absurd situation...and if I offended certain
people, I apologize to them. It's more of an
expression maybe of exasperation rather than
anything and again, I apologize if I offended
certain people, who misunderstood (my) facial
expression."[62]
On September 3, 2010, Aquino took
responsibility for the crisis.[63] Aquino actually
has direct supervision of the Philippine
National Police, since Aquino had
asked Secretary of the Interior and Local
Government Jesse Robredo to address other
concerns, such as coming up with a
comprehensive plan on delivering social
services to and relocating informal settlers in
coordination with the local governments.[63]
Typhoon Haiyan (Yolanda)[edit]
President Aquino's administration was
criticised during and after Typhoon Haiyan
(Yolanda) in November 2013 for the
government's "slow" response to aid the
victims.[64] This criticism resulted in countries
like Canada to provide humanitarian aid to the
victims of the typhoon through non-
governmental organizations and not the
Philippine government, wherein the Canadian
Ambassador to the Philippines, Neil Reeder
cited "the speed, because of the need to
move quickly, and because we don’t, as a
government, want to be involved in the
details, nor do we think it’s efficient to have
other governments involved."[65]
Mamasapano massacre[edit]
President Aquino was accused of evading
responsibility for the death of 44 Special
Action Force operatives in a failed operation,
which led to the so-called Mamasapano
massacre.[66]
Noynoying[edit]
Noynoying (pronounced noy-noy-YING[67] or
noy-NOY-ying[68]) is a protest tactic in the form
of a neologism that Aquino's critics have used
to question his work ethic, alleging his inaction
on the issues of disaster response and rising
oil prices. A play on the term planking and
Aquino's nickname, Noynoying involves
posing in a lazy manner, such as sitting idly
while resting his head on one hand, and doing
nothing.
Main article: Noynoying
Post-presidency[edit]
Following the turnover ceremonies to his
successor Rodrigo Duterte at Malacañang,
Aquino returned to his parents' residence
along Times Street, Quezon City.[70] Since
leaving office, Aquino remained silent on the
Duterte administration and rarely made public
appearances. However, in November 2016,
Aquino attended a concert at Rizal Park and
joined protests against the burial of Ferdinand
Marcos.[71] In February 2017, Aquino
commemorated the 31st anniversary of
the People Power Revolution by marching to
the People Power Monument and joining the
protests against the Ferdinand Marcos
regime.[72][73]
Legal charges[edit]
In July 2017, criminal charges were filed
against Aquino for usurpation of authority
under the Revised Penal Code and violating
anti-graft and corruption laws.
Ombudsman Conchita Carpio-Morales cited
the involvement of then suspended Philippine
National Police chief Alan Purisima in
the 2015 Mamasapano police
operation against the Bangsamoro Islamic
Freedom Fighters and the Moro Islamic
Liberation Front in Mamasapano,
Maguindanao, where 44 Special Action
Force members were killed. Under the
Revised Penal Code, suspended public
officials cannot perform their duties or
interfere in government affairs. Aquino's
former Deputy Presidential
Spokesperson Abigail Valte said that Aquino
plans to file a motion for reconsideration to
appeal the charges.[74]
In 2018 Aquino was indicted in a $1.35 billion
criminal case involving a congressional
approval to use state funds on major
government projects.[75]
Personal life[edit]
Aquino has never married and has no
children, making him the Philippines' first
bachelor president. Aquino previously had a
relationship with Shalani Soledad,
a Valenzuela councilor and niece of former
Senator Francisco Tatad.[76][77] In November
2010, Aquino confirmed that he and Soledad
had broken up.[78] He had previously
dated Korina Sanchez,[76] Bernadette
Sembrano,[76] and Liz Uy.[78][79] He was also in a
relationship with Korean television host Grace
Lee.[80] Aquino has stated his preference for
younger women because he wants to have
children.[81]
Aquino was also enthusiast
of shooting, billiards and video games.[2][4]
[4]
 Aquino does not drink alcoholic beverages,
[3]
 but is a smoker.[82] Aquino also said that he
is not keen on being a poster boy for anti-
smoking campaigns.[83] Upon winning the
election, Aquino was phoned by U.S.
President Barack Obama, who congratulated
him and offered assistance to smoking
cessation.[84][85]
Although the official residence of the president
is the Malacañang Palace, Aquino chose to
reside in the Bahay Pangarap (House of
Dreams), located within the Palace grounds,
while in office.[39][41]
Ancestry[edit]
showAncestors
of Benigno
Aquino III
Honours and awards[edit]
These are the list of honours and awards
made by President Aquino.
Foreign honours
 Japan: Grand Cordon of the
Supreme Order of the
Chrysanthemum (June 2, 2015)[87][88]
 Sovereign Military Order of Malta:
Collar of the Knightly Order pro merito
Melitensi (March 4, 2015)[89]
 Indonesia: Star of the Republic of
Indonesia, First Class (October 10, 2014)
[90][91]
 Kuwait: Collar of the Order of Mubarak
the Great (March 23, 2012)[92]
Honorary degrees
 Fordham University – Honorary
doctoral degree in Economics
 Centro Escolar University – Honorary
doctoral degree in Economics (April 11,
2012)[93]
 Kasetsart University – Honorary
doctoral degree in Economics
 University of the Philippines, Diliman –
Honorary doctoral degree in Law
 Sophia University – Honorary doctoral
degree in Law (December 13, 2014) [94]
 Tarlac State University – Honorary
doctoral degree in Humanities (May 14,
2015)[95]
 Loyola Marymount University –
Honorary Doctor of Humane Letters
degree (February 17, 2016) [96]
Recognitions
 United States: City Council Resolution
on welcoming the President
to Chicago presented by Mayor Rahm
Emanuel (May 6, 2015)[97]
Rodrigo Duterte
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jump to navigationJump to search
"Duterte" redirects here. For others with the
surname, see Duterte (surname).
"DU30" redirects here. For his presidential
campaign which used "DU30" as his stylized
campaign name, see Rodrigo Duterte 2016
presidential campaign.
In this Philippine name, the middle name or
maternal family name is Roa and the Vice Mayor Paolo Duterte
surname or paternal family name is Duterte.

Preceded by Sara Duterte

Rodrigo Duterte

Succeeded by Sara Duterte

KGCR
In office

June 30, 2001 – June 30, 2010

Vice Mayor Luis Bonguyan

Sara Duterte

Preceded by Benjamin de Guzman

Succeeded by Sara Duterte

In office

February 2, 1988 – June 30, 1998

Vice Mayor Dominador Zuño (Acting)

Luis Bonguyan
16th President of the Philippines Benjamin de Guzman

Incumbent Preceded by Jacinto Rubillar

Assumed office Succeeded by Benjamin de Guzman

June 30, 2016
Vice Mayor of Davao City

Vice President Leni Robredo

In office

June 30, 2010 – June 30, 2013

Preceded by Benigno Aquino III

Mayor of Davao City Mayor Sara Duterte

In office Preceded by Sara Duterte

June 30, 2013 – June 30, 2016
 Elizabeth Zimmerman
Succeeded by Paolo Duterte Spouse(s) (m. 1973; ann. 2000)

In office Domestic partner Honeylet Avanceña

May 2, 1986 – November 27, 1987

Officer in Charge Children 4, including Paolo and Sara

Mayor Zafiro Respicio Parents Vicente Duterte

Soledad Roa
Preceded by Cornelio Maskariño

Residence Malacañang Palace[2][3][4]

Succeeded by Gilbert Abellera

Education Lyceum of the Philippines University (B.A.)

Member of the Philippine House of Representatives
from Davao City's 1st District San Beda University (LL.B.)

In office Signature

June 30, 1998 – June 30, 2001

Preceded by Prospero Nograles Website Official website

Succeeded by Prospero Nograles

This article is part of
a series about
Personal details Rodrigo Duterte

Born Rodrigo Roa Duterte

President of the Philippines

March 28, 1945 (age 74) Incumbent

Maasin, Commonwealth of the Philippines

Presidency

Political party PDP–Laban (2001–present)  Transition

 Inauguration

Other political Kabataang Makabayan[1] (1970s)  International trips

 Protests
affiliations Laban ng Makabayang Masang Pilipino (1998–
 Ouster plot allegations
2001)

Hugpong sa Tawong Lungsod (2011–present)

Coalition for Change (2016–present) show

Executive orders
 show  Federalism in the Philippines
Proclamations  Coalition For Change

show
Republic Acts

Policies  v
 t
 Foreign Policy 
o Philippines v. China  e

o Eleventh East Asia Summit

Rodrigo Roa Duterte KGCR (/duː
 Philippine Drug War ˈtɜːrtə/; Tagalog: [roˈdɾigo ɾowa dʊˈtɛɾtɛ] (
listen); born March 28, 1945), also known
 Socioeconomic Policy as Digong and Rody,[5] is a Filipino politician
who is the 16th and incumbent President of
Presidential election the Philippines and the first from Mindanao to
hold the office.[6][7][8][9] He is the chairperson
 2016 Duterte-Cayetano campaign of PDP–Laban, the ruling political party.
Duterte took office at 71 years old on June 30,
2016, making him the oldest person to
Member of the House of Representatives from Davao City
district
assume the Philippine presidency; the record
was previously held by Sergio Osmeña at the
 11th Congress of the Philippines age of 65.[10]
 1998 Philippine general election Born in Maasin, Southern Leyte, Duterte
studied political science at the Lyceum of the
Philippines University, graduating in 1968,
Mayor of Davao City
before obtaining a law degree from San Beda
 Davao Death Squad College of Law in 1972. He then worked as a
lawyer and was a prosecutor for Davao City,
before becoming vice mayor and,
Political parties subsequently, mayor of the city in the wake of
 PDP-Laban the Philippine Revolution of 1986. Duterte
won seven terms and served as mayor of
 Hugpong sa Tawong Lungsod Davao for over 22 years.
Frequently described as a populist[11][12][13] and
Family a nationalist,[14][15][16] Duterte's political success
has been aided by his vocal support for
 Sara Duterte (daughter)
the extrajudicial killing of drug users and other
 Veronica Duterte (daughter) criminals.[17] Human rights groups have
 Paolo Duterte (son) documented over 1,400 killings allegedly
by death squads operating in Davao between
 Sebastian Duterte (son) 1998 and May 2016; the victims were mainly
 Elizabeth Zimmerman (ex-wife) drug users, petty criminals and street children.
 Cielito Avanceña (common-law wife)
[18]
 A 2009 report by the Philippine Commission
on Human Rights confirmed the "systematic
 Soledad Duterte (mother) practice of extrajudicial killings" by the Davao
 Vicente Duterte (father) Death Squad.[19][20] Duterte has alternately
 confirmed and denied his involvement.
[21]
 The Office of the Ombudsman closed an
investigation in January 2016 stating that they
found no evidence that the Davao Death
Squad exists, and no evidence to connect the
police or Duterte with the killings.[19][20] The case
has since been reopened.[22] Duterte has
repeatedly confirmed that he personally killed
criminal suspects as mayor of Davao.[23][24][25]
On May 9, 2016, Duterte won the Philippine
presidential election with 39% of the votes,
defeating four other candidates, namely Mar
Roxas[26] of the Liberal Party (23.5%),
Senator Grace Poe (21.4%), former vice
president Jejomar Binay of the United
Nationalist Alliance (12.7%), and the late
Senator Miriam Defensor Santiago of
the People's Reform Party (3.4%).[27] During
his campaign, he promised to kill tens of
thousands of criminals and end crime within
six months.[28][29][30] His domestic policy has
focused on combating the illegal drug trade by
initiating the Philippine Drug War. According
to the Philippine National Police the death
total passed 7,000 in January 2017, after
which the police stopped publishing data.
[31]
 Following criticism from United
Nations human rights experts that extrajudicial
killings had increased since his election,
Duterte threatened to withdraw the Philippines
from the UN and form a new organization with
China and African nations.[32] He has declared
his intention to pursue an "independent
foreign policy",[33] and sought to distance the
Philippines from the United
States and European Union and pursue closer
ties with China and Russia.
Contents
 1Early life
o 1.1Education
o 1.2Sexual abuse
o 1.3Shooting of student at law
school
 2Mayor of Davao City
o 2.1Law and order
o 2.2Davao Death Squad
o 2.3Federalism advocacy
 32016 presidential campaign
o 3.1Constitutional reform
o 3.2Rape comments
o 3.3Human rights
o 3.4Election to the Presidency
 4Presidency
o 4.1Domestic policy
 4.1.1Anti-drug
campaign
 4.1.2Capital punishment
 4.1.3Mindanao
insurgency
 4.1.4Terrorism
 4.1.5Communist
insurgency
o 4.2Foreign policy
 4.2.1China and Russia
 4.2.2Territorial disputes
 4.2.3United States
 4.2.4ASEAN
o 4.3Economic policy
o 4.4Presidential immunity
 5Public image
o 5.1Supporters
 6Controversy and criticism
o 6.1Human rights concerns
o 6.2Homophobic comments
o 6.3Rape comments
o 6.4International stage
o 6.5Catholic Church
o 6.6Views on media killings
o 6.7Personal killings
o 6.8War on Drugs
 7Personal life
o 7.1Family and ancestry
o 7.2Religion
o 7.3Health
o 7.4Political views
 8Honours and awards
o 8.1Honour of Philippines
o 8.2Foreign honours
 9See also
 10Notes
 11References
 12Further reading
 13External links
Early life
Duterte was born on March 28, 1945,
in Maasin.[34] His father was Vicente G.
Duterte (1911–1968), a Cebuano lawyer, and
his mother, Soledad Duterte (née Roa; 1916–
2012), was a school teacher
from Cabadbaran, Agusan and a civic leader
of Maranao descent. Duterte's father was
mayor of Danao, Cebu, and subsequently the
provincial governor of (the then-
undivided) Davao province. Rodrigo's cousin
Ronald was mayor of Cebu City from 1983 to
1986. Ronald's father, Ramon Duterte, also
held the position from 1957 to 1959. The
Dutertes consider the Cebu-based political
families of the Durano and the Almendras clan
as relatives.[35] Duterte also has relatives from
the Roa clan in Leyte through his mother's
side.[36] Duterte's family lived in Maasin, and in
his father's hometown in Danao, until he was
four years old.[37] The Dutertes initially moved
to Mindanao in 1948 but still went back and
forth to the Visayas until 1949.[38] They finally
settled in the Davao Region in 1950. Vicente
worked as a lawyer engaged in private
practice. Soledad worked as a teacher until
1952 when Vicente entered politics.
Education
Duterte went to Laboon Elementary School in
Maasin, for a year.[36] He spent his remaining
elementary days at the Santa Ana Elementary
School in Davao City, where he graduated in
1956. He finished his secondary education in
the High School Department of the then-Holy
Cross College of Digos (now Cor Jesu
College) in today's city of Digos in the now-
defunct Davao province, after being expelled
twice from previous schools, including one
in Ateneo de Davao University (AdDU) High
School due to misconduct.[35] He graduated in
1968 with a Bachelor of Arts degree in political
science at the Lyceum of the Philippines in
Manila. He obtained a law degree from San
Beda College of Law in 1972. In the same
year, he passed the bar exam. Duterte
eventually became a Special Counsel at the
City Prosecution Office in Davao City from
1977–79, Fourth Assistant City Prosecutor
from 1979–81, Third Assistant City Prosecutor
from 1981–83, and Second Assistant City
Prosecutor from 1983–86.
Sexual abuse
Duterte has said that he was sexually abused
by a priest when he was a minor.[39] After he
was challenged by the Catholic Bishops'
Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) and
AdDU officials to name the priest and file a
case against him, Duterte then revealed the
priest's name as Fr. Mark Falvey, SJ (d.
1975).[39] The Jesuits of the Society of Jesus in
the Philippines confirmed that according to
press reports in the United States, in May
2007, the Society of Jesus agreed to a
tentative payout of US$16 million to settle
claims that Falvey sexually abused at least
nine children in Los Angeles from 1959 to
1975. Accusations against Falvey began in
2002, and he was never charged with a crime.
Additionally in May 2008, the Diocese of
Sacramento paid $100,000 settlement to a
person allegedly raped and molested by
Mark's brother, Fr. Arthur Falvey. However, it
was not clearly indicated in the report if Mark
Falvey was assigned at the Jesuit-run Ateneo
de Davao.[40] When asked why he did not
complain when the abuse supposedly
happened, Duterte claimed that he was too
young to complain about the priest's abuse
and was intimidated by authorities at that time.
He also stated that he never disclosed that
information after he was expelled and moved
to a different high school and especially not to
his family.[41]
Shooting of student at law school
Duterte stated at a rally in April 2016 that he
shot a fellow student who had bullied him
about his Visayan origin as well as other
students of the same ethnicity, while at San
Beda law college. He said "But the truth is, I'm
used to shooting people. When we were
about to graduate from San Beda, I shot a
person." Duterte said that he shot the student
in a corridor at the college when the said
student called him names again. He later told
a reporter that the student survived, but
refused to answer any further questions about
the incident.[42]
However, in an interview aired at 24 Oras and
published on the official GMA News Online
website on April 22, 2016, retired labor arbiter
Arthur Amansec said Duterte and Octavio
Goco at that time were both playing with a gun
as it was normal for students to bring guns to
school in the seventies. Amansec is Duterte's
former classmate in San Beda College who
witnessed the incident. He added that "the
bullet hit the school's wooden floor and was
embedded there." Amansec emphasized that
Duterte and Goco remained friends until Goco
died in the United States years later.[43]
Mayor of Davao City
See also: 1989 Davao hostage crisis
Then-Mayor Duterte (left) with then-
President Benigno Aquino III during a meeting with
local government unit leaders in Davao City in
2013
After the 1986 People Power Revolution,
Duterte was appointed officer-in-charge vice
mayor by president Corazon Aquino.[44] In
1988, he ran for mayor and won, serving until
1998. He set a precedent by designating
deputy mayors that represented
the Lumad and Moro peoples in the city
government, which was later copied in other
parts of the Philippines. In 1998, because he
was term-limited to run again for mayor, he
ran for the House of Representatives and won
as Congressman of the 1st District of Davao
City (under the Laban ng Makabayang
Masang Pilipino coalition). In 2001, he ran
again for mayor in Davao and was again
elected for his fourth term. He was re-elected
in 2004 and in 2007.[45]
In 1995, after Flor Contemplacion, a Filipino,
was executed in Singapore after confessing to
a double murder, Duterte allegedly burned
a flag of Singapore (though this claim was
later denied) and joined 1,000 employees of
Davao City in protest.[46][47]
In 2013, Davao City sent rescue and medical
teams to Tacloban to give aid to the victims
of Typhoon Haiyan, locally known in the
country as Typhoon Yolanda. Financial
assistance was also given
to Bohol and Cebu for the earthquake victims.
[48]
Then-newly-elected Davao City Vice Mayor Duterte
reading his inaugural speech in June 2010
In 2010, he was elected vice mayor,
succeeding his daughter, Sara Duterte-
Carpio, who was elected as mayor. He has
been offered the Interior Secretary post four
times by Presidents Fidel V. Ramos, Joseph
Ejercito Estrada, Gloria Macapagal-
Arroyo and Benigno S. Aquino III, but rejected
all of them.[35]
Duterte also passed the city's Women
Development Code, which aims "to uphold the
rights of women and the belief in their worth
and dignity as human beings". [49][50] Duterte
banned swimsuit competitions in beauty
pageants in Davao City.[51] Duterte also gained
prominence for supporting the first-
ever Gawad Kalinga Village inside a jail facility
which is only located in Davao City. It is a
home-type jail with ten cottages built inside
the compound, which now serve as home for
women inmates.[52]
Law and order
Davao had the highest murder rate, the
second highest rape rate, and the fourth
highest number of index crimes in the
Philippines, according to official police raw
data for the years 2010 to 2015.
Nevertheless, Duterte claimed that the city
was one of the world's safest, a narrative that
gained currency in the national media,
creating a widespread public perception that
has been a significant factor in establishing
support for his nationwide drug policy.[53][54][55]
As of April 2015, Davao City improved to 5th
in ranking of the world's safest cities, with a
crime index of 18.18 and a safety index of
81.82. Osaka, Japan tops the list with a safety
index of 84.47, followed by Seoul, South
Korea (83.42) and Singapore (83.36).[56]
As of October 2019, Davao City ranks second
as the top safest city in Southeast Asia,
according to an online user-contributed survey
site Numbeo.com
Based on the Crime Index 2019 Mid-Year of
Numbeo, Davao City has a Safety Index rate
of 72.50. Davao's rank rose from last year's
number four with 71.21.[57]
Prostitution in the Philippines is illegal. In
Davao, by city ordinance, police ensure that
prostitutes have a valid health card, but do not
arrest them.[58] In 2010, the Philippine Child
Protection Unit stated that Davao was one of
the top five areas for child prostitution and sex
tourism in the Philippines.[59] Jeanette Ampog,
the executive director of Talikala, a Davao-
based NGO that helps prostitutes, said in
October 2016 that child prostitution had
sharply increased over the past two years.
She said that children were cheaper and more
marketable.[60] Nevertheless, the city was
awarded "Most Child-Friendly City for Highly-
Urbanized Category" in 1998, 1999, 2013 and
2014.[61][62]
The City Council amended ordinance No.
1627, Series of 1994, to impose a prohibition
on selling, serving, drinking, and consuming
alcoholic beverages from 01:00 until 08:00
each morning. Executive Order No. 39 was
signed by Duterte, reducing the speed limits
for all kinds of motor vehicles within the
territorial jurisdiction of Davao City in the
interest of public safety and order.[63] Duterte
also signed Executive Order No. 04, Series of
2013 to impose an order creating the
implementing of rules and regulations for the
new comprehensive anti-smoking ordinance
no. 0367-12, Series of 2012. [64] Davao
City's Firecracker Ban was also implemented
with ordinance No. 060-02/1406-02, Series of
2002 by the City Council through the support
of Duterte.[65]
Davao acquired 10 ambulances for central
911 intended for medical emergencies and 42
mobile patrol vehicles and motorcycles for the
Davao City Police Office (the first and only 9-
1-1 emergency telephone number in Asia
which is also free of charge).[66] Duterte,
through Executive Order No. 24, ordered all
shopping malls and commercial centers to
install, operate and maintain high end and
high definition closed circuit television (CCTV)
cameras at all entrance and exit points of their
premises.[67]
In 2015, Davao City was among the local
government units awarded with a "Seal of
Good Local Governance" by the Department
of the Interior and Local Government.[68]
In response to Duterte's comments in 2014
relating to killing a person suspected of
smuggling rice in Davao City, the Office of the
President of the Philippines issued a
statement saying, "Killing a person is against
the law. The President has been firm in the
belief that no one is above the law. We must
not resort to extralegal methods," while
the Catholic Bishops' Conference of the
Philippines (CBCP) has condemned killing as
a sin and insists on the protection of rights of
the accused. Human rights activists then said
that Duterte built a culture of impunity in the
city.[69]
In early September 2015, an incident was
reported of a tourist being forced to swallow
his own cigarette butt in a local bar in Davao
City after the tourist refused to comply with the
public anti-smoking ordinance of the city.
Duterte was contacted by the bar owner and
the then-mayor personally went into the bar
and forced the tourist to swallow his cigarette
butt. Duterte was then met with criticisms
especially from the Commission on Human
Rights (CHR).[70]
Davao Death Squad

Duterte speaks with Davao City residents in 2009.
Main article: Davao Death Squad
Further information: Philippine Drug War
§  Senate committee, and Philippine Drug
War §  Arturo Lascanas
We're the ninth safest city. How do you think I
did it? How did I reach that title among the
world's safest cities? Kill them all [criminals].
— Duterte, May 15, 2015[71]
Duterte, who has been dubbed "The
Punisher" by Time magazine,[72] has been
linked by human rights groups such
as Amnesty International and Human Rights
Watch to extrajudicial killings of over 1,400
alleged criminals and street
children by vigilante death squads.[17][73] In the
April 2009 UN General Assembly of the
Human Rights Council, the UN report
(Eleventh Session Agenda item 3, par 21)
said, "The Mayor of Davao City has done
nothing to prevent these killings, and his
public comments suggest that he is, in fact,
supportive."[74] Human Rights Watch reported
that in 2001–2002, Duterte appeared on local
television and radio and announced the
names of "criminals", some of whom were
later executed.[75] In July 2005 at a crime
summit at the Manila Hotel, Duterte said,
"Summary execution of criminals remains the
most effective way to crush kidnapping and
illegal drugs."[76]
Duterte has denied responsibility for the
extrajudicial killings. He has also frequently
announced his support for them. According to
Reuters, "Duterte's loud approval for hundreds
of execution-style killings of drug users and
criminals over nearly two decades helped
propel him to the highest office of a crime-
weary land."[17] In 2009 Duterte said: "If you
are doing an illegal activity in my city, if you
are a criminal or part of a syndicate that preys
on the innocent people of the city, for as long
as I am the mayor, you are a legitimate target
of assassination."[77] In 2015, Duterte
confirmed his links to extrajudicial killings in
Davao, and warned that, if elected president,
he may kill up to 100,000 criminals. After the
said confirmation, Duterte challenged human
rights officials to file a case against him if they
could provide evidence to his links with
vigilante groups.[78]
Federalism advocacy
Main article: Federalism in the Philippines
In September 2014, Duterte and former
mayors and governors, calling themselves the
Mindanao Council of Leaders, advocated for a
federalist government.[79] A month later,
Duterte attended an event sponsored by the
Federal Movement for a Better Philippines
in Cebu City.[80] In December 2014, Duterte
held a summit entitled "Mindanaons Forging
Unity Toward a Federal System of
Government".[81]
2016 presidential campaign
Main article: 2016 Philippine presidential
election
See also: Rodrigo Duterte presidential
campaign, 2016
Duterte–Cayetano 2016 campaign logo
 with the Makati Business Club prior to the
elections, Duterte said he is open to "toning
down the Constitution" to accommodate more
foreign investors to the Philippines.[89] He also
said he is open to up to 70 percent foreign
ownership of businesses in the country and
foreign lease of lands up to 60 years, but will
"leave it to Congress to decide". [89]
Duterte and allies campaigning in Pandacan,
Rape comments
Manila Further information: Rodrigo Duterte
presidential campaign, 2016 §  Rape of an
As early as the first quarter of 2015, Duterte
Australian missionary
made hints to the media of his intention to run
for president in the 2016 elections. However, At a campaign rally on April 12, 2016, Duterte
he denied these plans numerous times amidst told supporters that, as Mayor, he thought he
clamor from his supporters for him to run. "should have been first" to rape Jacqueline
Hamill, an Australian missionary who
In January, Duterte said he would abolish
was gang-raped and killed during the 1989
Congress if he chose to run for President and
Davao hostage crisis. He recalled examining
was elected.[82] On November 21, in a private
her corpse concluding that she was raped but
gathering with fraternity brothers from San
also remarked that he "should have gone
Beda College of Law, Duterte formally
first".[90]
announced his presidential bid and also finally
accepted Alan Peter Cayetano's offer to be After being condemned for his comments,
his running mate, and named his daughter, Duterte later apologized for the incident and
Sara Duterte, as his substitute for Mayor.[83][84] acknowledged the comment as a "bad
remark" saying he regretted his "gutter
In his campaign, he said he would introduce a
language" but would not apologize for being
federal parliamentary form of government. He
misinterpreted. He insists though that the
also promised to kill tens of thousands of
remark was not a "joke" as reported by some
criminals and eradicate crime in six months.[85]
[86] media outlets, saying that he stated it in a
narrative. He further said that he was not
Constitutional reform apologizing for stating the remark reasoning
that he made the remark out of "utter anger"
Rodrigo Duterte campaigned
when he recalled the events.[91] He threatened
for decentralization and a shift to federal
to sever diplomatic ties with the US and
government during the 2016 presidential
Australia, if elected, after their ambassadors
election. In an October 2014 forum organized
criticized his comments.[86]
by Federal Movement for a Better
Philippines in Cebu City prior to joining the His daughter Sara Duterte subsequently
presidential race, the then-mayor of Davao announced on social media that she was
City called for the creation of two federal a rape victim, but would still vote for her
states for Moro people as a solution to the father. He said that he doubted her story,
problems besetting Mindanao.[87] Mayor jokingly referring to her as a "drama queen".[92]
Duterte said that Nur Misuari and his Moro
National Liberation Front don't see eye-to-eye
with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front which
the administration of President Benigno
Aquino III had inked a peace deal with. He
also said that the "template of
the Bangsamoro Basic Law is federal", but
what is granted to the Bangsamoro should
also be granted to other Moro groups and
other regions in the country.[88] In a dialogue
 See also: Presidential transition of Rodrigo
Duterte and Inauguration of Rodrigo Duterte

Presidential styles of
Rodrigo Roa Duterte[97][98]

Reference style President Duterte, His Excellency (rarely used)[98]

Spoken style Your President, Your Excellency (rarely used)

Alternative style Mr. President, President Mayor[99]

The Presidency of Rodrigo Duterte began at

2016 Philippine electoral vote results noon on June 30, 2016, when he became
the 16th President of the Philippines,
Human rights succeeding Benigno Aquino III.
In a campaign speech on April 27 to business At the age of 71, Duterte became the oldest
leaders, he said his presidency would be "a person ever elected to the presidency. Duterte
bloody one", but that he would issue "a is also the first local chief executive to get
thousand pardons a day" to police and elected straight to the Office of the President,
soldiers accused of human rights abuses, and the second Cebuano to become president
would also issue a presidential pardon to (after Sergio Osmeña), the third Cebuano-
himself for mass murder at the end of his six- speaking president (after Osmeña and Carlos
year term.[86] P. Garcia), the
first Visayan from Mindanao and the fourth
Election to the Presidency Visayan overall (after Osmeña, Manuel
On May 30, 2016, the 16th Congress of the Roxas and Garcia).[100]
Philippines proclaimed Duterte as
the President-elect of the Philippines after he
topped the official count by the Congress of
the Philippines for the 2016 presidential
election with 16,601,997 votes, 6.6 million
more than his closest rival, Mar Roxas.[93][94]
[95]
 Camarines Sur representative Leni
Robredo on the other hand, was proclaimed
as the Vice President-elect of the
Philippines with 14,418,817 votes, narrowly
defeating Senator Bongbong Marcos by
263,473 votes.[96]

Presidency President-elect Duterte (left) and outgoing

Main article: Presidency of Rodrigo Duterte President Benigno Aquino III at Malacañang

Palace on inauguration day, June 30, 2016

Duterte takes his oath of office as the 16th
President of the Philippines before Associate
Justice Bienvenido L. Reyes at Malacañang
Palace while his children look on, June 30, 2016.
A Pulse Asia survey conducted from July 2–8
showed that Duterte had a trust rating of 91%,
the highest of the six presidents since
the Marcos dictatorship (the previous highest
was Duterte's predecessor, Benigno Aquino
III with 87%).[26] One year after taking office his
trust rating was 81%.[101] Shortly after his
inauguration on June 30, Duterte held his first
Cabinet meeting to lay out their first agenda,
which included the country's disaster risk
reduction management, decongesting
the Ninoy Aquino International Airport in
Manila, the country's main gateway, and
expressed his ideas and concerns regarding
the territorial disputes in the South China
Sea prior to the announcement of the verdict
of the Philippines' arbitration case against
China over the issue,[102] which the Philippines
later won.[103] Four days later, on July 4,
Duterte issued his first executive order entitled
"Reengineering the Office of the President
Towards Greater Responsiveness to the
Attainment of Development Goals", allowing
his Cabinet Secretary, Leoncio Evasco, Jr., to
supervise over several agencies that focus
on poverty reduction.[104] On July 23, Duterte
signed Executive Order No. 2 also known as
the Freedom of Information Order.[105]
Duterte is greeted by overseas Filipinos during his
official visit to Vietnam, September 2016.
On August 1, 2016, Duterte launched a 24-
hour complaint office accessible to the public
through a nationwide complaint hotline, 8888,
while also changing the country's emergency
telephone number from 1-1-7 to 9-1-1, which
was first instituted in Davao City.[106]
On August 7, Duterte approved the burial of
former President Ferdinand Marcos at
the Heroes' Cemetery in Taguig scheduled for
October 18,[107] saying that Marcos was
qualified for the burial at the cemetery due to
him being a "former president and a soldier".
The decision was vehemently opposed, due
to "the brutal, oppressive and corrupt nature
of Marcos's two-decade regime". [108] An online
petition which received over 30,000
signatures stated:
Burying Ferdinand E Marcos alongside our
nation's heroes who fought for our freedom is
an affront to the thousands of lives tortured
and murdered during his reign. Laying him to
rest at the Heroes' Cemetery is a disdainful
act that will send a message to the future of
our nation—our children—that the world we
live in rewards forceful and violent hands.[108]
Following the September 2 bombing in Davao
City that killed 14 people in the city's central
business district, on September 3 Duterte
declared a "state of lawlessness", and on the
following day issued Proclamation No. 55 to
officially declare a "state of national
emergency on account of lawless violence in
Mindanao".[109] The Armed Forces of the
Philippines (AFP) and the Philippine National
Police (PNP) were ordered to "suppress all
forms of lawless violence in Mindanao" and to
"prevent lawless violence from spreading and
escalating elsewhere". Executive
Secretary Salvador Medialdea said that the
declaration "[did] not specify the imposition of
curfews" and would remain in force
indefinitely. He explained: "The recent
incidents, the escape of terrorists from
prisons, the beheadings, then eventually what
happened in Davao. That was the basis."[110]
In December 2016, Duterte was ranked 70th
on Forbes list of The World's Most Powerful
People.[111][112] On December 7, Duterte
signed Executive Order No. 10 creating a
consultative committee to review the
1987 Constitution of the Philippines.[113] Duterte
signed Executive Order 26 imposing a
smoking ban in public places on May 16,
2017.[114] In the same month, the Duterte
administration began to implement the Anti-
Distracted Driving Act.[115] During his
presidential campaign and transition, Duterte
called for the reimposition of capital
punishment in the country to execute criminals
involved in "heinous" crimes, such as illegal
drug trade, insisting on hanging.[116]
While adjusting to working and residing at
the Malacañang Palace, Duterte divides his
workweek between Manila and Davao City by
spending three days in each city, utilizing
the Malacañang of the South while in Davao.
[117]
Domestic policy
Anti-drug campaign
Main article: Philippine Drug War
Duterte presents a chart which he claims illustrates
a drug trade network of drug syndicates, on July 7,
2016.
After his inauguration, Duterte gave a speech
in Tondo, Manila, where he urged Filipino
citizens to kill drug addicts. He asked the
communist rebels known as the New People's
Army to "use your kangaroo courts to kill them
to speed up the solution to our problem".[118][119]
Department of Justice spokesperson and
undersecretary Markk Perete clarified the
“shoot-to-kill” order the President gave to
police officers whom he instructed to go after
“erroneously released” prisoners who will
refuse to surrender.[120]
Perete stated that what the President said
was if in the course of effecting a re-arrest,
those sought to be rearrested pose a real
threat to the life of apprehending officers, then
the officers may take such action necessary to
ensure their safety.
The Philippine Daily Inquirer published a "kill
list".[121] Ifugao Representative Teddy Baguilat
urged the Philippine House of
Representatives to investigate the "spate of
extrajudicial killings and/or summary
executions of suspected violators of laws on
illegal drugs and other suspected criminals".
[122]
 Senator and former Justice Secretary Leila
de Lima urged Duterte's administration to
cease the extrajudicial killings and said that
she would file a resolution for the Philippine
Senate to conduct an investigation.[123] The
militant group Bagong Alyansang
Makabayan also asked Duterte to investigate
the increasing number of extrajudicial killings.
[124]
 The Duterte administration demanded
critics to provide evidence.[125]
Duterte has justified the drug war by claiming
that the Philippines was becoming a "narco-
state". According to the United Nations Office
on Drugs and Crime, the prevalence of drug
use in the country is lower than the global
average.[126] Duterte has dismissed human
rights concerns by dehumanizing drug users,
stating in August 2016: "Crime against
humanity? In the first place, I'd like to be frank
with you. Are they humans? What is your
definition of a human being?"[127] In the first
three months of Duterte's term in office,
according to police figures, over 3,000 killings
were attributed to his nationwide anti-drug
campaign. More than half were attributed to
vigilantes. At the beginning of October, a
senior police officer told The Guardian that ten
"special ops" official police death squads had
been operating, and that he had personally
been involved in killing 87 suspects. He
described how the corpses were dumped at
the roadside ("salvage" victims), or had their
heads wrapped in masking tape with a
cardboard placard labelling them as a drug
offender, so that the killing would not be
investigated. The chairman of the Commission
on Human Rights, Chito Gascon, was quoted
in the report: "I am not surprised, I have heard
of this." The Philippine National
Police declined to comment. The report
stated: "although The Guardian can verify the
policeman's rank and his service history, there
is no independent, official confirmation for the
allegations of state complicity and police
coordination in mass murder."[128]
Capital punishment

Duterte speaking with PNP Police Director
General Ronald Dela Rosa in the Malacañang
Palace on August 16, 2016
During the 2016 election, Duterte campaigned
to restore the death penalty in the Philippines.
[129][130][131]
 Duterte, who won the election in May
2016, supports restoration of the death
penalty by hanging.[132] It has been reported
that he wants capital punishment for criminals
involved in illegal drugs, gun-for-hire
syndicates and those who commit "heinous
crimes" such as rape, robbery or car theft
where the victim is murdered.[132] Duterte has
theatrically vowed "to litter Manila Bay with the
bodies of criminals".[133] In December 2016, the
bill to resume capital punishment for certain
"heinous offenses" swiftly passed out of
Committee in the House of Representatives; it
passed the full House of Representatives in
February 2017.[134] However, the law
reinstating the death penalty stalled in the
Senate in April 2017, where it did not appear
to have enough votes to pass.[135][136]
Mindanao insurgency
Further information: Bangsamoro peace
process and Moro conflict
Duterte welcomes Norwegian Kjartan Sekkingstad
following his release from Abu Sayyaf captivity.
Duterte has said that Moro dignity is what the
MILF and MNLF are struggling for, and that
they are not terrorists. He acknowledged that
the Moros were subjected to wrongdoing,
historical and in territory.[137]
Duterte was endorsed in the election by Moro
National Liberation Front (MNLF) leader Nur
Misuari[138] due to his background in Mindanao.
[139]
 Jesus Dureza was his second choice.
[140]
 Other Muslims also supported Duterte and
denounced Roxas, the Aquino-supported pick.
[141]
During the Mindanao Hariraya Eid al-Fitr 2016
convention in Davao City on July 8, 2016,
Duterte vowed to address the Moro conflict
and bring peace in Mindanao, assuring
the Filipino Muslim community that
"something will change" before the end of his
term. He said that the Moro Islamic Liberation
Front (MILF) and the Moro National Liberation
Front (MNLF) both support his proposal
for federalism in the Philippines, which he
says is the only solution to the Bangsamoro
peace process. Duterte said that if the
proposal for the country's shift to federalism
fails or is not desired by the Filipino people,
he will vow to pass the Bangsamoro Basic
Law, which would establish the Bangsamoro
Autonomous Region. He also added that the
Basic Law should benefit both MILF and
MNLF, saying he is willing to negotiate with
both secessionists to initiate a
"reconfiguration" of territory.[142][143]
A crowd of Muslims were attending the
speech by Duterte where he accused America
of bringing terrorism to themselves, saying
that terrorism is not the result of the Middle
East.[144] He railed against the actions
undertaken in the Middle East by the USA.
[145]
 Duterte blamed the war on Mindanao on
colonialist Christianity being brought to the
Philippines in 1521 by Ferdinand Magellan,
saying there was peace before that and that
they were made to fight their "Malay brother"
by Christians.[146]
Duterte meeting with MNLF chairman, founder and
former ARMM Governor Nur Misuari, November 3,
2016
The Bud Dajo Massacre inflicted upon the
Moros was mentioned by President Duterte to
criticize the United States and its
President Barack Obama.[147] The massacre
was cited a second time by Duterte in
criticizing America while calling for the exit of
American troops.[148]
On November 6, 2016, Duterte signed an
executive order to expand the Bangsamoro
Transition Commission to 21 members from
15, in which 11 will be decided by the MILF
and 10 will be nominated by the government.
The commission was formed in December
2013 and is tasked to draft the Bangsamoro
Basic Law in accordance with the Framework
Agreement on the Bangsamoro[149]
Duterte signed the Bangsamoro Organic
Law on July 26, 2018,[150][151] which abolished
the Autonomous Region in Muslim
Mindanao and provided for the basic structure
of government for the Bangsamoro
Autonomous Region, following the
agreements set forth in the Comprehensive
Agreement on the Bangsamoro peace
agreement signed between the Government
of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic
Liberation Front in 2014.[152]
Terrorism
The Maute group, an ISIS-inspired terrorist
group, had reportedly been able to establish a
stronghold in Lanao del Sur since early 2016.
The group had been blamed for the 2016
Davao City bombing and two attacks in Butig,
Lanao del Sur, a town located south of
Marawi, in 2016.[153] Before the Duterte
administration, the Philippine government had
downplayed the threat of ISIS in the
Philippines.[154] Even after the February 2016
Butig clash with the Maute group, then-
President Benigno Aquino III discounted the
possibility of the Islamic State's presence in
the country. He said that those behind the
attack were just mercenaries wanting to be
recognized by the Middle East-based terror
group.[155]
In November 2016, President Duterte
confirmed the Maute group's affiliation with
the Islamic State.[153] Amidst fierce fighting in
Butig on November 30, 2016, Duterte, in a
command briefing in Lanao del Sur, warned
the Maute group: "Ayaw ko makipag-away sa
inyo. Ayaw ko makipag-patayan, (I do not
want to fight with you. I don't want us killing
each other) but please, do not force my hand.
I cannot be forever traveling here every
month para lang makipag-usap (just to
talk), at pagtalikod ko patayan na naman (and
when I turn around, there's killing again). I do
not want to mention anything, but please do
not force my hand into it."[156][157] On December
2, 2016, as the military regained control of
Butig, the retreating Maute fighters reportedly
left a note threatening to behead Duterte.[158]
On May 23, 2017, clashes between Philippine
government security forces and militants
affiliated with the Islamic State of Iraq and the
Levant (ISIL), including the Maute and Abu
Sayyaf Salafi jihadist groups erupted in the
city of Marawi.[159]
On the same day, Duterte
signed Proclamation No. 216 declaring a 60-
day martial law in Mindanao
following clashes between the AFP and
the Maute group in Marawi, Lanao del Sur.
[160]
 He said that the implementation is similar
to Proclamation No. 1081 and expressed the
possibility of extending the scope of the
martial law nationwide if deemed necessary.
[161]
The Battle of Marawi became the
longest urban battle in the modern history of
the Philippines.[162]
According to the Philippine government, the
clashes began during an offensive in Marawi
to capture Isnilon Hapilon, the leader of the
ISIL-affiliated Abu Sayyaf group.[163][164] A
deadly firefight erupted when Hapilon's forces
opened fire on the combined Army and police
teams and called for reinforcements from the
Maute group.[165]
Maute group militants attacked Camp Ranao
and occupied several buildings in the city,
including Marawi City Hall, Mindanao State
University, a hospital, and the city jail.[165] They
also occupied the main street and set fire
to Saint Mary's Cathedral, Ninoy Aquino
School, and Dansalan College, which is run
by the United Church of Christ in the
Philippines (UCCP).[163][166] The militants also
took a priest and several churchgoers
hostage.[167]
The Armed Forces of the Philippines stated
that some of the terrorists were foreigners
who had been in the country for a long time,
offering support to the Maute group in Marawi.
Their main objective was to raise an ISIS flag
at the Lanao del Sur Provincial Capitol and
declare a wilayat or provincial ISIS territory in
Lanao del Sur.[168][169]
The fighting lasted for five months until
October 17, 2017, the day after the deaths of
militant leaders Omar Maute and Isnilon
Hapilon. President Duterte declared Marawi
as "liberated from terrorist influence". [170] This
was followed by another October 23, 2017
pronouncement of Defense Secretary Delfin
Lorenzana that the five-month battle against
the terrorists in Marawi had finally ended.[171]
The rehabilitation of Marawi after the siege is
subject to criticism from various groups and
sectors due to perceived gaps in addressing
the basic needs of displaced Maranao people.
The criticism centered on the failure of the
martial law to address basic human dignity
issues in the area,[172] the delay in the recovery
efforts by Task Force Bangon Marawi,[173] and
the role of Chinese government firms and
Duterte-allied business entities in the
rehabilitation plan.[174] A year after the siege, a
report was made indicating that most of the
funds have been used for relief, while
reconstruction projects remain few.[175]
Communist insurgency
Further information: CPP–NPA–NDF rebellion
In July 2016, Duterte directed his peace
process advisor for the CPP–NPA–NDF
rebellion, Silvestre Bello III, to lead a
government panel in resuming peace talks
with the Communist Party of the
Philippines (CPP), the New People's
Army (NPA), and the National Democratic
Front (NDF) in Oslo, Norway, expressing hope
that a peace treaty between the rebellions
would be reached within a year.[176] The first
talks began on August 22–26, 2016, in which
the parties agreed upon "the affirmation of
previously signed agreements, the
reconstitution of the Joint Agreement on
Safety and Immunity Guarantees which
'protects the rights of negotiators, consultants,
staffers, security and other personnel involved
in peace negotiations',[177] and the accelerated
progress for negotiations."[178] In February
2017, due to recent attacks and kidnapping of
soldiers by members of the NPA despite the
imposed ceasefire by the government and the
rebel groups, President Duterte cancelled all
negotiations with the CPP–NPA–NDF and
labeled them a terrorist group.[179] He also
ordered the arrest of all NDF negotiators.
[180]
 Military offensive against the group
resumed after Duterte's cancellation of
ceasefire.[181]
Duterte's has also accused of indigenous
schools in Mindanao of indoctrinating children
with communist ideology and threatened to
bomb them.[182][183][184]
Foreign policy
See also: International presidential trips made
by Rodrigo Duterte
International trips made by Duterte during his
presidency
The Duterte administration has vowed to
pursue an "independent foreign policy" that
would reject any meddling by foreign
governments, reiterating Article II, Section 7 of
the 1987 Constitution which states: "The State
shall pursue an independent foreign policy. In
its relations with other states the paramount
consideration shall be
national sovereignty, territorial
integrity, national interest, and the right to self-
determination." In September 2016, Duterte
said: "We will observe and must insist on the
time-honored principle of sovereignty,
sovereign equality, non-interference and the
commitment of peaceful settlements of
dispute that will serve our people and protect
the interests of our country."[33]
Duterte made his first international trips as
president
to Vientiane, Laos and Jakarta, Indonesia on
September 5–9, 2016.[185]
China and Russia
See also: China–Philippines
relations and Philippines–Russia relations
Following his inauguration as president,
Duterte mentioned his willingness to "reorient"
his foreign policy towards China and Russia,
particularly in the areas of trade and
commerce.[186] During an interview with Al
Jazeera, he expressed his willingness to
conduct joint military exercises with China and
Russia.[187] In September, Duterte said that he
is considering purchasing military equipment,
particularly weaponries and armaments, from
China and Russia to strengthen the
capabilities of the Armed Forces of the
Philippines in addressing insurgency and
counter-terrorism, saying that deals between
the Philippines and the two countries are
already in discussion and that the Chinese
and Russian governments have offered the
Philippines soft loans that would be payable in
2025.[188]
Duterte's handshake with Chinese President Xi
Jinping prior to the bilateral meetings at the Great
Hall of the People in Beijing, October 20, 2016
On October 18–21, 2016, Duterte
visited Beijing to meet with Chinese officials,
including President Xi Jinping and Premier Li
Keqiang. While announcing his "separation"
from the United States in front of Chinese and
Filipino businessmen at the Philippines–China
Trade and Investment Forum in Beijing on
October 20, Duterte also said that he would
realign himself with the Chinese ideological
flow and that he might also travel to Russia to
meet with President Vladimir Putin to "tell him
that there are three of us against the world –
China, Philippines, and Russia".[189][190]
Duterte meets with Russian President Vladimir
Putin during the APEC summit in Lima, Peru,
November 19, 2016.
On November 20, 2016, Duterte met with
Putin during the sidelines of the APEC
summit in Lima, Peru. Duterte has praised
Putin's leadership skills and called him his
"idol". Putin also invited Duterte to
visit Moscow.[191][192] Duterte said that he would
visit Moscow on May 25, 2017, where a
defense cooperation agreement between the
Philippines and Russia is expected to be
finalized.[193]
During an interview with RT in November,
Duterte said that the Philippines is "not ready"
for military alliances with China and Russia
due to the Mutual Defense Treaty signed
between the Philippines and the U.S.;
however, he clarified that the Philippines
could seek stronger diplomatic cooperation
with China and Russia, as well as other
countries, "to make the world more peaceful".
[194]
 Russian Ambassador to the Philippines
Igor Khovaev expounded on Duterte's
statement by saying that the Russian
government is offering a strategic
partnership with the Philippines, not a military
alliance, and added that Russia does not
believe in establishing military alliances with
Asia. However, Khovaev explained that the
Russian government is open to assisting the
Philippines in purchasing Russian-made
weaponry.[195]
On May 1, 2017, following a visit to
three Chinese naval ships at the Port of
Davao, Duterte expressed interest in
conducting joint military exercises between
the Philippine Armed Forces and
China's People's Liberation Army in On October 20 in Beijing, Duterte
Mindanao, particularly in the Sulu Sea.[196] and Chinese President Xi Jinping agreed to
resume direct talks on the dispute. [206]
In July 2019, UN ambassadors of 37
countries, including the Philippines, have When then U.S. Secretary of State-
signed a joint letter to the UNHRC defending designate Rex Tillerson threatened China's
China's treatment of Uyghurs in positions on the islands, the Philippines said
the Xinjiang region.[197] that Tillerson was speaking for the U.S. only in
the U.S.'s interest and prerogatives. [207] Delfin
Territorial disputes
Lorenzana, Duterte's Defense Secretary,
Further information: Territorial disputes in the
rejected the possibility of war against China
South China Sea
over the islands in the South China Sea.[208]
On July 12, 2016, the Permanent Court of
On April 6, 2017, Duterte ordered the Armed
Arbitration tribunal in the Hague announced its
Forces of the Philippines to occupy and fortify
ruling in favor of the Philippines in its
at least nine uninhabited islands in the South
case filed under the Benigno Aquino
China Sea. He announced plans to visit the
III administration in 2013 against China on
Philippine-administered Thitu (Pag-asa)
issues regarding the South China Sea under
Island during Independence Day and raise
the provisions of the United Nations
a Philippine flag there.[209] Duterte also ordered
Convention on the Law of the Sea, including
the Philippine Navy to build structures on
the latter's nine-dash line claim which the
the Benham Rise in order to reassure the
tribunal ruled had no legal basis.[103] Three
Philippines' sovereignty over the undersea
days after, during a testimonial dinner in San
region, following the sighting of
Juan, Duterte asked former President Fidel
Chinese survey vessels.[210] He also
Ramos to lead the Philippine envoy
announced plans to rename the Benham Rise
to Beijing for bilateral negotiations with China
to the Philippine Ridge.[211] On April 12, Duterte
over the disputes.[198] Ramos accepted the
canceled his plan to visit the Thitu (Pag-asa)
offer on July 23,[199] but resigned on October
Island, citing goodwill and friendship with
31.[200] During his first State of the Nation
China.[212] On April 21, Defense Secretary
Address on July 25, Duterte said that his
Delfin Lorenzana announced the allocation
administration "strongly affirms and respects"
of ₱1.6 billion to develop the Thitu (Pag-asa)
the ruling and would use it as a guide to
Island, despite rejection from the Chinese
negotiate for a resolution on the territorial
Ministry of Foreign Affairs.[213] The
disputes.[201] Duterte prefers to discuss the
development of the island is expected to
issue quietly and directly with China and has
include the construction of a marine research
vowed not to raise the issue before
center, beaching facilities, a radio station,
the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.[202]
an ice plant, and a power station, as well as
[203]
 Duterte said "he would not want to
the improvement of the Rancudo airstrip
antagonize China" and would want to
runway.[214] On May 16, 2017, Duterte signed
"maintain good relations with China" to "create
an executive order formally renaming the
an environment where we sit down and talk
Benham Rise to the Philippine Rise.[215]
directly".[203]
In February 2018, the Philippine Daily
On October 12, Duterte declared his intention
Inquirer published aerial surveillance photos
to terminate joint US–Philippine naval patrols
of Chinese military fortifications in the South
in the South China Sea, which he believes
China Sea which showed runways, hangars,
could needlessly antagonize China. [204] His
control towers, helipads, radomes and multi-
reticent approach with China contrasts with
storey buildings on reefs across the region,
his otherwise "belligerent rhetoric and
described by the newspaper as "island
swaggering persona"; he has received
fortresses". The photos, which were mostly
support for some political ads from an
taken in late 2017, were authenticated by
anonymous Chinese donor. [205]
the Center for Strategic and International
Studies, which described them as "the most
complete, detailed batch of aerial pics
available", and stated that the "photos show
China is nearly done with its militarization of
South China Sea". Duterte's spokesman told
reporters: "[The region has] long been
militarized. And the question is, what can we
do?" - which led to accusations of dereliction
of his "sacred core duty" of defending
Philippine territory.[216]
United States
See also: Philippines–United States relations
Duterte with then-U.S. Secretary of State John
Kerry, July 26, 2016
On September 12, 2016, Duterte said that he
is "not a fan of the Americans" and that he
wants to "reorient" foreign policy with the
United States. He requested that U.S.
forces in Mindanao should leave the
Philippines, specifically those who are part of
the Operation Enduring Freedom, saying that
it would "inflame the situation with the Abu
Sayyaf".[217][218] Duterte said on September 13
that he does not plan to cut ties with the
United States, but wants to reiterate the
administration's pursuit of an "independent
foreign policy" in accordance with the
Constitution; the administration will continue to
honor mutual agreements like the Visiting
Forces Agreement and the Enhanced
Defense Cooperation Agreement.[219] On
September 20, Duterte said: "I never said get
out of the Philippines, for after all, we need
them there in the China Sea. We don't have
armaments."[220][221]
On September 27, Duterte vowed not to allow
the U.S. government to interfere with the
policies of his administration. He criticized the
U.S. government for "lecturing" his
administration on human rights amidst their
campaign on illegal drugs and said that he will
"cross the Rubicon with the U.S." Duterte
added that he plans to forge "new alliances"
with China and Russia in trade and
commerce.[222] U.S. Department of
State deputy spokesperson Mark Toner
responded to Duterte's criticisms by saying
that the Philippine–U.S. relations could still
remain "strong and unabated" despite
Duterte's criticisms.[223] The following day, while
addressing the Filipino community in Hanoi,
Duterte said that the Balikatan military
exercises and the joint naval patrols in the
South China Sea between the Philippines and
the U.S. in October would be "its last" in order
to avoid provoking conflict with China.[224][225]
Duterte with then U.S. Secretary of State Rex
Tillerson, August 7, 2017
On October 5, Duterte accused the U.S. of
refusing to sell armaments to the Philippines
and said that he would rather purchase
armaments from China and Russia.[226] In an
attempt to repair relations with the U.S.,
Duterte's Defense Secretary, Delfin
Lorenzana, said Duterte was "misinformed"
about the U.S. alliance: "Maybe, the defense
ministry and the armed forces were remiss in
providing him the correct information."[227]
On October 6, Duterte's then-Foreign
Secretary Perfecto Yasay Jr. denounced the
idea of the Philippines being regarded as a
"little brown brother" by the U.S.[228] Yasay said
that the Philippines had been "failed" by the
U.S.[229][230]
On October 20, while on a trip to Beijing,
Duterte declared a "separation" from the
United States which he stated had lost
militarily, socially, and economically, and
emphasized a realignment of the Philippines
to move closer to China.[231] During a press
conference after arriving from Beijing, Duterte
clarified that what he meant by "separation"
was a "separation of a foreign policy" and not
a severance of diplomatic ties, saying that it
would not be feasible to cut diplomatic ties
with the U.S. due to the large number
of Filipino Americans.[232] U.S. Department of
State spokesperson John Kirby responded by
saying: "We are going to be seeking an
explanation of exactly what the president
meant when he talked about separation from
the U.S.; it's not clear what that means and all
its ramifications."[233] On October 23, U.S.
Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian
and Pacific Affairs Daniel R. Russel traveled
to Manila to seek clarification and explanation
for Duterte's comments with Philippine
officials, including Foreign Affairs
Secretary Perfecto Yasay Jr. and Defense
Secretary Delfin Lorenzana.[234][235]
Duterte with U.S. President Donald Trump in
Manila, November 13, 2017
On November 7, Secretary Lorenzana
clarified that the joint Balikatan exercises will
continue along with the Enhanced Defense
Cooperation Agreement, but the Cooperation
Afloat Readiness and Training amphibious
landing exercises between the Philippine
Marine Corps and the U.S. Navy would be
discontinued. He specified that bilateral drills
on counter-terrorism, humanitarian
response, special operations, engineering
projects, and civic action will remain, all of
which have been approved by Duterte. [236]
Following the 2016 U.S. presidential election,
Presidential Communications Secretary Martin
Andanar offered "warm congratulations"
to Donald Trump on his election victory. He
said that Duterte "look[ed] forward to working
with the incoming administration for enhanced
Philippines–US relations anchored on mutual
respect, mutual benefit and shared
commitment to democratic ideals and the rule
of law".[237] While in Kuala Lumpur, Duterte
personally congratulated Trump by greeting
him "Mabuhay!" and expressed hope that
the Trump administration would honor
obligations and treaties signed between the
Philippines and the U.S.[238] On December 2,
Duterte called then-President-elect Trump to
personally congratulate him once more and
invited him to visit the Philippines for
the Twelfth East Asia Summit in 2017, while
Trump invited Duterte to visit him in New York
City and Washington, D.C. after the
former's inauguration.[239] On April 29, 2017,
President Trump called Duterte to inform him
of his planned visit to the Philippines in
November for the East Asia Summit. Trump
also extended an invitation to Duterte to visit
him at the White House.[240] During their call,
Duterte urged Trump to show restraint in
dealing with North Korea over their nuclear
weapons program, warning him that the
region could suffer "immensely".[241] Trump
also praised Duterte's drug war during the
call, telling him "I just wanted to congratulate
you because I am hearing of the unbelievable
job on the drug problem."[242][243]
ASEAN
Duterte joins other ASEAN heads of states, holding
hands as a symbol of unity in Vientiane, Laos,
September 7, 2016.
Duterte has placed great importance on the
Philippines' diplomatic relations with its
ASEAN neighbors. Following tradition, his first
trips outside the country were to Indonesia,
Myanmar, Thailand, Vietnam, Cambodia,
Laos, Brunei, and Singapore. [244]
In 2017 the Philippines was chair and host to
the ASEAN summits, a series of diplomatic
conferences centering on the Association of
Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The
culminating event was held in Manila on
November 10–14 (31st summit). It was
attended by ten ASEAN leaders.[245]
Economic policy
See also: DuterteNomics
Duterte speaking at the World Economic
Forum in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, May 11, 2017
Early in his term, Duterte's expletive-laden
outbursts triggered the biggest exodus from
stocks in a year and made the peso Asia's
worst performer in September 2016. The
Philippine currency was at a seven-year low
and rounding out its worst month since May
2010. In the same month, the Philippine peso
completed its biggest monthly decline since
October 2000 amid the biggest outflow from
the nation's stocks in a year.[246] According to
the Philippines' Finance Secretary Carlos
Dominguez, the peso's slump this year is
"mainly due to a deteriorating trade outlook
because of rising imports of capital goods,
which is normal for a country that is growing
very fast".[247] Currency strategists have,
however, "predicted a rebound once investors
see beyond Duterte's words".[248]
After 100 days in office, former
president Ramos, a political ally-mentor of
Duterte, said that "Duterte has been a huge
disappointment and letdown" and "the
government was losing badly by prioritizing a
war on drugs at the expense of issues like
poverty, living costs, foreign investment, and
jobs".[249][250] Based on subsequent surveys
conducted by the Social Weather Stations,
optimism in the economic prospects under the
Duterte administration remains "excellent"
with more Filipinos believing that the quality of
their lives will improve in the next 12 months.
[251]
 This is supported by polls conducted
by Pulse Asia one year after Duterte took
office, wherein approval (82%) and trust
(81%) ratings for Duterte still remain very
high.[252]
Duterte's verbal attacks especially to the US
and EU are viewed by many Filipinos as a
threat to their jobs especially those working for
foreign companies.[253] Mark Williams, chief of
Asia economist at Capital Economics, said,
"Certainly, investors are worried by some of
the things he's saying, he's really unnerved
people".[254] The Philippine government,
however, expects that employment, especially
in BPO industries, will continue to keep on
rising.[255] Despite Duterte's bluster and the
messy local politics however, the long-term
view for the Philippine economy looks good
and has even pessimists conceding that gross
domestic product should grow close to 7%
over the next three to five years. "Twin
catalysts of infrastructure spending and tax
reform will drive the market over the next two
years", Dante Tinga, head of research at BDO
Nomura in Manila, tells Barron's. "There's an
investment boom under way, which I believe
will help in rerating the market over the next
12 months."[256]
In December, government data revealed that
the Philippines' output of nickel ore fell 16
percent in the third quarter from a year earlier,
after the country, which is the world's top
supplier of the metal, suspended some mines
in a clampdown on environmental violations.
Production dropped to 19.8 million tonnes in
the nine months to September from 25.97
million tonnes a year ago, according to the
data.[257] According to Finance Secretary
Carlos Dominguez, the "Philippine economy is
delivering the performance we anticipated,
notwithstanding the political noise and a
significant terrorist event in Mindanao".
Dominguez gave the assessment during the
Banyan Tree Leadership Forum of the Center
for Strategic and International Studies.[258]
Presidential immunity
On November 7, 2016, Senator Leila de Lima,
Duterte's chief government critic, filed a
Supreme Court writ of habeas data against
Duterte, testing the doctrine of presidential
immunity, stating, "The verbal attacks on
petitioner's womanhood and threats on her
person are not covered by presidential
immunity from suit because they are not the
official act of a President." The 20-page writ
asked, "Can a sitting President wage a
personal vendetta against petitioner and use
the resources of his powerful office to crucify
her as a woman, a human being, and a duly
elected senator in violation of her right to
privacy in life, liberty and security?"[259] De
Lima's counsel, De La Salle University
College of Law dean Jose Manuel Diokno,
said "Immunity cannot be used to block this
case. There is a blatant violation of the magna
carta for women, code of conduct for public
officials. We hope the Supreme Court will
listen to the plea of Senator de Lima and give
consideration to this petition because we
believe it is of groundbreaking importance". [260]
Duterte had repeatedly criticized De Lima for
an alleged adulterous affair with her driver
and her alleged "propensity for sex".[260] He
said in August 2016 that she was an "immoral
woman" who had no right to criticize the
extrajudicial killings because she had "a very
sordid personal and official life". [261] She was
subsequently removed from her position
chairing a Senate committee investigating the
killings, and was then forced to leave her
home out of fear for her safety.[262] The writ
cited several cases of Duterte admitting that
he wanted to drive her to suicide. De Lima
demanded to know which foreign country had
assisted Duterte in his surveillance of her
private conversations, as he had claimed, and
how it was carried out.[263][264]
Presidential spokesperson Ernesto
Abella said that "Senator Leila de Lima is
apparently playing the gender card as a shield
against mounting evidence of her ties with
high-profile drug lords and the proliferation of
drug trade in the New Bilibid Prison." Chief
Presidential Legal Counsel Salvador
Panelo said that "the president is immune
from suit but even if he is not, the petition has
no basis in fact nor in law".[265]
Duterte had already made light of the fact of
his capacity to give presidential pardons, even
with presidential immunity, when he vowed to
pardon himself the moment he became
president during the 2016 campaign:[266][267]
Public image
Rodrigo Duterte developed a reputation as a
"protector" and "savior" in his hometown
of Davao City as mayor of the city for more
than two decades. This is despite reports of
death squads in the city.[268]
Rodrigo Duterte has been described as
a populist, with his foul-mouthed remarks
against the country's elite which positioned
him as a "man of the people" as critical to his
victory in the 2016 presidential election.[269] He
has also been compared to U.S.
President Donald Trump for his rhetorical
style.[268]
Supporters
See also: Mocha Uson Blog and Thinking
Pinoy
Duterte meets with the Filipino
community in Jakarta, September 9, 2016.
Ardent supporters of Duterte have been
labeled as the "Diehard Duterte Supporters",
alternatively known as the "Digong Duterte
Supporters", which shares the acronym with
the Davao Death Squad (DDS).[270] This label
has been applied to the 16 million people who
voted for him in the 2016 presidential election.
[271]
Several other Facebook groups with the
acronym "DDS" supported Duterte as early as
2011. Among these groups is the Duterte
Defense Squad, which was created on July 5,
2011. Other examples include the Digong
Duterte Supporters-Registered Nurses Group,
Duterte's Destiny Is to Serve the Country,
Digong Duterte Swerte (lit. Digong Duterte is
(Good) Luck), and the Davsur Duterte
Supporters. In 2015, members of the various
groups urged Duterte to run for President.[272]
Controversy and criticism
This
article's Criticism o
r Controversy secti
on may
compromise the
article's neutral
point of view of
the
subject. Please inte
grate the section's
contents into the
article as a whole,
 or rewrite the
material. (October
2016)
Human rights concerns
Protest against the Philippine war on drugs in front
of the Philippine Consulate General in New York
City, October 2016
In October 2016, the French
newspaper Libération depicted Duterte as a
"serial killer president", pertaining to the spate
of drug-related killings in the Philippines. The
newspaper report drew condemnation from
the Filipino community in France. Presidential
Spokesperson Ernesto Abella said in a radio
interview that the newspaper's presentation of
Duterte as a serial killer was "very unfair" and
"irresponsible" while DILG Secretary Ismael
Sueno stated that the description was "too
much" and noted the lack of understanding
over the administration's war on drugs.[273][274][275]
Then Presidential Spokesperson Harry Roque
cited a Social Weather Stations survey
showing a “record-low” of 6.1 percent of
Filipinos who said they had fallen victim to
common crimes. “We reiterate that the
administration’s campaign against illegal
drugs is conducted through legitimate police
enforcement operations, and deaths arising
from these are due to the drug personalities’
violent resistance to lawful apprehensions,” he
said.[276]
As 2016 concluded, the Organized Crime and
Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP)
nominated Duterte as a runner-up in
their 2016 Person of the Year Award that
"recognizes the individual who has done the
most in the world to advance organized
criminal activity and corruption".[277] The
OCCRP panel members who recognized
Duterte noted his use of "death squads to
slaughter drug dealers (and users)", with
some panelists comparing his use of vigilante
groups to those of the 2016 Person of the
Year Award winner, Venezuelan
president Nicolás Maduro.[277] In 2017, the
investigative journalists' network OCCRP has
named Duterte Person of the Year in
Organized Crime.[278]
Duterte has consistently voiced his grudge
against the Commission of Human Rights,
much to the dismay of various human rights
groups and advocates.[279] He has also
threatened the abolition of the constitutionally
supported institution.[280][281] Under Duterte's first
year, budget spending for the Commission of
Human Rights was cut by 72.9 million;
[282]
 Duterte's allies in the congress even
insisted that the said agency deserves zero
budget.[283] The 2018 budget for the CHR was
set to ₱1,000 (US$20) by Duterte's allies in
the congress, which was lauded by Duterte
stating that they had it coming due to CHR's
chairman Chito Gascon being a "yellow"
(Liberal Party affiliated) and speaking out
against Duterte's War on Drugs.[284] Not
contented with his insults against Gascon,
Duterte has also accused Gascon of being a
pedophile for caring so much about the
deaths of minors. Duterte also stated that the
CHR aligned themselves with his political
enemies, stating that there are crimes against
children happening everyday but the CHR
only focuses on the crimes of his
administration.[285] The CHR budget was
restored by the Senate after thousands of
Filipinos have expressed their outrage and
dismay against Duterte and his allies on social
media and on the streets.[286]
On August 16, 2017, Duterte remarked that
he would have the Commission on Human
Rights investigated and has threatened them
with violence if they are found to be
"obstructing justice".[287]
Many have expressed criticism of Duterte's
stance against Human Rights,[288][289][290] but
Duterte believes that the number of deaths
due to extrajudicial killings and summary
executions are a measure of his success in
his war against drugs.[291][292][293]
Duterte firmly believes that killing criminals is
not a crime against humanity, reasoning that
criminals have "no humanity".[294]
Following the death of Kian de los Santos, a
minor allegedly executed by policemen under
the admin's War on Drugs, United Nations
special rapporteur Agnes Callamard implored
Duterte to make de los Santos' death the last.
[295]
 Duterte responded by severely cursing
Callamard and taunting her to come to the
Philippines.[296]
Callamard had previously opined that de los
Santos was murdered by the police after a
CCTV recording revealed footage of
policemen dragging an unarmed boy against
his will, contrary to the local police officers'
claims that the boy fought back with a gun.
[297]
 Callamard tweeted her statement in
response to Duterte's blasé speech admitting
that Kian was indeed murdered, a week after
Kian's death.[298] In a previous speech, Duterte
told policemen to shoot suspects who resist
arrest, and even joked that "if they don't resist,
make them fight back".[299]
During his diatribe against Callamard, Duterte
had accused France of having a policy of
"guilty until proven innocent", an erroneous
assumption which the French embassy
corrected later on.[300] France is among
the United Nations Human Rights
Council (UNHRC) members which expressed
serious concerns over the extrajudicial killings
and enforced disappearances.
Representatives from Bulgaria, France,
Germany, Ghana, Hungary, Lithuania, Latvia
and Peru recommended to the Philippines to
allow Callamard to conduct an investigation
into the alleged extrajudicial killings in
connection with President Duterte's war on
drugs. The concerned member states include
Australia, Brazil, Chile, Costa Rica, Croatia,
Czech Republic, Vatican City, Iceland,
Luxembourg, the Netherlands, New Zealand,
Portugal, Sierra Leone, Spain, Slovenia,
Switzerland, United Kingdom and the United
States.[301] Duterte stated that there is no
guarantee that Kian would be the last. He
promised that there will be more people killed
for the sake of ending the "drugs problem".
[302]
 Barely a month after Kian's death, it was
followed by the deaths of Carl Arnaiz and
Reynaldo de Guzman who were all minors
found to be murdered by gunshot wounds.
[303]
 Duterte has stated that it was not state
policy to kill drug suspects. He also expressed
ridicule at allegations that they were killed
similarly to Kian. Duterte rebuked the media,
saying "how could he kill them, when one of
them is even a relative" and has also claimed
that the slaying of minors is done in an
attempt to discredit the PNP and undermine
his war on drugs.[304]
Callamard stated that her official visit to the
Philippines to engage with Duterte is not
possible due to the pre-conditions imposed by
Duterte's admin to force her to engage in a
public debate.[305] Callamard had repeatedly
refused Duterte's taunts for her to engage him
in "public debate", saying that her visit should
not be for "entertainment".[306]
Human Rights Watch (HRW) called the first
year of Duterte in office a human rights
calamity. HRW estimates that there has been
7,000 extrajudicial killings from the day
Duterte first took office to January 2017.
[307]
 The Duterte administration suspended the
drugs war in February 2017 in an effort to
cleanse the police ranks of supposed
corruption, also halting the disclosure of
figures on deaths related to drug arrests and
raids.[308] In March 2017, HRW released a
special investigation and report on the state of
police related shooting, titled "License To Kill".
[309]
 The New York Times had also released a
video documentary "When A President Says
I'll Kill You", which depicts Duterte's war on
drugs through a local photographer's eyes.
[310]
 On August 17, 2017, HRW called Duterte a
threat to the human rights community after he
made threats against human rights activists.
[311]
 By August 2017, human rights groups and
activists had claimed that more than 13,000
people had been killed in extrajudicial killings
including those they believed the government
had executed such as Kian de los Santos,
contrary to government figures which
estimated it to be only around 3,000.[312]
On May 8, 2017, Jude Sabio, the lawyer
of Edgar Matobato, filed a case against
Duterte in the International Criminal
Court (ICC).[313] An online petition for the ICC
to investigate Duterte for advocating shoot-to-
kill orders had been filed in Change.org only
three months after he started to serve as
president, following the drastic increase in
vigilante killings and Duterte's advocacy to kill
drug pushers.[314]
Following the UN's 72nd General Assembly,
Foreign Secretary Alan Peter Cayetano, who
represented Duterte who did not attend it,
states that it scored a big victory claiming that
the UNHRC "overwhelmingly adopted
Manila's human rights report card".
[315]
 The CHR however states that these claims
are nothing more than "doublespeak" that
serves to deliberately mislead people to think
that the Duterte admin is serious about human
rights. The Philippines did not accept 154
recommendations of other UN member-states,
including a condition-less visit for UN special
rapporteur on extrajudicial killings Agnes
Callamard and a thorough investigation of the
deaths in connection with the war on drugs.[316]
Homophobic comments
In May 2019, implying that being gay is a
disease, Duterte stated that he used to be
gay, but was "cured" of his homosexuality
when he met his ex-wife, Elizabeth
Zimmerman. The president claimed someone
told him the way Antonio Trillanes - a critic of
the Duterte administration - moved suggested
he was a homosexual, saying ‘I said: “Are you
sure?” They said: “You ask any gay person
who sees Trillanes move, they’ll say he’s gay.”
then adding "Good thing Trillanes and I are
similar. But I cured myself. When I began a
relationship with Zimmerman, I said, this is it. I
became a man again.” adding "Duterte is gay.
So I am gay, I don't care if I'm gay or not". [317]
[318][319]
Duterte has also often used terms like "bakla"
and "bayot," words that mean gay, as insults
to his political enemies. During his presidential
campaign, Duterte had initially appeared to
have liberal views on homosexuality, saying
the Bible should have recognized gays. But as
president, Duterte has been inconsistent on
his views on same-sex marriage, In March
2017, Duterte said marriage was only for a
man and woman, under Philippine law. But by
the end of the year, Duterte told an LGBT
gathering that he thinks the law can be
changed to allow same-sex marriage.
A survey conducted by the Pew Research
Center in 2013 reported that 73% of Filipinos
believe that homosexuality should be
accepted, making the Philippines the second
most gay-friendly country in the Asia-Pacific
region.
In 2012, when Duterte was still vice mayor of
Davao City, he encouraged a local council to
pass an anti-discrimination ordinance
protecting the LGBT community. Making
Davao City one of the regions in the
Philippines to do so. In 2015, he stated on
national television that he opposes the
"bullying" of gay people.He further stated that
same-sex marriage is "good" because
"everyone deserves to be happy"
Although Duterte wavered his support in early
of 2017, his support towards the LGBT
community strengthened when he clarified
that he has nothing against same sex-
marriage, but the law needs to be amended.
[320]
In 2018, Duterte stated his opposition to
same-sex marriage but favored same-sex civil
union.[321]
In January 2019, Duterte attacked the
country's Catholic bishops and claimed most
of them were gay after the church criticised
his war on drugs. Saying “Only I can say
bishops are sons of bitches, damn you …
Most of them are gay. They should come out
in the open, cancel celibacy and allow them to
have boyfriends.”[322]
Rape comments
Duterte had made another remark regarding
rape when he rallied the troops during the war
against the Maute in Marawi, saying that he
would absolved them if they happen to rape
people.[323][324][325][326] Malacañang had defended
Duterte's remarks, stating that it should not be
taken seriously because it is due to
heightened bravado.[327] Several public officials
expressed their distaste for the remark,
[328]
 including a Bangsamoro committee
member who quit the council out of sheer
disgust.[329] Women's rights groups protested
Duterte's statements claiming that rape is a
heinous crime and should not be joked about,
even alleging that the Maranao refugees in
the evacuation camps were being threatened
with rape by soldiers who were encouraged
by the President.[330][331]
Chelsea Clinton expressed her disapproval of
Duterte through social media,[332] to which
Duterte defended himself saying that he was
being "sarcastic" when he made the remark.
[333]
 Displeased with her comments, Duterte
launched a verbal tirade against Clinton by
bringing up the Lewinsky scandal, in which
her father, former U.S. President Bill Clinton,
was involved.[334]
During the second time that Duterte visited
Marawi, he also made a remark on using
"starlets", along with a free trip to Hong Kong,
to reward the soldiers for their valor, much to
the hoots and the laughter of the soldiers.[335]
In August 2018, Duterte's home province of
Davao had the highest number of reported
rape cases.[336] Duterte responded by joking
that Davao has "many beautiful women".
[337]
 which explains the high rate. His comments
were defended by his daughter, Sara Duterte,
who asked his critics: "What have you done
for Davao?".[338] Presidential
spokesperson Harry Roque also defended his
comments, saying that "it's more liberal in the
South".[339]
International stage
Duterte meets with King Salman of Saudi Arabia in
April 2017
Duterte's records on human rights and his
long history of comments considered to be
offensive, provocative, threatening, etc. have
received sharp international criticism. He has
been accused by his critics in the media of
having a "dirty mouth".[340] He had, however,
promised to behave in a "prim and proper"
manner on the national and international
stage once he was to be inaugurated as
President, to the point that, "almost, I would
become holy."[341]
In July 2016, Duterte accused the United
Kingdom and the United States of
importing terrorism to the Middle East through
its interventions, saying: "The U.S. destroyed
the Middle East. ... Great Britain and the U.S.
will not admit that they forced their way to Iraq
and killed Saddam. Look at Iraq now. Look
what happened to Libya. Look what happened
to Syria."[342][343]
In August 2016, Duterte was criticized after he
made a homophobic comment (using a
Tagalog language slur) about the US
Ambassador to the Philippines Philip
Goldberg, stating "As you know, I'm fighting
with (US Secretary of State John Kerry's)
ambassador. His gay ambassador, the son of
a whore. He pissed me off." Duterte added:
"He [Goldberg] meddled during the elections,
giving statements here and there. He was not
supposed to do that." The U.S. State
Department summoned the Filipino chargé
d'affaires Patrick Chuasoto to discuss
Duterte's comments.[344] Duterte refused to
apologize.[345]
In the same month, United Nations human
rights experts called for an end to extrajudicial
killings of suspected drug dealers, about 900
of whom had been executed since the May
election, accusing Duterte of "incitement to
violence and killing, a crime under
international law".[346] In response, Duterte
threatened to leave the UN and form a
separate organization with China and African
nations. He announced in a news conference
on August 19: "You now, United Nations, if
you can say one bad thing about me, I can
give you 10 [about you]. I tell you, you are
an inutil ("useless" in Filipino street language,
from the French inutile which means the same
thing). Because if you are really true to your
mandate, you could have stopped all these
wars and killing [in Syria and Iraq]." Asked
about possible repercussions, he stated:
"What is ... repercussions? I don't give a shit
to them." He said that the UN had acted
against protocol: "You do not just go out and
give a shitting statement against a country."[32]
At the 2016 ASEAN Summit, Duterte and U.S.
President Barack Obama planned to meet
with each other.[347] The United States said that
President Obama planned to discuss the
2,400 Filipinos who died during Duterte's war
on drugs.[347] Duterte criticized the planned
topic of the meeting, saying, "I am no
American puppet. I am the president of a
sovereign country and I am not answerable to
anyone except the Filipino people. You must
be respectful. Do not just throw away
questions and statements. Son of a whore, I
will curse you in that forum."[348] The vulgar
insult prompted the White House to cancel the
meeting instead.[349] During a press conference
at the 2016 G20 Hangzhou summit in China,
President Obama discussed the cancellation
of the meeting, saying: "I always want to make
sure that if I'm having a meeting, that it's
actually productive and we're getting
something done."[350] Obama and Duterte later
met informally.[351]
On September 30, 2016, Duterte appeared to
compare the killings of suspected drug addicts
to the Holocaust saying: "Hitler massacred
three million Jews. Now, there are 3 million
drug addicts. ... I'd be happy to slaughter
them."[352] His remarks drew international
outrage particularly from the Jewish
Communities. World Jewish
Congress president Ronald S. Lauder
condemned the statement,[353] as did the Anti-
Defamation League.[354] Israeli Foreign
Ministry also condemned his remarks while
the German government slammed Duterte's
comments as unacceptable, and called in the
Philippine ambassador to the Foreign Ministry
over the matter.[355][356][357] On October 2 he
apologized to the Jewish community. [358] When
listening to the full conference, [359][360] he was in
fact referring to the accusation of genocide by
lawyers of the European Union who wanted
him to face the International Court of Justice
and, as Presidential spokesman Ernesto
Abella explained, that it "was an oblique
reflection of the way he has been pictured as
a mass murderer, a Hitler, a label he rejects".
[361]
Duterte and Indian Prime Minister Narendra
Modi in January 2018
In September 2016, Duterte said that the
United States has not even apologized to the
Philippines for its atrocities during
the Philippine–American War.[217] In October
2016, Duterte continued his tirade against the
US and the European Union saying in
Tagalog that "Mr. Obama, you can go to hell.
EU, better choose purgatory. Hell is already
full. Why should I be afraid of you?"[362]
Duterte's constant cursing had local officials
worried that the Philippines would lose foreign
aid from the United States and European
Union. He responded that “If you think it is
high time for you guys to withdraw your
assistance, go ahead. We will not beg for it.
We have a problem here trying to preserve
our society" he said. The President continued
that he would “be the first to go hungry. I will
be the first one to die of hunger". Local
actress Agot Isidro responded in Tagalog
"First of all, no one's trying to fight you. As a
matter of fact, you're the one who's picking a
fight. Secondly, the country where you are
elected as President by 16 million out of 100+
million is Third World. You talk as if the
Philippines is a superpower. Excuse me, we
don't want to go hungry. If you want, you do it
yourself. Leave us out of it. So many people
have nothing to eat, and yet you'll starve us
even further".[363] Her sentiments were echoed
by Senator Panfilo Lacson adding that "if the
economy worsen, the entire Filipino people
will be affected, they will go hungry as well". [364]
Former president Fidel Ramos on his
resignation as special envoy to China stated
that he did not like Duterte's treatment of US
president Barack Obama and lambasted the
administration on its refusal to ratify the Paris
Agreement on Climate Change which was
later agreed by Duterte.[365][366][367]
During the 2016 APEC Summit in Peru,
President Duterte skipped two major events
due to jet lag. In a press conference at his
office in Makati, former president Ramos hit
the absence of Duterte at the APEC gala
dinner and the shoot for the leaders’
traditional family photo. Ramos said that while
Duterte and his Cabinet may have thought
that the two events are negligible, it could
have disappointed the host country. “Peru
President Pedro Pablo Kuczynski must be
very disappointed,” Ramos said. He said the
gala night could have been an opportunity for
Duterte to exchange ideas with world leaders
and sickness is an unacceptable alibi to skip
such an important gathering.[368]
In January 2018, Duterte revealed that he
advised Myanmar's Aung San Suu Kyi to
'ignore human rights criticisms on Rohingya
issue'.[369] In April 5, 2018, Duterte recognized
the existence of a genocide against
the Rohingya people.[370]
Catholic Church
President Duterte talks with Manila
Archbishop Luis Antonio Cardinal Tagle during a
courtesy call at Malacañang Palace, July 19, 2016
Duterte has referred to the Catholic Church as
"the most hypocritical institution", after
the Catholic Bishops' Conference of the
Philippines president Socrates
Villegas released a pastoral letter indirectly
referring to Duterte as a "morally
reprehensible" candidate who has shown
"scant regard" for the rights of others and the
teachings of the Church, urging Filipino
Catholics to not vote for him.[371][372][373] Unlike
many prominent politicians,[374][375][376] Duterte
has spoken in favor of birth control, LGBT
rights, and reimposition of the death
penalty which was abolished by
President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, a devout
Catholic, during her second term in 2006.[377][378]
[379]
 Upon being elected, Duterte called local
bishops "sons of whores", and said he would
expand family planning, which the Church had
been opposed to. The Catholic Church in the
Philippines had lost much of its popularity and
political power since being active in
overthrowing the Marcos regime in 1986.
Antonio Contreras, a political science
professor at De La Salle University in Manila,
said that Duterte's attacks on the Church were
likely to prove popular.[380]
Duterte was accused of having referred
to Pope Francis as a "son of a
whore"[380] during the pontiff's visit to the
Philippines in January 2015 because it
caused traffic congestion, though he
immediately apologized publicly, explaining he
wasn't using these words in regards to the
Pope but rather a rant to the government's
way of preparing the Pope's visit.[381] On
December 4, 2015, Duterte, along with his
executive assistant Bong Go, visited and
talked with Davao Archbishop Romulo Valles
and Bishop George Rimando, together with
Monsignor Paul Cuison to get lectured on
Christian Values. Duterte committed to lessen
his profanity in public gatherings and even
assured that he would donate ₱1,000 to
Caritas Davao every time he swears in public.
He also stated that he will be planning to visit
the Vatican at a later time.[382] Duterte however
canceled his planned trip and instead wrote a
letter to Pope Francis dated January 21,
2016. During a campaign rally in Ubay, Bohol,
Duterte's camp showed the letter coming from
the Vatican's Secretariat of State, signed
by Giovanni Angelo Becciu dated February
24, stating that Pope Francis had received his
letter and that the Vatican appreciated
Duterte's apology after allegedly cursing Pope
Francis in public.[383] In January 2017, Duterte
wrote a personal letter to Pope Francis,
expressing his gratitude during his papal visit
in the Philippines and his "highest esteem and
respect" for the pontiff.[384]
On August 28, 2016, Luis Antonio Tagle, the
Archbishop of Manila, acknowledged that
people were right to be "worried about
extrajudicial killing". He said that it was
equivalent to abortion, "unfair labor practices",
"wasting food" and selling illegal drugs,
explaining that these are all "form[s] of
murder".[385] On August 31, in a speech before
a gathering of a religious group in Davao City,
Duterte said that he once considered being a
priest: "It's good I didn't join the priesthood,"
said Duterte, "or else now I would be a
homosexual."[386] Duterte's officials filed a
sedition case against four bishops and three
priests critical of him.[387] He also vowed to
continue to attack the Catholic Church.[388]
Views on media killings
The Philippines is one of the most dangerous
countries for journalists, with 174
assassinations recorded since the Marcos
dictatorship. In a press conference on May 31,
2016, Duterte said that "Most of those killed,
to be frank, have done something. You won't
be killed if you don't do anything wrong." He
appeared to announce his support for killing
"corrupt" journalists: "Just because you're a
journalist you are not exempted from
assassination if you're a son of a bitch".
At the press conference where Duterte
announced this, he wolf-whistled at a female
journalist (Mariz Umali of GMA News) when
she asked a question.[389] At a news
conference on the following day he defended
his comments and refused to apologise,
telling reporters, "I cannot protect you". He
has been criticized by foreign and domestic
media organizations regarding his comments.
[390]
 The Southeast Asia representative of the
Committee to Protect Journalists said: "What
he has done with these irresponsible
comments is give security officials the right to
kill for acts that they consider defamation. This
is one of the most outrageous statements we
have ever heard from a president in the
Philippines."[391]
Melinda Quintos de Jesus, executive director
of the Center for Media Freedom, stated in
October 2016 that major newspapers and
television stations have not critically analyzed
Duterte's policies, because "they fear him.
They basically are afraid to be singled out."[392]
Despite his rocky relationship with the media,
Duterte's first Administrative Order was the
creation of a Presidential Task Force on
Media Security, whose main task is conduct
an inventory of cases of media killings,
including unsolved cases, cases under
investigation, cases under preliminary
investigation, cases under trial, and cases
under appeal, and "to put an end to all forms
of political violence and abuses of powers
against members of the fourth estate."[393][394] In
the first year that Duterte took office, four
journalists were killed.[395]
Personal killings
Duterte has repeatedly admitted to killing
three people while he was the Mayor of
Davao. In December 2015, Duterte recounted
shooting three gunmen dead only months into
his first mayoral term in 1988 after they had
kidnapped and raped a Chinese girl. He
justified his actions, saying "they were
committing a crime in my presence and I was
the person in authority under the law".[23] In an
interview with BBC on December 16, 2016, he
said: "I killed about three of them, because
there were three of them. I don't know how
many bullets from my gun went inside their
bodies. It happened, and I said, I cannot lie
about it".[24]
On December 14, 2016, Duterte gave a
speech to business leaders in the presidential
palace where he spoke of personally killing
suspected criminals as Mayor of Davao to set
an example for local police. He said, "In
Davao I used to do it personally. Just to show
to the guys that if I can do it why can't you.
And I'd go around in Davao with a motorcycle,
with a big bike around, and I would just patrol
the streets, looking for trouble also."[24][396][397]
War on Drugs
Further information: Philippine Drug War
Duterte shows a diagram of drug syndicates at a
press conference on July 7, 2016.
Despite constant criticism of his war on drugs,
Duterte had staunchly defended his
administration efforts at getting rid of "filth"
from the streets.[398][399] Duterte had even called
former Colombian president César Gaviria an
"idiot".[400] This was after he read Gaviria's
opinion that was published in The New York
Times. Gaviria claimed that Duterte is simply
repeating his mistakes during his term as
president when he used heavy-handed means
in Colombia's war against drugs.[401] Duterte
said Gaviria was “lecturing” and the Philippine
case was different to Colombia.[400]
Various international publications and media
companies had claimed that Duterte's "War on
Drugs" was a war against the poor due to the
abject poverty of those arrested or killed. [402]
  In 2017, the investigative journalists'
[403]
the Masses, For the Masses"), which is aired
network OCCRP reported that "Duterte has as a blocktimer on ABS-CBN Davao. He is
overseen the killing of more than 7,000 and also a member of Lex Talionis Fraternitas, a
possibly as many as 12,000. The statistics are fraternity based in the San Beda College of
hard to pin down because Duterte’s National Law and the Ateneo de Davao University.[413]
Police suppress all critical reports. And police
Aside from his native Cebuano, Duterte is
are spared from any accountability or legal
also fluent in Filipino and English.[414]
consequences for a campaign that has left
bodies in the streets."[278] Family and ancestry
On August 18, 2017, Duterte admitted his
mistake in trying to end drugs in six months,
and it would take him his entire term to end it.
[404]
 Duterte stated that he had no idea when he
took office that Philippines had become a
failed state, having been degenerated into
a narco-state. He blamed the Bureau of
Customs whose people he thought were loyal
to him. He also blamed the governors, mayors
and policemen who were involved in drugs Duterte with Avanceña along with their daughter,
and threatened to have them killed. [405] The Veronica
Duterte administration had been using a
"narco-list" which Duterte shares with the Duterte was once married to Elizabeth
mass media to warn public officials allegedly Abellana Zimmerman, a flight attendant
involved in the drug trade to surrender. of Jewish and German American descent from
[406]
 Duterte claims to have received several Davao City. She traces her roots in Tuburan,
death threats because of his campaign Cebu. They together have three children (from
against drugs. Unfazed by these, Duterte eldest to
stated that he welcomes all attempts to kill youngest): Paolo ("Pulong"), Sara ("Inday
him.[407] Sara") and Sebastian ("Baste"). Paolo and
Sara entered politics while Baste, with no
Several senators have implored the public to
interest in politics, concentrated on business
express more outrage at Duterte's War on
and surfing but eventually ran and won as
Drugs.[408][409]
Davao City Vice Mayor in 2019.[411] In 2012,
Duterte made a notorious remark in a media
Personal life interview regarding an incident where Paolo's
name was allegedly linked to a carnapping
Duterte is known for being an avid fan of big
(portmanteau of car and kidnapping)
bikes, but detests luxury cars. He once owned
syndicate led by Ryan Yu. Duterte is
a second-hand Harley-Davidson and
infamously quoted as having said: "Kill my son
a Yamaha Virago. He was once a
Paolo if he is involved in crime." Paolo was
habitual smoker, but he eventually quit after a
never charged for lack of evidence and
doctor's suggestion due to health concerns.
eventually won the vice mayoralty of Davao
Duterte is an avid reader of Robert
City vice in 2013.[415] Duterte's father, Vicente,
Ludlum and Sidney Sheldon novels.[410] Duterte
died in 1968 while his mother, Soledad, died
is also known for his straightforward and vocal
on February 4, 2012, at the age of 95.
attitude in public, especially in interviews, [416]
 Zimmerman was diagnosed with stage
showing no hesitation in profusely
3 breast cancer in 2015.[417]
using profanity live on-screen on numerous
occasions despite formal requests by media Duterte has been publicly very open about his
groups and schools beforehand to abstain. [411] infidelity and philandering while married to
[412]
Zimmerman and cited it as the reason for his
Duterte has his own local show in Davao City failed first marriage when asked in interviews.
called Gikan Sa Masa, Para Sa Masa ("From In 1998, Zimmerman filed a petition in
the Regional Trial Court in Pasig to nullify her
marriage. Duterte never appeared in court
and did not contest Zimmerman's petition.
Two years later, the court decided in her
favor, ending the 27-year marriage of Duterte
and Zimmerman. Duterte and Zimmerman
have been on good terms in recent years with
Zimmerman stating, "Yes, [Rodrigo] is really a
very good leader. That is all he is. But when it
comes to family, he is not capable of taking
care of it." In 2001, Zimmerman eventually ran
for a seat on the city council but lost. Duterte
and Zimmerman are said to have patched
things up and appear to be civil to each other,
15 years after their marriage was declared null
and void. Zimmerman eventually joined the
campaign trail for Duterte's presidential
candidacy in early 2016 called Byaheng
Du30 in which she would travel by bus to
major cities together with her daughter Sara
and a number of delegates.[417]
Duterte is currently living with his common-law
wife Cielito "Honeylet" Avanceña, a nurse,
with whom he has one daughter named
Veronica ("Kitty"). Duterte has eight
grandchildren, half of whom are Muslims and
the other half Christian,[418][419] and one great
grandchild.[420]
On his paternal side, he shares familial ties
with some of the prominent families of the
Visayas, particularly the Almendrases and
Duranos of Danao, Cebu.[a]
Religion
Despite being raised as a communicant of
the Catholic Church, on January 19, 2016,
while meeting with businessmen in Binondo,
Manila, Duterte clarified that he has not
attended Mass for quite some time already
since he deemed it incompatible with his
mayoral responsibilities: "If I listened to
the Ten Commandments or to the priests,"
said Duterte, "I would not be able to do
anything as a mayor." He then clarified that he
still believed in God, but not in religion.[422] On
June 26, 2016, Duterte said he's Christian, but
also said that he believes "in one God Allah".
[372][423]
 Later, he challenged the evidence for the
existence of God, while paradoxically claiming
he is neither an atheist nor an agnostic.[424][425]
In July 2018, he called himself "spiritual" and
expressed his belief in "one Supreme God",
but stated he "can't accept" Catholicism
or organised religion.[426] Then, later in 2019,
he was quoted as saying: "a part of me which
is Islam".[427]
Health
Duterte had worn an Air Purifier onto his lungs to
help the air from breath in despite on doings with
Bong Go last October 16, 2019.
Duterte has Buerger's disease, an
inflammation of blood vessels, mostly in the
limbs, and Barrett's esophagus, wherein
esophageal cells are gradually replaced by
gastrointestinal cells. He has denied rumors
of throat cancer.[428]
Duterte admitted in December 2016 that he
had been a user of the
addictive opioid drug Fentanyl. He said that a
doctor prescribed the drug to alleviate back
pain and headaches, but that he would take
more than he was prescribed.[429] Fentanyl is
described by the US National Institute on Drug
Abuse as "a powerful synthetic opioid
analgesic that is similar to morphine but is 50
to 100 times more potent".[430] Duterte later
denied that he was a drug addict, and a
spokesman stated that he was not affected by
side-effects of the drug, which include
confusion, anxiety and hallucinations.[431]
Duterte has boasted about his use of Viagra:
"When I was young, I could do overnight,
which is more expensive. When I got old, I
could do short time only because I have such
a short time left. After one erection, that's it.
No more. Without Viagra, it's even more
difficult."[432][433]
A psychological assessment of Duterte was
commissioned by Dr. Natividad Dayan during
Duterte's marriage annulment to Elizabeth
Zimmerman in July 1998. The result was that
Duterte (then Davao City mayor) was found to
have "antisocial narcissistic personality
disorder", exemplified by "gross indifference,
insensitivity and self-centeredness", and a
"grandiose sense of self-entitlement and
manipulative behaviours". He had a
"pervasive tendency to demean, humiliate
others and violate their rights and feelings",
and was "unable to reflect on the   Philippines: Knight Grand Cross
consequences of his actions." He also had of Rizal (KGCR) - (2017)[446]
"poor capacity for objective judgement", failing
to "see things in the light of facts".[434]
Foreign honours
According to a document about   Malaysia
Neuropsychological Evaluation, authored by o  Johor: Grand Knight of
five (5) doctorate degree holders of the
The Most Esteemed Order of Sultan
Virginia Commonwealth University,
Ibrahim of Johor, 1st Class (SMIJ)
Department of Physical Medicine and
- Dato' (2019)[447]
Rehabilitation - Rehabilitation Psychology and
Neuropsychology Division at the United
States, a neuropsychological assessment/
evaluation is a “snapshot” of an individual at a
current point in time.[435]
In a speech to the Filipino community
in Russia, Duterte admitted that he
has myasthenia gravis, a neuromuscular
disease, which makes his eye droop. [436]
[437]
 Thus, this means that the President's
psychological assessment 21 years ago may
not necessarily be representative or indicative
of the President's current behavior and
psychological state.
Political views
See also: Political positions of Rodrigo
Duterte
Duterte described himself as left-
leaning during his campaign and presidency,
but has stressed that he was not a
communist, but rather a socialist.[438][439][440]
He was once a member of the leftist
Kabataang Makabayan during the 1970s.
[441]
 He himself is a student of prominent
Philippine leftist figure and founder of
the Communist Party of the Philippines, Jose
Maria Sison.[442][443][444] In his presidency, he
showed support for the left in a series of
speeches: on one occasion he proclaimed
himself the first "leftist President"; calling the
Communist Party of the Philippines
"revolutionary government"; ordered his
officials to file petitions in court for the release
of about 20 jailed Communist leaders, which
led to their subsequent releases; and
appointed several cabinet members from the
Philippine left.[445]

Honours and awards

Honour of Philippines