League of

arab StateS
Harvard National Model United Nations 2018
The Sixty-Fourth Session
 Harvard National Model United Nations 2018

From the Secretary-General

Dear Delegates,

It is my privilege to welcome you to Harvard National Model United Nations 2018! My name is Sarah Anderson, and it is my
honor to serve as your Secretary-General for the 64th session of HNMUN. I am originally from Singapore, and am currently
a senior at Harvard concentrating in Government, with a secondary concentration in Mind, Brain, and Behavior. This is my
ninth and final year participating in Model United Nations. I served as the Under-Secretary-General for the General Assembly
at HNMUN 2017, directed DISEC at HNMUN 2016, am a member of Harvard’s competitive MUN team, and directed
committees at our sister conferences for high schoolers in Boston, India, and China.

This document will provide you with Welcome Letters from your Under-Secretary-General and your Director, the Study Guide
for your committee, and the Rules of Parliamentary Procedure for HNMUN 2018. The entire Secretariat and Senior Staff have
committed countless hours to ensure that the substance and presentation of this document are of the highest quality and that
you are provided with the most useful tools to succeed at conference. Each Director has worked tirelessly since March 2017 to
prepare these documents, and we look forward to working with you to continue HNMUN’s tradition of substantive excellence.

Apart from this document, you will also be able to access a number of additional documents that will aid in your preparations
for conference. Our Guide to Delegate Preparation reviews the substantive side of HNMUN, highlights differences between
our session and other MUN conferences, and explains our policies on substantive matters, such as the award selection process
and position papers. This guide has been extended this year to give you more support in your conference preparations. It also
includes our updated Rules of Parliamentary Procedure, which are also found at the end of this document. Available online
is our Guide to First Time Delegations, which provides information regarding substantive and logistical issues for those new
to HNMUN, and includes a timeline for delegate preparation. The Guide to Starting a Model UN Team outlines the steps
necessary to establish and expand a university’s MUN organization. Both documents can be found under the “Resources” tab of
our website. Finally, Update Papers to committee Study Guides will be posted in early 2018 to expand upon or address recent
news developments concerning the topic areas.

If you have any questions about this document, the other Guides, or your committee in general, please do not hesitate to contact
your Director or your Under-Secretary-General. They are truly excited to meet you all and are eager to address any concerns you
may have before, during, or after the conference. I hope you enjoy reading the following Study Guide, and I cannot wait to meet
you and to hear about your ideas this coming February!

Sincerely,

Sarah S. Anderson
Secretary-General
Harvard National Model United Nations 2018

Harvard National Model United Nations 2018 2

 Economic and Social Council and Regional Bodies

From your under-Secretary-General

Dear Delegates,

It is my absolute pleasure to welcome you to the Economic and Social Council and Regional Bodies at the 64th session of
Harvard National Model United Nations. My name is Angela Guo, and I am your Under-Secretary-General for this year’s
conference. It is my duty to ensure that you have the best possible experience in the ECOSOC organ. Our staff members have
been hard at work for the past year to bring about the most engaging and organized committees.

I am currently a junior at Harvard College studying Psychology and Government. Born in Shanghai, China, I grew up in
Guangzhou, China, for seven years until I moved to the San Francisco Bay Area. In high school, I was very involved in mock
trial and debate, but it was not until I came to Harvard that I discovered my love for Model UN. I think that mock trial, debate,
and Model UN entail similar skillsets, but I was drawn to the Harvard Model UN community by its warm, passionate, and fun-
loving members. As a sophomore, I directed the Commission on the Status of Women. I have also served on the administrative
side of our sister conference for high school students, in addition to competing on the collegiate circuit.

At HNMUN, the ECOSOC organ embraces the versatility granted by our medium-sized committees. We also offer unique
committees that allow you to explore social, political, and economic issues during unique times in history or within a regional
context. We will use crisis to drive debate forward throughout conference, and the Non-Governmental Organizations Programme
will introduce a new perspective to discussion.

Preparation is of the utmost importance. Please take time to read through the entire background guide for your committee.
Included is the core information you will need to participate in committee, as well as details on committee structure and the
role of crisis. Of course, please feel free to contact your directors or myself with any questions you have.

I look forward to seeing you in February!

Sincerely,

Angela Y. Guo
Under-Secretary-General for the
Economic and Social Council and Regional Bodies
Harvard National Model United Nations 2018

Harvard National Model United Nations 2018 3

 League of Arab States

League of
arab StateS

Topic A: Decreasing Global Dependence on Middle Eastern Oil

Topic B: The Syrian Refugee Crisis
Dear Delegates,

Hello, and welcome to the League of Arab States!

My name is Adil Bhatia, and I am a rising sophomore studying Applied Mathematics at Harvard College. I grew up in Milwaukee,
Wisconsin, but I also lived in New Delhi, India, for two years. Throughout high school, I participated in mock trial and loved
the quick-thinking and public speaking skills I gained from the experience. When I came to Harvard, I found that the Model
UN community on campus is full of wonderful people who are just as, if not more than, exciting and passionate as my mock
trial team. As a freshman, I served as an Assistant Director for both HMUN and HNMUN and very much enjoyed meeting
delegates who were so dedicated to becoming our world’s future leaders. MUN is a very important part of my life, and I truly
believe in its ability to cultivate in young individuals the attitude and ability required of those who look to lead our world into
the future.

I am especially excited to be your Director for the League of Arab States. I believe that in today’s society, many people make
broad, outlandish claims about Arab nations without any real knowledge about the problems being addressed in these countries.
I chose to direct this committee to emphasize the need for comprehensive discussion concerning the issues in these Arab states
from both an internal and external perspective.

In my guide and in committee, we will investigate the ever-changing economic, political, and social climates in the Arab nations
and discuss plans of action so as to decrease tension within the region and educate the international community about the
League’s commitment to solving their own issues as peacefully and effectively as possible. I hope you embrace this opportunity
to delve more deeply into the complex variety of factors involved in having meaningful debate in this committee, and I look
forward to hearing your ideas regarding these topics.

Sincerely,

Adil Bhatia
Director, League of Arab States
arableague@hnmun.org

Harvard National Model United Nations 2018 4


INTRODUCTION
Since its inception in 1945, the
League of Arab States, commonly
referred to as the Arab League, has
dedicated itself to improving the social,
economic, and geopolitical conditions
of member states through constructive
discussion regarding issues issues that
they have shared throughout the past
and that they must address in the
present. The League enables the Arab
states in northern Africa and southwest
Asia to promote their common interests
in both domestic and global media
and strengthen the ties between their
nations so as to further the ideal of
Arab unity.1 On several occasions, the
League has denounced violence within
the region and prompted action against
individuals or groups who pose a threat
to the autonomy of any member state,
displaying the nations’ commitment
to a well-connected, peaceful, and
organized conglomerate of Arab nations
that holds their communal interests
above all else.
Perhaps one of the most significant
sources of political and economic
capital in leading Arab nations is
oil production. Since 1971, the
Organization of Petroleum Exporting
Countries (OPEC), which includes
the Arab League states of Iraq, Kuwait,
Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Libya, Algeria,
and the United Arab Emirates, has
nearly unilaterally controlled global
oil production and pricing, using
its historically superior cost-cutting
methods to effectively bar other nations
like China, Russia, and the United
States from becoming significant
players in the global industry2. Recently,
however, political distress in the Middle
East, a global wave of nationalism, and
the renewable energy movement have
pushed many countries to decrease
their reliance on Arab oil. In fact,
Kuwait and Iran have already pivoted to
decrease their national dependence on
oil revenue by placing the responsibility
of their mineral exports on the private
sector.3,4 As all of the Arab states in
the League have abundant mineral
resources, including significant oil
reserves, the group needs to address the
decreasing oil revenue they can realize
in the near future in order to maintain
economic stability in the region.
From a humanitarian perspective,
the most pressing issue the League
needs to discuss is the Syrian refugee
crisis. The conflict between Bashar
Al-Assad’s government forces and the
Syrian people has recently deteriorated
into chemical warfare, resulting in
massive casualties and displacement
across the country. This unprecedented
level of destruction has caused millions
to flee the region, looking for safety in
nearby countries like Turkey, Lebanon,
and Jordan, Iraq, and Egypt. The
European Union estimates that since
the beginning of the civil war in
2011, 11 million Syrians have fled the
region, and currently, 13.5 million
require urgent aid.5 Western nations,
specifically the United States, Canada
and several European countries—have
been debating refugee integration
prospects for years now; however,
in most cases, they have failed to
incorporate displaced Syrians into their
societies effectively, placing nearly all of
the burden on Syria’s neighbors. Beyond
urging for the immediate removal of
Assad, the League needs to address the
implications of the Syrian civil war
and determine a more efficient way to
assist refugees, whether that involve
establishing more resettlement camps
within their own nations or reaching
out to other nations for assistance in
taking some of the refugees off of the
Arab states’ hands.6
HISTORY OF THE
COMMITTEE
In 1944, government leaders
from the Arab nations of Egypt, Syria,
Transjordan (renamed ‘Jordan’), Iraq,
Saudi Arabia, Lebanon, and Yemen
met in Alexandria City to draw up
the Alexandria Protocol that provided
Harvard National Model United Nations 2018
League of Arab States
the basis for the Charter of the League
of Arab States, which was officially
established in March 1945.7 Although
the main goals of the League have
always been to protect and promote
the interests of all Arab nations, at
the time of its inception, the main
concern was building a unified Arab
community in the Middle East despite
recent European colonialism that had
significantly fragmented the region.8
Specifically, the nations in the Arab
League sought unity leading up to their
conflict with Israel during the 1948
Palestine War, as they felt threatened
by Jewish claims to the land, which,
to this day, they believe belongs to an
independent Arab nation.9 On June
2, 1964, at the first official summit
meeting of the Arab League in Cairo, the
member states launched the Palestinian
Liberation Organization (PLO), a
collective focused on establishing an
independent Palestinian state through
the use of military force against Israel.10
Though it did not receive full
membership in the League until 1976,
the PLO enacted much violence against
the Israeli people, resulting in a series
of military skirmishes between the two
sides, including bombings and guerilla
warfare.11 This continued conflict
escalated into another significant
strife in 1967: the Six-Day War. Israel
dominated Arab forces and took
control of the majority of Palestine
in the process.12 This massive defeat
prompted the League to produce the
Khartoum Resolution, which stated
that its member states would pursue
“‘no peace with Israel, no recognition of
Israel, no negotiations with it.’”13
Since 1964, the states in the Arab
League have themselves contended
over control of the PLO to take credit
for the creation and protection of
an independent Palestinian nation.14
The United Nations (UN) officially
recognized this organization as the
“‘sole and legitimate representative of the
Palestinian people’” in 1974, giving the
Arab nations the backing they needed
to assert their control in Palestine.15
5
 League of Arab States
Although the United States had deemed
the PLO a terrorist organization in the
1980s for its actions against Israelis, in
late 2012, 132 members of the UN
recognized Palestine as its own state,
resulting in its status upgrade to “non-
member observer State.”16 Since the
PLO’s inception, each Arab nation has
wanted to lead the League to this goal,
creating tension and complex power
dynamics within the group.
In 1979, all of the Arab nations
became infuriated when Egypt signed
a peace deal with Israel, prompting
the country’s immediate suspension
from the League and the move of the
collective’s headquarters from Cairo
to Tunis. Egypt was readmitted in
1989.17 Jordan agreed to a peace treaty
with Israel in 1994 but experienced no
suspension like Egypt.18 At the same
time, the Palestinian National Authority
(PNA) was formed as an intermediary
for negotiations between the PLO and
Israeli government, suggesting some
progress in the Palestine-Israel conflict
that was further highlighted in 2002
and 2007, when the League adopted
the Arab Peace Initiative, which drew
out a plan for peace between Palestine
and Israel as two separate states.19,20
Regardless of their diplomatic
ventures with Israel, the League of
Arab States has faced several internal
issues throughout its history. One
divisive issue that the Arab nations
encountered was the eight-year civil war
in Yemen during the 1960s. This series
of battles pitted Egyptian and Saudi
forces against each another, causing
a significant divide between two
founding members of the League and
drawing attention away from any issues
the Arab community needed to address
as a whole.21 Another internal conflict
occurred in 1990, when Iraq invaded
Kuwait, prompting UN and United
States intervention in what became the
Gulf War and creating more disunion
within the League22. Following this war,
the Arab nations began to face growing
threats from terrorist groups, such as Al-
Qaeda (and now ISIS), and the global
6 Economic and Social Council and Regional Bodies
community reached a consensus that
the League failed to coordinate effective
military responses in time.
More recently, the League, in
unprecedented fashion, has taken action
against autocratic leaders causing terror
within their own nations. Following the
Arab Spring—an overwhelming wave
of populous protest and revolution
throughout Arab countries—in 2011,
the League supported the enforcement
of a no-fly zone over Libya to protect
rebels from the leader Muammar al-
Qaddafi’s loyalist forces, an action that
helped overthrow the tyrant by the end
of the year.23 Around the same time
in Syria, before people began fleeing
the country by the millions, the Arab
League took action by agreeing to terms
with the Syrian government so as to
end the massacres being carried out
by Bashar al-Assad’s military forces on
the Syrian people. Once Assad’s forces
broke this agreement. The League
suspended Syria’s membership from
the League, making yet another key
humanitarian statement.
COMMITTEE
DYNAMICS AND
POWERS
Committee Sessions I – III will
consist of debate and discussion
regarding the topic and potential
solutions to the core issues at hand.
Delegates should submit working
papers and draft resolutions in Sessions
IV and V, and the voting process on
the final resolution will occur during
Session VI.
As stated in its official Charter
composed on March 22, 1945, the
League of Arab States “has as its purpose
the strengthening of the relations
between the member-states, the
coordination of their policies in order
to achieve co-operation between them
and to safeguard their independence
and sovereignty; and a general concern
with the affairs and interests of the Arab
countries,” resulting in close cooperation
The Arab League meets twice a year to
vote on key issues in the region (The
Economist).
on economic, infrastructure, cultural,
and social affairs within the region.24
The Arab League consists of five
divisional bodies: the Council of
the League, Joint Defense Council,
Economic and Social Council,
Committees, and Secretariat General.25
The Council of the League is made up of
the member state delegates who meet in
sessions twice a year to vote on key issues
in the region. While the group passes
decisions through majority rule, only
states in favor of the result are obligated
to uphold the decision.26 The Joint
Defense Council works to maintain
mutual defense agreements between
the Arab states.27 The Economic and
Social Council promotes progressive
social and economic policy throughout
the Arab community and consists of
several funds that contribute to the
public and private sectors of society.28
The Committees are specialized groups
that focus on issues in different areas,
such as foreign and economic affairs.29
The Secretariat General enforces the
decision reached by the member states
and follows the leadership of the
Secretary General, whom the Council
elects for a term of five years.30
In the early 2000s, the member
states decided to construct an Arab
Parliament that consists of delegates
representing the interests of Arab
citizens.31 The inaugural meeting of the
Parliament occurred in 2009, and this
body has served to better connect the
Arab people and their local politicians
to their state’s representatives in the
Arab League so as to keep them involved
in the actions taken to promote the
interests of the region.32 In recent

history, the League, specifically the
Council and Parliament, has used its
general sessions to reach consensus on
and take significant action in response
to pressing economic and social issues
in the region.
TOPIC A: DECREASING
GLOBAL DEPENDENCE
ON MIDDLE EASTERN
OIL
HISTORY AND DISCUSSION OF
THE PROBLEM
Introduction to the Problem
In the last century, oil has become
the most reliable and effective source of
energy for our rapidly industrializing
global community. Oil-producing
nations play a key role in global efficiency
with their significant contributions to
electricity and transportation.33 Due
to the global reliance on oil to power
a wide range of industries, when these
countries alter the supply of oil, the
world significantly reacts through
changes in economic conditions,
pricing, and energy usage.34
Throughout recent history,
surveyors have discovered massive
oil reserves in the Middle East and
Northern Africa (MENA) that, today,
constitute the majority of the world’s oil
supply. According to the Organization
of Petroleum Exporting Countries
(OPEC), its member nations control
nearly 82% of the world’s crude oil
reserves.35 OPEC includes seven
Arab League nations, and since other
countries in the League significantly
contribute to the world’s oil supply as
well, economists view them as a larger
group, called the MENA region.36 This
region not only contains an enormous
portion of Earth’s crude oil reserves, but
the countries in the area also utilize the
most efficient methods of producing
and transporting their product in the
form of low-priced exports.37 As a
result, no other country can realistically
compete with the MENA nations in the
global oil market.
From the Arab League’s perspective,
oil presents an economic opportunity
for nations already exporting it and
those that have recently begun tapping
into their newfound reserves. For a long
time, the MENA nations have believed
that as long as oil is around, global
demand will remain high because of
the practical and efficient nature of the
product. However, they also realize that
they face a consistent trade-off in that
while oil may be an inelastic product in
the short run, increasing global prices in
order to bring in more oil revenue could
trigger a global initiative to search for
alternative sources of energy in the long
term so as to decrease the world’s energy
dependence on the MENA region, thus
costing these oil-producing nations
billions of dollars.38
The amount of oil the world can use
also has a limit. According to a report
released by Environmental Impact
Assessment (EIA), crude oil reserves,
which reached an estimated high of
1,656 barrels at the end of 2015, should
theoretically never run out because
once oil supply decreases far enough,
the price will increase to a point where
the world can no longer rely on it as a
critical energy source.39 Another factor
at play is the presence of oil reserves that
are not “technically recoverable” at the
present moment due to technological
limitations but will most likely become
recoverable in the future, thus boosting
the world’s proven reserves and the EIA’s
projection of how long these reserves
could potentially last.40
Additionally, the global community
is pushing for environmentally
friendly energy solutions. In the past
few years, nations around the world
have come together to discuss climate
change as a serious issue that they
all, as a coordinated collective, need
to address. In late 2016, the U.N
reached the threshold for ratification
of The Paris Agreement, a charter that
set limits on fossil fuel usage by the
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League of Arab States
countries involved so as to limit the
global increase in temperature this
century to a maximum of 2%.41 This
groundbreaking agreement reflects the
way the world perceives energy and fuel
usage. Traditional fossil fuels like oil
are becoming less popular, potentially
creating a problem for the MENA
states, many of whom rely heavily on
revenue from oil exportation.
Regardless of these projections
and current oil production technology,
crude oil prices have fallen significantly
and created much concern about the
future of the industry as a whole. The
market price has fallen 62% from
its peak of $115 in 2014.42 The oil
producing countries in the MENA
region are suffering from this price
decline, an issue that could prompt the
Arab League to respond as a collective
because of the region’s reliance on oil
revenue to boost their economies. The
majority of the nations in the League
are heavily involved in the oil market
through OPEC or other means, and
this common problem presents an
opportunity for the Arab states to
work together to find a solution so as
to increase oil sales or find alternative
methods to boost government revenue.
British Colonial Impact
Following the First World War
and the downfall of the Ottoman
Empire, Great Britain took control a
large part of the Middle Eastern region,
including military rule over Palestine,
which the League of Nations termed
“The Mandate”43 Before the Great War,
European surveyors discovered oil in
Palestine, and in the ensuing decade,
they found larger reserves in Iraq,
Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and present-
day Iran.44 This region consequently
became very attractive to the British
because of their pressing need for oil
during wartime.
After World War II, though, the UN
urged the British government to split
Palestine into two separate nation-states
to accommodate the Jewish people who
had recently migrated to the region.45
7
 League of Arab States
This recommendation placed Great
Britain in a difficult position moving
forward. At the time, the British were
becoming so much more dependent
on Arab oil over the years that by 1958,
fifty percent of their imported oil came
from Kuwait alone.46 Their decision in
1948 to end their Mandatory Rule and
divide Palestine into separate Jewish
and Arab land, via the power of the UN,
gave rise to a conflict that spurred the
establishment of the Arab League and
that continues to play a significant role
to this day.47
Though the country had removed
its political control from the region,
Britain, and other Western nations,
particularly the United States at the time,
that purchased oil from the Middle East,
felt the impact of the tension between
Israel and the Arab states. The main
refinery that processed all Palestinian
crude oil and more than half of Iraqi
crude before 1948 was located in Haifa,
a city that had been allotted to Israel.48
The British established a plan by which
Israel and Palestine would share the
economic benefits from oil produced
at this refinery, but Iraq and the other
Arab states disliked the idea of sending
their crude oil exports through Jewish-
controlled land.49 Following the first of
several Arab-Israeli military conflicts
in 1948, the Arab League announced
its desire to have Haifa deemed an
international city in order to prevent
Israel from seizing Arab oil and utilizing
it to wage war on its neighbors.50 Ever
since Britain recused itself from the
region, the conflict between Israel and
the Arab League has repeatedly slowed
oil distribution coming out of Haifa
due to the everlasting, volatile situation,
creating a ripple effect that increases the
cost of oil for importing countries like
Britain and the United States.51
8 Economic and Social Council and Regional Bodies
Canadian oil production tracked over the past decade (U.S. Energy
Information Administration).
Previous Conflicts and Impact on the
Oil Market
In May 1967, Egypt decided
to close the Suez Canal, an artificial
waterway connecting the Red Sea to the
Mediterranean, to Israeli shipping.52 In
response, Israel took up arms against
Arab forces led by Egypt in what
became known as the Six-Day War of
1967.53 Israel won this conflict, but the
Suez Canal remained closed until 1975,
and nearly all the Arab oil producing
countries initiated an oil embargo on
nations that supported Israel, such
as the United States and the United
Kingdom, which consisted of refusing
to supply oil or selling it at extremely
high premiums to these countries.54
In 1973, Syrian and Egyptian
forces attacked Israel in the War of Yom
Kippur to attempt to regain control of
Palestine.55 At a post-war Organization
of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries
(OAPEC) meeting on 17 October,
1973, the Arab oil-producing nations
reiterated their frustration over Israeli
presence in Palestine and initiated
another embargo directed toward Israel
and its supporters.56 These Arab states
continued cutting oil production and
increasing the oil price per barrel almost
four-fold to send a message specifically
to the U.S. and the Netherlands, which
were staunch supporters of Israel at the
time.57
In response to this oil embargo,
thirteen oil-consuming countries came
together to form the International
Energy Agency to discuss ways the
world could move forward without
having to rely on oil as their only
energy source coming mainly from the
Arab producers.58 This move suggested
that perhaps the reign of OAPEC oil
producers as kings of energy might
not last forever, since their proven
ability to use their pseudo-monopoly as
diplomatic capital would urge the rest
of the world to search for alternative
sources of energy in the future so as to
decrease their dependence on the Arab
nations.
Energy Developments
The former Soviet Union and
Venezuela, one of the largest oil
producers and a member of OPEC,
work closely with the Arab oil producers
to control the global market whenever
possible.59 The most significant non-
OPEC countries contributing to the
global oil market are United States
and Canada. Both nations have large
oil reserves they have been increasingly
utilizing ever since the first Arab oil
embargo, presenting a significant
challenge for Arab oil producers.60 Under
the circumstances that large producers
like the U.S. and Canada assume a
more significant role as suppliers in the
oil market, the Arab League may need
to address a way to work together in
order to offset the increase in global
production and resulting decrease in
price Additionally, nations around
the world have been exploring energy

sources other than exhaustible fossil
fuels for years, the most promising of
which are nuclear, hydrogen, solar, and
electric power sources.61 The world’s
commitment to this pursuit is shown
through the Paris climate agreement,
which has been signed by nearly every
country.
Another energy source the world has
tapped into is natural gas. The biggest
Arab oil producers also have massive
natural gas reserves, the majority of
which remains undiscovered.62 In recent
decades, Kuwait, Iran, and Saudi Arabia
have been the only nations to make
progress in developing their technology
for transporting gas, although they
have focused only on its domestic
use so far.63 Estimates show that the
global demand for natural gas will
increase 1.6% annually for at least the
next five years, particularly throughout
Asia.64 The IEA predict that China
and the United States will spearhead
this growth because of the advanced
liquefaction technology currently in
place in both countries.65 As such, the
MENA nations need to improve their
technology, should they effectively take
advantage of the growth in the global
natural gas market. Although this
decision may require significant time
and financial cost, low oil prices and
increasing demand for energy may force
them to pursue natural gas as a valuable
export through which they can make
meaningful profits.
CURRENT SITUATION
The Continuous Arab-Israeli Conflict
In September 1993, Palestinian
and Israeli government officials signed
the Oslo Accord, in which each side
agreed to recognize the other’s right
to peace and sovereignty within the
disputed region between Jordan and the
Mediterranean Sea.66 The Palestinian
National Authority (PNA), the main
diplomatic arm of the Palestinian
government, set boundaries with Israel
and gained official control over the
West Bank and Gaza Strip.67 The world
viewed this agreement as the first step
toward peace between the Arab and
Israeli people in the region.
In reality, though, segment groups
of Arabs and Israelis conducted
several acts violence within the
region, causing so much unrest that
the Accord agreement fell apart by
2000.68 Israel began occupying the
West Bank and constructing a barrier
to prevent Palestinian military from
entering Jerusalem.69 In response, the
Arab League announced that it would
officially recognize a Jewish state if
Israel removed its forces from the West
Bank and Palestine were allotted East
Jerusalem as its capital.70 However, even
though the League made this statement
in accordance with the UN, Hamas,
a terrorist Palestinian independence
group, conducted a massive attack on
Israel, known as the Passover Massacre.71
The increased tension between
Palestine and Israel reflected the
larger conflict between Arabs and
Jews in the Middle East. The two
sides have repeatedly engaged in
military skirmishes and battles, and
throughout the conflicts, oil refineries
and transportation facilities have always
been key targets. During the Gulf War
in 1991, Saddam Hussein ordered the
Iraqi army to aim their missile launches
toward Haifa oil refineries, which were
once the hub for Iraqi crude oil prior to its
transportation to Europe.72 Additionally,
several terrorist organizations, such
as Hamas and Hezbollah, have
orchestrated attacks against Israel’s oil
facilities in an attempt to cripple the
Jewish nation’s economy.73 The Arab
League, though they may denounce
the actions of terrorist organizations at
times, took unfavorably to the United
States’ decision to further back Israel
and provide more support for these
facilities with the Maritime Security
Partnership Act, and consequently,
major oil producers in the group cut
production and increased oil prices to
display their power over the oil market
to the U.S. and other western nations
that had supported Israel in the past.74
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League of Arab States
Discord within the Arab League
Although the Arab League nations
form a collective in their significant
contribution to the global oil market,
for decades, they have remained divided
when considering their individual
economic interests. In the 1950s,
when the entire Arab community was
condemning Israelis for occupying
Palestinian territory, Iran initiated trade
agreements with the Jewish people, who
wanted to purchase their oil in exchange
for recognition as a sovereign state in
the eyes of a powerful Arab nation.75 In
1951, though, Iran closed its consulate
in Israel and ended trade discussions
due to pressure from the Arab League.76
Discord returned in 1973 and
1974 because while the majority
of the Arab League imposed an oil
embargo, some key players did not
agree with the decision. While most
Arab oil-producing nations cut back
their production and increased barrel
prices, Iraq and Algeria refused to do
so, and Iran actually increased its crude
production, weakening the statement
the Arab population was trying to make
to the rest of the world regarding their
conflict with Israel.77
More recently, parts of the
Arab League have become severely
fragmented. In 1981, the Gulf States,
Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Oman,
Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates
(UAE), which are responsible for nearly
seventy percent of MENA oil, formed
the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC)
to focus their interests geographically
and create a bloc with a critical mass of
oil contributions to the Arab League.78
In June 2017, Saudi Arabia, Egypt,
Bahrain, and the UAE suspended
diplomatic ties to Qatar on account
of Qatar’s alleged funding of terrorist
organizations and support for Iran.79
Several other Arab League nations have
denounced the move and are working
to solve the crisis as soon as possible.80
The current instability in the MENA
region suggests a possible reason as
to why global demand for Arab oil is
falling, thus driving down its price.
9
 League of Arab States
Additionally, Syria has now been
suspended from the Arab League for
over five years. Following the outbreak
of a civil war between Bashar al-Assad
and rebel forces in 2011, the Arab
League held an emergency meeting
regarding the violence in Syria.81
The League voted to sanction Syria
economically and diplomatically until
the violence comes to an end and the
issues in the region are resolved.82 The
violence that has since ensued within
Syria incorporates combat between both
internal and external groups fighting
for various causes. As a result, the
implications of the civil war are pouring
into neighboring nations, causing
unrest throughout the region, and
providing another reason supporting
the idea that instability in MENA states
is keeping the price of oil at its low level.
New Suppliers
Past oil production cuts by Arab
nations have compelled importers
around the world to look for new
exporters, develop alternative energy
sources, and tap into any oil reserves
they may control.83 Following the 1973
Oil Embargo, the United Kingdom and
France began bartering with MENA
countries to secure lower prices for their
oil, and Japan began looking for new
sellers in China and the Soviet Union.84
At the same time, the United States
increased its Alaskan oil production and
exportation.85
Increasing global supply in response
to Arab price control and instability has
lowered overall oil prices and hurt the
majority of the Arab League nations’
economic well-being. In response to
falling prices, OPEC decided to extend
their production cuts in an attempt to
drive the price per barrel up.86 However,
even as U.S. reserve estimates were
reported lower than expected, the
market has become so saturated with
many suppliers that the price of oil
has finally reached its bear-market
scenario at under $45 per barrel.87
In this situation, the Arab producers
have been searching for effective ways
10 Economic and Social Council and Regional Bodies
to bolster their economies. Amidst
increasing competition, though, this
task appears very difficult regardless
of how committed the League is to its
collective success.
Energy Developments
Another factor driving countries to
decrease their dependence on Arab oil
has been the realization that fossil fuel
reserves have limits. Following the 1974
oil crisis, the world began to embrace
the Green Revolution, initiating an
era which would drive human search
for alternative energy sources that
could prevent global warming while
still providing us with the resources
we ultimately need.88 Limiting “fossil
fuel extraction” around the world
could significantly decrease the “global
greenhouse gas emissions,” according
to a study recently released by the
Stockholm Environment Institute.89
Additionally, curtailing offshore drilling
could prevent disastrous spills that can
severely damage the environment, such
as the Deepwater Horizon rig spill in
the Gulf of Mexico in 2010, which
released nearly 4.2 million barrels into
the water.90
The prevailing global sentiment
in recent years has focused on finding
more reliable sources of energy for the
long term. In December 2015, 195
countries signed a global climate deal
committed to keep global warming
under 2°C in the future.91 This climate
change agreement holds nations around
the world responsible for their carbon
dioxide emissions, calling into question
the sustainability of the fossil fuel
industry, particularly in terms of the
Arab oil-producing countries’ control
over the world energy market.92
OPEC and the other Arab oil-
producing countries expressed their
support for the deal, describing it as
an agreement that discusses the need
for energy sustainability, an issue
that the organization has always kept
paramount.93 These nations see the
climate deal as an opportunity not
only to lead the world into a new era
of energy but also to regain control of
the oil market.94 The Arab producers
undeniably have always had the cheapest
means of oil refining and transportation,
making it reasonable to assume that
they will be expected to sustain a world
oil supply that meets global demand
without impairing the environment in
accordance with the climate change
agreement.95 In the end, this situation,
given that all countries involved stay
committed to the deal, could restore
the MENA region’s massive financial
gains in the global oil industry.
Impact of Terrorist Organizations
Throughout recent history, oil
has played a significant role in major
terrorist organization’s efforts to
strike fear into the global community.
Following the 9/11 attacks, Osama Bin
Laden claimed that Al-Qaeda waged
war against the West because western
nations were stealing Arab oil and
taking advantage of their communities
in the MENA region.96 Money from
oil production has continually been a
reliable source of money for terrorist
organizations in funding their arms,
safe havens, and recruitment centers.97
In the past decade, the Islamic State
has increased its influence throughout
the MENA region, having captured
oil fields in Syria and Iraq.98 Estimates
reveal that ISIS accrues several million
dollars (USD) per day in oil revenue.99
Terrorist organizations like Al-
Qaeda and ISIS have destabilized oil
production in the Arab nations in
various ways. First, they smuggle oil to
parties with refineries in the region. This
includes parties looking to politicize oil
control, such as the Syrian government,
which is currently engaged in a bloody
civil war.100 The local demand for crude
oil near ISIS extraction facilities will
always be present, making it a stable
target for terrorist organizations to
exploit in their endeavors to cause
social unrest throughout the region and
the rest of the world.101 These side deals
create a decentralized market for Arab
oil, and if the Arab oil producers cannot

control the availability of oil in both
official and unofficial channels, their
efforts to follow the climate change
agreement and restore their economic
profitability will fail. With ISIS, Hamas,
Hezbollah, and Al-Qaeda (amongst
other groups) spreading their influence
throughout the MENA region, the
League of Arab States needs to address
the terrorist threat to social, political,
and economic security in the context
of oil. The collective interest outweighs
individual concern in this scenario, as
the implications reach far beyond the
bounds of the Arab nations themselves.
PAST INTERNATIONAL
ACTIONS
“Agreement on Economic Unity”
In 1957, the Arab League
established the “Agreement on
Economic Unity among Member
States.”102 This document enacted
legislature that called for effective
communication between Arab states
regarding economic policy that could
benefit the collective. Specifically, the
agreement guarantees…
“freedom of mobility of individuals
and capital, freedom of exchanging
national and foreign goods and
products; freedom of residence, work,
employment, practicing economic
activities; freedom of mobility, transiting
and using means of transport, harbors,
civil airports; rights of ownership, of
making wills and of heritage.”103
The purpose of this document was
to present a unified front for the Arab
nations in their approach to the global
market so that they could all gain strong
economic benefits as a result of their
partnership.
Given that most of the world’s
oil reserves are found on the Arabian
Peninsula, the League of Arab States
made this agreement fairly easily,
considering the majority of member
states shared a common economic
focus. International conflicts within
and outside the League, though, have
tested their unity and made it more
difficult for nations with more global
presence, such as Saudi Arabia and Iran,
to support smaller member states like
Qatar and the UAE.104
Coordination of Oil Supply
In 1960, the League agreed to
integrate their national oil production
policies so as to maximize the profit
they could make as a group as well as
have the most significant impact on
the global oil market.105 By setting up
correspondence specifically for their
oil production, the Arab nations could
coordinate their economic, political,
and social interests through their
participation in the oil industry.106 As
a result, specific alliances within the
group could result in decisions made
by the League as a whole regarding oil
prices that ultimately affected the world
economy. Several past instances, such as
the Oil Embargo of 1973, reflect this
type of impact.
Oil Navigation and Transportation
Soon after, the Arab League
established regulations regarding
oil tankers and transportation
The Arab League meets twice a year to
vote on key issues in the region. (Pen-
nEnergy).
pathways from the Arabian Peninsula
to consumers.107 One of the most
important marine passages for Arab oil
tankers is the Suez Canal, which has
been the source of much conflict in the
past. Egypt still owns and regulates the
Suez on a day-to-day basis, but conflict
arose when it nationalized the Canal
and prevented usage by Israeli ships;
Egypt’s decision translated into a six-
day battle between Arab and Jewish
forces. This conflict reflects the type of
implications that the League’s decisions
can have and the power they have
Harvard National Model United Nations 2018
League of Arab States
over oil exportation, in addition to oil
production, in the MENA region. 108
The Organization of Arab Petroleum
Exporting Countries (OAPEC)
More than two decades after
its establishment, the Arab League
officially established an organization
outside OPEC for specifically Arab
oil-producing countries in the MENA
region.109 Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and
Libya were the founding members, and
currently, there are seven additional
member states: Algeria, Bahrain, Qatar,
UAE, Syria, Iraq, Egypt, and Tunisia
(membership is active, but rights are
inactive due to withdrawal).110 The
goals of OAPEC are as follows:111
• To establish and Arab
institutional framework for oil
and energy issues in order to
develop a pan-Arab perspective
• To coordinate relations among
Arab institutions concerned
with energy development
• To study present and future
Arab energy requirements and
the means of satisfying them
• To identify and assess existing
Arab resources and the
efforts exerted to develop
energy sources, as well as the
coordination and development
of such efforts and
• To identify and evaluate the
impact of international energy
policies on the Arab countries.
OAPEC gives the Arab oil-
producers an international platform
through which they can engage with
other countries in the region about
transportation and environmental
resources.112 Additionally, the
organization regularly meets with the
World Energy Council and the Climate
Change branch of the UN. They
were heavily involved in shaping the
sustainable energy discussions of the
Paris agreement in December 2015.113
11
 League of Arab States
Political and Economic Separation
In 1980, the League enacted the
Charter on National Economic Action
in an attempt to separate political
interests from economic pursuits of
the Arab nations.114 The group made
this move in order to prevent any
future political disagreements within
the collective from interfering with the
group’s overall economic goals.115 Today,
many people around the world view
the Arab League as a fragmented group
that is incapable of compiling any long-
term solutions to political, social, and
economic discord within the region.116
The member states have repeatedly
ignored the agreement within this
charter, with the most recent example
being the termination of diplomatic
ties between Qatar and the collective
of Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Bahrain, and
the UAE. This decision has adversely
affected the global perception of Arab
oil and driven the price per barrel down
to its lowest position in years.
TIMELINE OF SIGNIFICANT
EVENTS
• 1945: The leaders of Iraq,
Trans-Jordan, Syria, Lebanon,
and Egypt meet in Cairo to
complete and sign the Charter
of the League of Arab States.
This document consists of
twenty articles describing
the goals of the League as
a collective focused on the
best interests for the Arab
community in the MENA
region.117
• 1950: The UN grants the
League of Arab States Secretary-
General “observer” status at the
General Assembly.118
• 1952: The League ratifies the
Joint Defense and Economic
Cooperation Treaty that
set economic objectives for
member states and continually
met for updates on progress
for the sake of the Arab
collective.119
12 Economic and Social Council and Regional Bodies
• 1964: The first Arab Summit is
held at the General Secretariat
in Cairo. Delegates announce
that from then on, Kings and
Heads of state from every
member nation would convene
at least once a year. 120
• 1968: OAPEC is established to
“promote cooperation among
member states in different
domains of economic activities
of the oil industry.”121
• 1973: Nearly all OAPEC
member states initiate oil
embargo on nations supporting
Israel during the Yom Kippur
War between Arab and Jewish
forces concerning the disputed
territory between Jordan and
the Mediterranean Sea.122
• 1982: The League convenes to
ratify the Arab Peace Project,
an attempt to end the conflict
between Israel and Palestine
gradually. The goal of this
initiative was to establish
peace in the MENA region to
encourage future stability and
ultimate prosperity for both
sides.123
• 2005: The Arab League
officially establishes a Free
Trade Zone, allowing for
commodity transfers between
Arab nations without any
financial cost and supporting
the notion of an economically
unified MENA region.124
• 2008: The League reaffirms
its commitment maintaining
peace and cooperation between
member states and working
toward stability in the region.
Member states discuss the
importance of holding the
collective peace and economic
interests paramount. 125
• 2010: The Arab-Extraordinary
Summit meets in Sirte and
discusses enhancing joint
Arab Action mechanisms and
reforms of the Arab League,
in addition to the document
on the project of Arab
neighborhood policy which
includes the Arab League
member states, plus Turkey and
Iran.126
• 2011: The Ministerial Council
of the Arab League holds its
resumed extraordinary session
at its Headquarters and decides
to suspend the participation
of delegations of the Arab
Republic of Syria to the
meetings of the Council and
of all affiliated organizations
as of November 16, 2011, till
all the pledges it undertook
under the Arab plan of action
for the settlement of the Syrian
crisis, adopted by the Council
on 2 Nov. 2011, are fully
implemented.127
• 2012: The Secretary-General
attends the Security Council’s
session devoted to discuss the
situation in Syria and calls for
a S.C. resolution requesting
all parties to agree on an
immediate cease fire and to
support the Arab plan of action
for a peaceful solution of the
crisis.128
PROPOSED SOLUTIONS
Continued Production Cuts
In the past, the MENA region has
managed such a strong monopoly in
the oil industry that any decision they
made regarding their oil exportation
supply resulted in significant changes to
the world’s petroleum market. In 2009,
for instance, when the group decided to
cut production by nearly five “percent of
global production,” the price per barrel
skyrocketed over eighty percent.129
Since the end of last year, OPEC has
engaged in significant oil production

cuts in an effort to drive up global barrel
prices.130 Despite the organization’s
efforts, however, oil prices have reached
bear market lows, suggesting some
external factors affecting the MENA
region’s current impact on the world
market. One issue is strong non-
compliance within the region. Iraq,
OPEC’s second largest exporter, did not
agree to the cuts and is still holding out,
such that countries outside the group,
like Russia, have to bolster the move
with their own significant decreases
in production.131 Libya is another
Arab League member that has been
increasing its oil production over the
past few years.132
Another issue with this approach
is the significant increase in oil
production in nations outside MENA,
such as the United States and Canada.
The two countries have worked together
to increase their crude oil production
and exportation. American production
has risen 80 percent after restarting
their exporting process last January, and
Oil price and production throughout this decade (Macrotrends).
Canadian production has skyrocketed
nearly twelve hundred percent.133 The
entrance of new suppliers into the
global oil market naturally shrinks
Arab countries’ share, lowering their
aggregate oil revenue and disintegrating
their ability to influence the global
market.
A key indicator of the success of
new suppliers, such as American oil
producers, was Hurricane Harvey. The
tropical storm hit the southern coast of
the United States in late August 2017,
knocking out more than 20% of the
nation’s total refining capacity.134 Even
though refinery operations closed down
during the week of Hurricane Harvey,
oil prices fell nearly 3%, showing that
even a drop in U.S. supply, albeit only
a temporary one, did not reflect the
price increase typically associated with
a reduction in supply.135 This even
shows that countries are producing so
much oil around the world that even
significant drops in production for key
players cannot lead to an increase in the
price per barrel.
The current oil market offers a great
opportunity for the Arab League to
bring together all countries involved in
the production cuts and to ensure that
each is pulling its own weight. One of
the goals of the League is a collective
push toward economic prosperity in the
region overall, not only in a select group
of countries like OPEC.136 Addressing
these circumstances as a divided
committee would only aggravate the
situation, exemplifying the need for
unity at the present moment.
Other Energy Pursuits
Another potential avenue toward
a solution to the current Arab oil crisis
is pursuing alternative energy revenue.
The Arab nations in the MENA region
have always been extremely focused on
their oil production, as it constitutes
a major portion of their national
revenue.137 However, the International
Monetary Fund has released several
reports regarding the lifespan of the
Arab producers’ limited oil reserves.138
Their research estimates that oil
production for major producers in the
Harvard National Model United Nations 2018
League of Arab States
MENA region will decline gradually
over the next couple decades, and that
reserves will deplete by the end of the
century.
One form of energy to consider
is natural gas. IMF estimates show
that Arab gas reserves will outlast
Arab oil production.139 For the most
part, the Arab nations have consumed
their natural gas domestically, and
much of Middle Eastern gas is yet to
be discovered.140 Additionally, Qatar,
which is not one of the League’s largest
oil producers, contains the largest
natural gas reserves, showing that the
Arab members not currently playing a
significant role in the group’s oil exports
could contribute to the region’s future
economic prosperity by providing other
resources, such as natural gas.141
A more environmentally friendly
solution to the oil crisis could be
the implementation of solar energy
throughout the MENA region. Saudi
Arabia, in particular, has access to one of
the largest supplies of solar energy in its
deserts; deserts are extremely common
terrain in the region.142 If the League
invests in the pursuit of alternative
energy sources like solar power, or
even others such as geothermal power,
not only could they discover a more
sustainable way to harness energy in
their lands, but they would also gain
the moral support of the international
community. Currently, nations across
the globe are searching for alternative
energy sources to lower our dependence
upon fossil fuels, as shown by the
recently signed Paris climate change
agreement. Gaining support from the
broader global community in this way
could provide the Arab League with
access to more resources that would
bolster the MENA region’s economic
success in the long term.
Although the region is best
known for oil and gas, various parties
have begun investing significantly in
renewable energy as sources of their
power and electricity. For instance,
countries like Jordan and the UAE
receive over 300 days of sunshine yearly
13
 League of Arab States
on average, providing a compelling
reason for the region to pursue
renewable energy.143 General Electric
estimates that as the global demand for
power has been increasing at annual rate
of 4.5%, net oil and gas importers like
Jordan have become more incentivized
to utilize alternative means for their
energy needs.144 The low oil prices have
placed budgetary pressure on regimes
throughout the MENA region, and to
address this issue, many are considering
turning toward renewable energy, as
utilizing it would be relatively cheap,
at least in terms of solar power in their
sunny nation states.
Financial stress aside, several
MENA nations still maintain significant
subsidies for energy from fossil fuels,
discouraging renewable energy pursuits
in the region.145 According to research
conducted by the International
Monetary Fund, 47% of the world’s
energy subsidies exist in MENA nations
and Pakistan, showing why there has
not been much of a concerted effort
toward incorporating renewable energy
to its fullest potential.146 To acquire and
maintain economic stability moving
forward during a time of instability in
the oil market, the Arab League and
associated countries can come together
to develop a coordinated strategy of
utilizing renewable energy in a way
that allows each nation in the region
to not only achieve its power needs but
also remain profitable in the global fuel
market.
BLOC POSITIONS
Bloc positions in the League of
Arab States tend to shift due to social,
political, and economic turmoil.
The Arab Spring, which took place
at the start of this decade, caused a
revolutionary upheaval throughout the
MENA region and inflamed tensions
within and between nations.
The GCC, excluding Qatar, makes
up a specific group within the region, as
these countries share oil production and
transportation costs and infrastructure.
14 Economic and Social Council and Regional Bodies
Most of the oil that is exported from
the Middle East comes from this region.
Additionally, these countries take a
moderate stance on the Palestine-Israel
conflict and, for the most part, support
the idea of a two-state system.147
The Arab League nations located in
Northern Africa generally support and
trade with these states, due to their
proximity.148
There is another group within the
region that shares disdain for Israel
and support for Palestinian rights;
Iran, Iraq, Syria, Jordan, and Lebanon
tend to be outspoken regarding this
conflict.149 These countries are also
known to support insurgent groups
that target Jews in the name of the Arab
community. Iran and Saudi Arabia,
in particular, have strong animosity
toward one another and attempt to
define themselves as the leaders of two
separate subdivisions in the Middle
East, vaguely split along the lines of the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict.150 Recently,
Iran publicly supported Qatar in its
strife with the rest of the GCC nations,
showing the extent to which the Arab
nations can be divided.
Several nations outside the MENA
region are heavily involved in the Arab
nations’ oil production and pricing.
Venezuela and Russia, for example,
are key non-Arab countries that are
involved in the current production
cuts.151 Venezuela is one of the leading
oil producers in South America and
was a founding member of OPEC
in 1960.152 Russia, on the other hand,
is not part of OPEC, but it is one of
the largest oil producers in the world
and routinely engages in diplomatic
relations with the nations that take a
severe stance on the Palestine-Israel
conflict.153
In a part of the world where the
majority of people practice Islam,
unique religious differences can cause
sudden changes in relations between
these Arab nations. However, classifying
them in such a way may not be very
productive because it is difficult to
broadly characterized the nuanced
distinctions between communities
within the region.
RELEVANT PARTNERS
A potential partner for the Arab
League could be the Environmental
Defense Fund. Should the committee
delve deeper into alternative energy
sources for the future Arab domestic
consumption as well as international
exportation, the Fund can help these
countries optimize their natural gas
extraction techniques and search for
ways to utilize other energy sources,
such as solar power.154 The group’s
commitment to saving the planet could
certainly better the Arab League’s global
reputation. It could also help to set up
a realistic plan for diversifying Arab
countries’ economic portfolios.
QUESTIONS A RESOLUTION
MUST ANSWER
What are the main factors that are
contributing to the decline in oil
prices and Arab oil revenues at the
present moment, and how can the
League as a collective address this
issue?
Is there a way the Arab League can
successfully implement alternative
energy source extraction methods
without hampering major oil
producers in the region in the
short term?
Can the Arab League reestablish
itself as the most impactful
suppliers in the global oil market,
and if so, how can these countries
formulate a plan to ensure prices
do not return to the low levels at
which they reside today?
Can major oil producers in OPEC
(OAPEC, specifically) involve
Arab League states outside the
organization in their attempts to
reinvigorate their stance in the
oil market, or develop different
sources of energy revenues in the
region?

How can the Arab League engage
with relevant partners and
countries outside the MENA
region to achieve economic
security and prosperity in the long
term?
How can the Arab League, through
incentives or other means,
overcome their social, political,
and religious differences to set
reasonable standards for the
economic progress of the collective,
as the League’s Charter entails?
SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER
RESEARCH
The Organization of Petroleum
Exporting Countries (OPEC) has
compiled years of data on oil production
and pricing for both member and non-
member nations. I recommend that you
look through the data provided to get a
sense for the types of occurrences in the
Arab nations that greatly affected the
global oil economy.
The Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development
(OECD) contains a massive amount
of data regarding economic policy and
stability, all of which is provided by
government organizations from around
the world. I recommend that you look
through this as an additional resource
regarding the global oil markets and the
impact the Arab States have had on it.
TOPIC B: THE SYRIAN
REFUGEE CRISIS
Content warning: discussion of sexual
violence
HISTORY AND DISCUSSION OF
THE PROBLEM
Arab Spring and Syrian Protest
In December 2010, Mohamed
Bouazizi, a fruit and vegetable stand
owner, set himself on fire in front of
a government building, beginning
a cascade of protests calling for the
deposition of authoritarian rulers
throughout the Middle East and
Northern Africa.155 Since then,
uprisings have continued through
many countries in the region, with
many government regimes losing power
or invoking violence against their own
people in a period described as the Arab
Spring.156
Perhaps the MENA nation that has
received the most international media
attention during this time is Syria. By
January 2011, when the ruling parties
in Egypt and Tunisia had been displaced,
Syrian citizens began protesting Bashar
al-Assad’s regime.157 The country and
the global community initially viewed
Assad, a medical professional trained
in London, as a reformer who could
improve his homeland’s standard of
living.158 However, he quickly adopted
his father’s authoritarian tactics that
had solidified the Ba’ath Party’s rule
in Syria for decades. Throughout
Assad’s tenure, his regime has censored
most forms of media and free speech,
detaining those who speak out against
his power and criminalizing news
that defames his party.159 In 2001, for
example, the Ba’ath Party enacted the
Press Law, which controlled nearly
everything printed in Syria and made it
impossible for journalists to investigate
The Arab Spring: A Year of Revolution
(NPR).
government officials associated with
Assad’s regime.160 This social climate, in
conjunction with a devastating drought
Syria experienced between 2006 and
2010, urged citizens around the nation
to demand political change.161
Harvard National Model United Nations 2018
League of Arab States
The Making of a Civil War
Early on, in March 2011, the
rebels’ case against Assad strengthened
and transformed the movement into a
national revolution. The catalyst was
an incident where Assad’s military
forces in Daraa arrested and tortured 15
schoolboys, who had vandalized a silo
with slogans featured in the protests
that had toppled both the Tunisian and
Egyptian governments.162 Local leaders
around the country became infuriated
with the Assad regime due to the
signs of torture the boys exhibited.163
For this reason, to many people, the
children’s graffiti and their subsequent
punishment represent the beginning of
the civil war that has carried on in Syria
for 6 years.
Soon after the incident in Daara,
what began as a funeral ceremony
transformed into a bloody display of
Assad’s power and willingness to use
devastating amounts of force against
Syrian civilians in a military conflict.
In Homs, a city north of Damascus,
thousands gathered to remember the
lives of anti-government protestors
whom military forces had killed.164
Following the burial, many took part
in a sit-in in the New Clock Square,
where they chanted for the end of
Assad’s regime: “Demonstrating,
demonstrating, the regime we shall
be toppling”.165 Military police acted
on Assad’s orders late in the night
by opening fire on the crowd, killing
several individuals, making the Clock
Square a symbol of Syrian civilian
resistance and desire to overthrow the
established government, as such a
gruesome, unexpected event united
many in their efforts to survive.166
The violence between both sides
has continued to this day, involving
chemical warfare and large military
equipment, such as tanks and armored
vehicles.167
Divisions and Affiliations
Some have tried to portray the Syrian
conflict mainly as a struggle between
the Sunni Muslims, who comprise
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a majority of the Syrian population,
and the ruling Shiite Muslims. Assad’s
regime is heavily composed of Alawites,
a sect of Muslims who practice Shia
Islam.168 However, Assad’s regime
never preferentially supported Shiites
politically or economically, and some
Shia Muslims never wanted to support
him because of his actions against
civilians beginning in 2011.169
The religious differences between
the Syrian government and its people
became more apparent only when Assad
leveraged them to win domestic and
foreign support. In an interview, Assad
associated the rebels in his country
with al-Qaeda and ISIS, both extremist
groups of Sunni Muslims, through their
superficial religious connection. It was
an attempt to paint an emey for foreign
countries and organizations like the
U.N.170 With the same line of thinking,
he sought to enlist the help of Syrian
Shiites through fear, by claiming that
if the Sunni rebels took control of the
country, they would endlessly persecute
and destroy Shia Muslims.171
On a larger scale, nations in the
MENA region and around the world
have taken sides in the conflict. Russia
and Iran have backed Assad’s regime
for natural resources and religious
interests, respectively.172 Each of these
nations has been supplying Assad with
military supplies throughout the civil
war.173 Saudi Arabia and Qatar have
spoken out against Assad because of
the differences between his Shia regime
and their Sunni nations.174 As a result,
with the backing of the United States,
European Union, and U.N., they have
led an Arab coalition denouncing his
actions in Syria. 175 In fact, in September
2013, the U.N. reported finds of a
special investigative team that showed
“clear and convincing evidence” of
chemical warfare during the Syrian civil
war, displaying the urgency with which
foreign nations wanted to act regarding
the conflict.176
Certain terrorist organizations have
also become involved within the region
as a result of the conflict. Seeing an
16 Economic and Social Council and Regional Bodies
opportunity to spread their ideology
and expand their control in the Middle
East, Hezbollah, Al-Qaeda, and ISIS
have participated directly in the Syrian
conflict. Hezbollah, an extremist Shiite
group working with Assad’s regime,
has been recruiting Shia civilians
concerned about a Sunni takeover in
an effort to drive Al-Qaeda and ISIS,
both extremist Sunni organizations, out
of the country.177 ISIS and its former
parent organization Al-Qaeda, on the
other hand, have continued the struggle
for power and influence over Sunnis
in Syria, strife that has persisted long
before the two groups split in 2014.178
Additionally, the presence of the Islamic
State has united Kurdish forces located
in Syria and Turkey that, with American
backing, have waged war against ISIS in
Syria.179
Refugee Crisis
The civil war has forced millions
of Syrians to flee in the last few years,
leaving them desperately trying to
survive in their homeland or searching
for a new home in foreign places
as refugees. According to the U.N.
Refugee Agency, Turkey hosts the
most refugees of any country in the
region. Other MENA nations that have
accepted the bulk of Syrian refugees
include Lebanon, Iraq, Jordan, and
Egypt.180 In recent years, hundreds
of thousands of Syrian refugees have
also tried to reach Europe. The most
common ways of doing so have been by
going through Turkey or traversing the
Mediterranean Sea.181 Both journeys are
very treacherous, and although there is
some humanitarian support along the
way, refugees still struggle to find safety.
Stories regarding refugee deaths
in Turkey and Europe have gained
significant media attention, bringing
light to the horrendous circumstances to
which these people are subjected. One
in particular described Aylan Kurdi, a
three-year-old Syrian boy, whose dead
body washed up on a Turkish beach,
after the boat in which his family
was traversing the Mediterranean
capsized.182 In interviews following
the incident, Aylan’s father explained
that the family’s dinghy entered rough
seas, and their Turkish smuggler
abandoned them, leaving them to
fight for their lives.183 The picture of
Aylan Kurdi’s washed-up body went
viral, gaining international recognition
and generating much conversation
about how the global community can
aid Syrian refugees so as to avoid such
horrible circumstances in the future.
Integration Concerns and Issues
In March 2016, as the number
of Syrian refugees entering Europe
was increasing dramatically, the U.N.
Refugee Agency led an international
meeting in Geneva meant to encourage
global responsibility in the refugee
crisis.184 Although 92 nations attended,
no country pledged more resettlement
places or safe pathways for admission
than that to which it had already
committed.185 At the time, the EU
and United States had admitted only a
fraction of the Syrian refugees they had
agreed to take on, leaving the majority
of the burden to Syria’s neighbors, which
were already suffering economically
while trying to accommodate the
hundreds of thousands of people
entering their countries.186
The main concern at hand for
the nations involved in integration
protocols is vetting the refugees who
are seeking asylum, so as to prevent any
terrorists from gaining entry. In the past
few decades, there have been several
terrorist attacks carried out by extremist
Muslim groups waging war on Western
nations. Events like 9/11 and 7/7 are
etched in the minds of people around
the world, making it more difficult
for politicians in the United States,
Europe, and Asia to justify admitting
more refugees from a region where
infamous terrorist groups like Al-
Qaeda and ISIS maintain significant
authority. Nonetheless, international
organizations, such as the U.N Refugee
Agency, have been working to address
the humanitarian situation regarding

refugee integration outside the MENA
region.
Refugee camps in countries
neighboring Syria in particular are not in
the best condition, as they house massive
amounts of people. An anonymous
individual at the Zaatari refugee camp
in Jordan described it as an abnormal
environment, as residents cannot leave
the camp without permission and must
wait in lines at the camp clinics for
hours should they fall sick, making him
concerned for his family at times.187
His only goal is to move his family to
Europe in order to give his children the
best chance at receiving an education;
he even states that he wanted to travel
there, but he did not believe his family
would survive the journey.188 Although
the majority of Syrian refugees flee to
neighboring countries like Jordan, they
rarely find good living conditions due
to the state of such refugee camps. This
trend exists not only in the Middle East,
but also in European nations that have
wanted to close their borders to Syrian
refugees. After the Paris terrorist attacks
in 2015, French nationalist leaders and
the Hungarian prime minister called
for European nations to close their
borders and end refugee integration
A bruising winter storm arrived to the
Middle East in early January (Gospel
Herald).
policies.189 The EU had already been
suffering due to the economic plight of
accommodating such a large number
of immigrants brought into their
countries. Following the attack, public
perception denounced any justification
of admitting refugees.
CURRENT SITUATION
The Syrian civil war has introduced
pressing issues regarding the health
and safety of refugees, as well as
implications on host countries’ attempts
to balance their national security with
humanitarian efforts. Acknowledging
the plight different groups within the
displaced population experience, and
recognizing the barriers preventing
host countries from providing endless
support to these people, is necessary to
effectively discuss and propose solutions
to the Syrian refugee crisis.
Gendered Implications
Non-Partner Sexual Violence
Toward Women
Content warning: mention of sexual
violence
On many accounts, women
have particularly suffered in recent
years during the refugee crisis. In
a September 2012 U.N. meeting,
Norwegian Foreign Minister Espen
Eide stated that what happened during
the Bosnian War in the 1990s was
“repeating itself…in Syria.”190 Foreign
Minister Eide and other U.N. officials
were referring to the rape of several
thousand women during the Bosnian
conflict, a situation they believed was
taking place in Syria at the time.191 As
shown in the data collected by Women’s
Media Center, the Norwegian Foreign
Minister and his colleagues were correct
in their findings. During the journey
out of their homeland, women are at
the center of sexualized violence taking
place on all sides involved in the Syrian
conflict.
Many nations throughout Europe
and the MENA region have begun
closing their borders or toughening
the entry process for Syrian refugees,
forcing migrants to secure illegal, and
often more dangerous, passage by
means of smugglers.193 This process
presents a dangerous situation for
women traveling alone, making them
more susceptible to assault and rape on
an already precipitous journey. Through
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League of Arab States
their interactions with female refugees,
MSF (Doctors without Borders) and the
United Nations High Commissioner
for Refugees (UNHCR) has reported
several accounts of women forced to
engage in “transactional sex” with
smugglers in order to gain passage out
of Syria.194 Additionally, on the path
to Europe, the Human Rights Watch
has reported that Turkish government
and military officials have perpetuated
sexual and gender based violence
(SGBV) by assaulting female refugees,
whom they have promised their aid in
expediting the entry process.195
Another disturbing discovery in the
refugee crisis is forced or early marriage,
a practice that threatens the livelihood
of young women fleeing Syria. Many
refugee families believe that marrying
away their daughters to men in host
countries will provide them with
resources to survive in the future, rather
than continue the dangerous journey
out of Syria.196 Reportedly, some
women have also married older men for
the sake of surviving financially in host
countries.197 Both of these practices
foster unsafe conditions for women,
often resulting in nothing more than
forced prostitution.
Partner Sexual Violence toward
Women
The Women’s Refugee Commission
(WRC) has collected reports on the
status of women in Jordanian refugee
camps in recent years. Through their
interviews, they have found increased
“intimate partner and domestic violence
against displaced women.”198 Some
women in the refugee camps have
tried to empathize with the male heads
of their family by claiming that the
financial and social stress induced by
their current situation has caused some
of the conflict.199 Yet, women often
face harassment when living alone in
camps or host nations, so an increase
in domestic violence and sexual assault
from their household partners leaves
them extremely vulnerable. According
to interviews conducted by the WRC,
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 League of Arab States
many women fear their husbands
will “send them back to Syria” should
they speak out about domestic rape
and assault, returning to a perilous
situation and leaving their children
without mothers.200 Even so, when
some do accuse their husbands of
rape in government-organized refugee
camps, police and social workers did
nothing to help because “there is no
clear policy,” according to an NGO
based in Berlin.201 Syrian women also
cannot imagine leaving their husbands
to continue the journey out of Syria
alone, due to the difficulty in finding
protection for themselves and their
children.202 Ultimately, these women,
whether they are in refugee camps or
not, find themselves trapped in abusive
relationships in an attempt to find safety
outside of Syria.
Womens’ Integration Issues
After reaching host countries,
female Syrian refugees struggle to
find safety and security, even with the
support of specialized government
programs. In Turkey, approximately
71% of Syrian women leave refugee
camps for employment opportunities
in industrial cities like Istanbul.203 They
leave with the hope of securing financial
support for themselves and more
suitable living conditions. Many camps
throughout the region and in Europe
do not maintain sanitary living quarters,
and many are overcrowded, raising
concerns about the resources available
to Syrians living there.204 At Captain
Elias, a camp in Kos, Turkey, where
many refugees wait for permission
to enter Greece, women interviewed
by non-governmental organizations
covering the crisis have said they feel
“scared” washing themselves in front
of men, as there is no privacy in the
overflowing housing stations.205
In cities, Syrian women struggle just
as much as they do in camps. If they are
fortunate enough to find apartments
and jobs, they often face further violence
and exploitation. For instance, women
in Turkey have reported sexually assault
18 Economic and Social Council and Regional Bodies
on the parts of their landlords and
employers who threaten to evict and
fire them.206 These issues arise not only
throughout host countries neighboring
Syria, but also in European nations. In
France, Syrian women and children
share crowded homeless shelters, where
they can sleep and shower in the nights.
However, these buildings are often
unhygienic and prevent women from
effectively taking care of themselves and
their families.207 Additionally, during
the day, the hostels close, forcing them
to roam the streets looking for food and
trying to stay warm.208
On the streets, Syrian women
feel oppressed due to their perceived
vulnerability in places like France.
Throughout Europe, women have
reported that when recognized as
Syrian refugees, they feel diminished
in the face of police officers who pity
them because before the Syrian conflict,
they led successful lives with strong
careers and families.209 This form of pity
represents the dehumanization Syrian
women face as refugees, on top of the
physical abuse they experience.
Mens’ Integration Issues
With the rise of the Syrian conflict,
men have faced aggressive recruitment
efforts from government and rebel
forces, as well as terrorist organizations
in the region.210 Assad’s regime issued an
order in 2012 banning all Syrian men
between the ages of 18 and 42 from
exiting the country.211 As a result, men
who successfully flee from Syria struggle
to find support from governments and
gain refugee status. Foreign sovereign
powers view single men traveling
without families as greater threats than
brothers and husbands.212
Young men posing as Syrian
refugees have carried out terrorist
attacks in the West in recent years, most
notably in Europe. In November 2015,
two Syrians, after traveling through
Turkey and Greece, participated in the
Paris attacks that killed 130 innocent
people.213 A few Syrian refugee men
also sexually assaulted women at the
2016 Cologne New Year’s celebrations
in Germany.214 Both of these events,
in conjunction with other terrorist
attacks perpetrated by Syrian, foster the
discrimination host countries present
against male Syrian refugees who are
migrating alone, making it harder for
them to find protection upon leaving
Syria. A 2016 CIA report showed that
ISIS is strategizing on how to integrate
their operatives into waves of refugees
leaving Syria, making the issue all the
more tense.215
International Responses
Lebanon
Lebanon’s actions as one of the key
Syrian refugee host countries stems from
its past. Following the establishment of
Israel as an independent Jewish state in
1948, Lebanon immediately responded
by taking in Palestinian refugees.216
Since 1994, the Lebanese government
has also allowed Syrians to enter without
visas.217 After the Syrian civil war began,
Lebanon initially planned on allowing
Syrian refugees into their lands, but
they would not establish formal
camps—a lesson learned from the
Palestinian refugee crisis that resulted
in an enormous Palestinian inflow in
years past.218 This policy forced refugees
to support themselves and, at times,
receive aid from organizations like
UNHCR, which had partnered with
the Lebanese government. 219 Although
there was not much official support,
Lebanon presented a great opportunity
for the Syrian people to escape the
Assad regime.
In late October of 2014, however,
the Lebanese Minister of Social Affairs
Rashid Derbas announced that the
country would close its borders to Syrian
refugees but would continue welcoming
those “traveling for other purposes”220
Following the announcement, the
Lebanese government established strong
restrictions on Syrians emigrating to the
country. In order to enter, they needed
to meet a long list of requirements,
including finding work sponsors and

showing proof of immediate housing.221
Lebanon deemed that the overflow of
Syrian people into its lands posed too
great a social and economic risk. In
response, Ninette Kelley, the UN High
Commissioner for Lebanese refugees,
stated, “It’s the largest humanitarian
tragedy of our time….These restrictions
are highly problematic.”222 This policy
has made living in Lebanon much more
difficult for refugees already there and
nearly impossible for Syrians trying
to enter. By preventing hundreds of
thousands of Syrians from entering the
country so easily, Lebanese government
officials are trying to avoid permanently
hosting such a large group of people, like
they did with the Palestinians over 65
years ago.223 As Syria’s neighbor, though,
Lebanon can offer a much greater
chance of survival for the refugees than
certain MENA and European nations,
so the country’s concerns should be
addressed so as to help solve the Syrian
crisis.
Turkey
Syria’s neighbor to the North,
Turkey, provides refugees a path toward
Europe. From the outset of the civil war,
Turkey has recognized the people fleeing
Assad’s regime, but until 2013, they did
so only to the extent that the Syrians
entering were temporary residents.224
As the conflict has continued over the
years, though, the nation has introduced
camps and integration policies, but
overall, refugees still struggle to acquire
common rights.225 After amassing
several billion dollars of costs in housing
and protecting Syrian refugees by 2013,
Turkey began partnering with NGOs
and UN organizations like UNHCR
to expand their refugee programs.226
Although Turkish leadership originally
thought that the Assad regime would
fall soon after protests began in 2011,
the government has displayed its
willingness to work with international
organizations and the EU in the future
to ensure the safety of Syrian refugees
while maintaining the nation’s overall
security.227
Jordan
Jordan currently hosts many
Palestinian refugees and has done so
since the creation of the Israeli state.228
More than 2 million Palestinians share
the same rights as Jordan citizens.229
The nation’s commitment to Palestinian,
and now Syrian, refugees has placed a
hefty economic burden on the country’s
shoulders.230 As Jordanian King
Abdullah explained to the UN General
Assembly in 2015, “hosting refugees
who make up more than 10 percent
of the population…runs the risk of
transforming Jordan from a ‘middle
Syrian refugees wait at a UNHCR distri-
bution centre in Za'atari refugee camp in
Jordan (UNHRC).
income’ to a ‘low income’ country.”231
Jordan’s refugee policies have
come under intense scrutiny from
international organizations, as the
government does not legally need
to meet human rights requirements
regarding health and public relief.232
In recent years, Jordan has specifically
limited refugees’ freedom of
movement.233 As in the past with the
Palestinian refugee crisis, Jordan will
look to leverage the aid it can receive by
hosting Syrian refugees with the help of
international agencies like UNHCR.234
Europe
Europe has had mixed reactions
to the notion of admitting Syrian
refugees in the past few years. Relative
to MENA nations like Lebanon, Turkey
and Jordan, European countries are
hosting very few Syrians. Many waves
of refugees have entered Greece with
the hopes of proceeding to the rest of
Eastern and Central Europe. In 2016,
though, Macedonia, Slovenia, and
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League of Arab States
Serbia barred refugees from entering,
effectively trapping the thousands in
southeastern Europe.235 Following
the newly introduced restriction, the
UN High Commissioner for Human
Rights “accused Europe of violating
basic principles such as dignity and
human rights” and exposed the poor
living conditions refugees face in camps
throughout Europe.236 Germany, on the
other hand, has been outspoken about
accepting several hundred thousand
refugees and is looking to benefit
economically in the long term.237
Angela Merkel gained popular support
by announcing her desire to accept one
million Syrian refugees in the coming
years, but EU restrictions have pushed
her to reel back her estimates.238
The mixed messages throughout
Europe extend beyond economic issues
that smaller nation like Lebanon and
Jordan face. Many Europeans worry
that allowing many Syrians into their
countries will lead to an increase in
terrorist attacks of the likes of Paris in
2015, Brussels in 2016, and Barcelona
in 2017.239 Politicians, particularly
those of the far-right, have referenced
these types of attacks as evidence of
the growing security concern Syrian
refugees present, even though not all
terrorist attacks on European soil in
the past few years have been conducted
by people posing as refugees.240 As ISIS
finds easier ways to infiltrate refugee
populations, though, European nations
certainly need to address major security
concerns, but with the help of the UN,
they absolutely need to do so without
sacrificing their integrity and by
implementing solutions to this decade’s
most pressing humanitarian crisis.
The United States
The United States represents a
resettlement location for refugees
around the world, and before 2015, the
country admitted a total of 1,500 Syrian
refugees since the beginning of the civil
war.241 President Barack Obama’s plan
to resettle 10,000 Syrians caused public
outcry and incited furious debate
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 League of Arab States
during the 2016 Presidential election.242
Many Republican politicians, led
by presidential candidate Donald
Trump, argued that letting in so
many refugees would do nothing to
fix the crisis, and would only increase
the security concerns in the U.S.243
Trump, throughout the election and his
current presidency, has called for severe
restrictions on entry for all Muslims,
including Syrian refugees, citing attacks
like the San Bernardino shooting as
evidence of the lack of control the
country could exert over such people
coming through its borders.244
In reality, though, according to a
study conducted by the Cato Institute,
the chances of a refugee killing an
American in a terrorist attack is less
than 1 in 3 billion.245 Nonetheless, with
past Islamic terror attacks like 9/11
and the media attention surrounding
refugee-conducted terrorist attacks in
Europe and Islamic terror attacks in
the U.S., the majority of Americans
fear letting more Syrians enter their
country.246 Politicians and regular
citizens still hotly debate about how
much humanitarian assistance the U.S.
should provide, as they do understand
the need for a response to the crisis
incurred by Assad’s regime.
Current Military Conflicts in Syria
A conflict that began between
Assad’s government military and rebel
forces in Syria quickly expanded into
a war that involved multiple groups.
Russia, Iran, and Hezbollah support
Assad’s regime and have supplied
troops in an effort to fight rebel forces
in the region.247 On the other side
of the conflict, Turkey, Saudi Arabia,
Qatar, Israel Jordan, the U.K., the
U.S., and France have been supporting
rebel forces with some even providing
ground soldiers.248 Additionally, Al-
Qaeda, ISIS, and Hezbollah continue
their battle for power in the MENA
region, as these terrorist organizations
differ vehemently in their beliefs. Syrian
Kurdish forces, the majority of whom
practice Sunni Islam, have also made
20 Economic and Social Council and Regional Bodies
claims to territory in northeastern Syria
during their fight against ISIS.
In recent months, Russia and
Assad’s forces have increased the
pressure on rebel forces in Aleppo, a
northern city in Syria, as they have
been utilizing more men and airstrikes
in the conflict.249 These forces also
recaptured Palmyra, a key central city,
from ISIS.250 For the most part, though,
Russia has ordered air strikes on rebel
groups while claiming their attack
focuses only on ISIS.251 Iranian forces
have also progressed their attack against
rebel forces in southern Syria.252 In July
of 2017, though, the U.S., Russia, and
Jordan have established a ceasefire in
certain regions within Syria.253 However,
since Assad and Iran did not officially
agree to the deal, most believe that the
ceasefire will not last long.254 The deal’s
purpose is to present a step toward
removal of non-Syrian forces and
progression of humanitarian initiatives
meant to support the Syrian people and
restore peace in the region.255 However,
Al-Qaeda, ISIS, and Hezbollah still
control significant parts of Syria and
will continue fighting in a weakened
nation in an attempt to take over more
land in the MENA region.
Following President Trump’s orders
to end CIA support of rebels this past
year, in August of 2017, Assad’s envoy
Bouthaina Shaaban declared that the
Syrian civil war was nearing its end.256
Currently, with much control over
western and southern Syria, Assad’s
forces are looking to advance east to
confront rebel, Kurdish, and ISIS forces
to finally end the civil war.257
PAST INTERNATIONAL
ACTIONS
Recent conflict in Syria and
the overwhelming concern for the
refugees has returned the 1951 Refugee
Convention to the attention of the
media in the past couple of years. The
legal document signed by 145 countries
under this name reflects the rejection
of refoulement, the process by which
refugees are returned to a country
where their livelihood is severely at
risk.259 According to the document,
the UNHCR oversees the resettlement
of refugees in host countries for their
protection.260
Arab leaders rejected this deal in
1951 and still oppose it because of the
issues that arose following the creation
of a Jewish state, an establishment that
displaced millions of Palestinians.261
From the Arab League’s perspective, the
UNHCR should not need to resettle
Palestinian refugees, as they should be
allowed to return to their homeland,
which Israel is illegally occupying.262
Due to their objection toward the 1951
Convention, Arab states like Jordan,
Lebanon, and the Gulf nations view
Syrian refugees only as visitors on work
visas, opening the possibility for their
return to Syria once their employment
term expires.263 This line of thinking
presents significant human rights issues
regarding the safety of Syrian refugees,
who, if returned to a region dominated
by Assad and terrorist forces, will surely
face extraordinary violence. As all Arab
states in the region are responding
to an influx of Syrian people due to
the conflict, the League should come
together to share the burden and
implement a durable solution to the
crisis.
In 2011, the Arab League officially
suspended Syria’s membership, and its
member states imposed sanctions on
Assad’s government for not ending the
bloodshed as they had requested.264 The
Arab states made no move to implement
military intervention, though, and
believed the sanctions and disapproval
would compel Assad to end the conflict
and return peace to the region.265 Six
years later, the war has continued, and
hundreds of thousands of Syrians have
died in the process.
On June 30, 2012, an action group
of states, including representatives from
the Arab League, came together as an
Action Group for Syria at the Geneva
Communiqué.266 At this convention, the
member states laid out a plan to restore

peace and stability in Syria through
the establishment of free elections
and political participation on behalf
of the nation’s citizens.267 In order to
accomplish this goal, the representatives
present agreed to set up a Joint Special
Envoy that, through diplomacy, could
end the war and set up a durable legal
system and transitional government in
Syria.268 This proposal, however, failed
two main reasons. First, in his speech,
Syrian representative Walid al-Moallem
showed no signs of addressing the
internal conflict in Syria, but rather,
focused on the war against terrorist
organizations entering his country.269
Second, and perhaps more significant,
key states at the convention, the U.S.
and Russia, backed different individuals
to lead the future state of Syria; Russia
backed Assad, while the U.S. backed a
more moderate politician.270 Ultimately,
tension and disagreement at the onset
doomed this convention’s promises.
Following the chemical attacks
reported in Damascus on August 21,
2013, the U.S. sought unified support
from the Arab League for military
intervention in Syria.271 According to
U.S. and NATO, the “ ‘unspeakable
actions’ ” in Syria demand an
international response to the deaths of
Syrian men, women, and children.272
Though the evidence of chemical
warfare in Syria was damning, Egypt,
Iraq, Lebanon, Tunisia, and Algeria
foreign military operations, perhaps
because of the repercussions following
Qatar and the UAE’s participation in
the removal of Gaddafi in Libya.273 As a
result, the League placed responsibility
for the chemical attacks in Damascus
on Assad’s regime and denounced his
authority, but the Arab nations urged
the U.N. that military intervention
was not possible and the international
community needed to intervene
diplomatically first.274
Two years later, in January 2014,
the UN envoy met again in Geneva to
discuss peace in the Syrian conflict.275
The U.S. and Russia led the peace talks,
but talks ended quickly due to the
refusal of Assad’s representatives and
opposition leaders to alter their goals;
Assad wanted to focus on terrorism,
for which he blamed rebel forces, and
the opposition representatives would
not partake in peace talks until the
other states present guaranteed Assad’s
removal.276
In light of recent meetings between
countries like the U.S., Russia, Iran, and
Turkey, the Arab League chief, Ahmed
Abul Gheit, called for the increased
involvement of the Arab governments.277
He urged sovereign leaders within the
League to take control of the situation,
rather than allow foreign nations to
lead peace discussions.278 All in all, in
recent years, the Arab League has failed
to act firmly in response to the Syrian
civil war, and its member states must
work together in order to restore peace
to the region and prevent the deaths of
hundreds of thousands of more Arabs.
TIMELINE OF SIGNIFICANT
EVENTS
• 1967: Israel takes control of
Golan Heights from Syria
following victory over Arab
nations in Six-Day War.279
• 1970: Hafiz al-Assad, leader of
Ba’ath military faction assumes
power in coup.280
• 2000: Bashar al-Assad assumes
presidency in July referendum
following death of his father,
Hafiz al-Assad.281
• 2001: Assad suppresses
reformist policy, leading Syria
in same authoritarian direction
as that of his father’s regime.282
• March 2011: Syrian police
arrest and torture several
children in Daara for anti-
regime graffiti.283
• May 2011: The U.S. and EU
impose sanctions on Syrian
government officials, including
Assad.284
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League of Arab States
• August 2011: American,
German, French, and British
leaders call for Assad to step
down.
• November 2011: Arab League
denounces Syrian government’s
use of military force against
protesters and suspends Syria’s
membership.285
• February 2012: China and
Russia veto UN Security
Council resolution that
demands transitional
government in light of violence
Syrian government has
introduced and calls for Assad’s
resignation.286
• April 2012: First ceasefire
initiated, and one week later,
UN declares that Assad has
violated the terms.287
• July 2012: Zaatari refugee
camp opens in Jordan.288
• December 2012: Syria’s
neighbors host 500,000
refugees.289
• March 2013: Syrian refugee
total passes 1 million, rising
faster than estimates.290
• July 2013: Zaatari camp
already hosts 120,000 Syrian
refugees.291
• September 2013: UN
concludes chemical weaponry
had been used in Damascus
on August 21, prompting
Russia, U.S., and Syria to
develop plan by which Syrian
chemical weapons come under
international control.292
• January 2014: Geneva II
conference takes place and
amounts to nothing.293
• June 2014: ISIS declares itself
an independent caliphate with
Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi as its
leader.294
• September 2015: Russia
executes initial air strikes in
Syria.295
• March 2016: Syrian, Hezbollah,
and Russian forces retake
Palmyra from ISIS.296
21
 League of Arab States
• September 2016: Brief ceasefire
falls apart as Russian and
government forces attack
opposition-held Aleppo.297
• 2017: Refugee total has
surpassed 5 million, and
number of persons displaced
within Syria has surpassed 6
million.298
PROPOSED SOLUTIONS
Nearly all of the following solutions
require extensive collaboration
regarding economic resources no the
parts of the Arab League, EU, and
UN so as to ensure that no country
is assuming unfair burdens and that
every country is participating to the
best of its ability. Thus, the nature of
these solutions presents diplomatic
challenges, particularly in the MENA
region, so delegates shall need to address
and overcome conflicts to the best of
their ability.
Arab Improvement of Refugee Living
Conditions
Although European refugee
centers are not perfect, camps in
Syria’s neighboring countries provide
deplorable living conditions for women
and men alike. Women constantly
face sexual and physical abuse, while
men traveling alone struggle to find
protection under suspicion that they
are terrorists posing as refugees.299
There are two main reasons the Arab
League should hold an emergency
session regarding the refugee crisis.
First, the member states have officially
denounced Assad’s actions against the
rebels, showing their stance against the
regime.300 Second, they have received
criticism from around the world
regarding their lack of response to the
humanitarian crisis happening in their
region.301 To address both of these
reasons, they should prepare themselves
to aid those fleeing his persecution
whenever possible. This initiative
requires bettering the conditions of
refugee camps with regards to health
and overall livelihood, and establishing
22 Economic and Social Council and Regional Bodies
partnerships with organizations like
UNHCR and NGOs in order to
ensure the safety and security of people
fleeing Syria. By doing so, the other
Arab nations can stand up against the
injustice occurring under Assad and
truly make an impact for the Arabs their
charter binds them in protecting.
Combined Arab and EU Women’s
Initiative
In order to end the violence and
sexual abuse women face along their
journeys as refugees, Arab nations
must address their difficult situation
and find ways to ensure their safety at
refugee camps by controlling authority
figures at every level. Additionally, with
the help of Arab nations from which
refugees are trying to reach Europe,
the EU can work to provide safe
passageways for Syrians to reach their
shores. Currently, smugglers are risking
the lives of refugees in order to make
immense amounts of money, leading
to the deaths of entire families as they
attempt to traverse dangerous paths
such as crossing the Mediterranean
Sea. By creating safe passageways and
ensuring they establish suitable camps
and hostels at the borders, European
countries like Italy and Greece could
successfully receive Syrian refugees and
then proceed to vet and potentially
admit them. This initiative may change
the dialogue in Europe from “stopping
crime” of smugglers and illegal
immigrants to “concern for human
rights and safety” for both the Arab
League and EU.302
Meeting the Post-Trauma Needs of
Resettled Refugees
The U.S. has always housed several
thousand resettled refugees from
around the world, and the nation is
responding to the Syrian refugee crisis
in a similar manner. Although refugees
tend to achieve more economically than
the average American, they initially
struggle severely to find affordable
housing, jobs, and healthcare.303 For
instance, children tend to be scarred
from their experiences in war-torn Syria,
increasing the likelihood for needing
psychological care in the future.304
Additionally, increasing resettlement
funding to improve the well-being of
the Syrian refugees the U.S. is hosting—
while not necessarily taking in more
refugees—could inspire countries in the
MENA region and Europe to expand
their refugee programs and provide
more aid, given that they know the such
a powerful country like the U.S. is, in
fact, sharing some of the international
responsibility.
Diplomatic Political Settlement
This solution provides the hope
the international community has
championed from the beginning. In
the Geneva conferences and meetings
with the Arab League, members of
the UN have emphasized the need to
establish a more open legislative system
in Syria so as to restore peace between
Assad’s regime and the rebel forces.305
Although implementing such a solution
would most likely lead to long-term
security in the nation, thus allowing
Syrians to return to their homeland
safely, the hostility between the two
main forces and presence of so many
other countries and organizations in
the region make it extremely difficult
to achieve. On multiple occasions,
Assad has spoken out against the rebel
forces working with foreign powers to
undermine his government authority.306
As a result, foreign powers like the U.S.
and Russia may need to exit the region
completely before any constructive
discussion can occur. Additionally,
terrorist organizations, specifically ISIS,
have taken advantage of the situation in
an attempt to expand their control in
the MENA region, presenting another
challenge for Syria to return to some
semblance of its own sovereignty.
Arab Military Intervention
Some nations in the Arab League
have been aiding the Syrian rebel forces
in limited capacity, but all of them have
avoided and denounced the possibility

of sending in their own troops to
participate in the conflict.307 Part of the
League’s charter calls upon all member
states to promote and protect the
social welfare of each nation.308 While
the League has publicly denounced
Assad’s actions, their official speeches
accomplish nothing. It is certainly in
the League’s best interests to prevent
a dictatorial leader like Assad from
regaining full control of his state, as
such an event would result in either the
permanent residency of Syrian refugees
in the member states’ lands or the
massacre of those refugees upon their
return to Syria once their temporary
visas expire.
BLOC POSITIONS
With regards to denouncing Assad’s
regime, all of the League should be
in agreement. However, Iran, Turkey,
and Jordan could potentially side with
Syrian government forces, given that
they worked together on the Russian-
led ceasefire agreement at the beginning
of 2017 without the support of the U.S.
or other Arab states. In this scenario,
these nations would support Assad’s
continued role as President of Syria;
they would still argue for a reformed
legislative system, though. The other
nations in the League would support
the U.S. and Europe in their efforts to
remove Assad from power for the sake
of long-term safety and security within
Syria.
Additionally, smaller countries like
Jordan, Lebanon, the UAE, and Yemen
may separate themselves from the other
Arab countries in that they will want to
accept future Syrian refugees moving
forward. The economic impact will be
far greater on these nations should they
accept the same number of refugees
as larger nations like Iraq and Saudi
Arabia. As discussed earlier, Jordan and
Lebanon have already responded to this
issue by imposing harsh restrictions
on Syrians gaining refugee status and
entering their lands. To solve this
issue, the League will need to disperse
refugees around the MENA region with
respective numbers relative to a nation’s
economic and geographic size.
RELEVANT PARTNERS
Certain European nations like
Greece, Italy, and Germany may
become involved given the chance to
improve refugee conditions both within
European and Arab camps and along
the journey across the Mediterranean
and through Turkish land. They would
work with the U.S. and its partners in
the MENA region who support Assad’s
removal to ensure a long-term solution
to the Syrian crisis.
Russia, on the other hand, will
support Assad’s regime through the
crisis and long after, potentially creating
tension between partners involved in
fixing the crisis in the region. China may
also choose to join pro-Assad forces in
the MENA region, as it voted against
the UN security resolution, which
called for a transitional government in
2012, alongside Russia.
QUESTIONS A RESOLUTION
MUST ANSWER
How can the Arab League address
the inhumane conditions Syrian
refugees face in MENA region
camps in order to protect women,
men, and children alike without
causing economic distress in
member nations?
How can Arab nations exert control
over authority figures in refugee
camps to prevent abuse of power,
and how can they work with the
EU to ensure safe passage from
the MENA region to Europe as a
way to bypass criminal smugglers
who take advantage of vulnerable
families?
Harvard National Model United Nations 2018
Can the Arab League intervene
League of Arab States
diplomatically between
international organizations and
Syrian government and rebel
forces so as to end the conflict as
safely as possible and prevent more
bloodshed in coming years?
Can the Arab League coordinate
military intervention with the UN
or any foreign nations to end the
Syrian civil war and prioritize aid
for refugees and their return to a
safe homeland?
Is there a way for the Arab League
to pursue a course of action
that enables them to aid Syrian
refugees and change the rhetoric
surrounding the suspicion that
these people are linked to terrorist
organizations with the goal of
crippling the West?
SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER
RESEARCH
The UN website, specifically the
UNHCR, collects a lot of data regarding
the Syrian refugee crisis and potential
solutions. I recommend looking into
their official data, as well as that of
NGOs focused on human rights and
refugee aid.
Additionally, you should develop
a deep understanding for the different
groups involved in the Syrian conflict.
The divisions in land and power are by
no means clear-cut, so take the time to
differentiate between the goals of various
groups, whether they be government
forces or terrorist organizations, and
where their alliances lie.
ENDNOTES
1 “The Arab League.” Council on Foreign Relations, https://www.cfr.
org/backgrounder/arab-league. Accessed 23 May 2017.
2 Ahrari, Mohammed E. OPEC : The Failing Giant. 1986, p.71.
3 “Iran.” Asia News Monitor; Bangkok, 9 Jan. 2015. ProQuest,
http://search.proquest.com.ezp-prod1.hul.har vard.edu/
docview/1643185086/abstract/F116B5AB4104472EPQ/1.
4 Anonymous. “Kuwait’s Local Banks to Fund $104 Billion Plan.”
Saudi Economic Survey; Jeddah, Aug. 2010, p. n/a.
5 Syrian Refugees. http://syrianrefugees.eu/. Accessed 23 May 2017.
6 Ostrand, Nicole. “The Syrian Refugee Crisis: A Comparison of
Responses by Germany, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the
United States.” Journal on Migration and Human Security, vol. 3,
no. 3, 2015, pp. 255–279.
23
 League of Arab States
7 League of Arab States Office in Washington D.C. – USA. http:// 59 Energy Development (30) 127 Ibid.
arableague-us.org/wp/. Accessed 25 May 2017. 60 Continuity and change (79) 128 Ibid.
8 “The Arab League.” Council on Foreign Relations 61 Ibid.(73,75) ; Saudi Arabia (61, 65) 129 NYT and Bloomberg
9 Ibid. 62 Energy Dev. (46) 130 Bloomberg
10 Ibid. 63 Ibid. (50) 131 Ibid.
11 Awartani, Sara. “The Global Offensive: The United States, the 64 Natural Gas Market 132 Ibid.
Palestinian Liberation Organization, and the Making of the Post 65 Ibid. 133 YChart and NEB
- Cold War Order.” Arab Studies Journal; Washington, D.C., vol. 24, 66 Historian Oslo 134 Knock out
no. 1, Spring 2016, pp. 350–354. 67 Ibid. 135 oil prices sink
12 “The Arab League.” Council on Foreign Relations 68 Timeline 136 Arab League
13 Ibid. 69 Ibid. 137 IMF table data
14 Ibid. 70 Ibid. 138 IMF large table
15 Palestine Liberation Organization. http://palestineun.org/about- 71 Ibid. 139 Ibid.
palestine/palestine-liberation-organization/. Accessed 25 May 72 Pulse 140 Energy Developments (43)
2017. 73 USA guarding 141 Ibid.
16 Resolutions & Reports on Status. http://palestineun.org/category/ 74 Ibid. 142 Saudi book 65
palestine-at-the-un/resolutions-icj-advisory-opinion/. Accessed 25 75 Oil and AI (171) 143 Renewable Energy Grows
May 2017. 76 Ibid. 144 Ibid.
17 Arab League. http://www.internationaldemocracywatch.org/index. 77 Oil Crisis (111) 145 Ibid.
php/arab-league-. Accessed 24 May 2017. 78 deep discord BBC 146 Ibid.
18 The Jordan-Israeli Peace Treaty. http://www.kinghussein.gov.jo/ 79 Qatar Gulf Crisis 147 untangling
peacetreaty.html. Accessed 25 May 2017. 80 Ibid. 148 Ibid.
19 Palestinian Government. http://palestine.dk/palestine/government/. 81 Ibid. 149 Ibid.
Accessed 25 May 2017. 82 Ibid. 150 Ibid.
20 Arab League. 83 Oil Crisis (174) 151 Bloomberg
21 “The Arab League.” Council on Foreign Relations 84 Ibid. (143, 146) 152 OPEC
22 Ibid. 85 Ibid. (137) 153 untangling
23 Encyclopedia Britannica, https://www.britannica.com/topic/Arab- 86 oil prices slide article 154 Env. Defense Fund
League. Accessed 24 May 2017. 87 Bear territory WSJ 155 “The Arab Spring.” NPR.org, http://www.npr.
24 Refugees, United Nations High Commissioner for. “Refworld 88 GreenPeace org/2011/12/17/143897126/the-arab-spring-a-year-of-revolution.
| Charter of Arab League.” Refworld, http://www.refworld.org/ 89 Stockholm Accessed 19 Aug. 2017.
docid/3ae6b3ab18.html. Accessed 25 May 2017. 90 Deepwater 156 Ibid.
25 Arab League. 91 European Commission 157 Syrian Civil War -- Britannica Academic. http://academic.eb.com.
26 Ibid. 92 Ibid. ezp-prod1.hul.harvard.edu/levels/collegiate/article/Syrian-Civil-
27 Ibid. 93 OPEC Paris Agreement War/570790. Accessed 19 Aug. 2017.
28 Ibid. 94 Ibid. 158 Ibid.
29 Ibid. 95 Energy Development (8) 159 Syria | Country Report | Freedom of the Press | 2007. https://
30 Ibid. 96 Middle East Policy Council freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-press/2007/syria. Accessed 19
31 Summits. http://www.lasportal.org/en/summits/Pages/default.asp 97 Ibid. Aug. 2017.
x?Stype=1&imgLib=ArabicSummit&RID=41. Accessed 26 May 98 ISIS oil 160 Ibid.
2017. 99 Ibid. 161 Syrian Civil War -- Britannica Academic. http://academic.eb.com.
32 Ibid. 100 Ibid. ezp-prod1.hul.harvard.edu/levels/collegiate/article/Syrian-Civil-
33 Oil Price Effects (1) 101 Ibid. War/570790. Accessed 19 Aug. 2017.
34 Oil Price Effects (3) 102 Arab League 162 “Syria.” Public Radio International, https://www.pri.org/
35 http://www.opec.org/opec_web/en/data_graphs/330.htm 103 Ibid. stories/2011-04-23/syria-how-it-all-began. Accessed 19 Aug. 2017.
36 Energy Developments (8) 104 Ibid. 163 Ibid.
37 Ibid. 105 Ibid. 164 Ibid.
38 Oil Price Effects 106 Ibid. 165 Rosealhomsi. “An Eyewitness Story: The Clock Square Massacre,
39 EIA IEA report 2016 107 Ibid. Homs 18/04/2011 – 19/04/2011.” Rosealhomsi, 18 Apr. 2012,
40 Ibid. 108 Ibid. https://rosealhomsi.wordpress.com/2012/04/18/clock-square-
41 Paris Agreement 109 Ibid. massacr/.
42 WSJ Bear Market 110 OAPEC 166 Ibid.
43 British Empire 111 Ibid. 167 Syrian Civil War -- Britannica Academic. http://academic.eb.com.
44 Ibid. 112 Ibid. ezp-prod1.hul.harvard.edu/levels/collegiate/article/Syrian-Civil-
45 Oil and the AI (24) 113 Ibid. War/570790. Accessed 19 Aug. 2017.
46 Ibid. (22) 114 Arab League 168 Ibid.
47 Ibid. (21) 115 Ibid. 169 Syrian Civil War -- Britannica Academic. http://academic.eb.com.
48 Ibid. (24) 116 Middle East Policy Council ezp-prod1.hul.harvard.edu/levels/collegiate/article/Syrian-Civil-
49 Ibid. (24) 117 Arab League War/570790. Accessed 19 Aug. 2017.
50 Ibid. (61) 118 Ibid. 170 September 9, CBS News, et al. Assad Says Any U.S. Strike on Syria
51 Ibid. 119 Ibid. “is Going to Support Al Qaeda.” https://www.cbsnews.com/news/
52 Suez 120 Ibid. assad-says-any-us-strike-on-syria-is-going-to-support-al-qaeda/.
53 Ibid. 121 Ibid. Accessed 20 Aug. 2017.
54 Ibid. 122 Ibid. 171 Syrian Civil War -- Britannica Academic. http://academic.eb.com.
55 Oil Crisis (2) 123 Ibid. ezp-prod1.hul.harvard.edu/levels/collegiate/article/Syrian-Civil-
56 Saudi (34) 124 Ibid. War/570790. Accessed 19 Aug. 2017.
57 Ibid. (110) 125 Ibid. 172 Ibid.
58 Ibid. (138) 126 Ibid. 173 Ibid.

24 Economic and Social Council and Regional Bodies

 League of Arab States
174 Ibid. 209 Ibid. (138) 256 “Assad Advisor Says Syria War Nearing Its End.” Reuters, 18 Aug.
175 Ibid. 210 Ibid. (6) 2017. Reuters, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-mideast-crisis-
176 Section, United Nations News Service. “UN News - ‘Clear 211 Ibid (6) syria-advisor-idUSKCN1AY14J.
and Convincing’ Evidence of Chemical Weapons Use in Syria, 212 Ibid. (6) 257 Syrian Civil War Map. http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/
UN Team Reports.” UN News Service Section, 16 Sept. 2013, 213 http://www.washingtontimes.com, The Washington Times. “ISIS interactive/2015/05/syria-country-divided-150529144229467.
http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=45856#. Finds Success Infiltrating Terrorists into Refugee Flows to West.” html. Accessed 21 Aug. 2017.
WZjlFZN97aY. The Washington Times, //www.washingtontimes.com/news/2017/ 258 Taiwan, Shorthand-YMUN. “Arab League II: Syrian Refugee
177 PM, Callum Paton On 7/27/17 at 12:13. “In the Fight between jan/29/isis-finds-success-infiltrating-terrorists-into-re/. Accessed Crisis.” Shorthand, https://social.shorthand.com/ymuntaiwan/
Hezbollah and Al-Qaeda, the Iran-Backed Militia Says It’s 21 Aug. 2017. j2ethmc9lqe/arab-league-ii-syrian-refugee-crisis. Accessed 22 Aug.
Defeated Al-Nusra in Lebanon.” Newsweek, 27 July 2017, http:// 214 Gendered Book (137) 2017.
www.newsweek.com/hezbollah-vs-al-qaeda-iran-backed-militia- 215 http://www.washingtontimes.com, The Washington Times. “ISIS 259 “The 1951 Refugee Convention.” UNHCR, http://www.unhcr.
says-al-nusra-front-has-lost-642838. Finds Success Infiltrating Terrorists into Refugee Flows to West.” org/1951-refugee-convention.html. Accessed 22 Aug. 2017.
178 Phillips, James. “ISIS vs. Al Qaeda: The Good News and the Bad The Washington Times, //www.washingtontimes.com/news/2017/ 260 Ibid.
News.” The Heritage Foundation, /middle-east/commentary/isis- jan/29/isis-finds-success-infiltrating-terrorists-into-re/. Accessed 261 Fend off
vs-al-qaeda-the-good-news-and-the-bad-news. Accessed 20 Aug. 21 Aug. 2017. 262 Ibid.
2017. 216 Tovy Book (17) 263 Ibid.
179 Monitoring, B. B. C. “Turkey v Syria’s Kurds v Islamic State.” BBC 217 Deardorff (39) 264 Syria
News, 23 Aug. 2016. www.bbc.com, http://www.bbc.com/news/ 218 Ibid. (39) 265 Ibid.
world-middle-east-33690060. 219 Ibid (39) 266 Communiqué
180 Ibid. 220 Rabil Book (19-20) 267 Ibid.
181 “Migrant Crisis.” BBC News, 4 Mar. 2016. www.bbc.com, http:// 221 Ibid. (20) 268 Ibid.
www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-34131911. 222 Ibid (21) 269 Communique: Road Map
182 “The Awful Story of How Aylan Kurdi Came to Be Washed 223 Deardorff (40) 270 Ibid.
up on a Turkish Beach.” The Independent, 3 Sept. 2015, http:// 224 Ibid (23) 271 Arab league discusses
www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/aylan-kurdi-s-story- 225 Ibid. (24) 272 Arab League: Only UN
how-a-small-syrian-child-came-to-be-washed-up-on-a-beach-in- 226 Ibid (24) 273 Arab League Discusses
turkey-10484588.html. 227 Ibid (29) 274 Arab League: Only UN
183 Ibid. 228 Ibid (30) 275 Syria peace talks break
184 “Geneva Communique.” VOA, https://www.voanews. 229 Ibid (30) 276 Syria Suspended
com/a/geneva-communique-road-map-for-syria-political- 230 Ibid (33) 277 Arab League Chief
transition/1837514.html. Accessed 22 Aug. 2017. 231 Ibid (33) 278 Ibid.
185 Avenue, Human Rights Watch |.350 Fifth, et al. “UN Meeting 232 Ibid (31) 279 Syrian Civil War -- Britannica Academic. http://academic.eb.com.
Ducks Syria Refugee Responsibility.” Human Rights Watch, 31 Mar. 233 Ibid (32) ezp-prod1.hul.harvard.edu/levels/collegiate/article/Syrian-Civil-
2016, https://www.hrw.org/news/2016/03/31/un-meeting-ducks- 234 Ibid. (35) War/570790. Accessed 19 Aug. 2017.
syria-refugee-responsibility. 235 Ibid. (90) 280 Ibid.
186 Ibid. 236 Ibid (90) 281 Ibid.
187 Amar, Abu. “Our Life in the Zaatari Refugee Camp: No Electricity, 237 Ibid (91) 282 Ibid.
No Space to Sleep, No Escape | Abu Amar.” The Guardian, 14 238 Ibid (91) 283 Ibid.
Sept. 2015. www.theguardian.com, http://www.theguardian.com/ 239 Ibid (98) 284 Ibid.
commentisfree/2015/sep/14/life-refugee-camp-syrian-family- 240 ibid (98) 285 Ibid.
jordan-escape. 241 ibid (113) 286 Ibid.
188 Ibid. 242 Ibid (114) 287 Ibid.
189 Chen, Michelle. “European Countries’ Closing Their Borders 243 Ibid (114) 288 5245
to Refugees Is Collective Punishment.” The Nation, Nov. 244 Ibid (114) 289 Ibid.
2015. www.thenation.com, https://www.thenation.com/article/ 245 September 13, Alex Nowrasteh, and 2016. “Terrorism and 290 Ibid.
european-countries-closing-their-borders-to-refugees-is-collective- Immigration: A Risk Analysis.” Cato Institute, 13 Sept. 2016, 291 Ibid.
punishment/. https://www.cato.org/publications/policy-analysis/terrorism- 292 Ibid.
190 Wolfe, Lauren. “Syria Has a Massive Rape Crisis.” The Atlantic, Apr. immigration-risk-analysis. 293 Ibid.
2013. The Atlantic, https://www.theatlantic.com/international/ 246 Deardorff 119 294 Ibid.
archive/2013/04/syria-has-a-massive-rape-crisis/274583/. 247 “Syria.” BBC News, 11 Mar. 2016. www.bbc.com, http://www.bbc. 295 Ibid.
191 Ibid. com/news/world-middle-east-26116868. 296 Ibid.
192 Ibid. 248 Ibid. 297 Ibid.
193 Gendered Approach B (130) 249 Syrian Civil War -- Britannica Academic. http://academic.eb.com. 298 Facts you need to know
194 Ibid. (131-132) ezp-prod1.hul.harvard.edu/levels/collegiate/article/Syrian-Civil- 299 Gendered Book (2)
195 Ibid.(132) War/570790. Accessed 19 Aug. 2017. 300 Syrian Civil War -- Britannica Academic. http://academic.eb.com.
196 Ibid. (5) 250 Taiwan, Shorthand-YMUN. “Arab League II: Syrian Refugee ezp-prod1.hul.harvard.edu/levels/collegiate/article/Syrian-Civil-
197 Ibid. (5) Crisis.” Shorthand, https://social.shorthand.com/ymuntaiwan/ War/570790. Accessed 19 Aug. 2017.
198 Ibid. (3) j2ethmc9lqe/arab-league-ii-syrian-refugee-crisis. Accessed 22 Aug. 301 “Gulf States Fend Off Criticism About Doing Little For
199 Ibid. (3) 2017. Syrian Refugees.” NPR.org, http://www.npr.org/sections/
200 Ibid.(3) 251 “Syria.” BBC News, 11 Mar. 2016. www.bbc.com, http://www.bbc. parallels/2015/09/20/441457924/gulf-states-fend-off-criticism-
201 Ibid. (134) com/news/world-middle-east-26116868. about-doing-little-for-syrian-refugees. Accessed 22 Aug. 2017.
202 Ibid. (135) 252 “Syrian Cease-Fire Is a Promising Step Toward Peace.” Bloomberg. 302 Deardorff 97
203 Ibid. (49) com, 18 July 2017. www.bloomberg.com, https://www.bloomberg. 303 Ibid (113)
204 Ibid. (134) com/view/articles/2017-07-18/syrian-cease-fire-is-a-baby-step- 304 Ibid (113)
205 Ibid (134) toward-peace. 305 FinalCommuniqueActionGroupforSyria.pdf. http://www.un.org/
206 ibid (49) 253 Ibid. News/dh/infocus/Syria/FinalCommuniqueActionGroupforSyria.
207 Ibid. (134) 254 Ibid. pdf. Accessed 22 Aug. 2017.
208 Ibid. (134) 255 Ibid.

Harvard National Model United Nations 2018 25

 League of Arab States

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crisis-syria-advisor-idUSKCN1AY14J.
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foreign-powers-must-end-rebel-support-20131031272366309.html. Accessed 22 Aug. 2017.
Atassi, Basma. Syria’s Carnival That Ended in Bloodshed. http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/
features/2012/04/2012418162237555962.html. Accessed 19 Aug. 2017.
Avenue, Human Rights Watch |.350 Fifth, et al. “UN Meeting Ducks Syria Refugee Responsibility.” Human Rights Watch, 31
Mar. 2016, https://www.hrw.org/news/2016/03/31/un-meeting-ducks-syria-refugee-responsibility.
Awartani, Sara. “The Global Offensive: The United States, the Palestinian Liberation Organization, and the Making of the Post
- Cold War Order.” Arab Studies Journal; Washington, D.C., vol. 24, no. 1, Spring 2016, pp. 350–354.
Batty, David, and Jack Shenker. “Syria Suspended from Arab League.” The Guardian, 12 Nov. 2011. www.theguardian.com,
http://www.theguardian.com/world/2011/nov/12/syria-suspended-arab-league.
---. “Syria Suspended from Arab League.” The Guardian, 12 Nov. 2011. www.theguardian.com, http://www.theguardian.com/
world/2011/nov/12/syria-suspended-arab-league.
Brookings Institution, editor. “Want New Ideas for Managing the Syrian Refugee Crisis? Engage Syrian Americans.” Markaz:
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Butt, Gerald. “The Deep Discord Bedevilling the Arab World.” BBC News, 25 Mar. 2014. www.bbc.com, http://www.bbc.com/
news/world-middle-east-26634679.
Chen, Michelle. “European Countries’ Closing Their Borders to Refugees Is Collective Punishment.” The Nation, Nov. 2015.
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---. “US Crude Settles at 5-Week High of $51.47 on Expectation OPEC Will Extend Output Cuts.” CNBC, 23 May 2017, http://
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Cohen, Ariel. Reducing U.S. Dependence on Middle Eastern Oil. 2006.
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26 Economic and Social Council and Regional Bodies

 League of Arab States
Gardiner, Beth. “Renewable Energy Grows in an Unlikely Place: The Sunny Mideast.” The New York Times, 3 Nov. 2016. NYTimes.
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Mouawad, Jad. “OPEC Achieves Cuts in Output, Halting Price Slide.” The New York Times, 25 Jan. 2009. www.nytimes.com,
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Oehring, Otmar, and Muna Sukhni. Addressing Long-Term Perspectives on the Syrian Refugee Crisis. 2015.
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Phillips, James. “ISIS vs. Al Qaeda: The Good News and the Bad News.” The Heritage Foundation, /middle-east/commentary/
isis-vs-al-qaeda-the-good-news-and-the-bad-news. Accessed 20 Aug. 2017.

Harvard National Model United Nations 2018 27

 League of Arab States
PM, Callum Paton On 7/27/17 at 12:13. “In the Fight between Hezbollah and Al-Qaeda, the Iran-Backed Militia Says It’s
Defeated Al-Nusra in Lebanon.” Newsweek, 27 July 2017, http://www.newsweek.com/hezbollah-vs-al-qaeda-iran-backed-
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“Profile.” BBC News, 5 Feb. 2015. www.bbc.com, http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-15747941.
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Rabil, Robert G. The Syrian Refugee Crisis in Lebanon : The Double Tragedy of Refugees and Impacted Host Communities. 2016.
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28 Economic and Social Council and Regional Bodies

 League of Arab States
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2015. harvard.aci.info, http://harvard.aci.info/view/14653594d966cb40146/150ecfc6ba500120006.
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articles/oil-returns-to-bear-market-1498001993.

Harvard National Model United Nations 2018 29

 Harvard National Model United Nations 2018

POSITION PAPERS experiences, what is the most logical and

effective way to address these topics?
Your position paper should be What priorities does your country
one and a half pages, single-spaced, assign to different matters, and why?
twelve-point Times New Roman font This is an opportunity for you to begin
(approximately 750 words). Papers that to address some of the questions that
exceed two pages per topic will not be any resolution must answer which are
accepted. Your names, country name, listed earlier, as well as an opportunity
school, and topic area should be in for you to propose creative solutions to
the upper right hand corner. You will the environmental challenges that have
need to write a paper on both topics, been presented in this guide.
hydraulic fracturing and shipbreaking, These length guidelines are meant
and then submit them in a single to focus your research in the places that
word document. The paper should be will be most productive for committee
outlined in three paragraphs. debate. Understanding your country,
These paragraphs are in a logical however, is important for creating a plan
procession, and each paragraph should to undertake on an international level,
build analytically on the last. The and I highly encourage you to conduct
first paragraph should consist of your your investigations and learning with
country’s experience or particular vigor and curiosity. Please cite all your
connection to the topics. For instance, sources with endnotes. Plagiarism will
how has your country been affected not be tolerated at all as an exercise in
by the above-mentioned problems? Is honesty and scholarly rigor. Delegates
your nation in a particularly vulnerable who do not submit position papers will
position concerning these topics? not be considered for awards.
The second paragraph should
discuss your nation’s policy on the
issues, as supported by relevant
national documents. This differs from
the first paragraph because it should
also include a short description of
agreements, statements, and lessons
learned from your history and choices
in the past. You should also discuss
your current diplomatic arrangements
with relevant nations in this paragraph.
Research for this paragraph could
include speeches given by heads of state
or ambassadors, or national studies
and policy statements. This paragraph
should also discuss any conflicts that
exist between your country’s economic
and environmental interests, which is
an overall theme in these topics.
The third, final, and most important
paragraph is your country’s plan going
forward. Given your history and your
national policy, what does your country
believe is the best course of action
to pursue? This should be a unique
mixture of international work and your
country’s personal past and experiences.
For example, given risk factors and past

30
 Harvard National Model United Nations 2018

Guide to Delegate Preparation

and Rules of Parliamentary Procedure

Dear Delegates and Faculty Advisors,

The HNMUN 2018 Secretariat is pleased to present you with the newly revised Guide to Delegate Preparation. In this guide, you
will find an overview of substantive activities at conference, a list of differences between HNMUN and other MUN conferences
in the world, an explanation of the characteristics of our various committees, a listing of the powers of the committee staff, and
the updated Rules of Procedure. The guide has been updated this year to include additional tips regarding what to expect at
HNMUN committees, and how to perform well in a committee setting. While this guide contains virtually all information
regarding the substantive side of HNMUN, I invite you to consult the following documents as well in your preparation:

Guide to Starting a MUN Team: This guide features a step-by-step guide to starting a Model United Nations Team at any
college or university.

Guide to First Time Delegations: This guide is aimed at familiarizing delegates who are new to MUN, and particularly those
new to HNMUN, with the events at conference.

Committee Background Guides: Our committees are directed by Harvard undergraduates, who dedicated their summers to
researching and writing the most well-informed and comprehensive background guides on the issues of their committee agenda.
Background guides contain not only a history and discussion of the problem at hand, but also sections detailing suggestions for
further research, questions a resolution must answer, and ways to contribute to solutions in the real world community. Updates
to the background guides, covering the latest developments and exploring nuanced aspects of the topic areas, will be available
online in early 2018.

All of these documents and more are available at our website, www.hnmun.org.

Please do not hesitate to contact any of the HNMUN Secretariat and staff with your questions. Best of luck with your preparation
for HNMUN 2018, and we look forward to meeting you in February!

Sincerely,

Sarah S. Anderson
Secretary-General
Harvard National Model United Nations 2018
secgen@hnmun.org

31
 Harvard National Model United Nations 2018
INTRODUCTION
GENERAL COMMENTS
Welcome to Harvard National
Model United Nations (HNMUN)
2017, the world’s largest and most
prestigious conference of its kind. We are
happy to have you with us. Throughout
the conference weekend, you will be
working with other highly motivated
college students toward the common
goals of international awareness and
consensus-building. This document
strives to explain both the philosophy of
HNMUN and the substantive details of
the conference. Without understanding
both the overall goal of HNMUN and
how the conference operates, delegates
may feel overwhelmed and lost. It is
our hope that this document will guide
delegates throughout the weekend.
PHILOSOPHY: THE
UNITED NATIONS AS AN
INTERNATIONAL FORUM
Our primary goal is to provide
students interested in exploring
the difficulties and complexities of
international relations with the best
possible simulation of diplomacy
and negotiation. Our committees are
designed to enable delegates to arrive at
a comprehensive and pragmatic solution
to each of the topics while realistically
simulating the dynamics of a true United
Nations (UN) session. For solutions to
be reached in committee, we assume
both that compromise is possible and
that diplomacy is a necessary condition
for successful negotiation. With these
assumptions, we hope that the process
of formulating the solutions embodied
in a document called a resolution will
reveal to delegates the difficulties and
complexities of international relations.
One could argue that the process of
constructing a solution to international
problems in itself does not offer much
beyond a simple classroom experience.
HNMUN allows delegates to examine
current global problems through a
32
wholly different lens. The solutions
that any individual proposes to a world
problem may technically seem correct,
but these solutions are biased by the
individual’s own political inclinations.
Representing a nation’s interest in the
global community adds a new level of
complexity to discussion and forces
delegates to question their prior beliefs
and arrive at innovative conclusions
on problems in international relations
today. It is this process of simulation
that ultimately advances our goal of
teaching the power and complexity of
international relations.
It is important to clarify why we
have selected the United Nations as
the primary organ through which
HNMUN operates. The UN is not
a world government. The principle
of national sovereignty has been
consistently upheld, and nations do not
relinquish their sovereignty in joining
the UN. Through resolutions, the UN
can offer solutions to world problems,
but it has limited enforcement powers
beyond the international opinion. The
decisions must represent a single unified
voice of the international community
to be effective and must be constructed
through a series of compromises by
nations with competing ends. Without
solidarity, the decisions made by the
UN lack credibility and, therefore, any
power. For the UN, finding a consensus
is no easy task. No other body involves
195 countries and observers debating
international issues in unison. Each
state wants its own voice heard and its
own interests represented as solutions
are reached on any given issue.
Compromise is therefore necessary for
anything to be accomplished. Thus, the
need to find a consensus is certainly
a hurdle to be overcome for both the
real UN and for HNMUN, but it is
this challenge of using international
negotiation and compromise to solve
world problems (and sometimes its
failure) that makes us believe that the
UN is the best body through which to
advance the goals of the conference.
STRUCTURE
For both logistical and substantive
reasons, HNMUN simulates only
certain parts of the real UN. A given
college or university attending the
conference represents one or more
countries, and each country is
represented by one or two delegates in
each committee. In this way, HNMUN
emulates the practices of the UN.
Delegates must align themselves with
the policy of the represented country
to advance the country’s interests in the
world community.
However, HNMUN extends
beyond just the UN itself. The
conference incorporates simulations
of regional bodies outside of the
UN system, such as the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization or the
Organisation for Islamic Cooperation.
Debate in these non-UN bodies focuses
on issues of primary importance to the
region, as members try to advance the
interests of their own countries within
the larger context of the regional body.
It is important to understand that the
central goal of our conference is not
only to provide a simulation of the UN,
but rather to help delegates understand
the complexities of international
diplomacy. We do not believe that the
UN alone is the ultimate method for
learning the nuances of international
diplomacy. Rather, the UN in
conjunction with other bodies offers
delegates a comprehensive simulation
of international diplomacy and
negotiation.
HNMUN also gives delegates the
opportunity to further their education
in global diplomacy by representing
non-state actors in our Non-
Governmental Organizations program,
the Press Corps, and our continual
crisis committees. Whether they are
representing Amnesty International, or
the New York Times, these delegates
have the chance to experience the ways
in which negotiation and compromise
operate in settings that depart from the

standard state-centric model of the UN
and other international organizations.
ABOUT THIS GUIDE
The main purpose of this guide is
to prepare delegates for Model United
Nations (MUN) conferences in general
and for HNMUN 2018 in particular.
Delegates who have experience with
MUN should look at the “Differences
between HNMUN and other Model
United Nations conferences” section
below. For those who have not, here is
the general structure of the guide and
the purpose of each part:
PROCEDURAL PREPARATION
In order to perform in committee,
delegates must have an understanding
of the basic structural elements of
MUN. HNMUN emphasizes the
useful application of rules to promote
the smooth functioning of the
committee rather than as the focus of
delegate performance. This Guide to
Delegate Preparation contains most of
this functional information, including
details on the rules of debate at
HNMUN. It is important for delegates
to understand the rules, because they
enhance committee and the learning
experience of the delegate. To prevent
misunderstandings and delays, a
comprehensive understanding of the
rules and their use is vital. Additionally,
delegates can use an understanding of
the rules to advance their own policies
in committee. For example, in large
General Assembly committees, the
speakers’ list can become quite long,
and a delegate may have to wait for
an hour or more before it is their turn
to speak. However, by using the rules
governing yielded time, questions, and
comments from the floor, a delegate can
speak far more frequently. Knowledge
of the rules is an important tool to
allow you to air your views productively
and efficiently. At conference, you may
clarify issues of procedure and debate
with the committee staff through points
of parliamentary inquiry. Although it is
Harvard National Model United Nations 2018
important to read and understand the
full Rules of Procedure, please note
that Directors have final discretion over
debate structure and procedure.
SUBSTANTIVE PREPARATION
Once delegates understand the
rules of committee, they should learn
how to contribute substantively to the
debate. Substantive preparation, the
process by which delegates learn how
their ideas can make a difference in
the committee, is a three step process.
First, delegates should research their
committee and its place in the UN
system and the international framework.
By knowing the powers and duties of
their committee, delegates can get a
sense of what types of solution will
and will not be possible. Delegates
should then master the topics that their
committee will discuss. Although the
background guide provides a strong
foundation of information on the topics,
it is essential that delegates build on
this foundation with their own research
and critical thinking. Each background
guide contains a section detailing
suggestions for further research to
aid with this process. Lastly, delegates
should learn their country’s policy on
the topics being addressed, so that they
can represent their country strongly
and accurately. This Guide to Delegate
Preparation will walk you through the
research you should do to be prepared
in committee. Delegates with a solid
grasp of the topics, their country’s
positions, and the committee’s mandate
will be prepared to lead in the attempts
to find solutions to the problems being
addressed and to write resolutions that
carry out those solutions.
SKILLS-BASED PREPARATION
Beyond mastering Model UN
procedure and substance, a good
delegate also looks to refine their skills.
Strong public speaking, negotiating,
collaboration, writing, and research
skills are all part of an excellent
delegate’s toolbox. Prior to coming to
HNMUN, delegates should look to
practice these skills. There are plentiful
online resources that may be helpful in
this pursuit. It is important to note that
participating in HNMUN itself will
also help delegates to expand and refine
their skill sets.
COMMITTEE INFORMATION
This section contains other details
about HNMUN that will enable
you to better understand how the
conference as a whole will run. It will
first help delegates understand the
different organs at HNMUN and how
debate functions in each. It will then
introduce the dais staff that will run
each committee and describe the roles
of each staff member. Lastly, it will
discuss our expectations of delegates
substantively.
DIFFERENCES BETWEEN
HNMUN AND OTHER
MODEL UNITED NATIONS
CONFERENCES
For the most part, this Guide to
Delegate Preparation is written for
the delegate who has not been part of
a Model United Nations conference
before. It provides an introduction to
MUN as well as information about
HNMUN. Therefore, experienced
delegates need not read it all the way
through. However, these delegates
should be aware that HNMUN is not
alike in every respect to other MUN
conferences in which you may have
participated. In particular, please note
the following:
• Committees at HNMUN, with
the exception of the continual
crisis committees, may pass only
one resolution on each topic
area. Because only one resolution
can be passed, there is a much
greater emphasis on compromise
and cooperation at HNMUN
than at other MUN conferences.
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• Many procedural rules at
HNMUN may differ from those
to which you are accustomed.
You may want to skim the rules,
located at the back of the Guide
to Delegate Preparation, to look
for such variances so that you are
prepared for them in committee.
• No prewritten working papers
or draft resolutions will be
permitted at HNMUN. All
written material introduced in a
committee must be the product of
work done at the conference itself.
• Resolutions at HNMUN do not
have sponsors. Instead, draft
resolutions require a certain
number of signatories to be
shown to the Director and listed
alphabetically at the top of the
document before they are brought
onto the floor for debate; all
documents are considered to
be intellectual property of the
entire committee. Following the
Director’s approval, any delegate
(whether or not that delegate is a
signatory of the draft resolution)
may move to introduce the draft
resolution. Being a signatory to a
draft resolution does not mean
that you wrote it or that you
support it; it means only that
you believe it should be debated.
• Because there are no sponsors, all
amendments are considered
unfriendly, requiring the
majority vote of the committee
to be integrated into the draft
resolution on the floor. Only
non-substantive typographical
amendments may be made
without a vote, at the Director’s
discretion.
• Passing amendments at HNMUN
is a substantive vote. For detailed
amendment procedures, please
consult the Rules of Parliamentary
Procedure at the end of this guide.
34
• There are no Chairs at
HNMUN. Instead, a Moderator
and a Director jointly run each
committee; the Moderator
oversees debate and is the enforcer
of procedure, while the Director
prepares the background guide
and is the substantive expert.
• Debate at HNMUN adheres
more closely to the background
guide than it does at some other
conferences. In particular, all
draft resolutions must address
the issues mentioned in
the “Questions a Resolution
Must Answer” section of each
background guide.
• Following a speech in General
Speakers’ List, if no yields
are made, two comments are
automatically in order. The
possible yields are to questions, to
another delegate, or to the Dais.
If a yield is made, no comments
are in order. Comments are never
in order during a moderated
caucus.
COMMITTEE
INFORMATION
This section explains the
differences between the various types
of committees offered at HNMUN and
describes the staff that will be present in
each committee.
RESOLUTION COMMITTEES AT
HNMUN 2018
The differences between committees
are not limited to differences in
mandates or responsibilities. A large
committee, like a General Assembly
committee, has different features than
a small committee like the Security
Council. Understanding the unique
qualities of the organ will enable
delegates to contribute more effectively
to the debate in their committee.
Resolution committees are those
that seek to pass a resolution at the end
of conference. These committees usually
simulate a international body, often
one that is under the United Nations
umbrella.
General Assembly (GA)
Five of the standard committees of
the General Assembly, together with
the World Health Organization and the
Historical General Assembly, comprise
the General Assembly at HNMUN
2018. All members of the United
Nations will be represented in these
committees, with the exception of the
Historical General Assembly, which will
be adjusted for its historical setting.
General Assembly committees
range in size between 200-400 delegates.
All General Assembly committees will
consist of double delegations, which
means that two participants from the
same university will represent each
country.
The Historical General Assembly
differs from standard GA committees
more in goals than in procedure; the
background guide for this committee
explains in detail how it will be run,
and how it will differ from a regular GA
committee.
The Press Corps (PC)
The Press Corps is also a committee
within the General Assembly. In
this committee delegates represent
various international media sources
and report on the events and activities
of the conference while representing
their unique perspectives through the
crafting of articles and reports.
The Committee Director will be
responsible for assigning and reviewing
all articles. These will then be published
on the conference’s website. Delegates
are also empowered to publish photos
and media on Twitter and Instagram.
Economic and Social Council
(ECOSOC)
The committees of the Economic
and Social Council consist of a wide
range of committees. These committees
range in size from 24 to over 50 member
states, depending on their membership.
Economic and Social Council

committees specialize in a wide range of
international issues, from humanitarian
to economic in nature. Economic and
Social Council committees will call on
delegates to occasionally respond to
crises as they emerge, in addition to
resolving the topics on their respective
agendas. All ECOSOC committees
this year are double-delegation, with
the exceptions of the IAEA and CSW,
which are single-delegation committees.
Non-Governmental Organizations
(NGO) Program
The NGO Program at HNMUN
is an innovative arrangement, under
the Economic and Social Council,
that provides its delegates with the
opportunity to debate multiple topic
areas in various committees, while
greatly enriching those committees’
discussions. Each delegate in the NGO
Program will represent an assigned
NGO at the conference, and will have
the freedom to travel and represent their
organization in one or more committees
whose debate directly relates to the
mission of their respective NGO. The
Amnesty International delegate in
the NGO Program, for example, may
present or debate issues in committees
as diverse as the UN Human Rights
Council in the ECOSOC and the
Special Political and Decolonization
Committee in the GA.
After other committees at the
conference have chosen their topic
areas, the NGO Director will assign
delegates to committees to insure an
event representation. They are then
introduced to their committee of choice,
at which time they become analogous
to any other delegate in committee.
They are subject to the same rules and
courtesies, except for rules governing
voting power. Though NGO delegates
cannot vote on draft resolutions, they
may caucus, negotiate, support draft
resolutions, and write their own working
papers in committees. In this sense,
the NGO program is extraordinarily
dynamic and flexible—both in the way
that delegates interact and in the topics
Harvard National Model United Nations 2018
that delegates choose to undertake throwing twists and turns at the
at the conference. Delegates involved committee.
in the NGO program will have the Delegates in continual crisis
unique opportunity to see a wide committees represent characters instead
range of committees at HNMUN, and of countries, by taking on the personas
delegates in other committees should of historical figures, military heroes,
take advantage of the resources and or cabinet members. Representing
insights offered by the NGO delegates an individual differs greatly from
participating in their debates. representing a delegate to the United
Nations; for instance, if one’s character
Regional Bodies
is a real person, it is crucial to research
The Regional Bodies at HNMUN
their perspective on the conflict as
2018 are the League of Arab States
one would research a state’s policy.
and the Special Session of the
Our continual crisis staff will provide
Commonwealth of Independent States.
delegates with a preliminary biography
These committees have 25-30 member
outlining the character’s role in the
states represented, and are both double-
cabinet and their views and tendencies,
delegation committees. While most
but participants will greatly benefit from
committees at HNMUN include
gathering as many personal details as
countries from every region of the world,
they can. This information will not only
each Regional Body only includes the
guide delegates through their debate
countries of its region, and thus focuses
but also add personality and flair to the
on issues important to that particular
experience. If the assigned character
region. The Regional Bodies are often
is fictional or only loosely based on a
not part of the United Nations system;
real figure, delegates have the unique
nevertheless, they are procedurally
and fun opportunity to develop their
identical to other HNMUN committees.
own personality within the guidelines
They are similar to the Economic and
provided by their biography.
Social Council committees in the style
Continual crisis committees do
of debate and the way in which they
not pass resolutions; depending on the
address the topics. Like the Economic
committee, they can issue directives,
and Social Council committees, all
communiqués, press releases, statements,
Regional Bodies will have crises at some
decisions, and military commands, to
point during committee sessions.
name only a few. In a militarily-oriented
SPECIALIZED AGENCIES (SA) committee, for example, delegates will
AT HNMUN 2018 discuss tactical and strategic as well as
political maneuvers. The possibilities
are virtually endless; continual crisis
Continual Crisis Committees
leaves the delegates free reign to steer
The continual crisis committees
the course of history.
span a wide array of forums, time
Unlike traditional committees,
periods, and topics.
continual crises do not operate by the
Instead of debating two distinct
Rules of Procedure. Instead of a speakers’
topic areas laid out in advance in the
list, most of debate will be conducted
background guide, these committees
through modified caucuses, allowing for
will focus on a particular political,
a free flow of ideas and efficient progress.
social, or military crisis, reacting to
Voting on decisions and other actions
its twists and turns throughout the
taken by the committee is conducted
conference and each committee session.
by the Director, but he or she will be
Each continual crisis committee has a
granted greater discretion than in a
crisis staff in addition to its dais staff,
traditional committee; although the
coordinating events to respond to the
Director entrusts his or her cabinet with
decisions delegates make and constantly
making decisions in his or her name, he
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or she holds ultimate veto power over
all actions of the committee. Specific
rules are stated in each background
guide and are at the discretion of the
Director.
Perhaps the most important
divergence of continual crisis
committees from their traditional
counterparts is the role of the crisis staff.
In addition to voicing concerns verbally
in the committee room, individual
delegates can also conduct private
affairs through liaisons in the crisis
room, generating a new and exciting
dimension of the crisis. Each delegate
has a great deal of agency, and each is
responsible for exercising this power
through communication with the crisis
staff and with the other delegates. The
crisis staff will also introduce a series of
crisis breaks throughout the weekend
that simulate events or developments
that could happen in the real-world
version of crisis simulations.
Security Council
In addition to the Continual Crisis
simulations, the Specialized Agencies
include the Security Council. This
simulation will follow a modified
version of the rules of procedure that
gives the five permanent members
(China, France, the United Kingdom,
the United States, and the Russian
Federation) a veto in substantive voting.  primarily in the sense that working
The small size of the Security
Council means that debate will be
more informal; there will be a greater
emphasis on intimate negotiations
between delegates to hammer out
the details of resolutions, in both
moderated and unmoderated caucuses.
The specifics of how the committee will
write resolutions and allow delegates
to write more informal directives are
covered in the study guide. Like other
Specialized Agencies committees, the
Security Council will also have crisis
breaks.
36
THE PATH TO A
RESOLUTION
Before we can discuss the specifics
of the debate structure, it is important
to note that the purpose of the debate, as
stated in our philosophy, is to produce
a comprehensive and pragmatic
solution to the topic embodied in a
document called a resolution. If we are
to understand the nuances of the debate,
we must first grasp the path towards the
resolution. The process for producing a
resolution in a committee at HNMUN
consists of two main written stages: the
working paper and the draft resolution.
WORKING PAPER
Working papers are essentially
brief documents that introduce and
recommend ideas for addressing a few
aspects of the topic area being discussed.
Given the vast expanse of issues that fall
under a single topic area and the fact
that the conference operates under a
limited timeframe, working papers act
as a means of narrowing the scope of the
topic area in a more practical manner
such that the decision making process
for eventually drafting a resolution is
facilitated.
The working paper serves as a
precursor to the draft resolution,
papers allow delegates to introduce
ideas and outline areas on which they
would like to focus in the process of
fashioning an eventual solution to the
issues in question. However, working
papers differ from draft resolutions
in various ways. Delegates should
note that working papers need not be
written in a specific format; for example,
a working paper can be written in the
form of bullet points outlining ideas
to which delegates would like to draw
attention. Although delegates are
encouraged to ponder the “Questions a
Resolution Must Answer” section of the
background guide, it is not mandatory
that delegates address and answer all of
those questions in their working papers.
It is also not necessary for an idea to
appear in a working paper before it can
appear in a draft resolution. Nonetheless,
delegates are advised to introduce ideas
at the beginning of debate through the
working papers if they hope to include
those ideas in a draft resolution at a
later stage. This will give delegates the
opportunity to receive constructive
input from others on their ideas; such
input can thus allow delegates to refine
their ideas and enable them to consider
the manner in which potential flaws can
be improved before including the ideas
in a formal draft resolution.
Due to HNMUN’s policy regarding
document sponsorship, working papers
are the intellectual property of the entire
committee once they are introduced.
It is not against the rules for draft
resolutions to borrow ideas or languge
from any working paper that was
introduced to the committee; however,
delegates should consider requesting
permission before they do so.
It is imperative to be aware
that delegates are not permitted to
write working papers in advance
of the HNMUN conference. The
process of writing working papers in
collaboration with other delegates
during the conference encourages
delegates to consider other perspectives
as they approach the stage of writing
a draft resolution and is critical to the
educational objectives of HNMUN.
DRAFT RESOLUTIONS
The central mechanism by which
the UN operates, pivotal to its process
of problem-solving, is the resolution.
To truly reflect the nature of the
UN, the ultimate goal of delegates at
HNMUN is to collaborate and produce
a resolution, a formal document that
specifically details how the committee
envisions action must be taken in order
to solve a specific world issue. Delegates
are encouraged to utilize the sample
resolution included in this guide as a
source of reference.

Given the fluctuating nature of
debate in committee, delegates are
encouraged to take various aspects
of the topic area being discussed into
consideration as they construct the
foundation of the draft resolution.
Contrasting to the nature of the
working paper, the draft resolution has
a more formal and specific structure
consisting of guidelines delegates must
follow. In order for a draft resolution
to be introduced to the committee,
the following conditions must first be
fulfilled:
• It must adequately address the
points set out in the “Questions a
Resolution Must Answer” section
of the background guide, as well
as any other points that have been
raised in the course of debate.
• It must be well-written, concise,
correctly formatted, and free of
grammatical and typographical
errors.
• It must have the minimum
number of signatories as
stipulated in the Rules of
Procedure. HNMUN documents
do not have sponsors; instead,
they have signatories.
• It must be typed and presented
to the dais in digital format for
distribution.
• It must receive the approval of
the Director. Directors have the
discretion of suggesting changes
to a working paper or draft
resolution, or redirecting the
submitters to cooperating with
delegates with similar papers,
prior to approving any documents.
• It must be completely original
work done at the conference; no
prewritten draft resolutions will
be allowed, and plagiarism will
not be tolerated.
Delegates should be aware that
the committee can only pass one
resolution on each topic at HNMUN.
That being said, delegates will need to
work effectively to consolidate ideas
and anticipate multiple revisions to
their writing so that they can satisfy
Harvard National Model United Nations 2018
the expectations set out by the Director
for the final draft resolution. Delegates
should also take into account that
the Director will remain unbiased
throughout the process and adopt a
neutral stance as delegates propose
different ideas to resolve the issues at
hand. Although the Director will not
explicitly adopt a stance on or favor
a particular resolution to the topic
area being discussed, the Director is
expected to oversee the committee and
confirm that the committee has met the
Director’s expectations in writing draft
resolutions before a draft resolution can
be introduced to the committee. Given
that the Director has the right to exert
authority and the responsibility to be
thoughtfully selective when accepting
draft resolutions, delegates should not
be concerned if the dais staff requests
that the delegates make certain revision
to a draft resolution before it can be
accepted. In fact, the act of considering
and making revisions is essential to
the educational learning process that
the conference encourages delegates to
embrace. Although a draft resolution,
when initially introduced, is the
product of considerable and extensive
deliberation, it is often still subject
to improvement and not completely
finalized. Hence, delegates should not
expect a draft resolution to be ready
for an immediate vote when it is first
introduced to the committee. Debate,
compromise, and revision are vital to
the eventual development of a final
resolution that can be voted upon and
hopefully approved by the committee.
AMENDMENTS
Fundamental to the process of
debate, compromise, and revision is the
process of amending the draft resolution.
The amendment process serves as an
opportunity to build upon and refine
the draft resolution introduced to the
committee before it is voted upon
by the delegates. Amendments can
draw attention to points not initially
addressed in the draft resolution and
ensure that such points are included
in the final document. The procedure
of amending the draft resolution to
include other perspectives and ideas
not originally considered is imperative
to the overall purpose of the conference
to draw attention to the diversity of
perspectives and advocate collaboration
among delegates.
It is vital that delegates thoroughly
read and follow the Rules of Procedure
as they approach the amendment
process. The process of amending a draft
resolution entails three primary steps: 1)
proposing an amendment, 2) debating
an amendment, and 3) voting on an
amendment. In addition to obtaining
the consent of the Director, delegates
must attain a certain number of
signatories in order for an amendment
to be introduced to the committee.
Delegates should be aware of
the difference between a friendly
amendment and an unfriendly
amendment. A friendly amendment
merely requires being signed by all
sponsors and approved by the Director
for it to be automatically added to
the draft resolution. In addition to
the specified number of sponsors
and the approval of the Director, an
unfriendly amendment requires being
voted up and ultimately passed in that
voting procedure in order for it to be
incorporated in the draft resolution.
Friendly amendments are not accepted
at HNMUN, meaning that all
amendments, once introduced to the
committee, are subject to the procedure
of being voted upon by all delegates
in the committee. If an amendment
passes the voting procedure, it is then
immediately included in the draft
resolution.
To clarify, this entire amendment
process is conducted prior to the final
voting that is to take place on the
entirety of the newly amended draft
resolution. Delegates should refer to
the Rules of Parliamentary Procedure at
the end of this document if they seek a
more comprehensive understanding of
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the three primary steps to amending a
draft resolution.
VOTING
At the end of the conference,
delegates have the duty of voting on
the final draft resolution(s) on the
floor, which include(s) any possible
amendments passed in the amendment
process. The final draft resolution(s)
on the floor is/are the culmination of
extensive thought and great deliberation.
That being said, it is not always the case
that a resolution passes at the end of the
conference. In order for a resolution to
pass, the majority of the committee must
vote in its favor. In the event that more
than one draft resolution is introduced
to and voted upon in committee, as is
often the case, delegates should bear in
mind that only one resolution may be
passed by the committee for a single
topic area. If a draft resolution is passed,
debate and discussion on the topic area
is officially closed.
SUBSTANTIVE
PREPAR ATION
This section serves as a guideline
for delegates in regards to proper
preparation for the substantive aspect
of discussion and debate during the
conference. The suggestions provided
are, as stated, merely suggestions. That
is, delegates are nonetheless encouraged
to expand beyond these suggestions
and conduct independent research to
strengthen their substantive knowledge
as a means of optimizing the conference
experience.
Delegates who are new to MUN
or HNMUN are encouraged to consult
the Guide to First Time Delegations,
which provides an introduction to
MUN and the events of the conference.
The preparation tips outlined below
will be most useful when combined
with a thorough examination of
committee background guides and
Rules of Procedure, as well as conduct
of independent research.
38
Understanding the Mandate of precedents of the committee. Reading
the Committee resolutions made by the committee in
The primary source of reference the past and analyzing the strategies
for delegates to develop a strong previously used by the committee
understanding of the purpose and to address international issues of a
overall structure of the committee is varied nature can allow delegates to
the background guide written by the improve their comprehension of how
committee Director. Delegates should to approach negotiation and debate
consult the “Committee Expectations” at a conference in a constructive and
section of the background guide to methodical manner. As mentioned, the
gain a better comprehension of the website of the UN serves as an excellent
Director’s hopes for the committee’s resource for this type of analysis as it
trajectory as delegates engage in debate. provides resolutions made in the past
The “History and Structure of the by committees and bodies within the
Committee” section of the background system of the UN.
guide can serve as an introduction for
Researching the Topic Areas
delegates to the manner in which the
The background guide written by
committee came into fruition and
the Director for the committee can serve
provide vital background pertaining
as a strong guiding premise for delegates
to historical events and responsibilities
as they commence the research process
that have shaped the committee to this
on the given topic areas. The Director
very day. That being said, delegates
of each committee has devoted a great
are encouraged to add to their
deal of time and effort to establish
understanding by consulting sources
a foundational basis for delegates in
provided by the United Nations.
the form of a background guide. The
Delegates can easily access online the
principal sections of each topic area, the
Charter of the United Nations, the
founding document of the UN signed
“History and Discussion of the Problem”
and the “Current Situation,” provide
in 1945, to broaden their knowledge
delegates with a detailed understanding
of the powers and responsibilities of
of how the topic areas have been shaped
the General Assembly, the Economic
by matters in a historical context and
and Social Council, and the Security
how the topic areas are relevant to the
Council. The UN also provides websites
present day. However, the information
that specifically detail the powers and
provided on the selected topic areas are
responsibilities of the committees of the
not at all exhaustive. That is, while the
General Assembly and the commissions
background guide is intended to serve
of the Economic and Social Council.
as a basis for the delegate’s research, the
Evidently, such sources are most useful
delegate should not solely depend upon
to delegates belonging to a committee
the information that appears within
within the actual system of the UN. For
the background guide. Delegates are
delegates participating in committees
encouraged to expand beyond the scope
on behalf of international bodies
of the background guide by consulting
not traditionally associated with the
reliable, academic sources, whether they
UN, there are still likely to be treaties,
be print or found online. At the end of
charters, or documents of a similar
each background guide, each Director
nature online that outline the powers
has provided a bibliography listing all
and responsibilities relevant to the body
the resources that they consulted in the
in question.
process of writing the background guide.
Aside from gaining an awareness of
Delegates are especially prompted to
the powers and responsibilities of the
also consult these sources on their own
committee, delegates will likely find it
in order to deepen their understanding
beneficial to also develop a knowledge
of the topic areas. Faculty advisors
base of the historical actions and

and head delegates can facilitate
the research process for delegates by
making delegates aware of resources
available to them in their academic
communities as such resources can
supplement their independent research,
thus heightening their potential to
contribute meaningfully to debate at
the conference.
Delegates need not feel
overwhelmed by the vast range of
information they are likely to come
upon as they conduct independent
research on the topic areas. To narrow
the wide breadth of information, it is
reasonable and likely advantageous for
delegates to focus on particular aspects
of the topic areas about which they
feel most passionate and would like to
further address in the context of drafting
and eventually finalizing a resolution.
Another section of the background
guide for each topic area that delegates
should consider thoroughly is that of
“Past International Actions.” Delegates
can research past international actions
to contemplate how such actions
perhaps intensified or ameliorated
certain issues pertaining to the topic
areas and reflect on why such actions
have failed to fully address the topic
areas in question. A comprehensive
analysis of faults in past initiatives can
allow delegates to formulate creative yet
sensible solutions to the issues discussed
in committee.
Researching Country Policy
It is crucial that delegates research
their country’s policy on the topic areas
of each committee as well as the state’s
political situation in a larger context.
While it is understood that some
flexibility in positions is necessary to
compromise and negotiate with other
countries during debate, participants
must maintain the assigned country’s
policy as much as possible. Directors
will be enforcing this aspect of debate,
as it is crucial to the simulation and the
overall international education.
HNMUN requires delegates to
adopt the position of a specific country
Harvard National Model United Nations 2018
or character throughout the course of
the simulation. This is a key element of
the “international” experience of MUN,
as it forces delegates to examine the
perspectives, problems, and policies of
another country at a very fundamental
level. It is also one of the most difficult
aspects of MUN because delegates
must confront the inherent biases of
their own national perspectives and
historical understanding. While it may
be difficult to find a published account
of a country’s position on a particular
issue, it may be possible to contact the
country’s delegation at the real UN to
continue research. Developing a better
general understanding of the country -
cultural and religious beliefs, political
systems, UN voting history, and so
forth - will allow committee members
to construct a plausible position for
each country on each of the topic areas
when they are unable to find an explicit,
published position by the country’s
government.
In addition to a country’s policies
and cultural traits, it is useful to
research traditional allies of a country,
other countries that affect the balance
of power in the region, and states with
which a delegate’s assigned country has
been in conflict in the past. Furthermore,
delegates should consider the actions
and intentions of non-state actors that
have been involved in the issue. In
combination with the “Bloc Positions”
and “Relevant Partners” sections of the
background guide, this type of research
will inform delegates of potential allies
at the conference, with whom they
could discuss solutions to the problems
posed by the topic areas.
Position Papers
Position papers are the central
means through which delegates
can demonstrate the substantive
preparation they have devoted to the
conference. Writing a strong, well-
organized, thoughtful position paper
will not solely allow delegates to deepen
their understanding of the topics before
the conference but also to contribute
meaningfully to debate and discussion
during the conference. As delegates
write their position papers prior to
the conference, they are expected to
coherently and succinctly articulate
the policy of their respective nations in
regards to the topic areas featured in the
background guide.
Position papers tend to commence
with a concisely written introduction
explaining the topic area. Delegates can
then proceed with a discussion of how
the topic pertains to their country, and
the policies that the nation has adopted
in the past in order to address the topic.
As delegates engage in this discussion,
they should draw attention to how
those policies ultimately proved to be
successful or unsuccessful in resolving
the central issue at hand. After this,
delegates can conclude with an overall
statement clearly identifying the current
stance of the nation on the topic. Namely,
in their position papers, delegates are to
clarify what they believe the paramount
solution to the central issue would be,
taking into consideration the powers of
and constraints on the committee.
Position papers must discuss both
topic areas included in the background
guide. For each topic area, the text of
a position paper tends to be no more
than two double-spaced pages in length,
meaning that the entirety of the text
is collectively no longer than four
double-spaced pages for both topic
areas. The expectations for position
papers may differ among committees
as expectations are subject to the
discretion of the Director. Delegates can
refer to the “Position Papers” section of
the background guide for further details
concerning how they are expected to
specifically structure and approach the
process of writing position papers for
their respective committees. Guidelines
for submission are emailed to Head
Delegates and Faculty Advisors in
January. Position papers are due on 25
January 2018.
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FLOW OF COMMITTEE
This section serves as an overview
of the typical flow of a resolution
committee at HNMUN. As will
be explained in a later section, the
continual crisis committees of the
Specialized Agencies do not follow this
procedure. This section is only meant
to give you a broad picture of what to
expect as committee progresses; the
Rules of Procedure can provide the full
details as to how each step is executed.
SETTING THE AGENDA
Most resolution committees at
HNMUN present delegates with two
topic areas to choose from. Once a
committee convenes, its first action
item must be to vote on which topic
area should be debated first. This is
called “Setting the Agenda.” After a
round of for and against speeches,
conducted through a Speaker’s List, the
committee enters voting procedure to
set the agenda. The topic area that the
committee votes on will then become
the committee’s primary agenda item
for that session of HNMUN. Delegates
can expect agenda-setting to comprise
a substantial portion of the first
committee session.
After debate is closed and voting
procedures on the first topic area
are concluded, debate on the second
topic area will automatically begin.
At HNMUN, it is extremely rare for
committees to have the time to address
the second topic. Once the agenda is set,
delegates should not expect to debate
the second topic. If they wish, delegates
may raise the second topic as a point for
informal discussion during the Sunday
Colloquium.
DEBATE
After the agenda has been
determined, the committee will
fluctuate between three forms of debate:
Speaker’s List, Moderated Caucus,
and Unmoderated Caucus. The first
two forms of debate are also known
40
as Formal Debate, while the third is
known as Informal Debate.
Speaker’s List
Once the agenda is set, the
moderator will request for volunteers
to be added to the Speaker’s List. This
is a list of delegations wishing to speak
broadly on the topic area at hand, for
a pre-determined amount of time
(typically one minute). Delegates may
also request to be added to the Speaker’s
List by passing a note to the dais after
the Speaker’s List has been opened. The
moderator will call upon delegations
upon the Speaker’s List to speak in
sequential order, until a motion for
another form of debate is raised. The
Speaker’s List is typically only utilized
during the first committee session,
unless there comes a time when all
motions on the floor fail to be passed. In
such cases, the committee automatically
reverts back to the Speaker’s List.
Moderated Caucus
A majority of formal debate will be
held in the form of moderated caucuses.
Moderated caucuses are raised by a
motion, which must include the total
time for the caucus, the amount of time
alloted per speech, and the topic of the
moderated caucus. By raising a motion
for a moderated caucus, delegates have
the opportunity to set the topic of
discussion; as such, delegates typically
raise motions on topics closely related to
their country’s interest, topics that they
have researched extensively, or topics
that would smoothly supplement what
has been discussed in committee thus
far. At times, the Director may suggest
topics to be raised in a moderated
caucus, especially if major points within
the topic area at hand have not yet been
addressed by the committee.
During a moderated caucus, the
moderator will call upon a subgroup
of speakers at a time. This allows
delegates to respond quickly to previous
speakers in the moderated caucus if
they wish. Questions or comments are
not permitted following speeches in a
moderated caucus.
Unmoderated Caucus
Umoderated caucuses constitute
informal debate, in which all delegates
may collaborate and voice their
ideas unrestricted by parliamentary
procedure. Motions for unmoderated
caucuses may be made whenever the
floor is open, and should stipulate the
length of the caucus. Once the motion
is passed, delegates have permission to
move and speak freely in the committee
room.
Depending on the stage of debate,
the primary focus of an unmoderated
caucus can differ. During the first and
second sessions, delegates typically
use unmoderated caucuses to discuss
their preliminary ideas, find like-
minded delegations, and form “blocs”
of delegations looking to cooperate.
Later, unmoderated caucuses are
used as opportunities to collaborate
on documents, gain signatories, and
informally discuss substantive points in
debate. Unmoderated caucuses are also
an opportunity to take a short break
from committee activities.
WORKING OUTSIDE OF
COMMITTEE
Working outside of the committee
room during committee session, as
well as outside of committee hours, has
become the norm at HNMUN and on
the collegiate Model UN circuit. First
and foremost, delegates should be aware
that this extracurriccular work is by no
means expected, or necessary for success
in a HNMUN committee. However,
given that a vast majority of resolution
committee delegates do engage in this
behavior, the HNMUN team wishes to
ensure that all delegates attending the
conference enter with equal knowledge
of such procedures.
In double-delegation committees,
a common practice is to have one
delegate engaging in debate inside the
committee room, while their partner
is working outside the committee

room. Directors will express when this
is permitted - typically during regular
formal debate (i.e. moderated caucuses).
HNMUN strictly enforces the rule
that one delegate per delegation must
be in the committee room at all times.
While a double-delegation partner is
outside the committee room, they may
be researching the topic area, drafting
a working paper or draft resolution,
or speaking with other delegates. This
is advantageous because the use of
elctronics is permitted outside of the
committee room.
At times, the demands of a resolution
committee lead delegates to spend
time outside of the committee session
working on committee-related matters,
namely drafting or merging working
papers and draft resolutions. Any work
done outside of the committee session
is entirely unsupervised, and done at
the will of each delegate.
Generally, working outside of
the committee is done to optimize
the amount of time one can spend
on writing their documents. By
maximizing this time, delegates can turn
in more substantive and comprehensive
documents. To reiterate, this practice is
by no means expected of any delegate,
and will not give delegates any advantage
during the awards process. In fact, the
HNMUN team actively discourages
committee-related work when other
conference programming, such as our
social events, are made available to
conference participants.
Crisis in Resolution Committees
Crisis is used in resolution
committees to revitalize debate and to
explore various areas of a topic. Crisis is
usually introduced in the form of crisis
breaks, which may take the form of
announcements by expert witnesses, a
video, or a press release. At the Director’s
discretion, delegates may respond to
crisis by tabling debate on the current
topic area and passing directives that
address the crisis matter. The Director
may also choose to have the committee
debate the urgent matter but not write
Harvard National Model United Nations 2018
directives. In this case, delegates will
incorporate their response to crisis in
working papers and draft resolutions.
Directors will typically inform delegates
as to whether they can expect crisis to
be incorporated into the committee.
Delegates may also experience press
conferences, hosted by delegates in
the Press Corps, or non-governmental
organization (NGO) presentations,
hosted by delegates in the NGO
Program. While these events are not
officially crisis breaks, they do serve
as a break in parliamentary procedure,
and allow the committee to uniquely
address certain topics.
Flow of Debate Over Time
Each committee will move through
the stages of debate at varying paces.
Committee size, Director preferences,
and topic areas can all influence this
pace. The Director and Moderator will
work to ensure that the pace is suitable
for optimizing the delegate experience,
while enabling the committee to
complete its duties by the end of the
conference.
The following provides a sample of
a typical resolution committee schedule
at HNMUN. Delegates should, by no
means, expect that their committees
will follow this schedule; it is purely
meant to give an idea of what one could
expect. The Director will often disclose
their envisioned schedule at the start of
each committee session, or if delegates
so request.
• Thursday Session: Preliminary
announcements, agenda-setting,
Speaker’s List debate, one
unmoderated caucus
• Friday Session I: Drafting
working papers, debating
substantive points regarding
the topic area
• Friday Session II: Introducing
working papers, refining
debate on action items for the
topic area, beginning to draft
resolutions
• Saturday Session I: Writing draft
resolutions, continuing debate
on the topic area
• Saturday Session II: Introducing
and debating draft resolutions,
amendment procedure
• Sunday Session: Voting on
draft resolutions, Sunday
Colloquium
Closure of Debate
Committee debate will conclude
with a motion to close debate. At this
time, the committee is left to vote for
the draft resolution that they would
like to adopt as the committee’s official
resolution.
Sunday Colloquium
HNMUN 2018 is starting
a new initiative, called “Sunday
Colloquium.” At each director’s
discretion, committees may enter an
informal discussion regarding topics
of the committee’s choosing. This
is an opportunity for conference
participants to speak substantively and
in accordance with their own views,
rather than as a delegate representing
another country. Topics may include
personal views on the committee’s
progress or topic area, the topic area
not discussed by the committee, the
relevance of the committee to the
present day (for historical committees),
or how participants would like to tackle
the topic in their real lives. Whether
a committee will hold the Sunday
Colloquium is primarily dependent
upon whether it is able to complete
voting procedure before the end of
Sunday’s committee session.
THE SUBSTANTIVE
COMMITTEE STAFF
The staff of Harvard National
Model United Nations have distinct
roles and responsibilities at conference.
Delegates may find that the substantive
staff at HNMUN takes on a more
active role than what they have been
accustomed to at other Model United
Nations conferences. The primary job of
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 Harvard National Model United Nations 2018
the staff is to work with the delegates in
achieving the goals of the committee in
particular and the conference as a whole.
The staff of each committee includes
a Director, a Moderator, and Assistant
Directors. Continual crisis committees
also have Crisis Directors, but do not
have Moderators. At HNMUN, the
Director is the substantive expert,
and the Moderator is the procedural
expert; together, they share the duties
of running the committee, rather
than being coordinated by only one
committee “chair.”
Directors
The committee Director is the
substantive expert of the committee.
At HNMUN, the Directors choose
their committees’ topic areas, prepare
the background guides, and do
extensive amounts of other pre-
conference substantive preparation.
The Director oversees submission of
all documents before being discussed.
All draft resolutions and amendments
in committee must be approved by
the Director to be presented to the
committee as a whole. Before accepting
working papers and draft resolutions, the
Director is allowed to suggest changes
if he or she feels that the “Questions a
Resolution Must Answer” (QARMAs)
are not sufficiently addressed or if it is
similar in content to other submissions.
Please note that the Director may not
approve of all written submissions and
may suggest appropriate changes before
accepting any draft documents.
Another important role of the
Director is to oversee debate. As the
substantive leader of the committee,
the Director also has the discretion
to rule on all points and motions
brought before the committee. The
Director may periodically comment
on the direction of debate and
suggest alternative courses of action.
Committees sometimes overlook
important issues within a topic area, and
Directors are encouraged to bring these
to the attention of the delegates. As for
committees with crises, the direction
42
of crises is determined entirely by the
course of debate. Statements made by
Directors are not meant to steer debate
along a predetermined crisis plan,
although Directors are encouraged to
guide delegates when debate appears
to have strayed from the topic at hand.
Any questions about substantive issues
should be raised with the Director.
Moderators
The Moderator performs the
procedural role for which the traditional
“chair” at other MUN conferences would
be responsible. While the Director is
the substantive expert, the Moderator
is the procedural expert who runs the
committee when it is in formal session.
The Moderator has a full understanding
of the Rules of Procedure, and it is
their responsibility to facilitate the
committee’s work by ensuring that the
sessions run smoothly. However, the
Director retains the ultimate power
to rule any motions dilatory. In some
smaller committees, the moderator
may also field some of the substantive
issues that Directors typically handle.
Under certain extreme situations, the
Moderator is allowed to suspend certain
rules of procedure to streamline debate.
Any questions about procedural issues
should be raised with the Moderator.
Assistant Directors
Before the conference, the Assistant
Directors prepare the updates to the
committee background guide. During
the simulation, their job is to aid
the Director by answering delegates’
questions, monitoring blocs during
caucus, and by providing ‘sounding
boards’ for delegate ideas, solutions,
and concerns. If the committee is
producing a large amount of paperwork
at some point in the course of debate,
Directors will rely on the Assistant
Directors to work directly with
delegates on preparing and suggesting
revisions to draft resolutions. The
Assistant Directors also help keep track
of the Speakers’ List, votes, and other
procedural matters. Delegates should
feel free to approach the Assistant
Directors at any time with questions
about the substance or procedure of the
committee.
Crisis Directors
Crisis Directors oversee, as their
name suggests, the crisis aspect of
a Specialized Agencies committee.
Members of the committee from
day one, they have worked with the
Director to choose the committee and
decide the subjects the committee will
cover. At conference, Crisis Directors
coordinate with the Directors and
Assistant Directors to plan and carry
out crisis breaks and to respond to
delegate-written notes. Indeed, in
most committees, Crisis Directors
(and Assistant Directors) will be the
ones readings delegates notes while the
Director of the committee will be in
the committee room overseeing debate.
The crisis staff will be in a separate room
from the committee, but they will be
circulating through the committee
room throughout the conference and
are always available if delegates have
questions.
Awards
The ultimate goal of being a
delegate at HNMUN is to come away
with a better understanding of the
problems facing the world today and
how these problems can be solved.
Though awards are certainly not the
focus of the simulation, we do feel that
certain delegates deserve to be rewarded
for exceptional diplomatic work in
committee. Committee awards will be
given at HNMUN 2018 in recognition
of superior performances by country
delegations; should two delegates
jointly represent a specific country in
a given committee, the awards will be
given to both delegates, based on an
evaluation of their overall, combined
performance. Keep in mind that
awards are not given based on a point
system, or based on which delegates
write the resolution that gets the most
votes; rather, awards are decided by the

committee staff based on a holistic view
of delegates’ performance in all aspects
throughout the course of the weekend.
The following are some of the criteria
that are used in evaluating delegates:
• Attendance at all committee
sessions and adherence to the
official conference and hotel
policies;
• Quality of position papers;
• Active participation in the process
of working paper, resolution, and
amendment writing;
• Contribution of innovative and
pragmatic ideas to substantive
debate, both orally and in written
form;
• Exhibition of a desire to
compromise, while adhering
to their country’s policies and
interests;
• Demonstration of co-operation
with other delegates in the process
of working paper, draft resolution
and amendment writing, merging,
and substantive debate;
• Ability to work with and get along
with other delegates;
• Exhibition of an in-depth
understanding and research of the
intricacies of the topic area.
• Skill and effectiveness in
caucusing, amendment and
resolution writing, and debate.
• For double delegations:
Demonstrated teamwork and
cooperation, with the delegation’s
efforts distributed equally
between delegation members
This year, the “Verbal
Commendation” will be replaced by
a “Diplomatic Commendation” award,
to emphasize our wish to recognize
delegates that embody the diplomatic
spirit of the United Nations.
Awards will also be given to the
schools whose delegates best exemplify
the above qualities. In determining
these delegation awards, we will take
into account both the sheer number of
individual awards won by a delegation
as well as the ratio of awards won to the
size of the delegation.
Harvard National Model United Nations 2018
GUIDE TO THE
SPECIALIZED
AGENCIES (SA)
The Specialized Agencies (SA)
at HNMUN is home to the United
Nations Security Council (UNSC)
and continual crisis committees. With
a wide range of temporal and regional
committees to choose from, it hosts
some of the most diverse and creative
committees on the college circuit. The
structure and conduct of continual
crisis committees are different from the
more traditional MUN committees.
Delegates are able to formulate crisis
plans and interact with our staff through
crisis notes to see their plans to fruition.
Rules of Procedure
The United Nations Security
Council follows the rules of procedure
used in the GA or ECOSOC. Rules
of procedure for crisis committees are
more informal due to the small size and
fast-paced nature of committees. They
are subject to change at the discretion
of the dais; however, most committees
will rely heavily on moderated caucuses
for general debate and crisis updates. A
Speaker’s List may or may not be created
in committee.
Unlike other committees, crisis
committees frequently allow more
motions for un-moderated caucus.
Delegates are encouraged to raise a
motion for an un-moderated caucus to
work on directives, or react to a crisis
situation in which informal dialogue
is more favourable. Delegates normally
do not need to provide a reason for a
motion for an un-moderated caucus;
however, the dais may ask for one to
limit unnecessary breaks during debate.
Delegates in the Security Council
are highly encouraged to read
the HNMUN Guide to Delegate
Preparation and Rules of Parliamentary
Procedure as they apply to resolution
committees. Delegates in continual
crisis committees are also encourage to
read the full guide, but also should be
aware that some of the procedures are
subject to change at the discretion of
the dais.
Crisis Breaks
The fundamental difference
between committees in the Specialized
Agencies and other committees is the
incorporation of continual crisis. Crisis
Updates are planned by the dais and
crisis staff to highlight different issues
that the committee faces and provide
an opportunity for delegates to react
to unexpected situations. There are two
types of crises: timed crisis and untimed
crisis. In a timed crisis, delegates are
given a deadline by which they must
debate, introduce and pass a directive
to stop the crisis from escalating. An
untimed crisis does not have deadlines,
but has the potential to escalate over the
course of the session at the discretion of
the staff.
The best way to prepare for crisis
is to anticipate the types of crisis
that could occur in the committee.
By reading the background guide
thoroughly, delegates can get a sense
of the issues that the committee will
address and prepare for events that
would highlight these issues. Although
one of the tests of crisis is the ability
to think on one’s feet, having a strong
sense of the presented issue will help
one formulate quick responses when
the crisis is introduced. In addition,
crisis updates can also be influenced
by or be the result of individual’s crisis
arc. Therefore, it is also encouraged to
put oneself in other delegate’s shoes
to foresee and counteract potential
collusion by other delegates.
Crisis Notes
In SA committees, delegates have
the opportunity to interact with the crisis
staff through notes to further their goals
in the committee. These notes are in the
form of concise commands written to
certain individuals or organizations that
one’s character may have relations with.
Crisis notes have the ability to help or
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sabotage other delegates, increase one’s
standing in committee, and/or shift the
trajectory of the committee. Our crisis
staff will come by regularly to collect
notes and respond to each of them in a
timely fashion.
When writing crisis notes, delegates
should keep the following points in
mind:
• Notes are to individuals or
organizations that have a
realistic relationship with the
delegate’s character. For example,
a leader in the Free Syrian Army
would not be able to buy weapons
from the Russians or have an
audience with the Russian
President. If the delegate wants
to establish ties with members
outside of the character’s circle,
the delegates must first take the
necessary steps through crisis
notes to do so. In the case of non-
obvious relations, delegates are
encouraged to describe the nature
of their relationship with the
outside force they wish to interact
with.
• Notes should also be addressed
to individuals or organizations
who are not represented in
committee. If the delegate wishes
to interact with another delegate
present in the committee, they
can pass a note via the note
passers.
• Notes must be in the form of
an imperative, and should state
the reason why the delegate
wishes to pursue the action.
The delegate needs to provide
details or reasons for the action
to make sure the crisis staff can
react accordingly. The note should
should be specific and concise.
Crisis notes are an important tool
to further a delegate’s goal in committee.
They provide the means to creatively
conduct behind-the-scenes planning
and supplement the delegate’s work
during debate. Well-formulated crisis
notes can also shift the trajectory of the
44
committee as a whole and shift debate in
the delegate’s favor. Therefore, delegates
should come into the committee with
goals they want to achieve through
crisis already in mind. This does not
mean delegates should come in with
pre-written crisis notes. HNMUN
policy does not allow prewritten work
in conference. Rather, delegates with a
crisis plan can begin writing crisis notes
immediately to realize their goal. As
committee debate shifts in favor and/
or against the delegate, they can adjust
their crisis plan accordingly.
Directives
Rather than draft working papers
and resolutions, delegates in continual
crisis committees write and pass
directives. One can think of directives as
a single operative clause in a resolution;
however, directives are not suggestions
but commands enacted through the
jurisdiction of the committee. They may
be press releases, military commands,
amendments for a Constitution, etc.,
depending on the type of committee.
Directives must pertain to a specific
topic or crisis discussed in the committee
and must be written in the form of an
imperative. Good directives are concise
and lay out exactly what steps will be
taken to address an issue. Directives are
introduced as the committee progresses
to give our crisis staff the opportunity
to formulate new updates in response
to the directives. Due to the small size
of a crisis committee, delegates will
have much more speaking time than
at a GA or an ECOSOC committee;
therefore, delegates are able to discuss
issues in a more specific and exhaustive
manner. As such, the directives should
reflect a similar level of specificity, and
be comprehensive within those bounds.
The small size of the committees also
provides the opportunity to introduce
and debate on multiple directives in
an hour. Normally, committees spend
approximately 10-15 minutes on a
directive. Therefore, delegates are
encouraged to write directives while
debate is in session to expedite the
process.
Introducing Directives: Delegate
are encouraged to write collaboratively
with other delegates; however, only
one delegate, the main submitter, may
submit and introduce the delegate. To
introduce a directive, the directive must
have a number of signatories as decided
by the dais. The signatories do not
need to be supporters of the directive;
rather, being a signatory merely signifies
one’s belief that the directive should
be debated. Each directive must be
introduced by the main submitter when
the floor is open. Once the directive
is introduce, there are multiple ways
in which the committee can move
forward. Depending on the discretion
of the dais, delegates may motion for a
moderated caucus for open debate or
for-and-against debate. The dais may
also decide upon a fixed procedure for
debating directives.
Amendments: The amendment
process in the SA follows normal rules
of procedure. Although HNMUN does
not allow friendly amendments, except
grammatical and typological errors,
the dais may make exceptions to this
rule depending on the nature of the
amendment. In some cases, the dais
may also accept an amendment without
a vote if the main submitter agrees to
the amendments. These exceptions are
decided at the discretion of the chair.
Voting: While most committees
in the SA will vote by simple majority,
there may be exceptions depending
on the nature of the committee. For
example, simulations of national
parliaments may follow the percentage
set by the parliament in question. If
there is an exception, the dais will
announce it at the beginning of the
committee. Normal rules of procedure
apply for voting.
Committees set in a different time
period
All of the continual crisis
committees are set at the time period
given in the background guide.

Delegates will not be allowed to use or
to reference any events that happened
or information that was gathered after
the date in which the committee is set.
Anachronistic references will destroy
the historical accuracy of the simulation
and detract from the enjoyment and
overall experience of all delegates.
RULES OF
PARLIAMENTARY
PROCEDURE
INTRODUCTION
HNMUN strives to simulate the
actual procedural process of the United
Nations and has thus adopted a series
of rules with which to conduct debate.
The Rules of Parliamentary Procedure
that we use at HNMUN are a synthesis
of parliamentary rules from a variety of
sources. Do not be discouraged by their
length or complexity. Learning the rules
is like mastering a new language – at
first it is a bit confusing, but after a little
practice you learn how to function in
the new environment.
The rules found in the Conference
Handbook supersede all previous
versions, including those provided to
you in this Guide and online before
conference. In studying the rules, your
goal should be to know the rules so well
that you can focus on substantive issues
and not be distracted or confused by
the procedural aspects of the committee
sessions. Often, parliamentary
procedure can be employed as a
means of diplomatic maneuvering.
After you become sufficiently adept at
parliamentary procedure, you can use
the rules to your advantage.
Some aspects of parliamentary
procedure are often misunderstood.
They include:
Precedence: Precedence is the
hierarchy established between different
motions. Thus, after a Moderator
recognizes a motion from the floor, he
or she may ask if there are any other
Harvard National Model United Nations 2018
motions on the floor. If, for example,
another delegate makes a different
motion, the Moderator will act on the
motion of higher precedence first.
Quorum: A quorum is the minimum
number of delegates who must be
present for the committee to conduct
business. Unless challenged and shown
to be absent, a director may permit
debate when he or she feels that at least
one-quarter of the members are present.
To conduct substantive votes, such as
those on resolutions or amendments,
a majority of the members must be
present.
Points: There are three types of
points at HNMUN. A delegate may
rise to a Point of Personal Privilege.
Although they are in order at any time
(a delegate may rise to this point even
during a speech), delegates should use
caution when employing this point; it
should only be used when a delegate
experiences extreme discomfort which
may prevent him or her from engaging
in worthwhile debate (for example, if
the delegate can not hear the speech
being given). A delegate may also
rise to a Point of Order. Used to call
attention to an instance of improper
parliamentary procedure, this point is
in order only when the floor is open,
unless it interrupts a speech that is itself
out of order. Finally, a delegate may rise
to a Point of Parliamentary Inquiry. This
point is used when a delegate is unclear
about a specific aspect of parliamentary
procedure and is usually phrased as
a question. It is not, however, used to
obtain substantive information about a
topic and may only be raised when the
floor is open.
Procedural versus Substantive
Motions: A motion is procedural when
it concerns the application of these
Rules of Parliamentary Procedure. No
abstentions are allowed when voting
on such motions; all members of
the committee must vote, including
accredited observers and non-member
states. A motion is substantive if it
concerns the passage of the content
of a draft resolution or amendment.
Abstentions are allowed and only
members with voting power are allowed
to vote.
The Rules of Parliamentary
Procedure are divided into several
sections, described below:
• “General Rules” includes rules
that govern who is entitled to
participate in committees, how
delegates will interact with the
staff of the conference, and
under what circumstances
and in what ways committee
sessions may be held.
• “Rules Governing Debate”
includes rules that establish
how formal debate runs, how
the agenda is set, how debate is
closed, and how caucuses work.
• “Rules Governing Speeches”
includes rules on the speakers’
list, speeches, yields, comments,
and rights of reply.
• “Rules Governing Points”
describes the points that can be
made during committee session.
• “Rules Governing the Path to
a Resolution” includes rules
on working papers, resolutions,
and amendments.
• “Rules Governing Voting”
describes how procedural votes
will be taken and how voting
procedure will be conducted.
If you are still unclear about the
Rules of Procedure, the committee staff
will be able to explain any ambiguities
or answer any questions.
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 Harvard National Model United Nations 2018
GENERAL RULES
RULE #1 - Scope: These rules
for the General Assembly, the
Economic and Social Council, the
Regional Bodies, and the Security
Council simulations are self-
sufficient, except for modifications
provided by the Secretariat, and
will be considered adopted in
advance of session. No other rules
of procedure are applicable. If
the Director provides alternate
rules based on the nature of the
committee, those rules will always
take precedence over these in the
event of a conflict.
RULE #2 - Language: English
will be the official and working
language of the conference. The
only exception to this rule are
explicitly designated special
language committees. The
Director’s decision on this matter
will not be subject to appeal.
RULE #3 - Delegations: Each
member state in committee will
be represented by one or two
delegates and will have only one
vote in all matters. Observer states
are considered non-members (see
Rule #5).
RULE #4 - Credentials: The
credentials of all delegations have
been accepted upon registration.
A credential is defined as the
permission granted to a delegate
or delegates to represent a
particular country in a particular
committee. Actions relating to the
modification of rights, privileges,
or credentials of any member
may not be initiated without the
consent of the Secretary-General.
46
RULE #5 - Participation of Non-
Members: Representatives of
Approved Observers and of
Non-Member States will have
the same rights as those of full
members, except that they may
not vote on any substantive
issues. Representatives of Non-
Governmental Organizations
and the Press Corps will also
have the same rights as those of
full members, except that they
may not vote on any issues, both
procedural and substantive.
RULE #6 - Statements by the
Secretariat: The Secretary-General
or a member of the Secretariat may
at any time make either written or
oral statements to the committee.
RULE #7 - Powers of the
Committee Staff: The Moderator
of the committee will declare
the opening and closing of each
committee session. The Moderator
will accord the right to speak,
announce decisions, rule on
procedural points, and ensure
and enforce the observance of
these rules. The Moderator may
temporarily transfer their duties to
another member of the committee
staff. If the committee does not
have an appointed Moderator,
the Director will assume the
responsibilities of the Moderator.
Committee staff members may also
advise delegates on the possible
course of debate. The Director may
interrupt committee proceedings
to allow for a presentation, guest
speaker, expert witness, or crisis
break. Additionally, the Director
or Moderator may allow an NGO
or PC delegate to speak upon being
introducted to the committee.
Ruling on all motions is subject
to the discretion of the committee
staff. In the exercise of these
functions, the committee staff will
be at all times subject to these rules
and responsible to the Secretary-
General.
RULE #8 - Appeal: Any decision of
the Moderator or Director, with
the exception of those matters
that are explicitly stated to be
unappealable, may be appealed
by a delegate. Appeals only refer
to procedural motions, not
substantive decisions. A motion to
appeal must be made immediately
after the decision of the committee
staff is made. The delegate will be
recognized for thirty seconds to
explain their motion and there
will be no further debate on this
matter. The Moderator or Director
may speak briefly in defense of the
ruling. The appeal will then be put
to a vote, and the decision of the
dais will stand unless overruled by
two-thirds of the total membership.
A “No” vote on the appeal indicates
support of the dais’ ruling; a “Yes”
vote indicates opposition to that
ruling. The following rules may
never be appealed by a delegate:
a. Director’s approval of a draft
resolution or amendment (Rule
#30 and #32).
b. Moderator’s decision to rule a
moderated or unmoderated caucus
out of order or dilatory (Rule #14
and #15).
c. Moderator’s decision to end an
unmoderated caucus early (Rule
#14).
d. Moderator’s decision to rule
a motion for suspension or
adjournment out of order (Rule
#17).
e. Dais’s decision to refuse a right of
reply (Rule #24).

f. Moderator’s decision to refuse
Clarificatory Points on a draft
resolution (Rule #31).
g. Moderator’s decision to rule a
motion for a roll call vote out of
order or dilatory (Rule #37).
RULE #9 - Quorum: The Moderator
may declare a committee open and
permit debate to proceed when at
least one-quarter of the members
of the committee are present. A
member of the committee is a
representative who is officially
registered with the United Nations
in that committee or with the
given body. The presence of a
majority of the voting members
will be required for any substantive
vote. A quorum will be assumed
to be present unless specifically
challenged and shown to be
absent. A roll call is never required
to determine the presence of a
quorum.
RULE #10 - Courtesy: Delegates
will show courtesy and respect to
the committee staff and to other
delegates. No talking is allowed
in the committee room, except
during an unmoderated caucus or
when recognized by the dais staff.
The Moderator will immediately
call to order any delegate who fails
to comply with this rule.
RULE #11 - Electronics: No use
of electronic devices by delegates
is allowed in the committee
room during formal debate or
moderated caucusing. These
devices include, but are not
limited to: laptops, tablets,
smartphones, and electronic
dictionaries. Electronics may be
used outside the committee room,
while caucusing. Only laptops may
be used in the committee room
during unmoderated caucusing.
Harvard National Model United Nations 2018
RULES GOVERNING DEBATE
RULE #12 - Agenda: The first order
of business for the committee will
be the consideration of the agenda.
• Once the committee has been
called to order, a motion to set
the agenda should be raised. The
delegate who raises this motion
must propose one topic agenda to
be considered first on the agenda.
• The only topic areas that may be
proposed for the agenda are those
listed in the preparation materials.
The Director may modify these
topic areas at their discretion. If a
committee only has one topic area,
the agenda is automatically set to
this topic area.
• A “for-against” Speakers’ List with
no comments will be established
to debate the motion. Speakers
“for” will speak in support of the
topic area suggested; speakers
“against” will speak in favor of
the other topic area. During this
time, no motions for moderated
or unmoderated caucuses will be
in order. Speakers will alternate
between “for” and “against”
speeches.
• A motion to close debate on setting
the agenda will be in order after
the committee has heard at least
two speakers for the motion
and at least two against the
motion. In accordance with the
procedure described in Rule #16,
the Moderator will recognize two
speakers against the motion to close
debate. A two-thirds majority vote
is required for closure of debate on
the agenda. If the Speakers’ List
on setting the agenda is exhausted,
debate will automatically be
closed even if a motion to close
debate would not normally be in
order. However, the Moderator
may recognize additional speakers
for the Speakers’ List at their
discretion.
• When debate is closed, the
committee will move to an
immediate vote on the motion to
set the agenda. A simple majority
is required for passage. If the
motion fails, the other topic area
will automatically be placed first
on the agenda.
• After debate is closed and voting
procedures on the first topic
area are concluded, debate will
automatically begin on the
second topic area; at the director’s
discretion, no motion is necessary.
• The Secretary-General or a
representative may call upon a
committee to table debate on the
current topic area so that a more
urgent matter may be attended to
immediately. A delegate may then
motion to table debate for a more
urgent matter. After a resolution
has been passed on the new topic,
the committee will return to
debate on the tabled topic.
If all resolutions on the new topic
fail, the committee may return
to debate on the tabled topic
area only at the discretion of the
committee Director.
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 Harvard National Model United Nations 2018
RULE #13 - Debate: After the
agenda has been determined, one
continuously open Speakers’ List
will be established for the purpose
of general debate. This Speakers’
List will be followed for all debate
on the topic area, except when
interrupted by procedural motions,
introduction of a draft resolutions,
and discussion of amendments.
Speakers may speak generally on
the topic area being considered
and may address any working
paper or draft resolution currently
on the floor. Delegates may not
refer to any working paper, draft
resolution, or amendment that
has not yet been introduced to the
committee. An open floor denotes
that the committee is in formal
debate.
RULE #14 - Unmoderated Caucus:
A motion for an unmoderated
caucus is in order at any time
when the floor is open, prior to
closure of debate. Unmoderated
caucuses are not allowed during
setting the agenda. The delegate
making the motion must specify
a time limit for the caucus, but is
not required to specify a purpose
for the caucus. A majority vote of
members is required for passage.
The Moderator may rule the
motion dilatory and may end the
unmoderated caucus early, and
these decisions are not subject to
appeal.
48
RULE #15 - Moderated Caucus:
The purpose of the moderated
caucus is to facilitate substantive
debate at critical junctures in the
discussion. Moderated caucuses
are not allowed during setting the
agenda. In a moderated caucus,
the Moderator will temporarily
depart from the Speakers’ List
and call on delegates to speak at
their discretion. A motion for a
moderated caucus is in order at
any time when the floor is open,
prior to closure of debate. The
delegate making the motion
must briefly explain its purpose
and specify a time limit for the
caucus as well as the time limit
per speech. A majority vote of
members is required for passage.
After a motion has passed, no new
motion may be proposed during
the moderated caucus. If no
delegate wishes to speak during a
RULE #17 - Suspension or
moderated caucus, the caucus shall
immediately end. The Moderator
may end a moderated caucus early
at their discretion. The Moderator
may also rule the motion dilatory,
and this decision is not subject to
appeal.
RULE #18 - Postponement and
RULE #16 - Closure of Debate:
When the floor is open, a delegate
may move to close debate on the
substantive or procedural matter
under discussion. Delegates may
move to close debate on the general
topic, debate on the agenda, or
debate on an amendment. The
Moderator may rule such a motion
dilatory. When closure of debate
is moved, the Moderator may
recognize two speakers against the
motion. No speaker in favor of the
motion will be recognized. Closure
of debate requires the support of
two-thirds of the committee. If the
committee is in favor of closure of
debate, the Moderator will declare
the closure of the debate and
move the committee to immediate
voting procedure. If a given
Speakers’ List is exhausted, debate
will automatically be closed.
Adjournment of the Meeting:
Whenever the floor is open, a
delegate may move for the
suspension of the meeting
(suspending all committee
functions until the next meeting),
or for the adjournment of the
meeting (suspending all committee
functions for the duration of
the conference). The Moderator
may rule such motions out of
order; these decisions will not be
subject to appeal. When in order,
these motions are not debatable,
but will be immediately put to a
vote barring any motions taking
precedence. These motions require
a majority to pass. A motion to
adjourn will be out of order prior
to the lapse of three-quarters of the
time allotted for the last meeting
of the committee.
Resumption of Debate (Tabling):
Whenever the floor is open, a
delegate may move for the
postponement of debate on a

draft resolution or amendment
currently on the floor. The motion,
otherwise known as “tabling,” will
be debatable to the extent of two
speakers for and two speakers
against the motion. A two-thirds
majority will be required for this
motion to pass. No debate or
action, including voting, will be
allowed on any draft resolution
or amendment on which debate
has been postponed. A motion
to resume debate on a draft
resolution or amendment on
which debate has been postponed
will be debatable to the extent of
two speakers for and two speakers
against the motion. A simple
majority will be required for a
motion for resumption of debate
to pass. Resumption of debate will
cancel the effects of postponement
of debate.
RULES GOVERNING SPEECHES
RULE #19 - Speakers’ Lists: The
Committee will have an open
Speakers’ List for the topic area
being discussed (see Rule #13).
The default speaking time for
the Speakers’ List is one minute,
although the Moderator may
change this at his/her discretion.
Delegates may motion to change
the speaking time, and these
motions will be voted on in
the order in which they are
introduced. Separate Speakers’
Lists will be established as needed
for procedural motions and debate
on amendments. A country may
add its name to a Speakers’ List by
submitting a request in writing to
the dais, provided that the nation
is not already on the Speakers’ List,
and may remove its name from
the Speakers’ List by submitting a
request in writing to the dais. At
any time, a Moderator may call for
members that wish to be added to
the Speakers’ List. A Speakers’ List
for the second topic area will
Harvard National Model United Nations 2018
not be opened until the committee
has proceeded to that topic. A
motion to close any Speakers’ List
is never in order. If the Speakers’
List is exhausted and there are no
more points or motions, debate is
automatically closed.
RULE #20 - Speeches: No delegate
may address a session without
having previously obtained the
permission of the Moderator. The
dais may call a speaker to order if
their remarks are not relevant to
the subject under discussion or are
offensive to committee members
or staff. When a delegate exceeds
the allotted time decided for
speeches as described in Rules 15
and 19, the Moderator may call
the speaker to order.
RULE #21 - Absence: Delegates
who are absent from committee
when recognized by the dais forfeit
their time. The Moderator shall
continue with debate.
RULE #22 - Yields: After being
recognized from the Speakers’ List,
a delegate may yield any or all of
their time in one of three ways: to
another delegate, to questions, or
to the dais. Please note that only
one yield is allowed per speech. A
delegate must declare any yield at
the conclusion of their speech.
• Yield to another delegate: The
speaker’s remaining time will be
offered to antoher delegate chosen
by the delegate themselves. If the
delegate accepts the yield, the
Moderator shall recognize the
delegate for the remaining time.
The delegate may not make any
further yields. To turn the floor
over to a co-delegate of the same
member state is not considered a
yield.
• Yield to questions: Questioners
will be selected by the Moderator
and limited to one question each,
which will be limited to thirty
seconds. Follow-up questions will
not be allowed. The Moderator
will have the right to call to order
any delegate whose question is,
in the opinion of the Moderator,
rhetorical, leading, or not designed
to elicit information. Only the
speaker’s answers to questions will
be deducted from the speaker’s
remaining time.
• Yield to the dais: Such a yield
should be made if the delegate
does not wish their speech to be
subject to comments (Rule 23).
The Moderator will then move to
the next speaker.
RULE #23 - Comments: If a
speech from a Speakers’ List ends
before time has elapsed with
no yields, the Moderator may
recognize delegates, other than
the initial speaker, to comment
for thirty seconds each on the
specific content of the speech just
delivered. The Moderator may
rule a comment out of order if it
is irrelevant or does not pertain
directly to the preceding speech.
Commenters may not yield. No
comments will be in order during
debate on procedural motions,
amendment discussion, or in
moderated caucuses. A maximum
of two comments will be taken on
any speech.
RULE #24 - Right of Reply: A
delegate whose personal or
national integrity has been
impugned by another delegate
may submit a written request for
a Right of Reply to the Director
or Moderator. The Director or
Moderator’s decision whether
to grant the Right of Reply is
unappealable. A delegate granted
a Right of Reply will address the
committee at the request of the
Moderator for thirty seconds.
49
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RULES GOVERNING POINTS
RULE #25 - Points of Personal
Privilege: Whenever a delegate
experiences personal discomfort
which impairs their ability to
participate in the proceedings,
their may rise to a Point of Personal
Privilege. A Point of Personal
Privilege may interrupt a speaker
only if the speaker is inaudible and
delegates should use this power
with the utmost caution.
RULE #26 - Points of Order: During
the discussion of any matter, a
delegate may rise to a Point of
Order to indicate an instance
of improper parliamentary
procedure. The Point of Order
will be immediately decided by
the Moderator in accordance with
these Rules of Procedure. The
Moderator may rule out of order
those points which are improper.
A representative rising to a Point
of Order may not speak on the
substance of the matter under
discussion. A Point of Order may
not interrupt a speaker.
RULE #27 - Points of Parliamentary
Inquiry: When the floor is open,
a delegate may rise to a Point of
Parliamentary Inquiry to ask the
Moderator a question regarding
the Rules of Procedure. A Point of
Parliamentary Inquiry may never
interrupt a speaker. Delegates
with substantive questions should
not rise to this point, but should
rather approach the committee
staff during caucus or send a note
to the dais.
RULES GOVERNING THE PATH
TO A RESOLUTION
RULE #28 - Working Papers:
Delegates may propose
working papers for committee’s
consideration. Working papers
aid discussion of draft resolutions
through formalizing (in written
50
form) ideas expressed in the
committee. They need not be in
draft resolution format. Working
papers require the approval of
the Director to be copied and
distributed. Once distributed,
delegates may begin to refer to that
working paper by its designated
number, but otherwise, debate
proceeds normally on the topic.
There is no formal introduction
of working papers; they are
considered introduced as soon as
they are distributed. There are no
votes for the approval of working
papers.
RULE #29 - Signatories for Draft
Resolutions: A motion to introduce
a draft resolution (see Rule 30)
will be in order when it receives
the approval of the Director and
is signed by 25 members in the
General Assembly, 15 members
in the Economic and Social
Council and the Regional Bodies
committees with greater than 40
member states, 8 members in the
Economic and Social Council and
the Regional Bodies committees
with less than or equal to 40
member states, or 4 members in
Security Council simulations.
The final number of signatories
required for each committee will
be announced by the moderator,
as it is contingent on the eventual
size of the committee. Signing a
draft resolution need not indicate
support of the draft resolution.
Signing a draft resolution only
indicates a desire for the draft
resolution to be discussed in
committee. The signatory has no
further obligations. A delegate
may be a signatory on more than
one resolution. There are no
official sponsors or authors of draft
resolutions.
RULE #30 - Introduction of
Draft Resolutions: Once a draft
resolution has the requisite number
of signatories, has been approved
by the Director, and has been
distributed, a delegate may move
to introduce the draft resolution.
A procedural vote is then taken to
determine whether the resolution
shall be introduced. Should
the motion receive the simple
majority required to pass, the draft
resolution shall be considered
introduced and on the floor. More
than one draft resolution may be
on the floor at any one time, but
at most one draft resolution may
be passed per topic area. A draft
resolution will remain on the floor
until debate on that specific draft
resolution is postponed or a draft
resolution on that topic area has
been passed. Once debate on the
draft resolutions begins, delegates
may then begin to refer to that
draft resolution by its designated
number. No delegate may refer
to a draft resolution until it is
formally introduced.
RULE #31 - Clarificatory Points on
Resolutions: At the Moderator’s
discretion, he or she may recognize
a delegate or group of delegates
rising to answer clarificatory
points on an introduced draft
resolution, or the Moderator
may answer these points him or
herself. These points are non-
substantive and typically refer to
typographical errors or mistakes
in the punctuation and spelling
of the document in question.
The Moderator’s decision on this
matter is not subject to appeal.
Any substantive points will be
ruled out of order during this
period, and the Moderator may
end this “clarificatory question-
answer period” for any reason,
including time constraints.
RULE #32 - Amendments: Delegates
may amend any draft resolution
which has been introduced. Only
one amendment may be

introduced at any given time.
The motion to introduce an
amendment is considered a
procedural motion, and the final
vote on the amendment is a
substantive vote. An amendment
must have the approval of the
Director and be signed by 12
members in the General Assembly,
10 members in the Economic and
Social Council and the Regional
Bodies committees with greater
than 40 member states, 6 members
in the Economic and Social
Council and the Regional Bodies
committees with less than or equal
to 40 member states, or 3 members
in Security Council simulations.
The final numbers for required
signatures will be announced
by the Moderator, as they are
contingent on the eventual size
of the committee. Amendments
are numbered in the order in
which they are introduced. Since
there are no friendly amendments,
all amendments must be voted
on by the majority of the voting
members of the committee to be
included in the draft resolution.
Amendments to amendments
are out of order; however, an
amended part of a resolution may
be further amended at a later time.
Like draft resolutions, there are no
official sponsors of amendments.
Preambulatory clauses may not be
amended.
• A motion to introduce an approved
amendment may be made when
the floor is open. Amendments
do not need to be introduced
in the order in which they are
received. If the motion receives
the simple majority required to
pass, the Moderator will read
the amendment aloud, time
permitting. General debate on the
topic area will be suspended, and
a Speakers’ List will be established
for and against the amendment.
Harvard National Model United Nations 2018
• A motion to close debate will be
in order after the committee has
heard at least two speakers for
the amendment and at least two
against or if the Speakers’ List
has been exhausted. Otherwise,
following the normal procedure
of Rule 15, the Moderator will
recognize at most two speakers
against the motion to close debate
on the amendment. A vote of two-
thirds is required for closure.
• When debate is closed on the
amendment, the committee will
move to an immediate substantive
vote on whether or not to adopt the
amendment. If this vote receives
the simple majority required, the
amendment will be considered
part of the draft resolution. After
the vote, debate will resume.
RULES GOVERNING VOTING
RULE #33 - Procedural Voting: All
voting is considered procedural
with the exception of voting on
draft resolutions and amendments.
All Delegates must vote on all
procedural motions, and no
abstentions are allowed. A motion
that requires a simple majority
needs more affirmative than
negative votes to pass. A motion
that requires two-thirds to pass
requires exactly or more than two-
thirds of the votes to be affirmative.
In Security Council simulations,
a procedural motion requires
nine votes to pass. If there is an
insufficient number of speakers
for/against a motion, the motion
will automatically fail/pass.
RULE #34 - Substantive Voting: The
only substantive voting is voting
on passing draft resolutions and
amendments. All other votes will
be procedural votes. After debate
has been closed on the general
topic area, the committee will
move into final voting procedures
and the chambers are then
sealed. At that point, only the
following points and motions
will be entertained: Division of
the Question, Reordering Draft
Resolutions, Motion for a Roll
Call Vote, Point of Personal
Privilege, Point of Parliamentary
Inquiry, and Point of Order. If
there are no such motions, the
committee will vote on all draft
resolutions. For substantive voting,
each country will have one vote.
Each vote may be a “Yes,” “No,” or
“Abstain.” Members who abstain
from voting are considered as
not voting. All matters will be
voted upon using placards by
default, except if a motion for a
roll call vote is accepted. A simple
majority requires “Yes” votes from
more than half the members
voting, as in more affirmative
votes than negative votes. Once
a resolution has been passed, the
voting procedure is closed, as only
one resolution may be passed on
a topic area. In Security Council
simulations, a substantive vote
requires nine votes to pass, and the
five permanent members of the
United Nations have the power to
veto any substantive vote.
RULE #35 - Reordering Draft
Resolutions: After debate is closed,
a motion to change the order
of voting on draft resolutions
currently on the floor will be in
order. If both a motion to reorder
and motion to divide the question
are raised, the Moderator will first
take a vote on a general motion
to reorder draft resolutions. If it
passes, the Moderator will take
motions for different permutations
on reordering the draft resolutions.
If it fails, the Moderator will take
a vote on whether to divide the
question. If the motion to divide
the question passes, but the final
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 Harvard National Model United Nations 2018
document of the divided
resolution fails, the Moderator
will again accept a motion to
reorder draft resolutions. The
delegate raising this motion will
indicate the desired ordering of
draft resolutions. The default order
will be the order in which the draft
resolutions were introduced. There
will be no debate on this motion,
and it will require a simple
majority to pass. Only one such
motion can pass in each round of
voting procedures. The reordering
proposals will be voted on in the
order that they were received;
there is no precedence of one over
the other. Hence, the Moderator
will first take all proposals for
reordering, and then proceed to
call for votes on each one, until
one of them passes
RULE #36 - Division of the
Question: After debate on any
topic has been closed, a delegate
may move that the operative parts
of a draft resolution be voted on
separately. Preambulatory clauses
and sub-operative clauses may
not be removed by division of the
question.
• The motion can be debated to the
extent of at most two speakers for
and two against, to be followed by
an immediate procedural vote on
that motion.
• If the motion receives the simple
majority required to pass, the
Moderator will take motions on
how to divide the question and
prioritize them from most severe
to least severe.
• The committee will then vote on
the motions in the order set by the
Moderator.
• Once a division, requiring a
simple majority, has been passed,
the resolution will be divided
accordingly, and a separate
52
substantive vote will be taken on
each divided part to determine
whether or not it is included in the
final draft. If all of the operative
parts of the substantive proposal
are rejected, the draft resolution
will be considered to have been
rejected as a whole.
• Parts of the draft resolution that
are subsequently passed will be
recombined into a final document.
The final document will be
immediately put to a substantive
vote as a whole, requiring a simple
majority of those voting “yes” to
pass.
RULE #37 - Roll Call Voting: After
debate is closed on any topic area,
any delegate may request a roll
call vote on any draft resolution
being considered. Such a motion
may be made from the floor and
agreed on by a simple majority of
the committee. A motion for a roll
call vote is in order only for the
final substantive vote on a draft
resolution.
• In a roll call vote, the Moderator
will call countries in alphabetical
order starting with a selected
member.
• In the first sequence, delegates may
vote “Yes,” “No,” “Abstain,” or
“Pass.” A delegate may request the
right to explain his/her vote only
when the delegate is voting against
the policy of his/her country; such
a vote is termed “with Rights.”
The delegate may only explain an
affirmative or negative vote, not an
abstention from voting.
• A delegate who passes during the
first sequence of the roll call must
vote either “Yes” or “No” during
the second sequence. The same
delegate may not request the right
to explain his/her vote.
• All delegates who had requested
the right of explanation will be
granted time to explain their votes,
not to exceed thirty seconds per
delegate.
• The Moderator will then announce
the outcome of the vote.
Precedence of Points and Motions
1. Point of Personal Privilege (Rule
25)
2. Point of Order (Rule 26)
3. Point of Parliamentary Inquiry
(Rule 27)
4. Adjournment of the Meeting
(Rule 17)
5. Suspension of the Meeting (Rule
17)
6. Unmoderated Caucus (Rule 14)
7. Moderated Caucus (Rule 15)
8. Motion to Change Speaking
Time (Rule 19)
9. Introduction of a Draft
Resolution (Rule 30)
10. Introduction of an Amendment
(Rule 32)
11. Postponement of Debate (Rule
18)
12. Resumption of Debate (Rule
18)
13. Closure of Debate (Rule 16)
At the start of final voting procedure,
only the following points and motions
are in order, in the following order of
precedence:
1. Point of Personal Privilege (Rule
25)
2. Point of Order (Rule 26)
3. Point of Parliamentary Inquiry
(Rule 27)
4. Reordering Draft Resolutions
(Rule 36)
5. Division of the Question (Rule
35)
6. Motion for a Roll Call Vote
(Rule 37)
 Harvard National Model United Nations 2018

SAMPLE POSITION PAPER

Delegation: The Russian Federation

Committee: Disarmament and International Security Committee
Topic A: Separatism

The Russian Federation considers separatism to be one of the gravest dangers facing the world today. Separatist groups
threaten peace and security around the world. From developing countries like the Philippines to developed countries like Spain,
the stability of both the internal structure of states and of the international world order is under attack. The danger of separatism
has grown even greater in recent years, as separatist groups in many countries have become increasingly linked both with religious
extremism and with international terrorist networks. Though separatism once could be considered an internal affair, it now must
be seen within the context of international security. An attack on one country by a separatist group is frequently an attack on
the international system itself, as separatist groups increasingly use terrorist tactics designed to destabilize an entire region. Thus,
it is essential that the Disarmament and International Security Committee consider ways to address the destabilizing impact of
separatism. In particular, Russia believes that the committee, while reiterating the UN’s condemnation of separatism in general,
must work to provide aid to states victimized by separatist groups and must facilitate the means by which the international
connections of separatists groups can be analyzed.

As a country particularly victimized by separatist movements, Russia strongly opposes any attempt to give legitimacy to any
group that uses terrorist tactics and any move by the UN to recognize a so-called “right to secession.” The Russian Federation has
contended with separatist terrorists in Chechnya and the North Caucasus for over a decade, and it believes that its experience in
this region gives ample reasons for why the UN should never recognize separatist groups, except as agreed to by the victimized
state. As Russia has learned over the course of the conflict in Chechnya, “separatists” are frequently aided by international
terrorist networks, including those preaching religious extremism. For example, the perpetrators of the atrocity at Beslan in 2004
included two Arabs. It is believed that a great deal of the funding that goes to Chechen separatists comes from religious extremists
in the Islamic world. Furthermore, Chechnya provides numerous examples of the vile tactics used by many separatist groups;
whether by setting bombs in Moscow apartments, murdering children in Beslan, invading civilian neighborhoods in Nalchik,
or raiding homes in Chechnya itself, Chechen separatists seem to stop at nothing to further their end. These are not “freedom
fighters.” These are terrorists.

The Russian Federation accepts that UN mediation can be extremely useful in ending wars, including wars of separatism;
however, it insists that any UN presence can only come with the consent of the UN member state involved, and there should
never be an assumption that the end-point of negotiations will be secession. Russia sees the Sudanese experience as the one that
should be the framework for any future UN involvement in secessionist conflicts. UN mediation was largely responsible for
ending the Sudanese Civil War, but only because the UN’s presence at the negotiating table came as a result of a request from the
Sudanese government, because the SPLA was seen to be the legitimate voice of the South Sudanese people, and because the SPLA
was not a terrorist organization. The negotiations were successful, ended the war, and created a framework of autonomy for South
Sudan; however, if any of these factors had been absent, peace would have been impossible. Therefore, Russia believes that while
it is possible for the UN to establish a framework for dealing with separatist groups, it must also work to determine the legitimacy
of those groups, the legitimacy of their demands, and any links between those groups and international terrorism; furthermore, it
must remember that, from a political rather than military perspective, separatism is an internal issue, and must be treated as such.

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 Harvard National Model United Nations 2018

SAMPLE WORKING PAPER

The purpose of the Working Paper is to clearly communicate the interests of one or more countries. Please note that there is
no set format for working papers; the following is just one example of a possible working paper. To facilitate the process, working
papers should include the name and topic of the committee. Pending the approval of the Director, working papers may be copied
and distributed to the committee.

Committee: UN Conference on Trade and Development

Topic A: Generalized System of Preferences

The committee believes that a GSP should be set up so that Lesser-Developed Countries (LDCs) receive preferential treatment
from Developed Countries (DCs). To that end we propose:

1. Each DC reduce their tariffs to the lowest level possible. This level will be determined by the below created subcommittee,

2. Bilateral trade agreements should be pursued for further reductions in tariffs.

3. Trade preferences should be granted in the following areas:

Agriculture
Manufactures
Semi-manufactures
Raw materials

4. Decisions on product coverage by preference giving nations be made in consultation with the affected LDC. Annual re-
evaluation of coverage shall take place with the LDC with disputed going to the below-created subcommittee.

5. A subcommittee of UNCTAD should be created with equal membership of developed and developing countries. This
subcommittee would have the following powers:
a. To mediate disputes between preference givers and receivers
b. Make recommendations which all countries should follow
c. Serve as a forum for airing grievances relating to the GSP
d. Report regularly to the Secretary-General
Membership should be as follows:
a. Five permanent nations from the DCs
b. Five permanent nations from the LDCs and LLDCs
c. Ten members elected annually by UNCTAD

Voting rights will have to be worked out, but the UN format for subcommittees seems best. Of course, we are amenable to
change.

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 Harvard National Model United Nations 2018

RESOLUTION FORMAT GUIDE

Heading
The title should be in capital letters, above the main body of the resolution. The title consists of a number (signifying the first
or second topic area being discussed), followed by another number (identifying the individual resolution). For example, the first
draft resolution on the first topic area discussed would be titled “Draft Resolution 1.1” accordingly. The committee Director will
assign the number once the resolution has been approved.
On the left margin and two lines below the title should be:
(1) the committee name,
(2) the topic addressed by the resolution, and
(3) the signatories of the resolution.
NOTE: There are no sponsors of a resolution.

Body
The resolution is written in the format of a long sentence. Just as grammatical rules make a language more uniform in its
usage, so is the resolution in its format.
The resolution begins with “The General Assembly,” for all GA committees and with “The Economic and Social Council,”
for all ECOSOC committees. The Regional Bodies and the Security Council use their own names as the introductory line. The
rest of the resolution consists of phrases and clauses with the first word of each phrase/clause underlined.
The next section, consisting of Preambulatory Phrases, describes the problem being addressed, recalls past actions taken,
explains the purpose of the resolution, and offers support for the operative clauses that follow. Each clause in the preamble begins
with an underlined word and ends with a comma.
Operative Clauses are numbered and state the action to be taken by the body. These clauses all begin with present tense active
verbs, which are generally stronger words than those used in the Preamble. Each operative clause is followed by a semi-colon
except the last, which ends with a period. Any sub-operative clauses (or sub-sub-clauses, etc,) also should end with a semi-colon.
There should be no periods in the body of the resolution.

Content
Of course, the most important characteristic of the final resolution is the content, which will be carefully scrutinized by the
Director before approval. A well-written resolution demonstrates:
• Familiarity with the problem. Relevant background information and previous United Nations actions are included.
• Recognition of the issues. Arguments on the topic are specified early. At a minimum, the resolution should address in some
form all the issues listed in the “Questions a Resolution Must Answer” section of the Background guide.
• A clear and concise style. Every clause and phrase should have a purpose.
• Good form. Each phrase and clause should follow the exact format described above.

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 Harvard National Model United Nations 2018
Preambulatory Phrases
Affirming Guided by
Alarmed by Having adopted
Approving Having considered
Aware of Having considered further
Believing Having devoted attention
Bearing in mind Having examined
Cognizant of Having heard
Confident Having received
Contemplating Having studied
Convinced Keeping in mind
Declaring Noting further
Deeply concerned Noting with regret
Deeply conscious Noting with satisfaction
Deeply convinced Noting with deep concern
Deeply disturbed Noting further
Deeply regretting Noting with approval
Desiring Observing
Emphasizing Realizing
Expecting Reaffirming
Expressing its appreciation Recalling
Expressing its satisfaction Recognizing
Fulfilling Referring
Fully aware Seeking
Fully alarmed Taking into account
Fully believing Taking note
Further deploring Viewing with appreciation
Further recalling Welcoming

Operative Clauses
Accepts Further recommends
Affirms Further requests
Approves Further resolves
Authorizes Has resolved
Calls for Notes
Calls upon Proclaims
Confirms Reaffirms
Considers Recommends
Declares accordingly Reminds
Deplores Regrets
Draws attention Requests
Designates Resolves
Emphasizes Solemnly affirms
Encourages Strongly condemns
Endorses Supports
Expresses its appreciation Takes note of
Expresses its hope Trusts
Further invites Urges
Further proclaims
Further reminds

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 Harvard National Model United Nations 2018

Sample Resolution (please bear in mind this document is substantially shorter than most HNMUN resolutions in terms of number
of clauses)
DRAFT RESOLUTION 1.1

Committee: Commission on Information Regulation

Topic: International Newsflow Imbalance
Signatories: Argentina, Australia, Austria, Brazil, Colombia, Congo, Estonia, Haiti, India, Italy, Kazakhstan, Pakistan,
Panama, South Africa, Sweden, Switzerland, Uganda, United States of America, United Kingdom

The Economic and Social Council,

Recalling its Resolution A/36/89 of 16 December 1981, “The Declaration on Fundamental Principles Concerning the
Contribution of the Mass Media to Strengthening Peace and International Understanding,”
Further recalling Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, “Everyone has the right to...receive and impart
information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers,”
Recognizing that the problem of newsflow imbalance is that two-way information among countries of a region is either
nonexistent or insufficient and information exchanged between regions of the world is inadequate,
Realizing the need for all sovereign nations to maintain their integrity and still play an active role in the international system,

1. Recommends that a three-level information interchange system be established on the national, regional, and international
levels to ameliorate the current problems of newsflow imbalance, to operate as follows:
a. Each regions’ member nations will report their national information and receive the information of other nations in
their region from the regional level of this interchange system;
b. Nations will decide the character of the newsflow media best suited to the need of their sovereign territory, be this
printed, audio, or audio-visual;
c. Regional News Gathering Agencies will serve to gather information from the nations in their region, and these boards
will have no editorial discretion and will serve to forward all information to the International Board;
d. Each regional agency will be composed of representatives from every member nation of the nation of the region;
e. The primary function of the International Board will be to translate information accumulated from the regional news
gathering agencies;
f. The secondary purpose will be to transmit all information gathered back to the member nations via the regional news
gathering agencies;
g. In order to expedite the transfer of information from the international to regional level the international board will
utilize a UN frequency on a European Economic Community satellite;

2. Urges the establishment of the University of International Communications, which will be based in Geneva, Switzerland,
with the following aims:
a. The University and branches will be established with the express purpose of bringing together world views and
facilitating the transfer of technology;
b. All member nations of the United Nations will be equally represented at the University;
c. Incentives will be offered to students of journalism and communications at the University to return to their countries
to teach upon completion of instruction;
d. The instructors of the regional education centers will be comprised of a multi-partisan coalition of educators from
throughout the world;

3. Calls for the continued use of funds from the International Program for the Development of Communications, Special
Account, The United National Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the UN Development Programme,
and other sources of funding including national governments and private donors;

4. Recommends that the distribution of funds be decided by the International Programme for the Development of
Communication (IPDC).

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