Women's Studies International Forum 82 (2020) 102392

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Women's Studies International Forum

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Intergenerational encounters in the struggle for abortion rights in Argentina T

Barbara Sutton
University at Albany, SUNY

ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT

Keywords: The year 2018 was a milestone for the abortion rights movement in Argentina. After longstanding activism, a bill
Abortion to decriminalize and legalize abortion was debated in Congress for the first time. Although the bill was ulti-
Activism mately defeated, the parliamentary debate energized a movement determined to overhaul punitive abortion
Age legislation. A notable feature of this growing movement has been the coalescing of different generations of
Argentina
activists. Based on interviews with activists supporting the demand for “legal, safe, and free abortion,” this
Feminism
Generations
article examines intergenerational dynamics, dialogue, and transmission in the abortion rights movement, with
implications for activist discourse and strategy. While work on generations often focuses on conflict and tensions
among activists of different age groups, this article highlights solidarity, convergence, and mutual recognition.
This emphasis not only reflects a particular moment of a movement on the rise, but also serves to ponder key
aspects of movement change and continuity.

The year 2018 was a milestone for the abortion rights movement in
Argentina. After longstanding activism, a bill to decriminalize and le-
galize abortion was debated in Congress. While the bill was ultimately
defeated in the Senate—after approval in the Chamber of Deputies—the
parliamentary debate energized a movement determined to overhaul
punitive abortion legislation. Since 1921, the Argentine Penal Code has
defined abortion as a crime carrying prison penalty, with few excep-
tions (rape or danger to life or health). Yet abortion criminalization has
not effectively prevented the practice: It has been estimated that ap-
proximately 372,000–522,000 abortions happen annually in
Argentina.1 Illegality pushes those who need an abortion into clan-
destinity, exposing them to preventable morbidity and mortality risks,
and reinforcing stigmatization.2 Even non-punishable abortions have
been difficult to access due to uneven regulations and implementation,
unnecessary judicialization of cases, conscientious objection by health
practitioners, restrictive interpretations of the law, and other obstacles
(ANDHES et al., 2018; Ramos, Romero, & Ramón Michel, 2014).3 In
this context, abortion rights activists have creatively and persistently
advanced the cause of abortion decriminalization and legalization. In
recent years these efforts showed tangible results both in the form of a
historic parliamentary debate and in the massiveness of a movement
whose time has come (Gutiérrez, 2018). These political developments
also stirred public conversations about abortion like never before,
bringing into the open this historically silenced issue.
A notable feature of this growing movement in Argentina has been
the coalescing of different generations of activists. Established feminists
have been fighting for abortion rights for decades, yet the influx of a
young generation of activists and supporters has gained increasing
visibility. Marching, chanting, dancing, and using their painted bodies
as a canvas for protest messages, teenagers and young women were
present in the numerous demonstrations and actions during the lead-up
to the debate in Congress. Members of this activist generation also
protested in their schools, appeared in the media, and spoke in front of
legislators (Alcaraz, 2018; Elizalde & Mateo, 2018). This participation
offers hope for the renewal and vitality of the abortion rights move-
ment, and feminism more generally.
As different generations meet and interact, potential for both ten-
sion and cooperation emerges. This raises questions regarding the di-
rection of the abortion rights movement as well as the broader dy-
namics of feminist transmission. While work on generations often
focuses on conflict, disidentification, and tensions among activists of
different generations, this article highlights solidarity, convergence,

E-mail address: bsutton@albany.edu.

1
These are estimates based on a study by Mario and Pantelides (2009). Due to the illegality of the practice, the numbers provided can only be approximations to the
actual incidence of abortion. Furthermore, estimates have not been regularly updated.
2
See e. g. Chaneton and Vacarezza (2011), Sutton (2014), ANDHES (2018). For a more global perspective on trends and consequences of illegal and/or unsafe
abortion see Guillaume and Rossier (2018).
3
Groups such as Lesbians and Feminist for the Decriminalization of Abortion (LyFDA) and the Network of Socorristas (first responders) have helped ameliorate the
risks of clandestine abortions by providing information and support on how to safely have an abortion with the pharmaceutical misoprostol (See McReynolds-Pérez,
2017; Burton, 2017).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2020.102392
Received 6 September 2019; Received in revised form 17 April 2020; Accepted 3 July 2020
Available online 15 July 2020
0277-5395/ © 2020 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
B. Sutton
and mutual recognition. This does not mean an absence of disagree-
ment, but that at particular historical moments—when the force of a
movement is widely felt after years of patient political con-
struction—narratives about coming together may become particularly
salient. In this context, I ask: What are the contributions of long-term
and newer participants to the abortion rights movement? What lessons
can we learn from the vibrant exchanges between activists of different
ages and levels of experience?
Based on interviews with activists variously associated with the
struggle for “legal, safe, and free abortion” in Argentina, this article
addresses intergenerational dynamics and dialogue in the abortion
rights movement, with implications for activist discourse and strategy.
These debates and actions in Argentina hold regional significance in
Latin America, and can be of interest to other places, such as the United
States, where abortion is legal but increasingly under fire.
1. Interactions between feminist generations
Generational belonging matters to social movement participation,
including women's and feminist movements. It is an important, though
imperfect, indicator of the goals, concerns, tactics, and challenges of
different groups of activists (Whittier, 1995, 1997). Narratives about
feminist history or the current state of feminism often include implicit
or explicit references to different generations, for example, to address
differences in interests and modes of political engagement across time.
This is not surprising given that attention to generations helps chart
movement continuity and change, as new generations build on the
contributions of their predecessors, reject or modify some of their
premises, and introduce novelty to feminist organizing.
Discussions of feminist generations also intersect with popular and
scholarly references to different “waves” of activism (First wave,
Second wave, Third wave, and more recently, Fourth wave feminism).4
Although the waves metaphor has been widely used, including in dif-
ferent countries, it has also been disputed. For instance, in No Perma-
nent Waves, Nancy Hewitt (2010) summarizes some of the problems
with the waves' characterization of feminism in the United States, such
as the waves model's inability to adequately capture the heterogeneity
of movement participants and struggles, the exclusion of important
movement experiences that fall in between “wave” years, and the
tendency for members of each new wave to see themselves as im-
proving and superseding the previous ones, while also enacting erasures
of sorts. Becky Thompson (2002) critiques the way in which particular
women's experiences (e.g. white women's) have been taken as main
points of reference in typical chronologies of the Second wave. This
periodization, Thompson shows, looks different when centering the
experiences of multiracial feminists. Kimberly Springer (2002: 1063)
concludes that the “wave model perpetuates the exclusion of women of
color from women's movement history and feminist theorizing. Still, as
it is so deeply embedded in how we examine the history and future of
the women's movement, it remains useful for internal critique.” While a
contested framework, references to feminist waves continue to be used
as a shorthand to differentiate generations of activists and in relation to
conflicts, commonalities, and continuities among feminists of different
age groups, cohorts, and generations (Aikau, Erickson, & Pierce, 2007;
Dicker & Piepmeier, 2003).
4
Common descriptions of feminist “waves”—for example, in the United
States—roughly locate the First wave in the mid-19th to early 20th century
period; the feminist rising of the 1960s and 1970s is often referred to as the
Second wave; and the interventions of young feminists in the 1990s became the
Third wave. In the new millennium, the feminism associated with the digital
age is sometimes described as constituting a Fourth wave. The “waves” char-
acterization and periodization, however, have been subject of considerable
debate and critique. While I refer to this literature because it relates to dis-
cussions of age and generation, I do not use “waves” categories to analyze the
abortion rights movement in Argentina.
2
Women's Studies International Forum 82 (2020) 102392
Drawing on the social movement literature, Elizabeth Borland
(2014: 85) outlines the connection between age, generation, and co-
hort: “Both generational units and cohorts are determined by a similar
time of entry into the social life of a group; this is often shaped prin-
cipally by chronological age, but it is important to recognize it is not
always the case.” In terms of social movement entry, some activists who
are relatively young may have more years of activist experience than
“late bloomers,” older participants who joined the movement later in
life (Tripp & Gage, 2018). Still, age/generation/cohort can be relevant
for understanding factors in activists' perspectives and movement par-
ticipation, such as personal exposure to particular historical events and
political debates, or the specific stakes for different generations of
certain political issues (Fine, 2006; Whittier, 1995; Winch, 2014).
As in other movements, generational attitudes can be a source of
conflict and disagreement within feminism. This is also shaped by in-
tersecting social statuses such as race-ethnicity, class, gender, sexual
orientation, religion, and other vectors of difference and inequality.
Scholars writing about feminism in different countries—including
United States, Australia, and Great Britain—have considered genera-
tional tensions; for example, Third wave feminists' disidentification
from and critique of Second wave feminists (Bulbeck, 2010; Henry,
2004) or “inverted disidentification” dynamics by which older activists
differentiate themselves from younger ones, as in the case of a Slut
Walk protest in the United States (Reger, 2015: 93). In a study of
“Women of a Certain Age” (Foster, 2015), veteran feminists of the
Second wave in the United States, lamented “a rise of individualism
among younger generations, as well as the lost feeling of energy, pro-
mise and solidarity that came with mass mobilization” (74). Alison
Winch (2014) refers to generational divisions among women in the
context of economic inequalities fostered by neoliberalism in the United
Kingdom, and Cullen and Fischer (2014) speak of generational dissen-
sion among Second, Third, and Fourth wave activists in Ireland. Em-
phasis on generational conflict—often magnified in the media—is il-
lustrated by Chilla Bulbeck's (2010: 23) comment: “It appears that each
generation of feminist daughters finds it necessary to commit matricide
to make space for their version of gender relations and political acti-
vism.”
In her study of age dynamics among feminists in Argentina,
Elizabeth Borland (2014) describes shifts over time in activist narra-
tives, from those highlighting concern about young women's low par-
ticipation in the movement in the late 1990s, to those emphasizing
“distance and conflict” among activists of different generations around
2002–2003, to those alluding to “respect and recognition” around
2011, in the context of a growing movement for abortion rights (85).
Sources of generational tension included those related to power dis-
parities in the movement, differences over whether men should be
welcomed in feminist events or not, conflict about language and activist
strategies, and older feminists questioning whether young feminists
were willing to “learn from their collective past” or “wanted to reinvent
the wheel” (96). Interestingly, and moving in the direction of the
findings in this article, in the later years of Borland's analysis, inter-
generational mutual recognition becomes more prominent.
Writing about “Feminism, Generation, and Intersectionality,” Alison
Winch (2014: 8) notes: “Generational differences within feminism are
also opportunities for dialogue.” Even when these differences translate
into conflict, feminist scholar Sarah Maddison points out that conflict is
not necessarily negative, but is “a form of engagement” that can enable
learning from each other (Madisson and Grey 2010, 488). Depending
on how differences are navigated, they can also be opportunities for
garnering the knowledge, talents, and perspectives of diverse groups of
people in a movement. Sometimes differences can be the impetus for
cooperation, particularly when movement members perceive that they
need each other, that concerted action by a diversity of constituents can
move their cause forward. Otherwise, and in the words of Luisa, a
young feminist activist in Argentina, “How are we going to be one
million in the streets?” In this vein, this study examines instances of
B. Sutton
intergenerational recognition, cooperation, and solidarity—including
the contributions of each group—illuminating a critical dimension of
abortion rights activism.
2. Abortion rights activism in Argentina
In order to understand the dynamics and impact of the con-
temporary abortion rights movement in Argentina, it is important to
consider the historical influences, ideological strands, and political
events that shaped its development. While this activism finds ante-
cedents in the feminist organizing of 1970s, it had to wait until the end
of the last military dictatorship (1976–1983) to more fully develop in
the following decades. One of the prominent spaces for debate and
organizing after the return of democracy has been the annual National
Women's Encuentros (Meetings). This massive gathering of women
started in 1986, growing in numbers of participants as time passed. In
the Encuentros, women from all walks of life discuss a wide array of
topics of personal and political concern (Alma & Lorenzo, 2009). Re-
productive rights, and abortion in particular, received increasing at-
tention over the years of Encuentros, particularly since the mid-1990s,
helping generate multiple frames for abortion decriminalization and
legalization (Sutton & Borland, 2013). Regional-level gather-
ings—particularly the Latin American and Caribbean Feminist En-
cuentros—also provided impetus to the cause, for instance, through the
designation of September 28 as the day for the decriminalization of
abortion in the region and the organizing that happens around this
activist date (Bellucci & Mitidieri, 2017; Sternbach, Navarro-
Aranguren, Chuchryk, & Alvarez, 1992).
For a long time, abortion was not only considered taboo, but poli-
tically dismissed as the concern of a reduced number of feminists. This
started to change after 2001 during a severe economic and political
crisis that catalyzed widespread mobilization, including by members of
popular assemblies, poor and unemployed workers' movements, worker
cooperatives, and many others. Women—and among them femin-
ists—were active participants in this activist rising, and abortion was
increasingly included in the discussions and demands of a broader set of
movements (Di Marco, 2011). During the first years of the new mil-
lennium abortion rights organizing started to gain strength. The 2003
National Women's Encuentro in Rosario was a watershed moment, as
activists created discussion spaces specifically dedicated to strategies to
decriminalize and legalize abortion. A multitude of women also dis-
played their support for abortion rights by donning what would become
the symbol of the movement: a triangular green kerchief. Interestingly,
this symbol is reminiscent of a white kerchief worn by a group of mo-
thers of people “disappeared” by the dictatorship—known as Mothers
of the Plaza de Mayo. The Mothers are notable in a lineage of women's
activism as well as in the human rights movement in Argentina. Ad-
ditionally, in recent years Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo leaders showed
their support for abortion rights. Connections between these move-
ments are visually represented in generational terms in a widely cir-
culated drawing by artist Mariana Baizán, which depicts a Mother of
the Plaza the Mayo—the emblematic white kerchief partially covering
the woman's grey hair—sitting alongside a younger woman who wears
the abortion rights green kerchief around her neck (Mariana Dibuja/
Página, 2019).
A foremost feminist cause, the demand for abortion decriminaliza-
tion and legalization in Argentina has been nourished by multiple
streams of feminist, leftist, LGBT, and human rights activism and dis-
course (Bellucci, 1997; Tarducci, 2018). While feminist organizing,
including for abortion rights, is propelled by activists of different gen-
erations, it is in the current context that young activists joined the
movement in more substantial numbers (Elizalde & Mateo, 2018; Seca,
2019). Feminist pioneers and other long-term activists have paved the
way for abortion rights mobilization, and young activists have “made
this cause their own,” playing an important role in the contemporary
movement (Tarducci, 2018: 431).
3
Women's Studies International Forum 82 (2020) 102392
One central development for the abortion rights movement in
Argentina was the launching of the National Campaign for the Right to
Legal, Safe, and Free Abortion (hereafter, the Campaign) in 2005
(Zurbriggen & Anzorena, 2013).5 The Campaign grew over the years,
gaining the support of around 500 organizations by 2018. A key aspect
of the campaign is its “federal” character, which means that it has re-
presentation across the country's territory. It also spurred myriad in-
itiatives to advance abortion rights in various provinces, and has helped
mobilize activists and supporters of different ages and levels of ex-
perience in feminist organizing. While there are core points that the
different organizations adhere to (i.e. the demand for abortion decri-
minalization and legalization), a multiplicity of strategies and dis-
courses have flourished under the broad umbrella of the Campaign. The
product of sustained and strategic organizing, this coalition includes
members of feminist and women's movement groups as well as human
rights, labor, student, LGBT, and cultural and professional organiza-
tions, among many others.6 The Campaign presented to Congress its
own abortion legalization bill several times since 2007, having to lobby
legislators to obtain their signatures and support so that the bill could
move through committee and be discussed. When Congress finally de-
bated the issue in 2018 it was a cause for celebration. The Campaign
also made inroads with the broader society, and the triangular green
kerchief populated the streets, subways, plazas, universities, govern-
ment buildings, and other public spaces.
In addition to efforts to change the law, the abortion rights move-
ment also includes activists who have addressed the concrete aspects of
the practice of abortion—either by helping ensure safe abortions and/or
by offering reproductive and sexual health education and advocacy.
The group Lesbians and Feminists for the Decriminalization of Abortion
opened a hotline in 2009 providing information on abortion procedures
using the pharmaceutical misoprostol (McReynolds-Pérez, 2017).
Members of the Network of Socorristas (first responders), formed in
2012, have been accompanying and supporting people in need of an
abortion (Burton, 2017). Health professionals friendly to the movement
have also organized themselves since 2014 in the Network of Profes-
sionals for the Right to Decide, providing assistance with abortions
permitted by the law (Red de Profesionales, n.d.).
Activists in Argentina have advocated for abortion legalization
using a multiplicity of discursive frames. They have made claims based
on public health and human rights, bodily rights and personal au-
tonomy, social and economic justice, the defense of women's lives, and
as a pragmatic response to the inefficacy of the abortion ban, among
others.7 They also hold the state responsible for the preventable deaths
of women as a result of botched abortions, making important connec-
tions to a visible movement to end violence against women, under the
rallying call Ni Una Menos (Not One Less) since 2015 (Cavallero, Gago,
Varela, Barón, & Mitidieri, 2018). The abortion rights movement also
has some overlaps with the LGBT movement, including longtime acti-
vists and organizations that have questioned gender binaries and het-
eronormativity, and advocated for the rights of people with diverse
gender identities and sexual orientations. In this vein, the Campaign has
revised ingrained assumptions about who is the subject of abortion,
increasingly adopting language that includes not only (cis heterosexual)
women, but anybody with the “capacity to gestate,” such as trans men,
queer, non-binary, and gender non-conforming individuals.8 The
5
“Free” here is the translation of gratuito or free of charge.
6
The Campaign is not directed by a particular organization, but aims at a
horizontal way of organizing, with key decisions made in plenary meetings of
activists from various organizations or independently participating in the
Campaign. A rotating “Articulation Committee” composed of activists re-
presenting different constituencies and places, implements the general in-
itiatives and decisions of the Campaign.
7
For an analysis of different frames' prevalence, content, and significance, see
Sutton and Borland (2013), Sutton and Borland (2019).
8
By 2019, the Campaign's abortion legalization bill reflected a growing
B. Sutton
Campaign's abortion legalization claims are inscribed within the
broader field of sexual and reproductive politics, under the motto “Sex
Education for Choice, Contraception to Prevent Abortion, Legal Abor-
tion to Prevent Death” (Educación Sexual Para Decidir, Anticonceptivos
Para No Abortar, Aborto Legal Para No Morir).9
The movement grew quantitatively and transformed qualitatively,
and this was evident not only in the massive presence of activists and
supporters in the streets, but also in the variety of new groups that
emerged or that declared themselves in support of abortion rights.
Among the notable features of the 2018 abortion rights mobilization
were the following: (1) the festive atmosphere and proliferation of
performances that characterized many public gatherings and demon-
strations, (2) the ways in which the cause was taken up not only by
obviously political organizations, but also adopted by diverse in-
dividuals and other groups such as collectives of poets, actresses, visual
artists, and acrobats, (3) the convergence of activists of different gen-
erations, with a notable influx of young activists joining more estab-
lished feminists, and (4) the increased presence of the legal abortion
demand in the digital space, particularly social media (Laudano, 2018).
During the vigils that preceded the approval of an abortion legalization
bill in the Chamber of Deputies (June 13–14, 2018), and the Senate's
rejection of the proposed legislation (August 8–9, 2018), demonstrators
flooded the streets in massive numbers despite inclement weather.
Activists from all walks of life and from different ages and generations
came together to support this cause like never before.
Even though the movement is not devoid of tension over strategy,
discourse, political party lines, and other social, regional, and political
cleavages, it appears that the Campaign's strategy of creating a space
that can hold many groups and types of activism has enabled movement
growth. When conflicts have arisen, activists have reminded themselves
to go back to the agreements that hold the coalition together, as em-
bodied by the Campaign motto. The “big tent” strategy of the Campaign
perhaps also facilitated intergenerational organizing and coexistence,
as different groups preserve their identity and autonomy while also
coalescing around the main claim for abortion rights. While at first
sight abortion decriminalization and legalization may seem a relatively
narrow focus, it is partly what allows members of diverse groups to
coalesce (Sutton & Borland, 2019). At the same time, the abortion rights
cause is connected to a much broader set of claims and analyses related
to sexual/gender oppression and social justice. These linkages have
been articulated not only by long-term activists, but also by a new
generation that came of age with certain achievements by the women's,
feminist, and LGBT movements already in place.
The current context includes a variety of progressive policies sup-
porting sexual and gender rights, which were the focus of previous
activist efforts. When it comes to abortion rights advocacy and access,
some key developments include not only the launching of the Campaign
in 2005 but also the popularization of misoprostol as a method for self-
induced abortions, a Supreme Court decision in 2012 clarifying the
interpretation on non-punishable abortions, the creation of public
health protocols and Consejerías (Counseling) pre and post abortion,
and legislation pertinent to closely-aligned or overlapping movements
(e.g. on violence against women and LGBT rights). Activists have also
led social media initiatives with trending topics on abortion rights
claims, and have established connections at the regional and more
global levels. Through different strategies—advocacy, litigation, digital
(footnote continued)
recognition of multiple subjects of abortion rights (See Campaña, 2019). For an
analysis of the process and tensions surrounding this topic, see Sutton and
Borland (2018). For a critique of arguments that center (cis) women and do not
sufficiently include trans identities, see Pérez and Radi (2018). See also Alcaraz
(2018) for a discussion of trans issues in relation to abortion.
9
Among other things, this motto is inscribed in the green kerchief that has
become the symbol of the abortion rights movement in Argentina.
4
Women's Studies International Forum 82 (2020) 102392
activism, law projects, artistic interventions, education initiatives,
parliamentary lobbying, media appearances, and mass mobiliza-
tions—activists have also raised the consciousness of politicians and
civil society about abortion as a matter of public concern. A taboo topic
for decades, abortion came out in the open at unprecedented levels.
3. Research during extraordinary times
In 2018, I arrived in Argentina at the height of abortion rights
mobilization. A bill to legalize abortion had just been approved in the
Chamber of Deputies and was slated to be debated in the Senate. In this
context, I was able to join the mobilization as well as conduct inter-
views with activists supporting abortion legalization. These included
some core Campaign organizers as well as more loosely connected ac-
tivists who contributed to the movement in a variety of ways, from
documentation of events, to artistic production, coalitional efforts, and
organization of activities to raise awareness of the ubiquity and per-
sonal dimensions of abortion. At the time of my research, the impact of
the movement could be felt in everyday life. People wore the green
kerchief while riding public transportation; traces of the movement
could be seen in the streets in the form of banners or graffiti; and ac-
tivists appeared in talk shows and news programs on TV and the radio.
The topic erupted in conversations with family and friends; and edu-
cational, artistic, and protest events proliferated at an increased pace.
This article is primarily based on 22 interviews conducted in the
second half of 2018, which built on and updated research I conducted
in 2014, including 19 interviews with Campaign activists.10 While the
first round of interviews is not incorporated in this article's analysis, my
previous research affected this study in two ways: (1) It shaped my
knowledge and interpretation of abortion rights activism in Argentina,
and the Campaign specifically, and (2) It influenced who I interviewed
in 2018, as I aimed to hear new voices and avoided going back to the
same activists (though I did have informal conversations with some
former interviewees, particularly longtime activists).11 I contacted ac-
tivists who were in leadership positions as well as others I met in
movement events or were referred to me by interviewees or other
feminists.12 I aimed to talk with activists with diverse perspectives and
experiences, with different kinds and levels of involvement in the
movement. Interviews were conducted in Spanish, following a semi-
structured format based on a questionnaire about movement partici-
pation discourse, strategy, obstacles, and successes. Among other things
we discussed issues pertaining to the involvement of different genera-
tions of activists, which became an important locus of analysis.13
During this and previous periods in Argentina, I also gathered activist
documents and attended movement public events (e.g. street demon-
strations, festivals, performances, exhibits, panels), which helped me
contextualize interview data and provided a broader sense of the
10
Key findings from this research are presented in Sutton and Borland (2018,
2019).
11
Of the people I interviewed for the present study, six activists were in their
20s, eight were in their 30s, three were in their 40s, three in their 50s, and two
in their 60s. In my previous study, I had fewer interviewees in their 20s and
more in their 60s and 70s.
12
Most interviewees have been activists who reside in Buenos Aires, in-
cluding the capital and its metropolitan area, which on the one hand is the most
populous region and the site of the national government, but on the other hand,
this means more limited information on experiences in very different parts of
the country.
13
Interviews were transcribed and analyzed with a focus on emergent pat-
terns and themes. For the purpose of this article, passages addressing genera-
tional dynamics and references to different age groups were identified, in-
ductively coded, and interpreted by me, relating them to the context of
movement events I witnessed or participated in, knowledge gained from my
previous studies, and the relevant literature. In order to keep confidentiality,
the names of interviewees were changed to pseudonyms.
B. Sutton
“pulse” of the movement.
My participation in activist events blurs the lines between the aca-
demic and the political. At times this participation blends research in-
terests, emotional attachments, activist camaraderie, bonds of friend-
ship, and personal investment in feminist struggles. I am originally from
Argentina, and maintain significant ties to the country, but as an aca-
demic based in the United States, my political participation in
Argentina is more limited. Nevertheless, my presence for extended
periods over the years, and my ongoing contact with people in the
country, has kept me connected. I participated in many activist in-
itiatives in Argentina during almost two decades, and this feminist
rising was one I did not want to miss. Among the significant activist
spaces in which I participated in 2018 was the demonstration and vigil
surrounding the Senate debate of the abortion legalization bill (August
8–9). I had the opportunity to experience this massive and historic
event, and in fact, I unexpectedly became a featured speaker in one of
the Campaign's panels. This illustrates my positionality as a researcher
who is not a detached observer but whose knowledge has been enriched
through participation in and desire to contribute to feminist causes.
The political and personal investments I have outlined also marked
my scholarly choices and analyses, as I was deeply moved by the re-
markable events I was witnessing. This also prompted me to pay at-
tention to how activists were coming together, including inter-
generationally. While in previous work I have looked more closely at
instances of tension among movement participants, my interest in ex-
ploring convergence and cooperation partly reflects this extraordinary
moment.
4. Generations in context: interactions and contributions
Relations between generations of feminist activists have not been
devoid of tension, and as Borland (2014: 91) points out, in earlier
periods the “Specter of Extinction” due to insufficient youth participa-
tion hovered over the feminist movement. Abortion rights activism in
this new context conveys a different story. First, the visible participa-
tion of young feminists in large numbers put to rest the concerns about
movement renewal and continuity. Second, in various events, and as
recounted in interviews with activists, different generations of activists
were interacting, supporting each other, exchanging different types of
knowledge and sensibilities, and generally coalescing to advance the
cause of abortion decriminalization and legalization. Borland's study of
feminist generations in Argentina shows growing instances of recogni-
tion and expressions of respect toward older activists in the later years
of her study (around 2011), and as we shall see, this theme is further
confirmed in the context of the 2018 dynamics.
Much of the recent attention to generations in Argentina, particu-
larly in journalistic accounts and public debate, highlights two groups:
(1) The históricas – women with a long-term history of participation in
abortion rights activism and in feminism more generally, including
women around 60 to 80 plus years old, and (2) The pibas – girls and
young women, particularly activists in their teens, but also in their early
20s. There is also the group of activists that falls somewhere in the
middle and who approximate one or the other group in terms of age, but
have received less rhetorical attention in the public discussion of gen-
erations, despite being a central part of the movement. These groups
should not be understood as rigidly demarcated or homogeneous, and
future studies might fine tune some of the specificities within each
grouping, including generational differences within the broad cate-
gorization.
While age proximity helps place activists in different groups, age
categories do not fully do justice to the experience and trajectory of
specific activists. Thus the general categories delineated blur on the
edges, with some activists being closer to one or another group based on
their movement participation history. There are relatively young acti-
vists with many years of activism under their belts, and who partici-
pated in milestone events related to abortion rights, and some older
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activists who are relatively new to the abortion rights movement. Still,
age is important in terms of the memory and experience of specific
political events in the country's history (e.g. the dictatorship, feminist
activism during the democratic transition, the first National Women's
Encuentros, the economic and political crisis of 2001, and so forth).
With regards to abortion, age also affects whether the need for an
abortion might be a possibility in a specific person's life. That is, for
some activists the legal status and accessibility of abortion can affect
them more directly than others based on reproductive age.
The interviews with activists of different ages and levels of in-
volvement in abortion rights activism reveal how they were thinking
about generational contributions to the movement, the politics of coa-
lition-building, and the dynamics of feminist knowledge transmission.
Activists interviewed in 2018 highlighted cooperation, multidirectional
learning, and an ethics of care and mutual recognition. This partly
mirrors the popularization of the term sororidad, a concept often heard
in feminist activist circles and demonstrations during 2018, and which
denotes solidarity among women.14 Sororidad conveys women's poli-
tical ability to stand up for each other, to have each other's back, and to
work across differences toward a common vision. Luisa applied the idea
of sororidad to how women of different ages have come together. Sonia
also explained, “We are many generations that are part of the Cam-
paign. There are compañeras [sister activists] who are very, very senior
and there are compañeras who are very, very young, and then there are
those of us in the middle, let's say, right? So they all have a space within
the Campaign.”
How did activists interpret these developments, and how does this
intergenerational work matter to abortion rights activism and politics?
The following sections focus first on the groups that have received more
attention—the “históricas” and the “pibas”—and then highlights the
ones “in the middle.” In the discussion about each group, I incorporate
not only what members of the group say about their own generation but
also what they say about each other in relation to abortion rights ac-
tivism and feminism more generally. At stake is the ability of activists to
create a broad-based movement that transcends age boundaries and
that is able to successfully push for social change.
5. Históricas, pibas, and activists in the middle
5.1. Históricas
Becoming unlikely “rock stars” in 2018, members of this group—-
particularly the most elderly activists—have been acclaimed in rallies,
given the media spotlight, and mentioned in Congressional speeches.
These women, sometimes also referred to as “pioneers,” are seeing
decades of feminist efforts finally coming to fruition. Three key themes
emerge in activist narratives with respect to this group: persistence,
recognition, and transmission. Each of this may have personal re-
percussions for individual activists but also hold broader political sig-
nificance.
5.1.1. Persistence
The ability to persevere is a necessary quality for political struggle,
as success is usually not immediate and staying for the long haul might
be required (Downton & Wehr, 1998; Sutton, 2018). This has certainly
been the case for abortion rights activism in Argentina. As Celia
(64 years-old) pointed out, the abortion rights struggle requires “pa-
tience, because it takes many years” to make progress on a cause that
defies ingrained political and cultural power structures. Activists have
recalled how few they were in early events, how they had to present the
Campaign bill multiple times before it was finally debated, the efforts to
14
For and extended explanation of the concept, see Lagarde y de los Rios
(2009). In Argentina, this concept even made it to mainstream media, con-
sidered the “word of the year” (Himitian & Vallejos, 2018).
B. Sutton
build coalitions, or the times of gathering signatures at a little table set
up in a sidewalk. For many históricas, the struggle for abortion rights
long preceded the Campaign, and they carry the memory of the wider
feminist movement.
The históricas' persistence and tenacious organizing, including by
women who are now in their 70s and 80s, is noticed by the younger
cohorts, as exemplified by Eva, an activist in her late 20s:
For me there is like … a whole generation of senior women who are
[…] the ones who founded the Campaign and are pushing these
things forward. For a long time, with a lot … a lot of willpower
especially. Without resources, without the support of great leaders.
Through sheer grit [todo a pulmón]. And they get to old age seeing
that what they did, triumphed, was successful. That they won the
battle … I mean, it really makes me happy that that happened to
them.
Interestingly, while at the time of the interview the fate of the
abortion legalization bill was uncertain, this passage expresses a shared
sense in the movement that a measure of success had been achieved
through what activists called “the social decriminalization of abortion.”
That is, though abortion was still largely performed in clandestinity and
banned by law, the topic of abortion was now out in the open, in public
conversation. Increasing numbers of people were willing to defy its
stigmatization by wearing the green kerchiefs both during protests and
everyday activities; and public opinion polls also showed majority
support for decriminalization (Vazquez Laba, Palumbo, & Puglia, 2018;
Paladini, 2018). The massiveness of the movement and the support it
enjoyed by many sectors of society—universities, professional organi-
zations, activist groups, artist collectives, journalists—added to a
phrase that was heard often during the time of the congressional de-
bates: “We have already won” (nosotras ya ganamos). This was a tribute
to the perseverance of the historic activists.
5.1.2. Recognition
After a long period of activism, the históricas not only started to see
their efforts paying off, but also became more recognized. Rita, who is
younger than some iconic históricas, still had decades of participation
in feminist activism and was placed in close proximity to this group.
She expressed a sense of awe at the leaps of the movement as well as at
the recognition that activists like herself were getting. She recounted
her surprise when she discovered a media article referencing her as a
pioneer: “That struck me a lot, for example. That struck me. When I saw
myself in that article, I said, ‘Ah [sound of amazement]. It is true.’”
Implicit in the statement is a kind of disbelief that others would re-
cognize her contributions, only to reassure herself that in fact, “It is
true,” she indeed participated in the early efforts of the movement. She
remembered the times when merely 2 or 3 activists were disseminating
information in a public space in her province. This is quite a contrast
with the massive numbers of people gathering in 2018 in plazas, next to
government buildings, or marching in the streets in support of abortion
rights. The históricas—along with many “in the middle”—have this
long-term perspective about the growth of the movement.
Paola, an activist in the intermediate group, also reflected on the
movement's rise, the overdue recognition of the históricas, and inter-
generational mutuality. She recalled how the day of the abortion le-
galization vote in the lower house, one of the históricas was recognized
by the pibas in the midst of the multitude: This older activist “had gone
to rest at night, and the teenagers recognized her, and they created a
path for ... because it was impossible to walk due to the amount of
people there were there. They created a path for her to reach the
banner, people who do not know her on a daily basis, and yet recognize
her ... that they are there because she fought at some point.” Paola's
narrative highlights the recognition of the older generation's legacy, but
for this to happen, the young ones also had to find a space in the
movement. Paola perceived an initial ambivalence from older activists
about the expansion of the movement, which was partly achieved
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Women's Studies International Forum 82 (2020) 102392
through the incorporation of youth in large numbers:
And I believe that at some point they were somewhat reticent to
[movement] massiveness, because of how … of how it was … it was
always their struggle. And they were afraid of being coopted, etc.
And then there was a point when they became fascinated, and now
they are amazed about the pibas and adolescence, and there are
beautiful situations of a lot of admiration from the pibas.
This passage points to potential tensions related to generational
transformations in the movement—as increased numbers of young
people might also entail changes in activism, which might or might not
be welcomed by older participants—and yet it ultimately underscores
the rewards accrued both in terms of the recognition of the older ac-
tivists' trajectories and the positive encounters between generations.
5.1.3. Transmission
While new generations might bring transformation (Whittier,
1997), intergenerational transmission can contribute to movement
continuity. It allows to learn from past strategies and to move into the
future with a sense of legacy. Older activists have an important role to
play in this regard, as they are in a position of passing on feminist
memory and knowledge. Paola reflected on the perspective that inter-
generational exchanges allow:
The viejas [elderly women] in the campaign, as we say, are women
who have a lot of experience, and they tell you […] that they were
fighting for abortion when nobody was even talking about it. Thus,
they can transmit a very interesting experience […] And that is
amazing. To be able to understand the struggle as a process is
something that never happens to us in history, because we never
recognize what happened before. We always feel that we have ar-
rived, that we are discovering gunpowder […] And if one had the
ability to always recover history then we would not make many
mistakes. What is happening in terms of intergenerationality is very
interesting in that sense.
Here the possibility of transmission goes together with recognition
and a willingness to learn from those who pioneered current political
causes. Activists from younger generations identified the importance of
the históricas in carving out and solidifying the arguments and princi-
ples that sustain the contemporary struggle for abortion rights. Engaged
in many forms of feminist transmission, the históricas are living re-
positories of feminist knowledge: they have the memory of critical
events in the history of the movement and the country, they possess
theoretical and practical understanding of the issues surrounding
abortion politics, and through their participation in the Campaign they
experimented with different ways of conceiving and engaging in poli-
tics. Celia, a longtime activist, clarified that they do not hold a mono-
poly on feminist knowledge (She said: “there are young people who
know a lot more than I do in many fields”). However, from her per-
spective, a central task of the older generations is to emphasize over
and over that this struggle “has a long history.” Celia related that
perhaps one motivation for this reminder is the históricas' concern to
“not be erased with one stroke.” While this comment appears to be
about recognition, Celia showed that it is more than that, elaborating
on concrete lessons from past political experiences that need to be taken
into account in the present. Juliana, an activist “in the middle,” high-
lighted the transmission work of the históricas: “Many of them today
walk side by side with all the other generations that assume this
struggle as their own—they are the ones who opened the way. They are
the ones who nourish us, teach us, allow us to give an enormous depth
to each of the discussions and thus build the solid arguments that we
have today to demand this right to legal abortion.”
The role of “teachers”—not only ascribed to the históricas but also
to the generation “in the middle”—is important for intergenerational
transmission. The transmission of knowledge happens sometimes in-
formally, but also in more structured spaces, such as public lectures or
B. Sutton
cátedras libres, classes open to the public in universities. Emma, a young
college student, expressed gratitude to older activists in reference to
this learning process:
The compañeras help us a whole lot. They teach us a lot of things
that maybe due to impulsiveness, wanting action, we overlooked.
And well, there are also the compañeras of the Campaign who have
been there many more years ago, who were our educators […] We
not only carry their struggle with them […]. But they also remain
teachers and we replicate their learnings. We also found it very
gratifying to have them there so they can give us a lot of light and
teach us a whole lot.
Transmission of knowledge and strategy does not only operate in a
one-way direction—from older to younger activists—but is part of a
dynamic dialogue and exchange between generations. Young activists
learn “a whole lot” from older ones, but also challenge more experi-
enced activists to change and adopt new ways of understanding the
issues and performing their activism.
5.2. Pibas
“Pibas” is a slang term used in Argentina in reference to girls and
young women; in the abortion rights and feminist movement it is used
to refer to the younger female/feminine-identified participants.15 The
pibas have greatly contributed to the growth of the movement. This
young generation has been in a position to capitalize on decades of
accumulated feminist discourse and interventions, for example, at the
National Women's Encuentros, and around 15 years of the Campaign.
This generation may take for granted many of the freedoms of de-
mocracy, and they grew up in the context of progressive legislation
passed in the post-dictatorship period. They have also been exposed to
the legacy of various movements and activist organizations. Many
young women responded to the call of Ni Una Menos in 2015, parti-
cipating in massive demonstrations in repudiation of gender violence,
and feminicide more specifically.
Young activists grew up in a context of evolving public conversa-
tions on gender and sexuality that went hand-in-hand with laws passed
in the new millennium, for example, on sex education (2006), marriage
equality (2010), and gender identity (2012). Many in this generation
are demanding, as their right, the effective implementation of the
Comprehensive Sex Education law provisions. This marks a genera-
tional difference, with implications for the future, as studies note the
imprint of youth socialization later in life as well as the persistence of
core activist beliefs (Fine, 2006; Whittier, 1997). Young people today
are participating in political discussions that were absent decades ago.
Still, the current context is in large part the legacy and result of older
feminist activists' efforts as well as pioneer LGBT activists who have
challenged gender and sexual normativity, and who have also con-
tributed to the contemporary abortion rights movement. Many of those
who are growing up in this context are embracing these gains and
taking them to the next level. With regards to young activists in relation
to the abortion rights movement, the following three themes stand out:
the call for sexual and gender inclusivity in language, energetic action
and physical occupation of space, and a festive style of protest.
5.2.1. Sexual and gender inclusivity: language transformations
Language is one key arena of gender and sexuality struggles, which
is also related to attitudes, practices and interactions. Many young ac-
tivists have comfortably pushed the boundaries of language to make it
15
Interviewees in this study generally talked about pibas (or variations of the
term), and sometimes used the more formal and generic terms jóvenes (youth),
adolescentes (adolescents) or chicas (girls/young women). On occasion, the word
pibes was used, which is the masculine universal slang term for children/young
people.
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Women's Studies International Forum 82 (2020) 102392
more gender inclusive in ways that may come less easily to those from
older generations. Language transformation was an important area
contestation in the activism and public discussions unfolding in 2018. A
key innovation involved the incorporation of the letter “e” to break
femininity/masculinity binaries signified by the letters “a” and “o” in
many gendered words in Spanish. The use of the masculine “o” as a
universal, to encompass feminine and masculine subjects, has been
challenged for years. Yet recently there has been increasing recognition
of how non-binary, trans, and gender non-conforming identities con-
tinue to be invisibilized. Hence, the letter “e” to modify words that are
gendered masculine or feminine.
Within the abortion rights movement, changes in gender-related
language and discourse have manifested in activists' speech—for ex-
ample, using the gender-inclusive “e” in public appearances—as well as
in the process of revision of the Campaign's bill, with references to not
only “women,” but also to anyone with “the capacity to gestate” no
matter the gender/sexual identity. According to Emilia, a 21-years-old
activist who strongly supports these transformations, “to change lan-
guage is to broaden ideas […] to include those who do not feel part of a
binary logic. And we need new constructions of sexual freedom, that is
not stigmatized, that is not constrained.” She adds that language
changes such as the use of the “e” are also a form of “pedagogical de-
colonization,” given that some invoke the Spanish Royal Academy's
rejection as a reason to avoid using inclusive language.
Manuela, a 59-year-old activist relatively new to the abortion rights
movement, reflects on generational differences regarding gender-in-
clusive language:
But there are things about the lexicon that people of my age have a
harder time with. I find this thing about “chiques” [instead of chicos/
chicas – guys/gals] very funny now. And I have fun talking with the
younger girls, I talk to them with … with “e” in everything. “Let's go
to the pilete,” [instead of pileta – swimming pool] and we laughed.
There are people who get angry with that lexicon. […] But I think it
is very funny. It's a fun way to make you think there's another
possibility. […] Language is alive and changes all the time. It is good
when that content is incorporated into the social discussion. […]
Someone says “chiques” and someone laughs, someone gets angry,
someone uses it with a sense of approval.
Whereas Manuela seems amused by the new uses of language, she
does take the critique seriously and recognizes the value of new ways of
naming. As she points out, not everyone—including in the move-
ment—is enthusiastic about these changes. Some may also stumble
when trying to adapt, or they may offer their own critique. Celia, an
experienced feminist activist, supports the use of gender inclusive lan-
guage, but admits: “I can't do it, I can't speak at all with the ‘e.’ I have a
really hard time with it…I agree with it. But I also think that those who
cannot incorporate it are not necessarily excluding, discriminating. It is
a change; a change in language is an important cultural change and it is
going to take a long time.” As both Celia and Manuela indicate, lan-
guage and culture are not static, and there can be resistance to mod-
ification. In the accounts of abortion rights activists, one can see dif-
ferent attitudes toward and levels of fluency in relation to gender
inclusive language. While generational differences are not the only
division lines in this regard, in 2018 it became clear that the difficulties
that Celia alluded to had been overcome by various young activists,
including high school students, who fluidly spoke with the “e,” for in-
stance, in media appearances.16 One question to further consider is
whether these language changes have gone hand in hand with sig-
nificant transformations in embodied practices, interactions, and so-
cial/sexual relations.
16
For an example of young activists' use of gender-inclusive language in
media appearances, and a journalistic account about the phenomenon, see
Schmidt (2019).
B. Sutton
5.2.2. Energetic action and physical occupation of space
It is not only discursive innovations but also energetic action that
the young activists contribute to the abortion rights movement.
Different interviewees noted the “strength,” “endurance” (aguante),
“energy,” and commitment to action and to “hold” protest spaces that
have characterized many of the interventions of young activists. In the
words of Ramiro, from the middle generation, the “pibitas [young
pibas] in high schools continue the struggle [of the históricas] carrying
it with the strength that only young women have, women and youth
who are super empowered.” Older activists also recognized the im-
portance of sustaining movement presence in public spaces and men-
tioned that, to a large extent, this was accomplished thanks to the
availability and stamina of young activists. They also highlighted young
activists' rebellious stance, reflected in their vocal questioning of the
social order and through irreverent forms of embodied protest. In the
words of Juliana, of the intermediate generation, the pibas “show us not
only which way the discussion should go but how to engage with this
struggle. Which is on the streets, clearly. In a very determined way, that
is, without negotiation. And considering that with each success we are
bringing up everything for discussion.” While young people are not the
only ones to engage in radical forms of questioning, and the commit-
ment to street protest is not new, previous iterations of the abortion
rights movement lacked the numbers of activists and public displays of
support that was evident in 2018. Young activists helped “sustain street
actions,” engaged in bold interventions such as occupying high schools,
and readily displayed their green kerchiefs in their everyday life.
Referring to the contributions of the pibas, Sonia (30 years old)
appreciated the presence of pibas in events held by the Campaign's
during weekly “Green Tuesdays”:
Well, on Green Tuesdays there was a festival and so on at the door of
Congress, and that happened for two months, and that was sus-
tained, mainly, and not only by the Campaign obviously—the
compañeras from the Campaign who were organizers—but also by
the pibas […] I think that the Campaign has that wonderful aspect,
which is that the same space can be shared by all generations.
Florencia, an activist in the middle, contrasts the recent swelling of
feminist events—in large part due to the presence of young people—-
with the relatively small number of activists in past feminist marches in
which she had participated: For example “in a November 25 march
[International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women] we
did not even fill a block, we were the same ones [....] Then, with this ...
vitality that I think younger people bring, a lot is gained, intensity is
gained, potency is gained, action is gained.”
The energy of the young activists is complemented by the experi-
ence of older generations. This is recognized by Emma (21 years old)
who not only spoke about her activist group's powerful work capacity
(prepotencia de trabajo), and how they are like “little tractors,” and
“engines,” but also how “that was not sufficient to do everything we
did.” She reflected on how they needed the older generations “with
their knowledge, with their ... with their connections, with their net-
works, with their already-held discussions. There were a lot of discus-
sions we still needed to have. And they were able to be that linkage
between the energy and the need to put… Well, [to say] ‘Let's create a
foundation. Let's ... Let's make a plan. Let's join together.’ Pah! Like that.
Like ‘let's come down back to Earth, too.’”
Activist praxis is about the blend between thought and action.
Young activists have been engaged in spaces of reflection and some
young leaders have eloquently spoken to the media and members of
congress, evidencing thoughtful consideration of the issues surrounding
abortion. In other words, it is not just “action” that young activists offer
to the movement. At the same time, energetic action and the commit-
ment to physically occupy space is an important contribution to abor-
tion rights activism, and has been essential to make the abortion
struggle visible.
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5.2.3. Festive protest
The style of participation of activist youth is also helping to trans-
form abortion politics, and feminism more generally. Florencia, of the
intermediate generation, noted that “somehow feminism was stagnant
here, we could not get it out of a place that was not good, it was not
celebratory.” The influx of new activists injected feminism, and abor-
tion rights activism specifically, with a different affective tone. The
“green tide” in 2018 was rather festive. In street protests and activist
events during that year—from Green Tuesdays to the vigils surrounding
the congressional debate—young activists readily adopted the green
kerchief, using it on their heads, wrists, backpacks, torsos, and necks.
They experimented with different styles and ways of displaying the
symbol. They painted their eyelids or lips in bright green or inscribed
creative designs on their faces: green straight lines, stars and dots, and
many other shapes, often enhanced with green glitter. As I was saying
goodbye to Alba (27 years old) she asserted: “The Fourth wave is going
to be green, glittery, and Latin American!” Besides pointing to the re-
gional significance of the events unfolding in Argentina, and the cen-
trality of abortion politics (symbolized by the color green) to con-
temporary feminism, this statement highlights the festive and
performative character of the emerging “glittery” feminist protest. The
festive style of youth protest also rubs, even literally, onto activists from
older generations, as some also started to add green glitter or other non-
traditional decorations to their faces during protests.
The glitter, the body painting, and the generally joyful quality of the
young participants in the green tide is more than a style of protest. It
also transforms the stigma associated with abortion, as protesters not
only display the green kerchief with pride and without fear, but exu-
berantly celebrate their right to freedom, their resistance, and their
lineage as the “granddaughters of the witches that you could not burn”
(as some of the protest signs and songs declared). According to Paola,
an activist “in the middle,” this approach helps shift the terms of the
abortion rights debate from one focused on “abortion to prevent death”
to one that sees abortion as a life-affirming option for those who can
make the decision:
And now we are talking a lot about legal abortion in order to enable
choice. And that feminism invites us to think of a life that is free,
that is happy. It has to do with joy and hope, which makes it possible
to also start talking about autonomy, about desire. Then it seems to
me that during these 2–3 months there has been a big change in the
debate, and especially because of the prominence of the pibas, of the
adolescents, who do not just speak of the women who died due to
clandestine abortion, but speak of les17 [the] people with the ca-
pacity to gestate, they talk a lot about desire, my body, exposing the
body, covering it with glitter. They have a very clear idea in relation
to desire, and from those spaces they are also transforming the de-
bate.
Paola's observations point to the deeper meaning that the form of
political protest carries. Form and affect are entwined, shaping political
discourse and the terms of the debate on abortion (Vacarezza, 2018).
The festive embodied protest of young activists helps advance argu-
ments that older activists also agree with—for example on sexual au-
tonomy—but that are sometimes downplayed for strategic reasons (for
example, sensing greater societal willingness to entertain public health
arguments as opposed to those based on women's sexual freedom). The
massive and festive activism for abortion rights that surrounded the
parliamentary debate of the abortion legalization bill has shaped the
new social context for the reception of abortion rights arguments in
contemporary Argentina.
17
Les is a gender-inclusive innovation applied to the plural “the,” which in
official Spanish would be las or los (feminine or masculine respectively).
B. Sutton
5.3. In the middle
The generation “in the middle” is comprised by a broad swath of
abortion rights activists who have played a crucial role in the move-
ment, yet have received less rhetorical attention in public discourse
than the pibas or the históricas. In fact, there is not a distinctive gen-
erational label for them other than pointing to their position in relation
to other generations. As Guillermina (43 years old) pointed out, it is not
that activists in the middle are totally invisible. Many have evident
organizational roles during protests, appear in the media, lecture at
universities, or speak in other public fora. However, when different
generations are referred to, this group seems to be somewhat invisible,
or perhaps taken for granted, seemingly defined in relation to the other
groups. Here I highlight three themes that apply to the intermediate
generation and that helps understand their position in the abortion
rights movement. As will be discussed, these are activists whose efforts
have been vital to making things happen; they often have to balance
competing responsibilities; and they have served as a bridge between
generations of activists.
5.3.1. Making things happen
Activists in the middle do much of the work that keeps the abortion
rights movement going. Through their organizational skills and ded-
ication, they substantially contribute to the advancement of the cause.
They coordinate event logistics, sustain networks, disseminate in-
formation, speak to the media and politicians, teach, theorize, strate-
gize, and assist others. This is not to say that activists from other gen-
erations do not contribute in some of these ways, but I highlight this
aspect to underscore the important work of this group vis-à-vis their
relative invisibility in generational terms, and to show how their acti-
vism finds both synergy and conflict with their paid and carework re-
sponsibilities. Many of these activists' contributions are behind the
scenes and some are front stage. Their activism sometimes blends with
their jobs and professions, for example, as teachers, university pro-
fessors, or health care workers, but it can also present competing de-
mands and risks to their employment.
Elisa, one of the históricas, positively described the contributions of
activists in the middle, pointing to how their movement trajectories
were also shaped by key political moments and emblematic women's
movement spaces. Specifically she referred to the 2000s period, pre-
sumably in relation to the rising activism that surrounded the political
and economic crisis of 2001 (Borland & Sutton, 2007). She also men-
tioned the National Women's Encuentros, which have been important
political venues for the development of abortion rights discourse and
strategy in Argentina.
[T]he intermediate generation is very good. No, I think it is really
good because many of those chicas [young women] started being
pibas too, we would say, no? And today they are between 30 and
40 years old, so to speak, no? They went to the first Encuentros of
women in the 2000s, no? And many of them, for example, actively
participate… These professionals have created new things. The
Network of Professionals for the Right to Decide is basically made
up of those compañeras.
The network that Elisa refers to is composed of professionals in
health care who say “Count on us” to those who may need to interrupt
their pregnancies (for instance, for cases that fall within the exceptions
to penalization). That is, aspects of their activism happen through and
are intricatelly connected to their professional practice. Additionally
they “participated in hundreds of workshops, panels, debates, discus-
sions about budgets, about techniques, during the green Tuesdays, in
schools, labor unions, neighborhood assemblies, social organizations,
university courses, on television, and mobilizing during 13J and 8A”
(Red de Profesionales, n.d.).18 This extensive list shows significant in-
terventions in multiple spaces, in this way shaping understandings,
discourse, and mobilization for abortion rights.
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Women's Studies International Forum 82 (2020) 102392
In addition to the public-facing work of activists “in the middle,”
Daniela, who is in this group, illustrated much of the behind-the-scenes
work carried out by these activists. Referring to the vigil on the occa-
sion of the parliamentary debate during June 13–14, 2018, she re-
counted the massive demonstration in the streets adjacent to Congress
as an “incredible” event, with significant logistical demands for acti-
vists: There were “compañeras who did not sleep for 48 hours [….] who
were there at dawn, that is, the day before. Yes, at the dawn of the
previous day setting up the stage, together with those who brought the
stage. Like that, arranging the sound system ... Everything, everything.”
Daniela and others talked about the complex logistical work of or-
ganizing mega events such as the demonstrations that took place out-
side of the National Congress during the parliamentary debates. For
example, the June 13–14 demonstration reportedly mobilized around
one million people (e.g., Zanellato, 2018). Besides the political activ-
ities of the event, activists had to organize security, communications,
and countless details that are easy to take for granted by those who
participate or watch from the sidelines and who only see the results of
this painstaking work.
Logistical aspects can also be arenas of generational friction.
Guillermina an activist in her early 40s narrated the tension around the
move to cut down political content during one of the Green
Tuesdays—which would be aired through a live microphone (radio
abierta)—in favor of festival activities such as live music. She pushed for
the inclusion of more political content and noted the generational di-
vide: It was “music that I had never heard in my life, in my life.” She
added that one of the históricas also commented “What's this?” Those
advocating for reducing the radio abierta time “explained that street
[presence] was maintained with the pibas…Who would stay there
every Tuesday for two months, with the cold and discomfort that the
streets generate? What will you give them, a declaration that makes
them fall asleep?” Here we see that issues having to do with genera-
tional preferences percolated into logistics, and ultimately while
Guillermina was not altogether convinced by the arguments offered,
she also recognized the contribution of the young ones occupying the
streets and struggled to fit everything into the schedule.
These examples illustrate the intermediate generation's logistical
contributions to both ongoing activist work and to activist “peak”
events, which include navigating potential conflicts—generational and
otherwise. These actions tap into finely-tuned organizational skills,
ability to implement plans, and a work capacity that draws on years of
experience in other realms of life. One question that emerges is how this
activist work fits with other demands in these activists' lives, particu-
larly given the gendered division of labor in society and in relation to
increased economic insecurity and inequality in the context of neoli-
beralism.
5.3.2. Balancing responsibilities
The intense organizational work of movement participants “in the
middle” is sometimes in conflict with other demands in their lives, such
as childcare and job obligations. Activism becomes a third shift, which
can be hard to balance in relation to other responsibilities that are
necessary but are hard to set aside, particularly when they provide
essential economic sustenance. This is an aspect that was emphasized
by Daniela (37 years old) when referring especially to activists who are
in their 30s and 40s:
I mean, we are all precarizadas [in precarious economic conditions],
with two or three jobs; or without work, unemployed; or skipping
work to be able to guarantee the [movement's] activities, or those
who are teachers losing leave time, even asking for leaves with debt
[....] We are the workers, like the most active part of society, we are
18
June 13 and August 8 of 2018, when the Chamber of Deputies and the
Senate respectively debated an abortion legalization bill.
B. Sutton
giving it a thousand percent. That's what's happening. And things
related to work are very present for all of us. [....] I mean, we are all
workers and we are at risk in each of the activities we do, going to
meetings … I mean … It's like … We're like the invisible threads,
behind everything that's happening. So we were saying, “Well,
where is it visible?” In that […] at the end of the month we do not
make any money [no cobramos nada].
Besides remunerated work, unpaid care work can also limit the
availability of some members of this age group. For instance, Sandra
(31 years old) attended the vigil surrounding the legalization bill debate
in the Congress lower house. The whole debate extended to about 22
hours. Thus, at some point Sandra had to return home to care for her
small baby. Family obligations have not prevented her from intense
movement participation. Still, one can see the struggle to balance these
various responsibilities. During our interview, Sandra sometimes had to
interrupt her narration to tend to her baby, including when she re-
counted her efforts to straddle motherhood and activism during the
vigil:
I was in Congress till 4:30–5 in the morning, trying to hold on as
much as possible. And then, well, for reasons beyond my control I
had to return [laughs], and I was here. I was here with my mom,
with my baby. And it was like … both of us jumping up and down
with joy because [the lower-house bill] passed. [Sound of baby
crying in the background]. I am going to bring him. [Speaking to the
baby:] Come here, sweetie. Come here … there, there now. Have a little
bit of milk, a little bit of milk [drawing him to her breast]. Son, you
distract me from the topic … [with tender voice].
Similar challenges are mentioned by Dalia (40 years old), who had
been a leader in the Campaign, but who had to scale down her activism
due to the combination of work obligations and becoming a single
mother. She points out that it can be hard to keep the same level of
involvement over a long period: “To be in those places of exposure and
sacrifice has personal costs, work-related costs, economic costs.” She
describes the struggle to reconcile her employment demands and acti-
vist duties: “Every week I would give a talk in this university, in that
university, in that other place, in that barrio, in that prison, in that
radio show. Well, today I cannot sustain that.” While activists “in the
middle” are not the only ones who may have competing obligations
(e.g., one of the younger históricas talked about her exhaustion from
intense activism in combination with two jobs), perhaps certain life-
cycle events, combined with their position doing much of the move-
ment organizing and logistical work, made these conflicts particularly
apparent.
5.3.3. Bridging generations
In addition to contributing to movement discourse and logistics,
activists in the middle also help bridge generations. They are inheritors
of past struggles; they make a political mark of their own; and they also
connect with young activist through their teaching and organizational
activities. In this way, they are in a position to serve as translators of
sorts between the históricas and the pibas. Members of this inter-
mediate group have shared or personally remember important political
moments of the country, and sometimes trace their first steps in acti-
vism to spaces led by the históricas. At the same time, some of these
activists—particularly those who are on the younger side—share some
affinities with the perspectives of the pibas.
Florencia, one of the activists “in the middle,” saw her generation as
bridging the propositions of younger feminists and the legacies of the
históricas. While younger than the históricas, Florencia has been long
enough in the feminist scene in Argentina to be able to critically con-
sider both the movement's contributions and its limitations. Referring
to the newer feminist generations, she suggested that “we can articulate
those [feminist perspectives] with some of the things we learned from
the históricas, who are not merely figures to name for us, but persons
10
Women's Studies International Forum 82 (2020) 102392
with whom we organized politically.” Ramiro (41 years old), is also in
the intermediate generation, but he chose to highlight the role of fellow
activist women in their 30s and 40s, mentioning that “they have the
training and sharp eyes to revisit the históricas, and they can read the
strength of the pibas. Then they can coordinate an estudiantazo (student
protest), which sometimes is difficult to accord between generations
that are so far apart, so these compañeras, who play the role of vertex to
some extent, are fundamental. They are the true political troopers of
this Campaign [laughs].” Thus activists from the intermediate genera-
tion can potentially foster cooperation through their proximity to and
understanding of different age groups.
6. Conclusion
The abortion rights movement in Argentina is nourished by different
generations of activists who have mobilized together toward a common
goal. Although critically analyzing tensions and conflicts between dif-
ferent groups is important, this article's emphasis on generational
contributions, convergences, and solidarity not only reflects a particular
moment in the movement, but also serves to identify key aspects of
movement change and continuity. While there are certainly overlaps
between the challenges and contributions of different groups, inter-
views with activists highlight longtime activists' persistence, the ways
in which their efforts are currently recognized by other generations,
and how they have contributed to feminist transmission by passing on
knowledge and movement memory. On the other end of the age spec-
trum, young activists push for greater sexual and gender inclusivity,
contribute to the movement through energetic action and public space
occupation, and perform a festive style of protest. The activists “in the
middle” have been central to making things happen, contributing
multiple forms of knowledge and skills, and often having to balance the
competing demands of activism, paid employment, and/or unpaid care
work. They leave their own imprint in the movement, through their
participation in various organizational layers, and also operate as a
bridge between generations.
One of the lessons from the movement events during 2018, and its
longer history, is the importance of intergenerational dialogue, co-ex-
istence, and organizing for abortion rights activism to move its goals
forward. This is also essential in a struggle that promises to continue.
Even if abortion is decriminalized and legalized in the near future,
activists who support abortion rights feel that they cannot let their
guard down. Several activists anticipated the hurdles that can be ex-
pected even in a scenario of legal abortion. The difficulties to secure
abortions that fit within the current legal exceptions prefigure what is
to come. Additionally, if a transnational consciousness teaches us
anything is that anti-abortion opponents can significantly curtail this
right even in places where abortion is legal, as has been the case in the
United States, for example. The active involvement of different gen-
erations of activists is then critical not only to legalize abortion, but also
to defend this right and make it an effective reality in the long run.
Argentina's abortion rights movement's achievements in 2018 hold
the promise of intergenerational learning and multidirectional trans-
mission, as well as diffusion of feminist ideas. These intergenerational
encounters are not always smooth, and there is potential for substantial
disagreements and misunderstanding. However, in the context of a
movement on the rise, and under the broad structure of the National
Campaign for the Right to Legal, Safe, and Free abortion, activists from
different generations recognized each other, worked together, and
made a significant political impact. The widespread participation of
different age groups demonstrates that abortion rights matter to society
as a whole—not just to a handful of feminists, not just to women, and
not just to people of reproductive age. Abortion has become an im-
portant and recognized political issue. Through multiple strategies and
a living discourse for abortion rights, activists from different genera-
tions helped take abortion out of the shadows, spreading the idea that
this practice should be clandestine no more.
B. Sutton
Funding
At the writing stage, this project benefited from the support of the
Rockefeller Foundation Bellagio Center Academic Writing Residency.
Declaration of competing interest
None.
Acknowledgments
I thank the activists in Argentina who shared their views, analyses,
and experiences with me, as well as the following scholars who pro-
vided helpful feedback on different versions of this article: Nayla
Vacarezza, Elizabeth Borland, Lisette Balabarca-Fataccioli, Gwen
D'Arcangelis, Silvia Mejía, Óscar Pérez, and two reviewers for Women's
Studies International Forum. I am also grateful for the conversations
about the project with Constanza Tabbush, Alexandra Adams, and
Bahia Shehab.
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