DA

2
9 Gregoire F. Perlman

2
6 WORKER-STUDENT
ACTION COMMITTEES
ay '6
 C�ntents

Introduction 1

PART I

The Second French RPvolutton

" �I'·
4

Workers Occ1mv Their Factortes 7

Cit:ro�n Action Committee--I 12

From Student Revolt to General Strike:

A Frustrated Revolution 19

Citroen Action Committee--II 21

The May 20th Strike and the Occupation 24

The Gates Are Shut by the CGT 26
Contacts at the Factory 28
The Foreign Workers' Dormitories JO
The Ra�k and File Committees 31
The Strike for MRterlal Demands 32
Perspectives 14

t.1 hel"ated Censl er: A Revolutionary Ease 35

Introduction 35
Exemplary Character of the University Occupation 38
Revolutionary Consciousness of Social Power 47
The Unveiling of Repression and Propaganda. 61

PART II

Evaluation and Cr1t1oue 70

Limits of the Escalation 70

Self-Or�an1zat1on 1n General Assemblies 75
Self-Or,a:i:i.nizatton 111 Actton Committees 77
Crit.tnne of Act1ons 82
PR:r+-1al L1 bP.rat1on of th-:! Mil1.tants 85
.
P<i:rtt::i1 Chi:1racter of the Reirolutionary T"ieory 91

Illustrettn�s from:
L' F.nraE:e
Ac+: ton
C.<1h1Pr1' de rM:l
Introduction

Who are we? Neither officers nor functionaries of

I ntrodudion
the Worker-Student Action Committees; neither presidents

nor secretaries of the movement; neither spokesmen nor

representatives of the revolutionaries.

W h o ar e w e ? Ne i t h e r o f f i c e r s nor functi onar i e s o f

We're two militants who met at the barricades and

t h e Work er-S t ud e n t Ac tion Commi t t e e s ; n e i t h e r p re s i d e n t s

in Censier; who shared a project with each other as with

nor s e c r e tar i e s o f the movem e n t ; ne i th e r s p ok e sm e n nor

thousands of other militants active in Paris in May and

June l968.

Why are we writing this account of the May-June

r e pre s e n ta t i ve s of the revol u t i onar i e s .
events? Not in order to describe a spectacle, nor a

history which is to "enlighten" future generations. Our

W e ' r e two m i l ita n t s who m e t at t h e barr i c ad e s and
goal is to make transparent, to ourselves and to those

i n C e n s i e r ; who s har e d a proj e c t w i t h eac h o t h e r as w i th

t housand s o f othe r m i l i ta n t s a c t i v e i n Par i s i n May a nd
who are engaged in the same project, our shortcomings,

June 1 9 68.
our lack of foresight, our lack of action. Our aim is

to clarify the extent to which our concrete actions

furthered the revolutionary project.

The purpose of the critique is to permit us to move W h y are we wr i t i ng t h i s a c c ount of the May-June
further in the realization of the revolutionary project,
eve n t s? Not i n ord e r to d e s c r i be a s p e c ta c l e , nor a
to act more effectively in a situation similar to the

h i s tory whi c h i s to 11e nl i g h t e n" future g e ne rati o n s . Our

goal is to mak e tran s par e nt. t o our s elve s and to t h o s e
one we experienced. Our intention is not to "clarify"

who ar e e ngaged i n the sam e pr oj e c t , o ur s hortc om i ng s ,

the sequence of events which took place in France in

order to make possible a ritual repetition of these

events, but rather to contrast the limited views we

our l a ck of f or e s i g ht , our l a ck of a c t i o n . Our a im i s
had of the events at the time we were engaged in them,
t o c l ar i fy t h e e x t e nt t o whi c h our c o n c r e t e a c t i o n s
with views we have gained from further action in dif-

fur t he r e d th e r e vol u t i onary proje c t .

ferent contexts. Thus this account and critique of

T h e purp o s e of the c r i tiq u e i s t o p e rm i t u s to move

French events is at the same time a critique of short-

furth e r in the real i zati on o f the revoluti onary proj e c t ,

comings we found in ourselves and in those alongside

whom we struggled afterwards.

This booklet is divided into two parts. The first

to a c t mor e eff e c ti vely i n a s i tuati on s i m i lar t o t h e
part consists of articles which are attempts to under-
o n e we e xp e r i e n c e d. Our i n t e n t i o n i s n o t to '' c l ar i fy "
stand the events as they took place and to define the

t h e s eque n c e of ev e nt s whi c h took p l a c e i n France i n

ord e r t o mak e p o s s i b l e a r i tual r e p e t i ti�n of t h e s e
perspectives behind the actions. The "perspectives be-

e v e nt s , but r a t he r to c o ntra s t t he l im i te d v i e w s we
hind the actions" are not private philosophies which we

had o f the e v e n t s at t h e t i me we were e ngag e d i n them ,

attributed to an external "social movement"; they are

not the subjective goals of two militants. They are not

projections which "detached historians" impose on events

w i th vi e w s we have ga i ne d from fur t her ac t i o n i n d i f­
from the outside. The perspectives are the basis on
f e r e nt c o n t e x t s . Thu s this a c c ount a nd c r i ti q u e o f
which we participated in the revolutionary project. We

Fr e n c h eve nt s i s a t t he sam e t im e a c r i t i q u e o f s ho rt­

do not regard ourselves as "external observers" report-

com i ng s we found i n our s e l v e s and i n t ho s e along s i d e

whom w e s t ruggl ed afterward s.
ing the activities of others. We were ourselves in-

tegral parts of the events we described, and our per-

spectives transformed the events in which we participated.

A militant who rejects the constraints of capitalist

daily life was drawn to the university occupations, the
street fights, the strike, precisely because the collec-
tive project, the project of the others, was also his
Thi s b o okl e t i s d i v i ded i n to two part s . The f i r s t
par t c on s i s t s o f art i cl e s whi c h ar e a t tempts t o under­
stand the e v e n t s as the y took pla c e and to define the

p e r spe c ti v e s be h i nd t h e a c t i o n s . The '' p e r s p e c t1 v e s be­

h i nd t h e ac ti o n s " ar e not p r i va t e p h i l o s ophie s whic h we
attr i but ed to an e x t e rnal '' s o c i al m ovem e nt"; t h e y are
no t t he su bje c t i ve g o a l s of two m i l i tants . T h e y are no t
proje c t i o n s w h i c h '' d e ta c h e d h i sto r i ans" imp o s e on event s
from t h e ou t s id e . Th e p e r s p e c t i ve s are t h e ba s i s on
wh i c h we parti c i pated i n the r e vol uti o nary projec t . We
do not r e gard our s e l ve s a s '' external o b s e rver s " repor t­
i ng the ac t i v i t i e s of o t h er s . We were our s elve s i n­
t e gral par t s of t h e e v e nts we de s c r i bed , and our per­
sp e c t i ve s transform e d the e v e nt s i n whi c h we par t i c ipated.
A m i l i tant wh o reje c t s the c o n s tra i n t s of cap i tal ist
da i l y l i fe wa s drawn to t h e u n i v e r s i ty o c cupa t i ons , t he
s tr e e t f i ghts , t h e s tr i k e , p r e c i s e l y be cau s e the c o l lec ­
t i ve proje c t , the proje c t of the oth e r s , wa s al s o his
 2

proje c t . At the same time hi s per s p e c t i ve s , hi s pro j e ct,

project. At the same time his perspectives, his project,

be came par t of the c o l l e c t i ve pro j e c t . C o n s equently ,

became part of the collective project. Consequently,

when he devel oped h i s per sp e c t i ve s , the e n t i r e group ' s

proje c t wa s developed , mod i f i ed , tran s formed , s i nce t h e
when he developed his perspectives, the entire group's

c olle c t i ve pro j e c t onl y exi s t s i n the i nd i v i dual s who

project was developed, modified, transformed, since the

collective project only exists in the individuals who

engage themselves in it and thus transform it. The

engage t hem s elve s i n i t and thus trans form i t. The
project is not something which exists in our heads and proj e c t i s no t s om e t hing wh i c h e x i s ts in our head s and
which we attribute to "the movement," nor is it some-

wh i c h we a t tr i but e to hthe m ovement , •• nor i s i t s om e ­

thing which exists in the "collective mind of the move-

thing wh i c h ex i s t s i n the •• c oll e c tive m i nd o f t he mov e ­

ment . " Sp e c i fi c. i nd i v i dual s e ngag ed thems elve s i n a
ment." Specific individuals engaged themselves in a

revolu t i onary proje c t , and o ther i nd i vidual s a c c epted

revolutionary project, and other individuals accepted

this project as their own and engaged themselves in it;

the project became a collective project only when numer- t h i s proj e c t as the i r own a nd engaged them s el ve s in i t;
ous individuals chose it and engaged themselves in it.
t he proj e c t became a coll e c t i v e proj e c .t onl y wh en num er­
As the number of people grew larger, Individuals with

ou s ind i v i dual s c ho s e i t and engaged them s elv e s in i t.

A s the number of p e opl e grew larger , i ndi vidual s w i t h
different kinds of experiences defined new activities

different k i nds o f experi e nc e s d e f i ned new a c t i v i t i e s

and new perspectives, and consequently contributed new

possibilities to all the others engaged in the project;

they opened up new potential directions for the entire

"movement." Consequently the perspectives of an active
participant in the movement were in no way external to
the movement.
and new persp e c t i ve s , and c on s equently c ontr i buted new
po s s i b i l i ti e s to all the o t hers engag ed in the proj e c t;
they opened up ne w p o t e nt i al d i re c t i ons f or t he ent i r e

"m ovem e nt . " C o n s eque ntl y t h e pe r s p e c t i ve s o f an ac tive

par t i c ipant i n th e movement were in no way ex te rnal t o
The second part of this booklet is a critical

t h e m ov em e nt.
evaluation of our actions and perspectives; it is an

attempt to answer why our actions did not lead to the

realization

of our per- The s e c ond par t of t hi s bookl e t i s a cri t i cal

spectives.
e valua t i on of our a c t i ons and p e r s pe c t i ve s; i t i s an
The point of

a t t emp t to a nswer why our ac t i o n s d i d not l ead t o t h e

real i za t i on
the critique

o f our p er­
is to enable

us to go

further, not
s p e c t i ve s .
to repeat The p o i nt o f
what happened
the cr i t ique
in May-June.

i s to enabl e
u s to g o
What was the

further , not
nature of the

project we

engaged in?
t o repeat
Why did the
what happened
escalation

in May-June.
Wha t.wa s the
of the move-

nature o f the
ment reach a

certain point

and go no
proj e c t w e
further? engag ed i n?
When we en-
Why d i d the
gaged our-

e s cala t i on
of the m ov e ­
selves in

ment rea c h a
the project

initiated by

the March 22
c e rta i n p o i nt
Movement in and go no
why Tkesa
further?
Whe n we en­
iyomEfc ALL *J>(0Ti.

gaged our-
***'&£%

3tl~ Ue A-Rfc

S*6 »AJOHiT<, HAi, M Z>

s el ve s i n
Cm t he pro j e c t
i ni t i a t ed by
the Mar c h 22
Movem e n t i n
 J

Nant err e , d i d we e ngage our s e l ve s i n the same manner?

Nanterre, did we engage ourselves in the same manner?

If no t , wha t wa s the di ff erenc e?

If not, what was the difference?

A t t emp t s to real i ze the revol uti onar y pro j e c t

Attempts to realize the revolutionary project

a f t e r t he May -June events mad e u s awar e that our en­

after the May-June events made us aware that our en-

gagem ent i n the proje c t o f t he March 22 Movem e n t had

gagement in the project of the March 22 Movement had

been passive. The initial aim of the Nanterre militants

was to change reality, to eliminate social obstacles

be en pa s s i ve . The i n i t ial a im of t h e Nanterre m i l ita nts

to the free development of creative activity, and the

wa s to c hange real i ty , t o el im i na t e s o c i al obs ta c l e s

to the fr e e d evelopm e nt o f crea t i ve a c t i v i ty. and the
militants proceeded by eliminating concrete obstacles.

mili tant s pro c e e d e d by el iminati ng concrete obsta cl e s .

However, a large number of people who became the "move-

However , a l arge number o f p e opl e who becam e the "m ove­

ment" engaged themselves in a different manner. They

did not regard themselves as those who had to move

against the concrete obstacles. In this sense they

ment " engaged themselve s in a different manner . They
were passive. They "joined a movement," they became

did not regard them selv e s as tho se who had to move

part of a mysterious collectivity which, they thought,

aga i n s t the c o n c r e t e obs ta c l e s . In thi s s e n s e they

were pa s s 1 ve . They "jo i ned a movem e nt. 1' they b e c am e
had a dynamic of its own. By joining the "movement,"

part o f a m y s t e r i ou s c olle c t i v i ty which , they thought ,

their only engagement was to move with it. As a re-

had a dynam i c of i t s own . By jo i ning the ''movement , "

sult, concrete people, who are the only ones who can

transform social reality, were not going to change

reality through their own concrete activity; they were t h e i r o nly e ngagement wa s to move with i t . A s a re­
going to follow a mysterious force—"the mass," "the
s ult , c on c r e t e pe opl e , who are the onl y one s who can
movement"—which was going to transform reality. Thus

trans form s o c i al real i t y , were no t go i ng to c ha nge

r eal i ty through the i r own conc r e t e a c t i vi ty ; the y were
we became dependent on an ineiistent power.

goi ng to f o l l ow a mysterious forc e -- 1' the ma s s , " " the

R. Gregoire

F. Perlman

Kalamazoo
moveme nt 11- - wh i c h wa s go i ng t o trans form real i ty . Thus
February, I969.
w e be cam e dep endent on an i ne x i s t ent power .

R . Grego ire
F. Perlman

Kal amazoo
February , 1969.
 Part
4
I
PARIS, May 18, 1968

The Second French Revolution

The major factories of France have been occupied by
their workers. The universities are occupied by stu­
dents who are attending continuing assemblies and or­
ganizing COlllllittees of Action. The transportation and
CODUaunications services are paral.yzed.

"After a week of continuous fighting, the students

of Paris took possession of the Sorbonne," explains a
leaflet of a Students and Workers COlllittee
lll for Action;
"We haTe decided to make ourselves the. masters. ''

Large student movements have developed in recent

years in Japan. the United States. Italy, West Germany
and elsewhere. However. in France the student movement
quickly grew into a mass movement which seeks to over­
throw the socio-eeonomic structure of state-capitalist
society.

The French student

@)@fh@�lf
movement was transformed
into a mass movement during
a period of ten days. On
May 2 the University of

fes damntj' de
Nanterre was closed to stu­
dents by its dean; the fol­
lowing day the Sorbonne

��IlillI'@lf[J'@
was closed and police at­
tac.ked student demonstra­
tors. On th� days that

��G L.1.1�
followed, students learned
to protect themselves from
the police by constructing �·.....
barricades. hurling cobble­
stones, and smearing their
faces with lemon juice to
repel police gas. By
Monday. May 13. 800,000
people demonstrated in
Paris and a general strike
was called throughout
France; a week later the
entire French economy was
paralyzed.

The first carricade

to resist a police charge ARISE ye wretched
was built on May 6. Stu­ of Nanterre
dents used newspaper
 5

stands and automobiles to build the barricades, and dug s tand s and automobi l e s to bui l d the barr i cade s , and dug
up cobblestones which they threw in exchange for police
up c o bbl e s tone s whi c h they threw i n e x c hange for pol i c e
grenades and gas bombs.

gr enade s and ga s bomb s .

The following day the Latin Quarter of Paris was

The following day the Le. t i n Quarter o f Par i s wa s

in a state of siege; fighting continued; a large de-

monstration at the right-wing newspaper "Le Figaro"

protested the newspaper's attempts to mobilize violence

i n a s ta t e of s i ege; fi ghti ng c o nt i nued; a large d e ­
against the students. Red flags appeared at the front mon s tra t i on a t the r i ght-wi ng newspap er "Le Fi gar o "
lines of immense demonstrations, "The International" was

prote s t ed t he ne w spaper ' s a t t empts to mobil i z e vi o l e n c e

sung, and demonstrators cried "Long Live the (Paris)

aga i n s t the s tudent s . R e d flag s appeared a t t h e front

l i n e s of imm e n s e d emo n s tra ti on s , " The Internati o nal " wa s
Commune."

s ung , and demons tra t o r s c r i ed "Long L ive the ( Par i s )

On May l0, student demonstrators demand an im-

mediate opening of all universities, and the immediate

withdrawal of the police from the Latin Quarter. Thou-

Commune. ''
sands of students, joined by young workers, occupy the

main streets of the Latin Quarter and construct over

On May 10, student demonstra tor s demand an im­

60 barricades. On the night of Friday, May l0, city

m e d i a t e opening of all uni ver sit i e s, and the imm e d i a t e

wi thdrawal of the pol i c e from t h e Lati n Quar t er. Thou­
police reinforced by special forces charge on the

sand s of s tudent s , j o i ne d by young work e r s , o c cupy the

demonstrators. A large number of demonstrators, as

well as policemen, are seriously injured.

Up to this point, French newspapers, including the ma i n s tr e e t s of the Lat i n Quar ter and c on struct ov er
Communist Party organ L'Humanite, had characterized the
60 barr i cade s . On the night o� Fr i day , May 10 , c i ty
student movement as "tiny groups" and "adventurist

pol i c e re i nforc ed by spe cial for c e s charg e on the

d emons tra t or s. A large number of demon stra t or s , as
extremists." However, after the police repression of

well as p ol i c em en , are seriou sly i n j ur e d.

May l0, the communist-led union calls for a general

strike protesting the brutality of the police and sup-

porting the students. When almost a million people

demonstrate in the streets of Paris on May l3, stu-

Up to t h i s p o i n t , Frenc.h newspaper s , i nclud ing the
dents cry victoriously "We are the tiny groups!"

Commun i s t Party organ L1Human1te , had chara c ter i z e d the

The very next day, Tuesday May Ik, the movement

s tud ent m o vem e n t as " ti ny group s" and '' adventur i st

extremi s t s . " However , after the p ol i c e repre s s i on of
begins to flow beyond the university and into the fac-

tories. The aircraft plant Sud-Aviation, manufac-

turer of the Caravelle, is occupied by its own workers.

On Wednesday, May l5, students and workers take
over the Odeon, the French national theater, plant
revolutionary red and black flags on the dome, and
M ay 10 , t he c ommuni s t - l e d uni o n cal l s for a general
s trike pr o t e s ti ng the brutal i ty of the pol i c e and sup­
port i ng t he studen t s . Whe n almo s t a m i l l i o n peopl e

d em o n s tra te i n the s tre e t s o f Par i s on May l J , s tu­

d e n t s cry vi c toriou s l y " We are t he t i ny groupsl"
proclaim the end of a culture limited to the economic

elite of the country. The same day numerous plants

The very ne xt day , Tue s day May 14 , the m ovement

throughout France are occupied by their workers, in-

cluding the automobile producer Renault.

Two days after the take-over of the Renault plant,

b e g i n s to flow be yond t he univers ity and i nto the fa c ­
Sorbonne students organize a 6-mile march to demon-

t o ri e s . The a i rcra f t plant Sud-Aviati on , manufa c ­

strate the solidarity of the students with the workers.

turer o f t he Caravell e , i s o c.c.u p i e d by 1 t s own work er s .

At the head of the march is a red flag, and on their

way to the plant marchers sing the "International"

and call "Down with the Police State," "Down with

Capitalism," and "This is only the beginning; continue
the struggle!"
On Wedne sday , May 15 , s tuden t s a nd work er s take
over t he Od eon , t he French na t i onal t hea ter , plant
r e vol u t i o nary red and bl ack flag s on the dome , and
pro c l a im the end of a culture l im i ted to the econom i c
el i t e o f t h e coun tr y . The same day numerou s plant s
t hr oughout Franc e ar e o c c.up i e d by the i r work er s , i n­
cl ud i ng t h e automo bi l e produc. e r Renaul t.

Two day s a f t er the take-over of the Renaul t plant ,

Sorbonne s tu d e nt s organ i z e a 6 -mi l e mar c h t o d em o n­
s tra t e the s ol i dar i ty o f t he s tud e nt s w i t h the wo rk er s.
At the head o f the mar c h i s a red flag , and o n the i r
way to the plant marc hers s i ng the "Interna t i onal "
and call " Down wi th the Pol i c e State , " "Down wi th
Cap i tal i sm , '' and " This i s onl y the begi nn i ng; c o nt i nu e
the struggl e1"
 6

A red flag is flown at the entrance to the Renault

A r e d fl ag i s fl own at the entranc e to t h e Renaul t
plant, and individual workers standing on the roof of
plant , and i nd i vi dual work er s s ta nd ing o n the r o o f o f
the building cheer the marching students. However, the

the bu i l d i ng c h e e r the mar c h i ng s tudent s . However , the

C . G . T . , t he c ommun i s t union wh i c h had tak en c harge of
C.G.T., the communist union which had taken charge of

the s trike i n s ide the pl ant , i s guardedl y ho s t i l e t o

the strike inside the plant. is guardedly hostile to

the student demonstrators, and party spokesmen are

openly hostile toward students who call on workers to

govern and speak for themselves directly, instead of
letting the union govern and speak for them.
While radio stations continue to broadcast that
t h e s tud e nt demonstrators , and party spoke sm en are
op enly ho s t i l e toward s tudent s who call on worker s t o
govern and s p eak f or them s elve s d i r e c tl y , i n s t ead o f

l e tt i ng the uni on govern and s peak for them .

students are exclusively concerned with final examina-

W h i l e rad i o s ta t i on s c ont i nue to broadca s t t ha t

tions and workers are exclusively concerned with im-

proved salaries, students organize Committees of Ac-

tion, and factory occupations continue to spread.

s tudent s are excl u s i vel y c o n c e rned wi th f i nal exam ina­
-""W!*!*";".'-"-'^"'
t i ons and workers are ex c l u s i vely c onc erned wi t h im­
\

pr oved salar i e s , s tudent s organize Comm i t t e e s of A c ­

t i on , and fac.tory o c cupat i o ns c o nt i nu e to spread .
C EST EN ARRETANT

NOS MACHINES

[
DANS L'UNITE W

In t he
.....;;.. f.ft\W! . ."*
NOUSLEURDEMONTOJS

LEUR FAIBLESSE aud i t or i um s and . ·-:

. . ,
... . · ·
i
l e c tur e hall s . • , r-(_.
.. .. .... � .
of Univer s i ty
.'
Iw .■win a—MB

o f Pari s bui l d ­
!

ing s , a va s t
i

-i.

i
exp eriment i n
In the d i re c t d e ­
auditoriums and
mo c.r a c y i s
lecture halls

und er way .
. i
i
The s ta t e ,
i
of University

the m i n i s tr i e s ,
of Paris build-

ings, a vast

experiment in
the fa c ul ty
direct de- bod i e s and
mocracy is

the former
under way.

s tudent re­
pre s e nta t i ve
The state,

the ministries,

the faculty
bod i e s are
bodies and no l ong er
the former
r e c o gnized a s
student re-

legi t imate
presentative

lawmake r s . I t ' s by s t o p p i ng OUR MACHINES

The laws ar e toge t her that we111 s how them
bodies are

the i r weak ne s s .
no longer

recognized as
made by t he
legitimate c on s ti tu e nt s
lawmakers.
o f "Ge neral
The laws are

A s s embl i e s . 11 A c t i on c omm i t t ee s e s tabl i s h conta c t s wi t h

s tr i k i ng work er s , and lea fl e t s inform workers o f t h e
made by the

exper ien c e i n d irect dem o c ra cy wh i c h the s tud ent s are

constituents

ga i ni n g .
of "General

Assemblies." Action committees establish contacts with

striking workers, and leaflets inform workers of the

experience in direct democracy which the students are

A t th i s wr i t i ng , t he workers conti nue to be re ­
gaining.

pr e s e nted and con tro lle d by the un i on s , and the union s

c o nt i nue t o demand re f orm s from t h e s tate and from t he
At this writing, the workers continue to be re-

fac tory owner s . Howe ver , the s tud e nt s • re fusal t o

presented and controlled by the unions, and the unions

r e c ogni ze t h e l eg i t i ma c y o f a n y ext ernal c ontrol ,

continue to demand reforms from the state and from the

t heir r e fu sal to be rep resented by any body smal l er

factory owners. However, the students' refusal to

recognize the legitimacy of any external control,

their refusal to be represented by any body smaller

tha n the gene ral a s sembl y , i s con t i nual l y tra n sm i �ted
than the general assembly, is continually transmitted

to the s tr i k i ng work e r s by the S tud en t s and Work ers

A c t i on Commi t t e e s .
to the striking workers by the Students and Workers

F. Perlman
Action Committees.

F. Perlman

It's by stopping OUR MACHINES

together that we'll show them

their weakness.
 7

PARIS. May 20, l968

PARIS , May 20 , 1 968

Workers Occupy Their Factories

The work-force which has taken power in France's

Factories
main industries was characterized, in the past, by

Occupy Their
unbridgeable conflicts of interest. The conflicting

interests were exploited by factory owners, by the

police, and by the state. With the occupation of the

factories the differences have diminished, but they

have not disappeared, and the differences continue to

The work- f orc e whic h has tak e n p owe r in Franc e ' s

be exploited, in modified form, within the occupied

ma i n i ndus trie s wa s c hara c te r i zed , i n the pa s t , by

factories.

In large factories like Citrofen, the main con-

flict was between French workers and foreign workers. unbr i dgeable c o nfl i c t s of i nte re st. The c onfl i c t i ng
This article will limit itself to the forms of ex-
i nt ere st s w6re explo i ted by factory owner s , by the
ploitation, past and present, of the conflict of in-

pol i c e , and by the s tate . Wi th the o c c upa t i o n of the

terests between these two groups.

fac tor i e s the di f f er e nc e s have d im i ni s hed , but they

hav e no t disappeare d , and the dif ference s c o n t i nu e to
Foreign workers, mainly from Portugal, Spain,

be explo i te d , in m od i f i ed f orm , wi t h i n the o c cup i ed

Yugoslavia and North Africa, worked for wages which

were, on the average, less than half the size of

French workers' wages. The foreign workers had no fa c tor i e s.

choice. First of all the foreigners do not know

French, and could not inform themselves either of

In large fa ctori e s l i k e Citro � n. the mai n c on­

flict wa s be twe e n Fre nc h worke r s and fore ign work er s .
their human rights or of legal forms. The union did

Th i s ar t i c l e will l im i t i t s elf t o t he f orms o f ex­

not establish schools for them. Secondly, numerous

police bureaucracies made it nearly impossible for

foreigners to find jobs once in Paris, and sent them

pl o i ta t i on , pa s t and pre s e nt , of the c onfl i c t of i n­
back to their own countries after they had spent the
tere sts be twe e n the se two group s .
money they had somehow saved in their own countries

For e i gn worker s , m a i nly from Por tugal , Spai n ,

to come to Paris. In other words, the foreign worker

Yugo slavia and Nor th Afri c a , work ed for wag e s whi c h

is virtually forced to give up his humanity in order

we re , o n t he average , le s s than half the s i ze o f

to find a job. Consequently, the foreign worker is

not willing to risk losing his job even if his very

definition of himself as a human being is in question,

Frenc h wo rker s ' wage s. T h e fore i gn work e r s had no
since he has largely ceased to define himself as a

c h o ice. F i r st of all t he f ore i gne r s do not k now

human being. Systematically dehumanized, these work-

Fre nc h , and c ould no t i nf orm them s e l ve s either of

the i r human r i gh t s or o f l e gal forms. The uni o n did
ers were easily manipulated by the owners of France's

not e s tabl i s h s c hools f or them. Se condly, num erous

big industries: willing to work for low wages, they

lowered the overall wage scale; willing to work under

any conditions, they were used to break strikes. pol i ce bure aucrac i e s made i t nearly impo s sible for
From the point of view of the French workers,
f or e i gne r s to f i nd j ob s once in Par i s , and se nt them
the foreigners represented a constant threat. An

ba c k to their own c ountrie s after the y had s p e nt the

unemployed French worker had to compete with foreign-

money t he y had s ome how saved in the ir own c ountrie s

to come to Paris. In othe r word s , the fore i g n worker
ers willing to work for lower wages in worse condi-

i s v i r tuall y forced to g i ve up hi s humani ty i n order

tions. Employed workers, privileged in terms of type

of job, working conditions and wages, could strike

only hesitantly from fear that the factory owners and to find a j ob. Conseque ntl y . the foreign work er i s
the state would use the strike as a pretext to replace
no t w i l li ng to r i sk lo s i ng h i s j ob even if hi s very
French by foreign workers.

d e f i ni ti o n of h im s elf a s a human be i ng i s i n que s tio n ,

sinc e h e ha s large l y c ea s e d t o d e f i ne him s e l f a s a
human be i ng . Sy stemati c ally de humani zed , these work­
e r s were easily manipulated by t h e owners of Fran c e ' s
b i g indu s tri e s : will i ng to work for low wag e s , they
l o wered t he overall wag e s cale; w i lli ng to work und er
any c o nd i tion s , the y were used to break s tr ik e s .

From the p o i nt o f vi ew o f the French work e r s ,

the fore i gner s re pre sented a c o n s tant threat. An
unemployed Fre n c h worker had to c ompete with f ore i gn­
e r s w i lli ng to work for lower wage s in wor s e c o nd i ­
ti ons . Emplo ye d worker s , p r i vile ged in t e rm s of type
o f j ob , workin� c o nd i t i o n s and wa ge s , c ould s trike
only h e s i tantly from f ear that the fac t ory owner s and
t he state would u s e the s tr i ke a s a pre text to repl a c e
Frenc h by f or e i gn worker s.
 8

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In order to justify their relative privileges

and to rationalize their fear of the foreign workers,

French workers developed psychological outlooks which

are nearly identical with racism.

The Communist Party union (the C.G.T.) did not

make special efforts to equalize the conditions of the

foreigners with those of the French workers. This is

largely because the work contracts of most of the fo-

reigners were temporary, and the foreign workers could

llV +AC� 11'1.S

not vote, which means that the foreign workers did not

represent a power base for the Communist Party. And

THE ONL':I.
Kl (,HT 'J "()fAl\I ii
some union spokesmen contributed to a further worsening

of the foreign workers' situation by collaborating with

l1 o-r ...
the police repression of the foreigners, and even by

publicly defining foreigners as the greatest threat to

�?\
the French working class.

'- '
In order to understand the present clash of the

( \\'"
Communist union with the movement for direct democracy,

it must be noted that a "union" is not the unified

community of workers of a factory or a region, and it

does not express the will of all the workers. The

"union" is in fact a particular group of people who

"represent" the workers, who speak for the workers,

I n order t o j u s t i fy t he ir rel a t ive pri v i l ege s

and t o ra tional i z e t he i r f ear o f the for e i gn work er s ,
Frenc h work e r s developed p s y c hol ogi cal ou tlook s whi c h
are nearl y i d e n t i cal wi th rac i sm .

The Communi s t Par ty uni o n ( t h e c . G . T.) did not

mak e s p e c ial e f for t s to eq ual i z e t he cond i tion s of t h e
fore i gner s wi t h tho s e o f the Fr e n c h work e r s . T h i s ls
largely becau s e the work c ontra c t s of mo s t of t he f o ­
re 1gners were temporar y , and t h e for e i gn work e r s c oul d
n o t vote , whi c h m eans t ha t the fore i gn work e r s d i d not
repr e s ent a power base for t h e Commun i s t Par t y . And
som e uni on s pok esmen c o ntri but e d to a further wor s e n i ng
o f the foreign work e r s' s i tua t i on by collabora t i ng w i t h
the pol i c e r e pre s s i on o f t he fore i gner s , and even by
publ i c l y d e f i ning f ore i gner s a s the grea te s t threa t t o
t he Fre n c h work i ng c l a s s .

In order to und er s ta nd the pre s e n t c la s h of the

Commun i s t uni on wi th the movem e nt for d i r e c t d emo cracy ,
i t mu s t be noted t hat a 0un i o n'' i s no t the uni f i ed
c ommun i ty o f work e r s of a fa c t ory or a r e g i on , e. nd 1 t
d o e s not expre s s t he w i ll o f all the work ers . The
••un i o n " i s i n fa c t a p ar t i cular gr oup of p e ople who
" r e pre s e n t '' the workers , who s peak for t he worker s ,
 9

who mak e d e c i s i ons for the work ers . Thi s means that a
who make decisions for the workers. This means that a

movement of revolutionary democracy which seeks new

political forms for the expression of the will of all

movem e n t of revol u t i onar y democra c y which s e ek s new
the workers (for example, through a general assembly of
pol i t i cal form s for the expre s s i on of the w i l l of al l
all the workers), threatens the very existence of the

the worker s (for e xampl e , t hrough a ge neral a s s embl y of

present day "union." The movement for revolutionary

all the work er s}, thre a t e n s the very exi s t e nce of t h e

pr e s ent d a y ''u nion . " T h e movem ent for revol u t i onary
democratization, initiated by students, affirms the

democra t i za t i on, i ni t i a t e d by s tud ent s , a f f i rm s the

principle that the union of workers, namely the entire

collectivity, is the only body which can speak for, and

make decisions for the workers. In this conception pr i n c i pl e that the un i on of work e r s , nam e l y the ent i re
the official union (and the French Communist Party) would
col l e c t i v i ty, i s t he onl y body whi c h can s p eak for , and
be reduced to a service organization and a pressure group

mak e de c i s i ons for the work ers . In th i s c o n c e p t i o n

the of f i c ial union (and the Fr enc h Communi st Party) woul d
with no decision-making power. This is the reason the

be redu c e d to a se rvi c e organ i za t i on and a pre s sure group

C.G.T. (and the Communist Party as a whole) has consis-

w i t h no de c i s i on-mak i ng powe r . Th i s is the rea son the

tently maligned. insulted, and tried to put an end to

the student movement, and the reason why union func-

tionaries have tried to prevent any form of contact be- C . G . T. (a nd t he Communi s t Party as a whol e) ha s c ons i s ­
tween workers and students. In this struggle with the
t e n t l y mal i gned , i n sul ted , and tri ed to put an e nd t o
revolutionary movement, the Communist Party, viewed by

t h e s tud ent moveme nt, and the rea s on why uni on func­
t i onar i e s have tr i ed to pr event any form of c onta c t be­
American liberals as the epitome of evil, has fought for

twe en work ers and s tud e n t s . In th i s s truggl e w i t h the

goals and has employed techniques long familiar to

revol u t i onary movement, the Co�un i s t Party , vi ewed by

American liberals.

The first workers to be influenced by the student

movement for autonomy and direct self-government were Am e r i can l i beral s as the e p i tome of evi l , ha s fought for
workers who had much in common with the students, namely
goal s and has empl oy ed techn i qu e s l o ng fami l i ar to
young, educated and highly politicized workers. The

Am e r i can l i be ral s .
factory revolutionaries are neither the old party

The f i r s t work ers to be i n fl uenc ed by the student

stalwarts nor the uneducated and superexploited foreign

workers, but rather relatively privileged young French

workers. It is these young workers who take part in

movem e n t for autonom y and d i r e c t sel f-governme nt were
the continuous discussions of direct democracy and the
work ers who had muc h i n c ommon wi t h the student s , nam ely
overthrow of capitalism and statism which take place

young, educated and h i ghl y pol i tic i zed workers. The

continuously at the University of Paris. And it is

fa c t ory revol u t i onari e s are ne i t her the old party

s tal war t s nor the unedu cated and sup erexpl o i t e d fore ign
these workers who are the first to call for strikes in

work e r s , but rather rel a t i ve l y pri vil eged young Fre n c h

a factory, and who define the goals of the strike as

a substitution of capitalism and statism by a system of

direct, socialist, workers' democracy. work ers . It i s the s e young worker s who tak e pa rt i n
Once the revolutionary stirring in the factory

t he con t i nuou s d i s cu s s i ons o f d i re c t demo cracy and the

begins, the union functionaries behave like American

ove r t hrow of cap i tal i sm and s ta t i sm wh i c h tak e pla c e

cont i nuou s l y a t t he Un iv e r s i ty o f Par i s . And i t i s
liberals in a period of crisis. The union functionaries

the s e work e r s who are the f i r s t to call for s trike s i n

place themselves at the "head" of what they call the

"reform" movement, and instead of speaking of a radical

transformation of the socio-economic system, they speak

a fac tory , a nd who d e f i ne t h e goal s of t he s trike a s
of negotiating with the factory owners (who have de
a subs t i tu t i on of capi tal i sm a nd s ta t i sm by a s y s tem of
facto been expropriated) for higher wages. And in

d i re c t, s o c i al i s t, workers ' democra c y .

order to constitute themselves the only legitimate

Onc e the revolut i o nary s t i rr i ng i n the fac tory

spokesmen for the workers, union functionaries employ

begi ns, the un i o n functi onar i e s be have l ik e Ame r i ca n

a liberal-type "consensus politics" which consists of

l i be ral s i n a period o f cri s i s .

a maximal exploitation of the conflicts between the

interests among the varied levels of workers in the fac-

The uni on fun c t i o nar i e s
tory. p l a c e them s e l ve s a t t h e '' he ad'' o f what the y call the
" re fo rm '' m ovement , and i ns tead of speak i ng o f a radi cal
tra n s forma t i on of the s oci o - e c o nom i c s y s tem , t hey speak
of nego t ia t i ng w i t h the fa c tory owners (who have de
fa c to be e n expro pr i a t e d) for hi gher wage s . And in
order to con s t i tu t e thems elves the only leg i t i mate
s poke sm e n for the work er s , uni on func t i onari e s employ
a l i beral - type " c onsensus poli t i c s'' wh i ch cons i s t s of
a max imal expl o i ta t i on o f the c o nfl i c t s be tween the
i n tere s t s among the var i e d l e vel s of worker s i n the fac ­
tory .
10

Union functionaries frighten older, conservative

French workers with a threat of the unimaginably violent
repression which "anarchist adventurism" will lead to.
This threat ls given force b y the fact that, during t h e
growth and radicalization of the movement, the Communist
Party has increasingly cooperated with the state power
( which still holds the force of the army in reserve ) ,
and by the fact that the Communist Party has not been
France's greatest critic of police repression or even
of colonial exploitation. In fact, the policies of the
Gaulllst regime coincided with the policies of the Com­
munist Party more frequently than not.

And union functionaries try to isolate the revolu­

tionary young workers by making one of their rare ap­
peals for the support of foreign workers. The morning
of the factory occupation ls one of the rare occasions
when a great effort ls made to translate union leaflets
into all the languages of the foreign workers. And in
these leaflets, and through the loudspeakers, the union
spokesmen, in characteristically liberal fashion, tell
the foreign workers that ''our'' demands are for higher
wages and longer vacations. The use of the first person
plural ls artificial, since except for the words spoken
over the loudspeaker, there ls very little contact be­
tween the union functionaries and the foreign workers,
and the one-way speaker system obviously annihilates the
very possibility of a two-way discussion which enables
the workers to define what "our'' demands actually are.

Although students and revolutlor.ary workers are

the dynamic forces behind the occupation of the fac-

"The Revolution Won't Get Through"

 11

ll
t or i es, on ce all t he work e r s have be en c onv i n c e d t o move
tories, once all the workers have been convinced to move
i n s i d e t h e fac t ory and '' oc cupy " i t, uni on of f i c i al s c l o s e
inside the factory and "occupy" it, union officials close

the fac t ory ga t e s on t h e s tu d e nt s s tandi ng ou t s i de , and

they i s ol a t e t he revol u t i onary work e r s on the i n s i d e .
the factory gates on the students standing outside, and

The un i on func t i onar i e s i s ol a t e th e young work e r s from

they isolate the revolutionary workers on the inside.

the ol d by pai nt i ng the young work ers a s extrem i s t ad­

The union functionaries isolate the young workers from

the old by painting the young workers as extremist ad-

venturists who will bring the police running into the ve ntur i s t s who w i l l br i ng the pol i c e running i n to t he
factory, and from the foreign workers by insinuating
fa c tory , a nd fr o m the f ore i gn work e r s by i ns i nu ati ng
that only the union is fighting for the improvement of

t hat onl y the uni o n i s f i gh t i ng for th e i mpr o ve ment o f

wa ge s o f the for e i g n wor ker s , and i f the uni on fai ls ,
wages of the foreign workers, and if the union fails,

then the foreign workers might lose their hard-won jobs

and be forced by the police to return to their countries.

then th e for e i g n wor ker s mi g h t lo s e th ei r hard -wo n jo bs
Since the originality and courage of the students and be for c ed by the po li c e to r etur n to the i r c ou ntr i es .
is admired by most sectors of the French population, the

Communist Party vascillates between mild support and

Si nc e the or i g i nali ty and c o ur ag e o f the

s tud ents
extreme attacks. And in order to prevent the revolu-

i s a d.m i r ed by mo s t s ec tor s o f th e Fr enc h po pu lati on, th e

Co mmuni s t Par ty vas c i lla tes between mi ld su ppor t a nd
tionary and experimental political forms developed by

And i n ord er t o prevent the r evo lu­

the students from flowing into the working class, the

Communist Party is cooperating with the state, collabor-

ating with its "class enemy" (the factory owners), and
exploiting differences of interest among the workers
which were formerly exploited by the capitalist state
e xtr e me a tta ck s .
t i onary and experimental po li ti c al for ms d eveloped by
t h e studen t s from flo wi ng i nto the work i ng c las s , th e

C ommuni s t Par ty i s coo pera ti ng wi th the s tate, c o llabor­

a t i ng w i th i t s " c l a s s enemy•• ( the fa cto r y owner s ) , and
and the owners.

expl oi t i ng d i ffere nce s of i nte r e s t amo ng the work er s

Thus after the factory is occupied by all its

wh i ch w e r e f orm erl y expl o i ted b y the c api tali s t s ta t e

workers, the union becomes the only spokesman for the

workers. In other words, while the workers as a whole

have decided to take over their own factories and to and the owne r s .
expropriate the owners, the workers have not yet de-

veloped political forms through which to discuss and

Thu s a f t e r t he fac tor y i s oc cupi ed by all i ts

w o rk er s , t h e uni on be c ome s the o nly s po kesman f o r the
execute their subsequent decisions. In this vacuum,

w orker s . In othe r word s , wh i le the work er s as a who l e

the union makes the decisions instead of the workers,

ha ve d e c i d e d t o tak e over th ei r own fa c t or i e s and to

and broadcasts its decisions to the workers through

expropria t e the owne r s , the work er s have no t y e t d e ­

loudspeakers. And at the present writing, the Com-

munist union had decided for the workers that the ex-

propriated factories were to be returned to their owners

vel op e d p ol i t i cal for ms thr o ugh wh i c h to d i s c uss and
in exchange for higher wages.

exe c ute the i r s ubs equ ent d e c i s i o n s . In t h i s vacu um,

the uni on mak e s the d e ci s i o ns i n s t ead of the work e r s ,
P. Perlman

and broad c a s t s i t s d e c i s i on s to th e work er s through

l oud speak e r s . And at th e pr es e nt wri ti ng, the Com­
mu n i s t uni on h ad d ec i d ed for the work er s tha t t h e ex­
propr i a t e d fa c tor i e s wer e to be re turned to the i r owners
in exc hange for hi g h er wa g e s .

F. Perlman
 12
l2

PARIS , May JO , 1968

PARIS, May 30, I968

Citroen Action Committee - -1

The Action Committees born throughout France at

1*
the end of May transcend half a century of left-wing

Citroe n Actio n Comm ittee

political activity- Drawing their militants from every

left-wing sect and party, from social democrats to

- -
anarchists, the Action Committees give new life to goals

long forgotten by the socialist movement, they give new

content to forms of action which existed in Europe dur-

The Acti on Commi tte e s born throughout Franc e a t

ing the French Revolution, and they introduce into the

socialist movement altogether new forms of local par-

ticipation and creative social activity.

the end o f May trans c e nd hal f a century o f l e ft-wing
This article will trace the development, during pol i t i cal ac tivi ty. Drawi ng the i r militant s from every
the the last ten days of May, of a committee (the

l e f t-wing sect and party , from soc ial democra t s to

Workers-Students Action Committee—Citroen) whose pri-

anarchi s t s , the Ac ti on Comm i tt e e s g i ve new l i fe to goal s

mary task was to connect the "student movement" with the

l ong forgo tten by the s o c i al i s t movement , they g i ve new

c onte nt to forms of a c ti on wh i c h exi sted in Europe dur­
workers of the Citroen automobile plants in and around

Paris.

On Tuesday, May 2l, a strike committee represent-

i ng the French Revol uti on, and they i ntroduc e i nto the
ing the workers of the Citroen plants called for a
soc iali s t movement altogether ne w form s of local par­
strike of unlimited duration. The factory owners im-
ti c i pa t i on and crea t i ve soc ial a c t i v i t y .
mediately called for "state powers to take the measures

which are indispensible for the assurance of the free-

Thi s arti c l e wi ll tra c e the development , dur i ng

the the last ten days o f May , o f a c ommi t t e e ( the
dom of labor and free access to the factories for those

who want to work." (Le Monde. May 23, l968.)

The same day that the owners called for police

Workers-Students Ac t ion C omm 1 t t e e - - C1tro �n) who s e pr i ­
intervention, students, young workers and teachers who
mary ta sk wa s t o c o nnect the " s tude nt moveme nt " wi th t he
on previous days had fought the police on the streets

work e r s o f the C i t ro�n autom o b i le plan t s in and around

of Paris formed the "Citroen Action Committee" at the

Pari s .

On Tue sday , May 21 , a strike c omm i t t e e repre sent­

Censier center of the University of Paris. The first

aim of the Action Committee was to cooperate with the

i ng the wor k e r s o f t he C i tro �n plan t s called for a

factory's strike committee in bringing about an occupa-

tion of the factory. The Action Committee's long-term

goal was to help bring about a revolutionary situation

s trike o f unl im it e d dura t i o n . The fac tory owner s im ­
which would lead to the destruction of capitalist so-

mediate l y called for " s tate powers to take t he mea sur e s

ciety and the creation of new social relations.

which are 1nd1 s p e n s i bl e for the a s surance of the fr e e ­

dom o f l abor and free a c c e s s t o the fac t or i e s f or tho s e
Action Committee Citroen is composed of young

{Le M onde , May 23 , 1968 . )

French and foreign workers and intellectuals who, from

An abridged version of this article was published in

who wa n t t o work . "
the Guardian, June 29, 1968.

The sam e day tha t the owners cal l ed for poli ce

i nt erve nt i on , student s , young worker s and t eacher s who
on previ ous day s had f o ug h t the p ol ice on the str e e ts
o f Par i s f ormed the "Citrof!n Ac t i on C om.m i tt e e u a t t h e
C e ns i er c e nter of the Uni ve r s i ty o f Par i s . The first
a im o f t h e Ac ti on Comm i t t e e wa s t o c o o p e ra t e with th e
fac t ory • s s tri ke c omm i ' t t e e i n br i ng i ng abou t an occupa­
t i on o f the fa c tory . The Ac t i o n Committee's lo n g - term
g oal wa s to help br i ng about a re volu t i o nary si tuat i o n
wh i c h would l ead to t he destruction of c apitalist s o ­
c i e ty a nd the crea t i o n o f new social relations.

Ac t i on C omm i t t e e C i tr o � n is composed of young

Fre nc h a nd fore i gn work er s a nd intellectuals who, from

*
An abridged version of this article was published in
the Guardian, June 29, 1968.
 lJ

the committee's inception, had equal power and equal

voice in the formulation of the committee's projects and
methods. The committee did not begin with, and has not
acquired, either a fixed program or a fixed organiza­
tional structure. The bond which holds together former
militants of radical-left organizations and young peo­
ple who had never before engaged in political activity,
is an uncompromising determination to dismantle the ca­
pitalist society against whose police forces they had
all fought in the streets.

The committee has no fixed membership; every in­

dividual who takes part in a daily meeting or action
is a participating member. Anyone who thinks enough
people have gathered together to constitute a meeting
can preside; there is no permanent president. The order
of the discussion is established at the beginning of the
meeting; the subjects to be discussed can be proposed by
any member. The committee is autonomous in the sense
that 1 t does not recognize the legit1macy of any "higher''
body or any external 11author1 ty. '' The committee 1 s pro­
jects are not realizations of pre-determined plans, but
 14

Ik
are respon s e s to social s i tuati ons . Thu s a proje ct
are responses to social situations. Thus a project
c om e s to an end as s oon as the s i tuati on change s , and
comes to an end as soon as the situation changes> and
a new pro j ect i s c onc e i ved , di scus sed and put i nto ac­
a new project is conceived, discussed and put into ac-

tion i n re sp onse to a new s i tuati on.

tion in response to a new situation.

On the day when the strike committe e of the C i tro � n

On the day when the strike committee of the CitroSn

factori e s cal l ed on the workers t o oc cupy thei r fa ctor i e s,

factories called on the workers to occupy their factories,

the CitroBn Action Committee launched its first project:

to contribute to the factory occupation by talking to

the C i tro!n Action C ommittee launc hed its f i r st proje c t:
workers and by giving out leaflets explaining the strike.
to c ontribute to the factory o c cupation by talking to
One leaflet was a call to worker-student unity in the

workers and by giving out l eaflets explaining the strike .

struggle "to destroy this police system which oppresses

One l eaflet was a call to worker-student unity in the

struggl e "to d e s troy thi s pol i c e sy stem whi c h oppre s s e s
all of us. . . Together we'll fight, together we'll win."

all o f u s Together we ' ll fight , together we ' ll wi n . "

(Leaflet "Camarades," Comite d'Action Travailleurs-

. • •

(Leafl et " Camarade s , '' Comite d1Acti on Travaill eur s­

Etudiants, Centre universitaire Censier, 3eme etage.)

Etud iants , Centre univers ita ire Cens 1 er , ) �me etage . )

Another leaflet was the first public announcement

of the committee's uncompromising internationalism.

"Hundreds of thousands of foreign workers are imported

like any other commodity useful to capitalism, and the

Another l eaflet wa s the f i rst publ i c announc ement

of the committee's uncompr�m i s i ng i nternati onal i sm .
government goes so far as to organize clandestine im-

"Hundreds o f thousand s o f foreign work ers are imported

migration from Portugal, thus unveiling itself as a

slave-driver."

The leaflet continues: "All that has to endl... l ike any other commodity u s e ful to cap i tal ism, and the
The foreign workers contribute, through their labor, in
government goe s so far as to organ i z e clande sti ne im­
the creation of the wealth of French society. . . It is

m i gration from Portugal , thu s unve il ing itsel f a s a

therefore up to revolutionary workers and students to

see to it that the foreign workers acquire the totality

slave-dr i ver. "

The l eaflet cont i nue s: ''All t hat ha s to e nd J

of their political and union rights. This is the concrete

basis for internationalism." ("Travailleurs Etrangers,"

• • •

Comite d'Action, Censier.)

The fore ign work er s c ontribu te , through th e i r labor , i n
At 6:00 a.m. on the morning of the occupation,

the creati on of th e weal t h o f French s o c i ety •It i s

• •

when the CitroBn workers approached their factories,

there fore up to revoluti onary workers and s tudents to

see to it that t he fo r e i gn work er s a c q u i re t he t o t al i ty
they were greeted by young workers, students and teach-

of the i r p ol i t i cal and uni on rights . Thi s i s the c oncrete

ers distributing the orange and green leaflets. On

that morning, however, the young Action Committee mili-

ba s i s for i n terna t i onal i sm . " ( " Travai l l eur s Etranger s , ••

Com 1 t e d1 Ac t i o n , C e n s i er . )
tants were greeted by two surprises. First of all, they

found the functionaries of the C.G.T. (the communist

union) calling for the occupation of the factory, and

secondly, they were approached by the union functionaries

At 6 : 00 a. m . on the m orni ng of the o c c upa t i o n ,

when the C i tro�n workers approa c hed the i r fa c t ori e s ,
and told to go home.

t hey were gre e ted by young work er s , s tud e n t s a nd tea c h ­

On previous days, the C.G.T. had opposed the

e r s d i s tr i bu t i ng t h e orang e and gr e e n l e afl e t s . On

spreading strike wave and the occupation of the factories.

Yet on the morning of the occupation, arriving workers

who saw the union functionaries reading speeches into

that m orn i ng , howeve r , the young Ac t i o n Commi t t e e m i l i­
their loudspeakers at the factory entrances got the im-

tant s were gr e e ted by two s urpri s e s . Fi r s t o f all , they

pression that the C.G.T. functionaries were the ones who

found the func t i o nar i e s o f the c . G . T . ( the c ommuni s t

u n i o n) c al l i ng for the o c cupat i on o f the fac tory , and
had initiated the strike.

s e c o ndl y , they were approa c h ed by the u n i o n functi onari e s

However, the union, unlike the student movement and

and tol d to go hom e .

unlike the workers who had initiated the strike, was not

calling for an expropriation of the factories from their

capitalist owners, or for the creation of a new society.

On previ ous day s , the C . G . T . had oppo s e d the

s pr ead i ng s tr i k e wave and t h e o c cupat i on of t h e fac torie s .
Yet on t he morni ng o f the o c c upa t i o n , arr i vi ng work e r s
wh o s a w the un i on func ti onari e s read i ng spee c he s i nto
t he i r l oud s peake r s a t the fac tory entranc e s got the im ­
pre s s i o n that the c . G . T . fun c t i o nar i e s were the on e s who
had i ni t i a t e d the s tr i k e .

Howe ver , the un i o n , unl ike the s tud e n t mov e ment and
u nl ike the workers who had i n i t iated the s tr i ke , was no t
cal l i ng for an expropr i a ti o n o f the fac t or i e s fr om t he i r
capital i s t o wne r s , or for t he creat i on of a new s o c i e ty .
 15

l5

The func tionar i es of

rt

the communi st union

were calling for
CChR^3>esi ITSeens that

hi gher wage s and im­

car.

yi?'* y£A Ue*

# <£ <£ &<*<*<* <£ proved work i ng cond i ­

,'r UCLi'Ve ^fit 0«i'<i« IT
ti ons, within the
r 7 , »..t TO M/»it£

context of cap i tali st

so c i ety. Thus the
S)

functionaries
ktCTHlW6fR0l

C6.T.

-.#
strenuousl y oppo sed
tf tf tf tf tf tf <;< tf
the di s tri but i on of
yonZ*»r* aAiS*,Hi6Hl 2

the Ac .ti on Committee• s

-—-:<■£» TrtAT's "M*7 r> .'s,

l eafl ets , on the

ground that their
£.GT\

distr i but i o n would

I tf ^ ^ tf ^ ^ tf ^

OK GL6£ It's toss«.uR>Tyf <» mcaTious?

tf ^ ^ ^ tf * ^ *
"disrupt the unity of

••c reate confusi on. 11

/HJfc- you CiOl'toC, TO T£LL rt£ W/+V
the work ers'' and would
you AEe. <?/*J -S77?<fcfc?

?'
1r.s f.J0£1K WAlllE'_S' �16/IT(OtiKA�l:a
T>£V/0 L(/\TlO|o ! you iZc CRA27-

L.oj f+foj r A ilA1..SIi1 ·i2 •C. Hi ?

The union func.­
�ot-•
<* * tf * * * * tf

ti onari es did not

WOL/A/SKi

� 7HA-c's wU1rT ,·r ··�,

_.4'./
The functionaries of

..------ spend too much time

-� IGHI �
the communist union

were calling for

arguing with the

,
higher wages and im-

Action Committee
c, . ... ...�� �� �$ \� J,•'{ \'{
�-( �� mil itant s because
proved working condi-

OR El�� ir's rog.Si=lv.Rffy�o� Wl'\CA

T1c�.s? the fac tory occupa­
tions! within the

tAJI A fJ:D
#fltV� TO 6t£T Tllt6(,)tl cilN11
tion did no t take
context of capitalist

1�
l�l.L
THE 0 ..,...,�TO FALJ: ·111ir
society. Thus the

fc,_,S�lJiUL• place as they had

1' planned 11 it.
functionaries

"'eS

�
&PEIO�To yofl11l JJcL.t:t:,,nE1
'-' tto Lo�c;.s �a"1
strenuously opposed

�r. l � .
�cy
the distribution of

� {,O 4-ltiEAJ>
the Action Committee's

s,;?c""A 1<
Sixty percent

�°'
of the l abor forc .e
leaflets• on the

( 6.T- t,:� �°' �Q,_ � "q_ ��

ground that their

distribution would
':._I\ of the Ci tro�n plant s
"disrupt the unity of are foreign work ers ,
Yow �"1Hl3 Bl'-�TA1GD.S! and the vast majority
TO Tli'LL M� w,.. y
the workers" and would

,+1u: yoc.. (70/AJl, of them are not in the

A
"create confusion."

'iO"' i2.-:.. 01\J STRI 1e..t::? C.G. T . (nor in the

The union func-

o·R stt-rr J
small er unions)
tionaries did not

spend too much time

� _ ye-s •

When a smal l number

/��rij
�, )�
arguing with the

Action Committee o f union members

entered the factory
vi:- '"'�NT R£VoLMTf o t.)
militants because

the factory occupa-

in ord er to occupy
.
\ � �� � �� � � � e it , they were kept
tion did not take

out of the work shops

place as they had

"1£\i 0 L(ATIOµ ! '-10\A 1lc

"planned" it.

cfJ..A&Y ! by fac.t ory pol icemen

{if HENT AUJ> Ow#E1B

Sixty percent

T'UE #llE
placed inside by the
60VE'ltJ
_,WCt.1-D N li.u -� A LLO\.J i T.
of the labor force

of the CitroBn plants

owners. The vast

are foreign workers>

majority of the

J�
fore ign workers
and the vast majority

did not accompany

of them are not in the

C.G.T. (nor in the

the union members

t_\ �� �"' �'l �'l \� t;.� �"'
smaller unions).

When a small number

into the factory;
of union members

the foreign workers

entered the factory

stood outside and

watched . The union
in order to occupy

it, they were kept

out of the workshops

by factory policemen

placed inside by the

owners. The vast

majority of the
 16

o ff i c i al s made a great eff ort to translate the written

l6

spe e c h e s i nto some of the languages of the forei gn work­

ers . The fore ign worker s l i stened to the l oudspeaker s
officials made a great effort to translate the written

speeches into some of the languages of the foreign work-

ers. The foreign workers listened to the loudspeakers

w ith i nd i f ferenc e and at times even ho s t i l ity .
with indifference and at times even hostility.

At that point the union officials stopped trying to

At that point the union of f i c ial s s topped trying to

chase away the Action Committee agitators; in fact, the

c hase away the Acti on Committee agitator s; in fa c t , t h e

off i c ial s d e c ided t o u s e the agitator s . Among the m i l i­
officials decided to use the agitators. Among the mili-

tants there were young peopl e who spoke the languages of

tants there were young people who spoke the languages of

the foreign workers, and the young people mingled freely

with the foreign workers. On the other hand, the union the fore i gn work ers , and the young peopl e mingled freel y
officials, seasoned bureaucrats, were institutionally
w ith the fore i gn worker s . On t he other hand , the uni on
unable to speak directly to the workers: years of prac-

offi c i al s , seasoned bureaucrats , were institu t i onally

tice had made them experts at reading speeches into

unabl e to speak di re ctl y to the worker s: year s o f prac ­

t i c e had made them experts at readi ng speeche s i nto
loudspeakers, and their loudspeakers were not leading

to the desired effects.

Thus the functionaries

l oudspeaker s, and their loudspeakers were not lead i ng
began to encourage the young to the de s i red effects .
agitators to mix with the

workers, to explain the factory

Thus the functionaries

occupation to them; the func-

be gan to encourage the young

agitator s to m ix wi th the
tionaries even gave loudspeakers

worker s , to explain the fac tory

to some of the foreign members

of the Action Committee. The

result was that, after about oc cupati on to them ; the func ­

two hours of direct communica-
tionar i e s even gave loud s peaker s
tion between the foreign work-

to some of the fore i gn member s

ers and the Action Committee

of the Acti on Comm i ttee . The

result wa s that , a f t er a bou t
members, most of the foreign

workers were inside the fac-

tory, participating in its

two hour s of d irect commun i ca­
occupation. tion between the forei gn work ­
<7\

er s and t he Action Comm i t tee

VOUiON'TNEEPHt^

member s, most of the forei gn

workers were i n s ide the fa c ­
Proud of their contribu-

t or y , par t i c i pa t i ng i n i t s
tion to the occupation of

Citroen, the Action Committee

people went to the factory the following morning to talk o c cupa t i on .

to the occupying workers. Once again they found them-

selves unwelcome. A large red flag flew outside the

Proud o f th e i r c o ntr i bu­

t i o n to t he oc c upa tion of
factory gate, but the young militants found the gate

C i tro�n. t he A c t ion Committee

closed to them. At the entrances to the factories

people went to t he fac tor y the f o l l owing morn i n g to talk

stood union officials who explained they were under

strict orders (from the union's—and the C.P.'s—central

committee) not to let students or other outsiders Lnside to t he o c cupy i ng work e rs. Onc e aga i n t hey found t hem­
the factory. The young agitators explained that they
s e lve s unwel c ome . A large red flag fl ew out s i de t h e
had played a crucial role in the factory's occupation,

fa c t ory ga t e , but t he yo ung m i l i tant s found t he ga t e

but the expression on the faces of the union function-

clo sed to them . A t t he en tranc e s t o the fac t or i e s

stood un i on o f f i c ial s wh o explai ned the y were under
aries merely hardened.

s tri c t order s ( from the uni o n• s --and t he C . P.•s -- c e n tral

That evening the Citrofen Action Committee had an

c ommi t t ee ) not to l e t s tud e nt s or o t h e r ou t s i d ers Lnside

urgent meeting. The committee's members were furious.

Until now, they said, they had cooperated with the

union; they had avoided an open confrontation. Their

the f ac t or y . The y oung a g i tators e xpl a i ned t hat they
had played a cruc i al role i n th e fac tory ' s o c cupa t i on.
but t h e expre s s i on on the fa c e s of the un i on func t i on­
ar i e s m e r e l y har d en ed .

That eve n i ng the Ci tro�n Ac t i o n Comm i t t e e had an

urge nt m e e t i ng . The c o mm i t t e e ' s m ember s were fur i ous .
Unt i l now , t hey sa i d , they had co o p e rated wi th the
un i o n; t he y had avo ided a n ope n co nfro nta t i o n . Their
 17

l7
c o operat i ve a t t i tude had made no dif ferenc e t o t he uni on
cooperative attitude had made no difference to the union
o f f i c i al s; the c omm i t t e e m i l i tants had m erely l e t t h em­
officials; the committee militants had merely let them-

selve s be u s e d by the func t i onar i e s , and onc e used up ,

selves be used by the functionaries, and once used up,

they were re j e c ted . I t was about time to c onfront the

union o p e nly . The c ommi t t e e drafted a new l e afl e t , one
they were rejected. It was about time to confront the

wh i c h cal l e d o n the work er s to push pas t the u n i on and

union openly. The committee drafted a new leaflet, one

which called on the workers to push past the union and

take control of the factory into their own hands. take c ontrol of the fac tor y i n t o t he i r own hand s .
Due to the presence of union guards at the factory

Due t o the prese nc e o f uni on guards at the fac t ory

e ntranc e s , e. relat ively small number of workers read
entrances, a relatively small number of workers read

the leaflet. However, among these workers there were

the leafle t. However , among these workers there were

some who resented the union take-over inside the fac-

s ome who resented t he union tak e - over i n s i de the fac ­

tory, and some who began attending the meetings of the

Citroen Action Committee and participating in the po-

litical discussions at Sorbonne and Censier. t ory , and s om e who be gan a t t e ndi ng the m e e t i ng s of the
At this point the Citrofcn Committee together with
C i tr o�n Ac ti on C omm i t t e e and part i c i pat i ng in the p o ­
other action committees at Sorbonne and Censier composed

l i t i cal d i s cus s i on s at Sorbo nne and Censi er .

a call to action for the workers inside the factories.

At t h i s p o i nt the C i tr��n Commi t tee together with

"The policy of the union leaders is now very clear;

o th e r ac t i on c omm i t t e e s at Sorbonne and C e n s i er compo sed

unable to oppose the strike, they try to isolate the

most militant workers inside the factories, and they

let the strike rot so as to be able, later on, to force a c al l to a c t i on for the workers i nside the fac t or ie s .
the workers to accept the agreements which the unions
" The p ol i cy o f t he uni on l eade r s i s now very c-lear;
will reach with the owners," the leaflet explains. How-

unable t o opp o s e the s trik e , they try to is olate the

m o s t mil itant worker s i n s i de the factori es , a nd t hey
ever, the leaflet continues, "the political parties and

l et the str i ke rot so a s t o be able , later on, t o for ce

the unions were not at the origin of the strike. The

decisions were those of the strikers themselves, whether

unionized or not. For this reason, the workers have to

the worker s to ac c ep t the agr e ement s which the unions
regain control over their work organizations. All
will reac h wi th the owner s , " the leaflet explains . How­
strikers, unionized or not, unite in a Permanent General

ever , t h e l e afl e t cont i nue s , lfthe political par t i e s and

Assembly? In this Assembly, the workers themselves will

the un i o n s were not at the or i g i n of the strike. The

d e c i s i o n s were tho s e of t he striker s themsel ve s , whether
freely determine their action and their goals."

uni onized or no t . For thi s rea s on , the work er s have to

This call for the formation of General Assemblies

inside the factories represents an appeal to expropriate

the capitalist class, namely an appeal for insurrection. r e gai n c on tr ol over t he ir work organi zati ons . All
With the formation of a General Assembly as the decision
s triker s , unio nized or not , uni te in a Permanent General
-making body inside the factory, the power of the state,

A s s embly1 In th i s A s s em bl y , t he worker s thems e lves will

freely d e t erm i ne their ac t i on and th eir goals. "
the owner as well as the union ceases to be legitimate.

In other words, the General Assembly of all the workers

in the factory becomes the only legitimate decision-

making power; the state is bypassed, the capitalist is

Thi s call f or t he forma t i o n of General A s s embli es
expropriated, and the union ceases to be the spokesman
i n s ide t he fac tori e s repre s ent s an app eal to e xpropriate
for the workers and becomes simply another pressure

the cap i tal i s t c las s , nam e l y an appeal for insurr e c t ion.

group inside the General Assembly.

Wi th the format i o n o f a Ge neral Assem bly as the decision

-making body i n s ide the fa c tory , the power o f t h e s tate ,
Unable to communicate these ideas to the workers

the owner as well a s the uni on ceases to be legitimate .

at the factory, the Citroen Action Committee drafted a

new project. Since sixty percent of the factory's

workers are foreign, and since the foreign workers live

I n o ther wor d s, the General A s s embly of all the workers
in special housing projects provided for them by the
in the fac tory become s the only leg i t imate decisio n­
factory owners, the CitroMn Committee decided to reach

mak: i ng p ower ; the s tate i s bypa s sed , the capital is t is

the workers at their homes. The foreign workers were

expropr iated, and t he uni o n c.ea s e s to be the spoke sman

for the worker s and be c om e s s imply ano ther press ure
spending their days at their living quarters since they

group i n s i d e the Gene ra l A s s embly.

Unable t o c ommunica te the se i deas to the workers

at the fac tory , the C1tro8n Act i on Comm i ttee drafted a
new pr o j e c t . S i n c e s i xty p ercent of the fac tory ' s
worker s are foreig n , and s i nc.e the for e i gn w ork ers live
i n s p e c ial hou s i ng pro j e c t s provided for them by the
fa c t ory owner s , the C i tro8n Commi ttee deci ded to r each .
the work e r s a t t h e i r hom e s . The for e i gn workers were
s p e nd i ng their day s a t th e i r livi ng quarters s 1n�e they
 18

l8
were no longer abl e to transport themselves to t he fac ­
were no longer able to transport themselves to the fac-

tor i es (the transport to the fac tor i e s i s also furni s hed

tories (the transport to the factories is also furnished

by the factory owners , and was obvi ousl y no t be i ng fur­

nished during the strike ) .
by the factory owners, and was obviously not being fur-

nished during the strike).

Since this project was conceived during a period

when gasoline was scarce in Paris, most of the parti- Since this proj ec.t was conc e ived dur ing a peri od
cipants had to hitch-hike to the housing centers.

when gasol ine was scarce 1n Paris , most of the part i ­

Several related projects were suggested by the Action

cipants had t o hitch-hike to the hou s i ng centers .

Committee militants to the foreign workers. First of

· Several related proj ec t s were sugges ted by the Ac t i on

Committee m i l i tants to the fore i gn worker s . First o f
all the foreign workers were encouraged to help those

strikers who were calling for worker-control of the

factories, and not merely for wage-raises. And second-

all the rorei gn workers wer e encouraged t o help those
ly, the foreign workers were encouraged to organize
strikers who were call i ng f or work er-control of the
themselves into action committees in order to cope with

factor i es , and not m erely for wage -rai ses. And sec.o nd-
their own specific problems.

17 , the fore i gn work ers were enc ouraged to organi z e

themselves into acti on commi t t ees i n order to c ope with
The Action Committee's project initiated and sti-

their own specific problems.

mulated various kinds of activities among the foreign

workers. In seme of the living quarters, courses were

organized for foreign workers who know no French. In

Nanterre, for example, the occupation committee of the

The Act i on Committee's pro j e ct i ni tiated and s t i ­
University of Nanterre granted a room to a newly formed

mulated vari ou s k i nd s of activi t i e s among the fore i gn

Action Committee of Yugoslav workers. The room was to

workers. In sane of the l iving quarter s , cours es were

organi zed for fore i gn worker s who k now no French. In
serve for political meetings and French lessons. In

another center, workers organized to protect themselves

collectively from abuses by the landlord's (namely

Nanterre , for exampl e , t he o c cupat i o n c ommi t t e e o f t he
CitroMn's) agent at the housing center. In some of the
Univer s i ty of Nanterre granted a room to a newly formed
ghettos around Paris, where poor workers had run out

Act i on Commi ttee of Yugo slav worker s . The room wa s t o

of food for their families, trucks were found to trans-

serve f or pol i t i cal m e e t i ng s and Frenc h le s sons. In

port food from peasants who contributed it at no cost.

another center , worker s organi zed to prote c t them s el ve s

collec. t i vely from abu s e s by the landlord ' s (namely
Contacts were established between the foreign workers

C i tro �n ' s ) agent at the hou s i ng c e nter .

and the revolutionary workers inside the factories.

Foreign workers were encouraged to join French workers

In some of the
in the occupation of the factories. On each excursion
ghettos around Pari s , where poor worker s had run out
to the living quarters, the Citroen Action Committee

of food f or the i r famili e s , truck s were found to trans ­

members told the foreign workers not to let themselves

port food from pea sants who contr i buted i t a t n o c o s t.

Conta c t s were e s tabli shed be tween the fore i gn workers
be used as strike breakers by the factory owners.

and the revolu t i onary workers i n s i d e the factor i e s .

In all of the contacts between the Citroen Action

Committee and foreign workers, the Committee's inter-

nationalism was made clear. When the committee members

For e i gn workers were encouraged to j o i n Frenc h work ers
called for the expropriation of the owners and the
in the occupa t i on o f the factorie s . On ea c h excur s i on
establishment of workers' power inside the factories,

to the living quarters , the Ci tro � n Ac ti on Comm i ttee

they emphasized that the power over the factory would

member s told the fore ign workers not to let them selve s
be used a s s trike breaker s by the factory owner s .
be shared by all laborers who had worked in it, whether

French or foreign. And when some foreign workers said

they were only in France for a short time and would soon

return home, the Action Committee militants answered that

In all o f t he c onta c t s betwe en the C i tro�n Ac t i on
the goal of their movement was not to decapitate merely
Comm i t t e e and for e i gn work er s , the Commi tte e ' s i nter­
French capitalism, but to decapitate capitalism as such,

nat i onal i sm wa s made clear. When the c omm i ttee member s

and thus that, for the militants, the whole world was

called f or the expropr i a t i on o f the owner s and the

es tabl i shment of worker s ' p ower i ns ide the factor i e s ,
home.

F. Perlman

they empha s i zed that the power over the fa c tory would
be shar ed by all laborers who had work ed in i t , wh ether
French or fore ign. And when some fore ign work er s sa id
they were only i n France for a short t ime and would soon
re turn hom e , the Act i o n Comm i t t e e m i li tant s answered that
the goal o f the i r m ovement was not to de cap i tate mer ely
French cap i tal i sm , but to d e capi tate capi talism as suc h ,
and thus that , for the m il i tant s , the whole world wa s
hom e .

F. Perlman
 19

PARIS, June lJ, 1968

From Student Revolt to General Strike:

A Frustrated Revolution
The explosion which paralyzed France in May 1968
was a frustrated revolution and a clear warning. It
represe nts a frustrated revolution to the students and
workers who were rushing, almost blind with joy and
enthusiasm, into a new society. But the revolt and
the strike are a warning to aJ.l ruling classes. a warn­
ing to capitalists and bureaucrats, to governments and
unions. The frustrated revolutionaries are beginning
to take stock of the accomplishments and are attempting
to pinpoint the shortcomings. However, the revolution­
aries are not the only ones who are taking stock. The
forces of repression are also undertaking the task of
analysi�; they too are taking stock of the accomplish­
ments, or rather the dangers unveiled for them i n
M a y 1968. And the revolutionaries will not be the
only ones who will prepare for the next crisis; the
ruling classes will also prepare, and not only in France.
 20

20

Politicians, bureaucrats and capitalists will define the

forms of the May revolution, so as to prevent their re-

appearance; they will study the seauence of events, so

as to prevent a recurrence of May l968. In order to re-

main ahead of the forces of reaction, the May revolu-

tionaries will have to provide more than souvenirs; they

will have to see the general models behind the specific

sequence of events; they will have to analyze the con-

tent behind the forms.

Pol iti c ians , bur ea u c r a t s and cap i t a l i s t s wil l define the

f orm s o f t h e May revolut i o n , so a s to pr ev en t t h e ir r e­
app eara n c e ; the y wil l s tud y the s e a u enc e o f e v en t s , so
a s to prevent a r e c urren c e o f May 1968. In order to r e­
main a h ea d of the. forc e s of reac t i on , t he May revolu­
tio nar i e s will have to pro v i d e more t han s ouven irs; th ey
will have to s e e the �eneral models be hind th e specific
sequence o f e v e n t s ; they w i l l have to analyz e t h e con­
t e nt be h ind t he f orm s .
 21

2l
The s e que nc e o f event s whi c h led to a sudden con­
The sequence of events which led to a sudden con- fron tat i on between Fr e nc h s ta te c ap i tal i sm and a de ter­
frontation between French state capitalism and a deter-

m i n ed revoluti onary movement caught both s i des by sur­

mined revolutionary movement caught both sides by sur-

pri se. Ne i ther s i d e was prepar e d . But the mom e nt of

he s i ta t i on wa s fa tal only t o t he revol u t i o nar i es; the
prise. Neither side was prepared- But the moment of

rul i ng c l ass t o ok advanta�e o f the br ief pau s e to ex­

hesitation was fatal only to the revolutionaries; the

ruling class took advantage of the brief pause to ex-

tinguish the fire. The fact that only one side gained
t i nguis h the fire. The fa c t that o nly o ne s i d e ga i ned
from the pause is understandable; the revolutionaries
from the pause is understandable; the revol ut i onar i e s
would have had to rush into the unexplored, the unknown,

would have had to rush int o the unexpl or ed, the unknown,
whereas t h e "forces of ord e r " were abl e to fal l ba ck
whereas the "forces of order" were able to fall back

to well known, in fact c l a ss i cal fonns of repress i o n .

to well known, in fact classical forms of repression.

The revolutionary movement rushed forward at tre-

mendous speed, reached a certain line, and then, sudden-

ly disoriented, confused, perhaps afraid of the un-

The r evoluti onary movem ent rushed forward a t tr e ­
known, stopped just long enough to allow the enormous
m end ou s speed, reac hed a c erta i n l i ne , snd t hen , sudden­
French police forces to push the movement back, dis-

l y d i s or i e nted , confu sed , perhap s afra i d o f the un­

perse it and destroy it. Reflection now begins on both

k nown , s topped j ust l ong enough to all ow the enormous

Fre n c h p ol i c e forces t o pu s h the movement back, di s ­
sides. Revolutionaries are beginning to define the

p erse i t and d e stroy i t . Reflec t i on now be g i n s o n b o t h

line which was reached; they are determined to go be-

yond it "next time." They had come so close, and yet

were pushed back so far.' To many it was clear that side s . Revol utionar i e s are beginn i ng to d e f i ne the
steps into the unknown had been taken, that the line
l i ne wh i c h wa s reac hed; they are d e t erm i ned to go be ­
had in fact been crossed, that the sea had in fact begun

y ond i t "next time . 11 They had c ome s o c l o s e, a nd yet

were pushed blck s o far1 To many l t wa s c l ear that
to flow over the dam. To many it was not surprising

s t e p s i nt o t he unknown had be en tak e n , that the l ine

that the dam should be reinforced, that efforts to stem

had in fac t been cr o s s ed , t hat t he s ea had in fac t begun

the tide should be undertaken. What they had not ex-

pected, what they only slowly and painfully accepted,

was that the sea itself should begin to ebb. They ac-
to flow over the dam . To many i t wa s no t surpr i s i ng
cepted the retreat with pain because they knew, as they

tha t the dam s houl d be rei nfor c ed , t ha t e f f or t s to s t em

watched the waters recede, that as high as the tide had

t h e t id e shoul d be und er tak en. What t hey had not ex­

p e c ted , what they only sl owl y and pai nful l y a c c e p t ed ,
risen, as close as the flood had come, the sea would

wa s t ha t the s ea i t sel f shoul d beg i n to e bb . They a c ­

have to gather much more force, the tide would have to

rise far higher, merely to reach the level of the dam

once again. cepted t h e r e treat w i t h pa in be cau s e t h e y knew , a s they

The ruling classes have been warned; one must
wa t c hed t he wa ters rec e d e , t hat as high as t he t i d e had
assume that they will take the necessary precautions.

r i s e n, a s c l o se as t he f l o od had c ome, the sea woul d

have to ga ther muc h more for c e , t he t i d e would have t o
Analysis of the particular cracks in the dam through

r i s e far h i g her , merely to r ea c h t h e l evel o f the dam

which the floodwaters rushed will be undertaken by both

once agai n .
sides. Such analysis will be a documentation of a par-

ticular event, a history of a revolution that failed.

On the basis of this documentation, ruling classes will

prepare themselves to prevent the recurrence of the same

Th e rul ing c la s s e s have b e e n warned; one mu st
event. This is why revolutionaries cannot use the do-

a s sume that they will take the ne c e s sary pre cau t i o ns .

cumentation as a basis for the preparation of a future

Analy s i s o f the par t i c ular cra ck s i n the dam through

whi c h t h e fl oodwa t e r s rus hed will be und e r taken by both
event: the same cracks will not be found twice in the

s i de s . Such anal y s i s will be a do cumenta t i on o f a par­

same dam; they will have been repaired, and the entire

dam will have been raised. A future tidal wave will

find new cracks in the dam, cracks which are as in-

t i cul ar event , a h i s t ory o f a revol ut i on tha t fail ed .
visible to insurgents as to defenders of the old order.
On the ba s i s o f th i s d o c umentati on, rul ing cla s s e s will
This is why conspiratorial organizations which plan to

pre par e them selv e s t o pr event the re currence o f the same

rush through a particular crack in the dam are bound to

event. Th i s i s why revo l u t i onar i e s canno t u s e the do­

cumenta t i o n as a ba s i s f or the pre para t i on of a future
fail: no matter how ingenious their "central committees,"

event : the same c ra c k s w i l l not be found twi c e in the

sam e dam ; t hey will have been r e paired , and the entire
dam wi l l have b e e n �a i s e d . A futur e ti dal wave w i l l
f i nd new c r�ck s i n the d am , crack s whi ch a r e a s i n­
vi s i bl e to i n surgent s a s t o d e f e nd e r s of the o l d ord e r .
Thi s i s why c on s p i ra t orial organi za t i ons wh i c h plan to
ru s h through a part i cular crac k i n the dam are bound to
fa il : no m a t t e r how i nge n i o u s the i -r "central c omm i tte e s , "
 22

22

there i s no rea s on t o a s s ume that the "directors'' or

"leader s" of the c ons p ir at o rial group wi l l be abl e to
there is no reason to assume that the "directors" or

see a crack whi c h the d i r e c tor s of the e s tabl i s h ed order

"leaders" of the conspiratorial group will he able to

Fimthermore , the e stabl i s hed ord e r i s f ar

see a crack which the directors of the established order

cannot see. Furthermore, the established order is far

cannot s e e .
better armed with tools for investigation than any con- better armed wit h t ool s for i nve s t i gat i o n than any con­
spiratorial group.
spira torial group.
Historians will describe through which cracks the

sea rushed in May I968. The task of revolutionary theory

d e s c r i be through whi c h cra ck s the

Historian s will
aea rus hed i n May 1968. The t a sk of r e v olu t i o nary theory
is to analyze the sea itself; the task of revolutionary

is to a nalyze the sea it s e lf : the task of r e v o l ut i o nary

action is to create a new tidal wave. If the sea re-

presents the entire working population, and if the tidal

wave represents a determination to re-appropriate all action is to create a new t i dal wave . I f the sea re­
the forms of social power which have been alienated to

pre sent s the entire working p o pul at i o n , and if the tidal

capitalists and bureaucrats at all levels of social life,

wave repre s e nt s a d e term i n a ti o n to re -appropriate all

the forms o f social power whi c h have been alienated to
then new cracks will be found, and if the dam is imma-

capitalist s and bur e auc.ra t s at all l evel s of social life,

culate it will be swept away in its entirety.

the n ne w c ra ck s wil l be found , and i f the dam is imma­

At least one lesson has been learned: what was mis-

sing was not a small party which could direct a large

mass; what was missing was the consciousness and confi-

culate it will be s wept away in i t s e n tiret y.
dence on the part of the entire working population that

At l e a s t one l e s s on has be en l earned: what was mis­

they could themselves direct their social activity.

sing was n o t a smal l par ty wh i ch cou l d d i r e c t a large

If the workers had possessed this consciousness on the

wh at wa s m i s si ng was the c o n s ciou sne s s and confi­

day they occupied their factories, they would have pro-

ceeded to expropriate their exploiters; in the absence

mass;
denc e on t he part o f the e n t i re work i ng popul a t i on t hat
they c oul d them s e l ve s d i r e c t t he i r s o c i a l ac t i vi t y .
of this consciousness, no party could have ordered the

If t h e work e r s had p o s s e s s ed t h i s consci ousne s s on the

workers to take the factories into their own hands. What

was missing was class consciousness In the mass of the

day t he y oc c up i e d their factories, they w o ul d have pr o ­

working population, not the party discipline of a small

c e eded to exp ro priate their expl oiters; in the absence

group. And class consciousness cannot be created by a

of thi s c o n s c i ou s ne s s , �o party cou l d have ord e r e d the

closed, secret group but only by a vast, open movement

which develops forms of activity which aim onenly to

subvert the existing social order by eliminating the

workers to take the fa c tor i e s i nto t heir own hand s . What
was m i s s i ng wa s cl a s s consciousness in the mass o f the
w o rking p o pula t i o n , not the par tv disci pline o f a sma l l
servant-mentality from the entire working population.

And cla s s consciousness cannot be creAted by a

F. Perlman

g r oup .
c l o sed , secret group hut onl y by a va st , op en m ovement
wh i ch devel op s f orm s o f a c t i vity which aim one nl y to
subvert the exi s ting s o c i a l order by el i m i na t i ng the
s er va n t - m e n tal it y from the entire working p o pul a t i o n .

F. Perlman
 23

23
PAR I S , June 2 4 , 1 9 68
PARIS, June 24, I968

C i t roen Act i o n Comm itte e - - I I *

Citroen Action Committee--II*

Experience and Perspectives

The Citroen factories employ about kO thousand

E x p e r i e n c e a n d Pe r s pect i v es
workers in Paris and its surroundings. A total of l500

workers are in unions. Inside the factories, the owners

organize repression by means of management agents, a

private police and a "free union." About 60 percent of

the workers are

foreign, and

The C i tr o � n fa c tori e s empl oy abou t 4 0 thou sand

w ork er s i n Par i s and i t s surround i n� s . A to tal o f 150 0
they are em-

work er s are i n uni ons . I n s i d e the fa c tori e s , t he own e r s

ployed on the

more onerous

assembly lines.
o rgani z e r e p r e s s ion b y mea ns o f management age nt s , a
On Friday, pr i va t e pol i c e and a 1' fr e e u n i o n . tt Abou t 6 0 perc ent o f
May l7, work

t h e work e r s ar e
stoppages took

fore i gn , and
place in the

t h e y ar e em­
pl oyed on the
workshops of

m o r e one r o u s
numerous fac-

tories. Such

an event had a s s embl y l i ne s .

not occurred

for decades.

On Fr i day ,
May 1 7 , work
On that day

s t oppage s took
several workers

pla c e i n the
went to the

Censier Center

of the Univer- work shop s o f

sity of Paris

num erou s fa c ­
and described

tor1es. Su c h

NE NOUS L A I SSONS PAS A R RETER

a n event had
the police re-

PAR L E S OBSTACLES T E C H N I Q U E S .
n o t o c c urred
pression, the

I M P U LSONS !
impotence of

for d e cade s .
C R E O N S PARTOUT D E S ATE L I E R S PO P U L A I R E S !
the union, and

the fighting
On tha t day
spirit of the workers. The factory workers, they said,

s everal work e r s
were ready to stop work on the coming Monday if pickets

we n t to the
C e n s i er C enter June 1 68 : the s tar t o f a l o ng f i gh t .
were available and if the information were spread through

o f the Uni ver­ L e t ' s c ho o s e our own F I EL D OF

the factories. Together with the Citroen workers, Censier

students prepared a leaflet to be distributed the follow-

ing day at all the Citroftn plants. s i ty of Par i s C OM BA T . L e t ' s no t b e s t opped by

NE NOUS LAISSONS PAS ARRETER
and d e s c r i bed te c hn i c al o b s ta c l e s . L e t ' s pus h l
PAR LES OBSTACLES TECHNIQUES.

the pol i c e r e ­ Le t ' s create p opul ar work sho p s

IMPULSONS!

p re s s i o n , the everywh ere I

imp o t e n c e o f
CREONS PARTOUT DES ATELIERS POPULAIRES!

t h e un ion , and
June '68: the start of a long fight.

Let's choose our own FIELD OF

COMBAT. Let's not be stopped by the f i g ht i ng

technical obstacles. Let's push!
s p i r i t o f the work er s . The fac tory work e r s , they sa id ,
Let

were ready to s t o p work on the c om i ng Monday i f p i ck e t s

s create popular workshops

were ava i lable and i f the informa t i on were spread through

the fa c tor i e s . Tog e ther wi t h the C i tr o � n work er s , Cens1 er
everywhere.'

Published in Intercontinental Press (Vol. 6, No. 27),

July 29, 1968, pp. 683-688.

s tudent s pre par ed a l ea f l e t to be di s tr i buted the foll ow­
i ng day a t all the C i tro�n plant s .

( Vo l . No . 2 7 ) ,
*
Publ i sh e d in I n t e r c o n t inent al Pr e s s 6 ,
J uly 2 9 , 1968 , pp . 6 83 - 6 88 .
 24

The following day , Saturday , the CGT ( General Con­

federa tion o f Labor ) d i s tr i but ed a l eafl e t cal l i ng for a
2k

The following day, Saturday, the CGT (General Con-

federation of Labor) distributed a leaflet calling for a

st rike on Monday and d emand i ng a m i nimum wage of 600 NF

(abo ut US $120 ) a month. Numero us fa c t or i e s all over
strike on Monday and demanding a minimum wage of 600 NF

Prance we re al ready on s tr ik e . A t C i t�o�n the CGT had a

(about US $l20) a month. Numerous factories all over

France were already on strike. At Citroen the CGT had a

very small membership; was the CGT taking the initiative,

ve ry small membership ; wa s the CGT tak i ng the i ni t ia t ive ,
it was asked, in order to gain control of a movement it was a sked , in order to ga in control of a movement
which up to this point had been out of its control?

which up to th i s p o i nt had been out of i t s control ?

The May 20th Strike and the Occupation

Worker-student action committees had been func-

Th e M ay 20 t h St r i ke a n d t he O c c u p a t i o n
tioning at the Censier Center since May l3- After the

first exchange between the Citroen workers and the stu-

dents, a new committee was formed. The Citrofcn Action

Committee prepared two leaflets for May 20, one ad-

dressed to all the workers, the other to the foreign

Work er - s tudent a c t i on c ommi tte e s had be en func ­

workers at the CitroBn factories. The committee's aim

tioning a t the Cens l e r Center s i nce May l J . After t h e

first exchange betwe en the C i tro�n work e r s and the s tu ­
was to inform the workers of the student movement which

dents, a new c omm i ttee wa s formed . The C i tro �n Ac t i on

had challenged the capitalist system and all forms of

hierarchy. The leaflets did not challenge the union

nor the union demands. On the contrary, the leaflets Commi tt e e prepared two l eafl e t s f o r May 20 , one ad ­
suggested that the union demands challenged the capi-
dressed to all the work er s , the other to the for e i gn
talist system the same way the students had challenged

wo rkers a t the C i tro �n fac tor i e s . The commi ttee ' s a im

wa s to i nform the work e r s o f the s tudent movem e nt whi c h
it. The leaflets expressed an awareness of the common

had c hall enged the cap i tal i s t sys tem and a l l f o rm s o f

enemy of the workers and the students, an enemy who

The l eafl e t s d i d n o t c hal l enge t h e uni on

could not be destroyed unless the workers controlled the

productive forces. The occupation of the factories was

seen as the first step towards workers' power.
The first leaflet said:
Millions of workers are on strike.
h i erarchy .
nor the un i on demand s . On t he con trary , t he l eafl e t s
sugge s t ed that the union d emand s c hal l e nged the cap i ­

tal i s t sy s tem the same way t he s tud e n t s had c hal l e nged

They are occupying their workshops. This massive,

it. The l eafl e t s expr e s sed an awar e ne s s of the c omm.on

enemy of the workers and the s tude n t s , a n enem y w ho
growing movement goes beyond the established Power's

could not be d e s troyed unl e s s the work e r s c o ntrol l ed t h e

ability to react.

In order to destroy the police system which oppres-

ses all of us, we must fight together. produc t i ve for c e s . Th e o c c u pa t i on o f th e fa c tor i e s wa s

Workers-ritudents Action Committees have been con-
seen a s the f i r s t s t e p toward s work ers ' p o we r .
stituted for this purpose. These committees bring

to light all the demands and all the challenges of

the ranks of the entire working class. The capital-

The f i r s t l ea fl e t sa i d :

of are on s t ri k e .
ist regime cannot satisfy these demands.

Milli ons w o rk e r s

t h e i r w o rk s h o p s .
The second leaflet, printed in four languages, was

Th e y are o c cupying Th i s mas s i v e ,

addressed to foreign workers:

Hundreds of thousands of foreign workers are im-

ported like any other commodity useful to the ca-

g ro w i n g mov e m e n t eo e s b e y ond th e e s t ab l i s h e d Pow e r ' s
pitalists, and the government even organizes clan-
ab i l i t y to r e ac t .

In o rd e r the whi ch c p pre s ­

destine immigration from Portugal, thus showing it-

to u e s t ro y poli c e sys t e m
self as a slave driver.

ses all o f' us , we mu s t f i r:h t toeethe r .

W o rk e rs - ,:) t ud e n t s Ac t i on C a mm i t t e e s h ave be en con­

the and
s t i tuted for th i s pur�·os e . Th e s e c o mm i t t e e s b r ing
to l i gh t al l d e m and s all the c h a l l e ne e s o f'
ranks
s a t i o fy
the of the en t i re w o rk i n e c l as s . The c ap i t a l ­
ist r e :: i m e c ann o t these d e m and s .

The s e c ond l e a f l e t , pr i n ted i n four l a n �uage s , wa s

addre s s ed to fore i gn work e r s :

Hund r e d s of f o r e i t:n w o rk e rs are i;�­

p o rt e d like ar'L./ o ther c o rr.rn o ci i t .··/ to
t h o u s and s of
the ca­
u:n d
t.- E; e f u l

i... r o m thus show i ng

p i t al i c. t s , the p;, o v e rn m e n t even o r p;an i z e s c l an ­
i mn ; i (� ra t i on P o r t ugal , it­
d ri ve r .
d e s t i ne
s el� as a s l av e
 25

These workers are ferociously exploited by the ca­

pitalists. They live in terrible conditions in the
slums which surround. Pari s . Since they are under­
qualified, they are underpaid . Since they only speak
their own language , they remain isolated from the
rest of the working popu].ation and are not under­
stood. Thus isolated, they accept the most inhuman
work in the worst workshops.

ALL THIS BECAUSE THEY HAVE NO CHOICE :

They left their countries because they were sta:i:-V­

ing; because their countries are also under ..the yoke
of capital. Victims in their . own countries ,.. they
are victims here t o o .

All that has t o end.

Because they are not ENEMI�S OF THE FRENCH PROLE­

TARIAT : ON THE CONTRARY, THEY ARE THL SURBST ALLIES .
I f they are not moving yet , it is because they are
aware of the precariousness of their situation. Since
they have no right s , the smallest act cap_ lead to
their expulsion, which means a return to �unger ( and
t o jail ) .

Through their labor, the foreign workers participate

in the creation of the wealth of French society.
They must have the same riehts as all others.

Thus it is up to revolutionary workers and students

to see to it tho.t the foreign workers ENJOY TH.I!:
TOTALITY OF TH-"<IR POLITICAL Alm UNION RIGHTS.

This is the concrete beginning of internationalism.

The foreign workers, who make up an integral part

of the working class in Franc e , together with their
French comrades , will massively join the radical
struggle to destroy capitalism and t o create a
CLASSLESS SOCIETY such as has NEVER yet been seen.

CGT ... croT

SOUTENEZ
• L CS&
G�EVISTE S
- OE-

EN
R- AULT
FLl•S .W
"a� ../oiJ.<I
�J'W/'JZ
ClJ(;?tr I�

"' . !�"
l.A.(lf •
'
. �-
 26

26
On May 2 0 , s tudents and work e r s o f the C i tro � n
On May 20, students and workers of the CitroPn
Comm i t t e e d i s tri buted l e a fl e t s and talked to work e r s a t
Committee distributed leaflets and talked to workers at
all the en tranc e s to the C i tro�n fa c t or i e s . The f i r s t
all the entrances to the Citrofen factories. The first

c onta c t s wi th d e l e ga t e s o f the CGT were nega t i ve . The

contacts with delegates of the CGT were negative. The

d e l e ga t e s tr i e d to pr event the d i s tr i but i on o f the

l ea fl e t s . The pre text wa s t ha t the vari e ty o f l ea fl e t s
delegates tried to prevent the distribution of the

leaflets. The pretext was that the variety of leaflets

would destroy the unity of the workers and would create

confusion. "It would be better," the delegates said,
"if the elements external to the factory went away:
they give a provocative pretext to the management."
woul d de s troy the uni ty o f the work e r s and wo u l d c r e a t e
c onfus i o n . " I t woul d b e be t t er , •• t h e del ega t e s sa i d .
1' 1 f the el em ent s external to t h e fac tory went away :

they g i ve a provo ca t i ve pr e t e x t to the managem e n t . ''

However, a significant number of the Communist

However , a s i gni f i cant number o f the Commun i s t

Party and CGT functionaries who had come to give a

strong hand to the CGT were external to the factory,

namely they did not work in any of the Citroen plants.

Par ty and CGT func t i onari e s who ha d c ome to gi v e a
The CGT officials gave out leaflets which demanded, s trong hand to t he CGT were e x t ernal to the fa c t ory ,
among other things, a minimum wage of l,000 NF ($200),

nam e l y the y d i d not work l n any of the C l tro�n plant s .

namely nearly twice as much as they had sought two days

The CGT o f f i c i al s ga ve out l e afl e t s whi c h d emand ed ,

among o ther thing s , a m i n i mum wage o f 1 , 0 0 0 NF ( $2 0 0 ) .
namely nearl y twi c e a s muc h A s t h e y had sou g ht t wo day s
earlier.

In the street, the union delegates communicated

with workers through loudspeakers. The students? of the

Citroen committee, on the other hand, mixed freely with

earl i e r .
the French and foreign workers. Since the foreign work-

ers were not obeying the CGT calls to occupy the fac-

I n t h e s tr e e t , the un i o n d e l e ga t e s c omnn m i c a. ted

tory, the union officials decided to use the students.

wi th work e r s t hrough l oud s p e aker s . Th� s t ud e n t � of t h e

C i tro �n co mm i t t e e , on t h e o t h e r ha n d . m i xe d fr e e l y w i t h
Instead of trying to chase away the young "agitators,"

the Fr e n c h a nd f ore ig n w ork er s . S i n c e t he fore i gn wo rk ­

the officials encouraged the action committee militants

to continue to make personal contact with the foreign

workers. The result of two hours of direct communication

ers were n o t obe y i ng t h e CGT cal l s t o o c cupy t h e fa c ­
was that the majority of the foreign, workers were inside
tory , t he union o f f i c i a l s d e c i d ed t o u s e t h e s t u d e n t s .
the factory, actively participating in its occupation.

I n s tead o f tr y i n g to c ha s e awa y t h P you n g 1'ag1 +. a t o r s , "

The Gates Are Shut By The CGT

the o f f i c i al s e n c oura � e d t he a c t i o n c omm i t t e e m i l i tan t s

to c on t i nu e t o mak e pe r sonal c o n ta c t w i th t h e fore i g n
On May 2l, the second day of the occupation, the

Th e re sul t o f two h o u r s o f d i r e c t c ommun i ca t i o n

action committee militants found all the gates of the

factory closed, and union delegates defended the en-

trances against "provocateurs." Thus the young mili-
tants were cut off from the contacts they had had be-
fore the occupation. Young workers inside the factory
worke r s .
wa s t ha t t he ma j or i t y of t h e f o r e i g1� work e r s w e r e i n s i d e
t h e fac t or y , a � t i v e l y par t i c i pa t i n g i n i t s o c c upat i o n .

protested vigorously against the threats which were

T h e G a t es A r e Shut By T h e C G T
hurled at the "elements external to the factory." The

CGT had become the new Boss. The union did all it could

to prevent workers from becoming aware of the fact that

the occupation of the factory was a first step toward

the expropriation of the owners. To struggle against

On May 21 , the s eco nd d a y o f t h e o c c u pa t i o n , t h e

this unexpected new force, the action committee addres-

a c t i on c omm i t t e e m i l i ta n t s found a l l t h e p:a t e s of the

fa c tory c l o s ed , and u n i o n d e l e �a t e s d e f e nd ed t h e e n ­
sed itself to the workers in a new leaflet:

t ran c e s aga i n s t '' p r o vo c a t e ur s . " T h u s the y oun� m i l i ­

Workers:

t ant s w e r e c u t o f f from t h e c o nta c t s t h e y ha d had be ­

You have occupied your factories. You are no longer

fore t h e o c cupa t i o n . Young work e r s i n s i d e t h e f a c tory

controlled by the State or by the ex-owners.

pro t e s t e d v i gorou s l y a ga i n s t t h e t h r e a t s wh i c h w e r e
hurl ed at the " e l em e n t s e x t e r na l t o the fac tory . " The
CGT had be com e t h e new Bo s s . T h e u n i o n d i d a l l i t c ou l d
t o pre v e nt work e r s f rom be c om l ng a wa r e o f t h e fa c t tha t
the o c c upa t i o n o f t h e fa c t ory wa s a f i r s t s t e p t oward
t h e expropr i a t i on of the owne r s . To s truggl e a ga i n s t
t h i s u n e x p ec t e d new f or c e , t h e a c t i o n comm i t t e e addre s ­
s e d i t s e l f t o t he work e r s i n a n e w l ea fl e t :

W o rk e rs :

You hav e o c c u p i ed y o ur fa.c t o ri e s . You are no lon t; e r

c on t ro l l e d by t h e S ta t e or by the e x - o w n e rs .
 27

27

Do not allow new masters to control you.

All of you and each of you has the right to speak.

DON'T LET THE LOUDSPEAKERS SPEAK FOR YOU.

If those behind the loudspeakers propose a motion,

all other workers, French and foreign, must have

the same right to propose other motions.

You, THE WORKERS, have the power. You have the

power to decide what to produce, how much and for

whom.

You, THE WORKERS, control your factories. Don't

let anyone take the control away from you.

If some people limit your contacts with the out-

side, if some people do not allow you to learn

about the profound democratization taking place

in France, then these people are not trying to

represent you, but to control you.

The occupied factories have to be opened up to all

comrades, workers as well as students, in order to

enable them to make decisions together.

Workers and students have the same objectives.

Despite the government, the universities are already

open to all.

Do not allow new mas t e r s to c ontrol you .

Al l of you antl each o f' y o u has the ri ght to s p e ak .

D ON ' T LET THE LOUDS PEAKERS S PEAK FOR YOU .

If th o s e b e h i nd tLe l o ud s p e ake rs propo s e a mo t i o n ,

all o ther w o r k e rs , French and f o r e i gn , mu s t hav e
the s ame r i gh t to p ro p o s e o t he r mo t i o n s .

You , THE W O RKERS , hav e the power . You have the

power to d e c ide what to p ro d u c e , how mu c h an d for
whom .

You , THB W ORK.DR� , c o n t ro l your fac t o ri e s . Don ' t

let any o n e t ak e the c ontrol aw ay from you .

If some p e o pl e limit your c o n t ac t s with the out ­

s id e , if s o me p e o pl e do not all o w you to l e arn
about the p r o f o und d e mo c r at i z a t i o n t ak i n g plac e
in F r anc e , then the s e p e o pl e are no t t ry i n g to
repre s ent you , but to c o n t ro l you .

The o c c upied f ac t o r i e s h av e to be o p ened up to all

c o mrad e s , w o rk e rs as w ell as s tudent s , in o rd e r to
e n ab l e them to make d e c i s i ons t o ge th e r .

W o rk e r s and. s t ud e n t s h av e t he s ame o b j e c t iv e s .
Despi t e the g o v e rn m e n t , the ·un i v e r s i t i e s are al r e ad y
o pen to all .
 28

d e c id e ins t e ad of you , if the

28

If
--
the
---
loud s pe ak e rs
' t
If the loudspeakers decide instead of you, if the

1oud s p e ak e rs b r o ad c a s t the d e c i s i ons we h av e m ad e ,

w o rk ing
loudspeakers broadcast the decisions 'we1 have made,

then the men behind the loudspeakers are not working

then the men b ehind the l o ud s p e ak e rs are not
with you; they're manipulating you.

w i t h you ; they ' re man i pul a t i n g y o u .

A second leaflet, prepared by several action commit-

A s e c ond l eafl e t , prepared by several a c t i on c omm i t ­

tees, was also distributed. This leaflet called for the

formation of general assemblies of all the workers which

would bypass the union and prevent any small group from te e s , wa s al so d i s tri buted . Th i s leafl e t cal l ed for t he
speaking in the name of the workers and from negotiating
forma t i on of general a s s embl i e s of all the workers wh i c h
in the name of the working class:

woul d bypa s s the uni on and prevent any small group from
. . . The political and union officials were not

speak i ng i n the name of the workers and from negoti a t i ng

i n the nam e of th e work i ng cla s s :
the originators of the strike. The decisions were

made, and must continue to be made, by the strikers

themselves, whether they are unionized or not. . . .

In order to circumvent the CGT and to continue its

• • • The p o l i t i c al and uni on o ff i c i al s were not
work of liaison and information, the Citroen committee

the o r i ginat o rs of the s t rike . The d e c i s i ons w e re

mad e , an d mus t c o n t i nu e to be mad e , by the s t rikers
launched three new projects: actions with foreign work-

theme e 1ve s , whe t h e r t h ey are uni oni z ed o r not

ers in the slums and the dormitories; contacts with

• . . .
strikers at the entrances of the factories; liaison

In order to c ir cumvent the CGT and to continue i ts

between the politicized workers at the different Citroen

factories.

Contacts At The Factory

work or l i ai son and informa t i o n , the C i tro�n c omm i ttee
At the Balard and Nanterre factories, daily meet- launched three new pro j e c t s : a c t i on s wi th fore ign work­
ings took place between the workers and the action com-

ers i n the slums and the d orm i t ori e s ; conta c t s wi th

mittee. The subject of the meetings was a basic poli-

s trikers at the entranc e s of the fa c tori e s ; l i ai son

be twe en t he pol i t i c i zed work e r s a t the d i f ferent C 1 tro �n
tical discussion on the nature of the student movement

fa c t ori e s .
and its relation to the strike. The factory workers be-

came increasingly conscious that the strike had become

transformed more and more into a traditional union

strike. They deplored the demobilization and the de-

politization of the pickets, which had been accompanied

C o n t a ct s At T h e Fac t o ry
by a massive desertion. At the Balard factory, at night,

for example, a small number of young people defended

At the Balard a nd Nanterre fa c tori e s , da i l y meet­

the factory. All the young workers' attempts to or-

ganize were sabotaged by the union bureaucracy, either

in the form of direct opposition or in the form of

i ngs took plac e be twe en the workers and the a c t ion c om­
seeming to forget problems.
m i t tee . The sub j e c t of the m e e t i n�s wa s a ba s i c pol i ­
The nonunionized young workers attempted to break

ti cal d i s cu s s i on on the na ture o f the s tudent m ovement

out of their isolation. They contacted militants of the

and i t s relati on to the s trike . The fac tory work e r s b e ­

came increa s i ngl y cons c i ous that t he s tr ik e had be come
CFDT (French Democratic Confederation of Labor) who

seemed to favor student-worker contacts, but the CFDT's

intentions were political rather than revolutionary; the

minority union tried to enlist new members, and the po-
pularity of the student movement among the workers made
it opportune for the minority union to associate with
trans formed more and more i nto a trad i t i onal un i on
s trike . They depl ored the demobil i za t i on and the de­
pol i t i za t 1 on of the p i ck e t s , whi c h had been a c c om pan i ed

by a ma s s i ve d e s ert i o n . At the Balard fac t or y , a t n i g h t .

the student movement. Secondly, the young workers

for exampl e , a small num b e r o f young peopl e d e f e nd e d

the fa c tory . Al l t h e young work er s ' a t t emp t s to or­
sought contacts with militants who wanted to work within

gan i z e were sa bo taged by the uni on bur eaucra c y , e i t h e r

i n the form of d ire c t oppo s i t i on o r i n t h e form of
s e eming t o forge t probl em s .

The nonun ioni zed young workers attempted to break

out of the ir i sola t i o n . They conta c ted m i l i ta n t s of the
CFDT ( .French Democra t i c Confedera t i o n o f La bor ) who
seemed to favor s tudent-work er c or.ta c t s , but the CFDT ' s
intent i ons were pol i t i cal rather t ha n revol u t i o na ry ; t h e
m i nori ty uni on tr i ed to e nl i s t n e w m em be r s , and the po ­
pulari ty of the s tud ent movem e nt among the workers made
it oppo r t un e f or the m i n or i t y union to a s s o c i a te w i t h
the s tud ent movem e n t . S e c ondl y , the young work er s
sought c onta c t s with m il i tant s who wanted to w ork wi th i n
 29

the union by organizing the ra�

�ATP
and file against the offic.ials.
Thirdly, the young workers con­
tacted the Citro�n Action Commit­

�t
tee at Gensler, and after the last
week in May they worked increasing­
ly with the ac.tion com.mi ttee. At
the end of May, the young workers
no longer felt either sure of
themselves or supported by their
comrades within the factory. Po­ T I E N DR A
lice forces had taken repressive '
.
steps against strikers in other
sectors, and the young workers
felt isolated and looked for

TRAVAILLEURS 1'
outside support.

In order to respond to this fRANCAIS IMMIGRES .

need for rank-and-file organiza­ T O U S UNIS
tion, the C1tro�n Comm ittee pro­ \,
A TRAVAILEGM. SftU!RUCAl ·"
posed a series of actions. Pea­ A lAVORO lEUAl.E SAIARIO (l;UALC
sants were sending food from the A TRASAJJ lGUAl SAlARIO ICVAl
It.IA AOYAEIA l.dlA RAHJ'QMH
country side to Sorbonne and Cen­
A IRABAlHO IGUAl SAlARlO IGlLU
sier; contacts had been estab­ �!KAV �INAK TAKVA ZARAOA
li shed between peasants, action �i"�l '°v_9 �lo.<V
committees and workers. The
Citro�n Committee informed the
workers about the possibilities
to obtain food and to contact the
peasants directly. The problem
SOUTIEN
was to find means of transport,
namely at least one Citro�n truck
POPULAIRE
which would transport work ers and DE LA
students to the countryside.
This suggestion was favorably GREVE

DE[EC
received by the workers, and
its organizational potential was
profoundly grasped. But the
work ers did not want to take on
themselves the responsibility of
taking a truck which belonged to
the owner s , and so they looked
for union support. The union re­
presentatives sent the workers to
the union ' s central committee at
Balard. The c entral committee
was willing to contact the peas­
ants, but only on condition that
the whole action was central­
ized, that i t was all directed by
the union ' s central committee;
these conditions would have
sabotaged all attempts at rank­
and-file organization.

The second form of action

proposed by the Citro�n Committee
 JO

30

was to e s ta bl i s h conta c t s among the work ers of d i fferent

was to establish contacts among the workers of different

enterpr i s e s . However , suc h c o nta c t s c oul d no t tak e pl a c e

inside the fa c tory s i nc e the fa c tory had be c ome an im­
enterprises. However, such contacts could not take place

pregnabl e ba sti on guarded by the union bureaucra c y , wh i c h

inside the factory since the factory had become an im-

pregnable bastion guarded by the union bureaucracy, which

opposed any rank-and-file contacts among the workers.

opposed any rank-and - f i l e c on ta c ts among the w ork er s .
Thus the problem was to fight for free expression and for
Thus the probl em wa s to f i g ht for fr ee expre s s i on and f o r
the possibility of worker exchanges.

the po s s i bil i ty of work er ex c hange s .

The third form of action proposed by the action com-

The third form of a c t i on proposed by t he a c t i o n c om­

mittee was to contact the foreign workers at their dor-

mi ttee wa s to conta c t the for e i g n work e r s a t the i r dor­

mitories. There were two aspects to these contacts: they

were a means to radicalize the struggle by including

foreign comrades in the strike pickets, and the contacts

m i tori e s . There were two a s p e c t s to the s e c onta c t s : they
were a means to do away with the exhausting struggle
were a means to rad i cal i z e t he s truggl e by includ i ng
of the strikers against strike-breakers, who were gene-

fore ign c omrad e s i n the s t r i ke p i ck e t s , and t h e c onta c t s

rally foreign workers manipulated by the management of

were a means to do away wi th the exhau s t i ng struggl e

o f the s triker s agai ns t strike-breaker s , who were gene­
the factory; the foreign workers were manipulable be-

ral l y fore ign work er s mani pulated by the m anag em e n t of

cause they were generally unpoliticized, uninformed; on

several occasions the management had called them to-

gether to vote to return to work. the fac tory ; the fore i gn workers were man i pul a bl e be­
The Foreign Workers' Dormitories

cau s e they were generall y unpol 1 t 1 c i zed , uninformed : on

The dormitories for foreign workers enable the owners

several o c ca s i ons the management had cal l ed t h em to­

gether to vote to return to work .
to exploit the workers twice, namely during the day and

again at night. The living quarters are managed by Citroen

agents who do not let anyone enter, even members of the

workers' families. For example, at the dormitory at

Viliers-le-Bel, thirty miles out of Paris, the workers

The Fo re i g n Wo rke rs' Do r m i t o r i e s
live in forty-eight apartments with fourteen people in

each two-or-three-room apartment. The assignment of

The d orm i tori e s f or fore i gn work ers e na bl e the owne rs

workers to apartments is done arbitrarily. Thus Yugo-

to expl o i t the work e r s twi c e , name l y duri ng the day and

slavs are housed together with Spanish and Portuguese

workers. The workers are rarely able to communicate with

each other. They work in different shifts and in dif-

aga i n at n i ght . The l i vi ng q uar t e r s ar e managed by C i t r o � n
ferent workshops. The workers pay l50 NF ($30) per month.
agent s wh o do n o t l e t anyone enter , even member s o f t h e
From this single dormitory, the factory clears 50,000 NF

work e r s ' fam il i e s . For exampl e , a t t h e d o rm i tory a t

($l0,000) per month.

V i l i ers-l e -Bel , t h ir ty m i l e s ou t o f Par i s , t h e work e r s

l i ve in for t y - e i ght apar tm e n t s wi th four t e e n p e o pl e i n
Members of the Citroen Committee who spoke the lan-

ea c h two - or - t hr e e-room apar tm ent . The a s s ignment o f

guages of the workers established contacts at the dor-

mitories in order to inform the foreign workers about the

action committees, and to establish connections between

work e r s t o apartme n t s 1 s done arbi trar i l y . Thu s Yugo­
the strikers and foreign workers. The aim of the com-
sl avs are housed toge ther wi t h S pani s h and P or tugue s e
mittee was to enable the workers to organize themselves

worker s . The work e r s are rar e l y abl e t o c ommuni ca te w i t h

into action committees in order to cope with their spe-

ea c h o th e r . They work i n d i f f erent s h i f t s and i n d i f­

ferent work s ho p s . The work e r s pay 1 5 0 NF ( $30 ) p e r m o nt h .
cific problems: transport to the factories, food, the

From th i s s i ngl e dorm i t ory , the fa c tory cl ear s 50 , 000 NF

struggle against the repressive conditions inside the

( $10 , 000 ) per month.

factory, and contacts with French comrades. French

language courses were organized in several centers af-

ter the workers organized themselves into committees and

found classrooms in nearby student-occupied universities

M em be r s of the C i tro �n Comm i t t e e who spok e the lan­

or in local culture centers. In the slum and ghetto

guage s o f the workers e s tabl i shed c ontac t s a t the dor­

m i tor i e s i n order t o i nf orm the fore ign work er s about t h e
a c t i on c omm i t t e e s , and t o e s ta bl i s h c onne c t i on s be twe e n
the s tr i k e r s and f ore i gn work er s . The a im o f th e c om­
m i t t e e wa s t o enabl e the work er s to organi z e them s el ve s
i n t o a c t i on c omm i t t e e s i n order t o cope wi th the i r s pe ­
c i f i c probl em s : transpor t t o t h e fac tori e s , food , the
s truggl e a ga i n s t the re pre s s i ve c ond i t i o ns i n s i d e the
fa c t ory , a nd c onta c t s wi th Fre nc h c omrad e s . Frenc h
language c our s e s were orga n i zed i n s everal c e n t ers af­
ter the work e r s organi zed them se l v e s i nto c omm i t te e s and
f ound c l a s sroom s i n nearby s tudent - o c cupi ed univ e r s i t i e s
or i n l o cal c ul tur e c e n t er s . In the slum and g h e t t o
 31

area s , food suppl i ed by p e a s a n t s a nd d i s tr i bu t e d by a c ­

3l

areas, food supplied by peasants and distributed by ac-

tion committees was taken to poor workers and their fa-

milies. On all occasions, the foreign workers were in-

t i o n c omm i t te e s wa s tak e n to p o o r work er s and t h e i r fa ­
formed of the different forms used by the employers to m il i e s . On all oc ca s i on s , t h e f or e i g n work e r s w e r e i n­
break the strike by using foreign workers as strike-

formed o f the d i f f e r e n t f o rm s u s e d by t h e empl o y e r s t o

breakers. Numerous foreign workers were put in contact

b r eak t h e s trike by u s ing fore i g n work e r s as s tr i k e ­

br eak er s . Num erou s fore i g n work e r s were put i n c onta c t
wi th s tr i k e r s , and t h e y t o ok a n a c t i ve par t i n t he o c c u­
with strikers, and they took an active part in the occu-

pation of the factory.

pa t i o n o f t h e fac tory .
The aim of all these actions was to enable, and

encourage, rank-and-file organization among the workers.

A small number of workers, isolated in the factory,

posed the problem of defending the factory against all

The a im of a l l the s e a c t i o n s wa s to ena bl e , and

forms of aggression. The union had given the order to

e n c ourage , rank -and - f i l e orga n i za t i o n am ong the work er s .

abandon the factory "in a dignified manner" in case any-

A smal l num ber of work er s , i s ol a t e d i n the fac tory ,

one attacked; this order was explained in terms of the

"relation of forces." The Citroen Action Committee

placed numerous "pickets" outside the factory, and on one

p o s e d the urobl em o f d e f end i ng the fac tory aga i n s t all
occasion the "pickets" defended the factory from an at-
f orm s of aggr e s s i o n . The uni on h a d g i ve n the order to
tack by strikebreakers and toughs hired by the owners to

abandon the fa c t ory " i n a d i gn1 f 1. ed manner " in c a s e a ny­

chase out the occupying strikers.

one a t ta ck e d ; thi s ord er wa s expl a i ned in term s of the

" relat i o n of for c e s . " T h e C i troen A c t i on Comm i t t e e
The Rank and File Committees

An increasing number of workers went to the Censier

Center to seek contacts with the action committees, and

pl a c ed numerou s " p i ck e t s " ou t s i d e t h e fa c tory , and o n one
the workers transformed the character of the Citrofe"n Com- o c ca s i on the 1 1 p 1 ck e t s " d e f end e d the fa c tory from an a t ­
mittee and they opened perspectives for organization and

ta ck by s tr i k e br eak er s and t ough s h i red b y the owner s to

c ha s e out the oc cupy i ng s tr ik er s .

The R a nk a n d F i l e C o m m i t t e es

An i n crea s i ng num ber of work e r s went to the C e n s i er

C e nter t o s e ek conta c t s wi t h the a c t i on c omm i t t e e s , and
the work er s transform ed the c hara c ter of the C 1 tro � n Com­
m i t t e e and t hey opened per s pe c t i ve s for orga n i za t i on and
 32

a c t i on by the workers themselves 1 n s 1de the fa c t ory .

32

M e e t i ng s between the C i tro�n Comm i ttee w i th the Inter­

action by the workers themselves inside the factory.

Enterpr i s e Comm i ttee and w i t h worker s from the Rh o ne

Poul enc c hem i cal plant opened further perspe c t i ve s .
Meetings between the Citroen Committee with the Inter-

Enterprise Committee and with workers from the Rhone

Poulenc chemical plant opened further perspectives.

Rh&ne Poulenc workers familiarized the workers of

Rhone Poul enc work er s famil iari zed t he workers o f
other enterprises with the organization of rank-and-file

other e nterpr i s e s with the organ i za t i o n o f rank-and- f i l e

committees which had taken place very successfully inside

c omm i t t e e s whi ch had taken pl ace very suc c e s s fully i n s i d e

the ir fa c.t ory . The e c ho wa s immed iate . C i tro�n work e r s
their factory. The echo was immediate. Citroen workers

rec ogni zed t ha t the rank -and - f i l e organi zat i o n s , where

recognized that the rank-and-file organizations, where

the decision-making power over the running of the strike

remained with the workers themselves, was the solution the dec i s i on-mak ing power over the runn ing of the strik e
to the problems they had faced during the strike. How-
remai ned wi th the workers themsel ve s , wa s the solut i o n
ever the period in which the Citroen workers became

to t h e probl em s they had fa c e d dur i ng the s trik e . How­

familiar with the Rhone Poulenc rank-and-file commit-

ever the per i od in whi c h the C i troen work er s became

famil iar wi th the Rh o ne Poul enc rank -and - f i l e c omm i t­
tees no longer permitted the launching of such an organ-

izational project inside Citroen, since this was one of

the last factories still on strike, and since the strike

t e e s no l onger permi t ted the launc h i ng o f such an organ­
had become a traditional union strike.
i zati onal pro j e c t i n s ide C i tro!n , s i nc e thi s wa s one o f
The Rhone Poulenc workers, who called on comrades

the l a s t fac tor i e s s till o n s trik e , and s i n c e t h e s trike

in other plants to follow their example, also pointed

had be com e a trad i ti onal uni on s trik e .

out that real workers1 power could not be realized un-

The Rh o ne Poul enc work er s , who call ed o n c omrade s

less rank-and-file organization was extended to other

parts of the capitalist world. And during the time when

the Citroe'n workers were learning of the experiences of in other plant s to foll ow their exampl e , al so poi nted
the chemicals workers, some members of the Citroen Com-
ou t that real workers ' power coul d not be real i z ed un­
mittee went to Turin to establish contacts with the

l e s s rank-and-file organi za t i o n wa s extended to o ther

Worker-Student League grouped around Fiat, the largest

par t s of the capi tal i s t worl d . And dur i ng the t ime when
the Ci tro!n work er s were l earning o f the exper i e nc e s of
enterprise in Europe. In Turin, information was ex-

changed on the struggles of the workers in Italy, on

the similarity of the obstacles posed by the unions in

both countries, and on the significance of the action
committees. The organization of rank-and-file commit-
tees and the problem of worker control opened up perspec-
the chem i cal s workers , s ome m ember s of the Ci tro�n Com­
m i t t e e went to Tur i n to e s tabl i s h c onta c t s with the
W orker-S tudent League gr oupe d around Fi a t , the l arge s t

enterpr i se in Europe . In Tur i n , i nf ormati on wa s ex­

tives for the comrades in Turin. As a basis for further

c hanged on the s truggl e s o f the work er s in I tal y , on

the s im i lari ty of the obsta c l e s po s ed by the uni on s in
contacts, the two groups established a regular exchange

of information (leaflets. journals and letters), ex-

changes of lists of demands, and direct contacts by work-

both c ountri e s , and on the s i gn i f i canc e of the a c t i on
ers and students. Italian comrades arrived in Paris from c ommi ttee s . The organ i za t i o n o f rank -and-fi l e c omm i t­
Milan in order to establish similar contacts with the

t e e s and the probl em o f work er control opened up perspec­

Citroen Committee, and some members of the Citroen Com-

t i ve s for the comrade s 1 n Tur i n . As a ba s i s for further

c ontac t s , the two grou ps e s tabl i shed a regular excha nge
mittee itself returned to other countries (such as Eng-

of i nforma t i on ( l eafl e t s , j ournal s and l e tters ) , ex­

land and the United States) in order to generalize the

international contacts.

The Strike for Material Demands

c hang e s of l i s t s o f demand s , and d i r e c t conta c t s by work ­
On Saturday, June 22, after the CGT reached an
ers and s tudent s . I tal ian c omrade s arri ved i n Pari s from
agreement with the Citroen management, workers in the

Mil an i n ord er to e s tabl i sh similar contac t s wi t h the

Citroen Committee who opposed the return to work sought

Ci tro�n Comm i t t e e , and som e member s of the Ci tro �n Com­

m i t t e e i t s e l f re turned to o t her c ountri e s ( such as Eng­
contact with other organized forces in order to prepare

land and the Uni ted S ta t e s ) in ord er to general i ze the

an action for the following Monday. The workers prepared

i nterna t i onal c onta c t s .

T h e S t r i ke fo r M a te r i a l D e m an d s

On Sa turday , Jun e 2 2 , a f ter the CGT rea c h e d a n

agre ement with the C i tro � n managem e nt , work ers i n th e
C i tro � n Comm i t t e e who oppo s e d t h e re turn to work s ought
c onta c t wi th o ther o r ga n i z ed for c e s in order to prepare
an a c t i o n for t he foll owin g Monda y . Th e worker s prepared
 33

33

a leaflet which explained that, in terms of the union's

material demands, nothing had been received by the work-

ers:

... While the CGT union considers itself satisfied with

its agreement with the managers, a large majority of

the workers, aware that the crumbs received do not cor-

respond to their five weeks of struggle nor to the

strike which began as a general strike, are ready to

continue this struggle....

On Monday morning, three different leaflets opposed

to the return to work were distributed. The CGT officials

were not able to find workers willing to distribute their

leaflets. The union's forces had passed to the opposi-

tion; union delegates and officials were booed during the

meeting before the vote. Workers expressed themselves

physically to allow speeches by workers opposed to the

return to work. During the meeting, a union representa-

tive who could not speak because of the booing, demanded

to be heard in the name of democracy, and then denounced

the workers who booed him as "those who want to wave the

red flag of the working class higher than the CGT."

, --h,,
,+ J
) J I .._ ,
I

J J

a l eafl e t wh i c h expla i ne d that , i n t e rm s o f the un i o n ' s

m a t e r ial d emand s . not h i n g had be e n re c e i ved by the work ­
ers :

m ana g e r s ,
While the C GT uni o n c o ns i d ers i t s el f s a t i s fi ed with
its a g r e em e n t w i th the a large m a j o ri t y of
the w o rk e rs , aw are that the c ru m b s re c e iv e d not cor­
do
r e s p o nd to th e i r five weeks of s t rug gle nor t o the
s t ri k e w h i c h b e gan as a g e n e ral s t ri k e , a r e r e ad y to
c o n t i nue this s t ruggl e . . . .

On M o nday m orni ng , thr e e d i fferent l ea fl e t s oppo s e d

t o the r e turn to work w e r e d i s tr i buted . The CGT of f i c ial s
were n o t abl e to f i nd work e r s will i ng to di s tr i bu t e the ir
l ea f l e t s . The uni on ' s for c e s had pa s s ed to the o p po s i ­
t i on ; u n i o n d e l e ga t e s and of f i c i al s were bo oed dur i ng the
m e e t i ng be fore the vot e . Work er s expre s s ed them s elve s
phy s i c ally to al low s p e e c h e s by work ers oppo s e d t o the
re turn t o work . Dur i ng the m e e t i ng , a un i on repre s e nta­
t i ve who c ould not s p eak because o f the boo i ng , demand ed
to be heard i n the name of d emo c ra c y , and then denoun c ed
the work er s who booed him a s " tho s e who want to wave the
red flag o f t he work i ng cl a s s h i gher than the CGT. "
 )4

Pe rs p ec t i v e s
3^

Perspectives

Dissatisfaction with respect to the material de-

mands, and disillusionment with the union, caused the

workers to analyze in depth a problem which had been

Di s sa t i s fa c t i on wi th r e s p e c t t o the mater i al d e ­
touched earlier by the Citrogn Committee, namely the

mand s , and d i s illu s i onment wi th t h e uni o n , cau s e d the

workers to anal yze in depth a probl em wh i c h had b e e n
problem of whether militant action should take place

touc hed earl ier by the C i tro�n Comm i t t e e , nam e l y t he

inside the union or outside it. A large number of un-

organized workers were trying to concentrate their force

by forging new forms of organization- Once the problem probl em o f whe ther m il i ta nt a c t i on s hould tak e pl ace
of the union was solved, the Citroen Committee would be

inside the union or ou t s ide i t . A large number of un-

able to develop and enlarge the perspectives for action

01·gani z ed work er s were try i ng to c o n c e ntra t e t h e i r for c e

by forg ing new form s o f organi za ti on. Onc e the p r obl em
which could be drawn from its experience.

of the uni on wa s s olved , the C i troen Comm i t t e e would b e

For the CitroKn workers, the Citroen Action Committee

is an organ for liaison and information. Within the con-

text of the committee, the workers are able to coordinate

abl e to develop and enl arge the perspe c t i v e s for a c t i o n
their efforts to organize rank-and-file committees in whi c h c ould be drawn · from i t s exper i enc e .
the factory's workshops. At the weekly meetings with

another action committee, the Inter-Enterprise Committee,

For the Ci tro 8n wo rk e r s , t h e Ci tro�n Ac t i o n Comm i t t e e

CitroBn workers learn that similar organizational efforts

i s a n organ for l iai son and i nforma t i o n . Wi thin the c o n­

text of the c omm i t t e e , the worker s are abl e t o c oord i na t e
are taking place in other enterprises, and through their

contacts abroad they learn about the efforts of automobile

workers in other countries. The workers are aware that

t he ir e ffort s t o organi z e rank-and - f i l e c omm i tte e s i n
the fa c tory ' s work s hop s . A t t h e week l y m e e t i ng s w i t h
another ac ti on c omm i t t e e , t h e Inter-En t e rpri s e C omm i t t e e ,
the revolutionary significance of the rank-and-file com-

mittees can only find expression in another period of

crisis. The rank-and-file committees are seen as a basis

C i tro8n workers l earn t ha t s im i l ar organi za t i onal e f f or t s

are tak i ng pla c e i n o t her enterpri s e s , and t hrough the i r
for the massive occupation of the factories, accompanied

c onta c t s a broad they l earn about the ef forts of automobi l e

by an awareness on the part of the workers that they are

the only legitimate power inside the plants (namely that

no special group can speak or negotiate for the mass of workers i n oth er c ountr i e s . The work ers are aware t ha t
the workers). The massive occupation, accompanied by the

the re v olut i o na ry s i gn 1 f i cance of the rank -a nd - f i l e c om ­

workers' consciousness of their power as a class, is the

m i tte e s can onl y f i nd expre s s i on i n ano ther p e r i od o f

cri s i s . The rank-and - f i l e c omm i tt e e s ar e s e e n a s a ba s i s
condition for the workers to begin appropriating, namely

for the ma s s i ve oc cupa t i on o f the fa c tor i e s , a c c ompani ed

using, the instruments of production as an overt mani-

festation of their power. The act of overt appropriation

by an awa r e ne s s on the part o f the work ers t ha t t h e y are

the onl y l eg i t imate power i n s i de the pla nt s ( nam e l y tha t
of the means of production by the workers will have to be

accompanied by organized armed defense of the factories,

since the capitalist class will try to regain the fac-

no s pe c i al gro up ca n s p eak or nego t i a t e for the ma s s o f

tories with its police and with what remains of its army.

the w o rk e r s ) . The ma s s i ve o c cupa t i o n , a c c om pan i ed by t h e

work er s ' c o n s c i ou s ne s s o f t h e i r power a s a c l a s s , l s the
At this point, in order to abolish the capitalist system

c ond i t i o n for the work er s to be� i n a ppro pr i a t i ng , nam e l y

and to avoid being crushed by foreign armies, the workers

will have to extend their struggle to the principal cen-

ters of the world capitalist system. Only at that point u s i ng , t h e i n s trum e n t s o f produ c t i o n a s an over t man i ­
would complete worker control over the material conditions
f e s ta t i on o f the i r p ower . The a c t o f overt appropri a t i o n
of life be a reality, and at that point the building of a

o f th e means of pr odu c t i o n b y t h e wo rk er s w i l l have t o b e

society without commodities, without exchange and without

a c c ompa n i e d by orga n i z e d arm e d d e f e n s e o f the fa c t or i e s ,

s i nc e the c a p i tal i s t c l a s s w i l l try to r e ga i n t h e fa c ­
classes could begin.

tor i e s w i t h i t s pol i c e a nd wi th what rema i n s o f i t s arm y .

by Members of the Citrogn Action Committee

At thi s po i nt , i n order to a bol i s h the cap i tal i s t sy R t em

(Roger Gregoire and Fredy Perlman)

and to avo id be i ng cru s h e d by fore i g n arm i e s , t he work er s

w i l l have to e x t end the i r s truggl e t o the p r i n c i pa l c e n­
ters o f the world c a p i tal i s t sy s t em . Onl y a t that poi nt
w o ul d com pl e t e work er c o ntrol over the ma t e r i al c o nd i t i o n s
o f l i f e be a real i ty , and a t tha t p o i n t the bu i l d i ng o f a
s o c i e ty wi t h out c omm od i t i e s , w i thout e x c hange a nd wi thout
c l a s s e s � oul rl begi n .

by M embers o f t h e C i tr o @ n A c t i o n Comm i t t e e
( Roger Grego i r e and Fredy P e rlma n )
 35

P AR I S , J ul y , 1 9 6 8
35
KALAMAZ OO ( M i c h i ga n ) , Au gu s t , 1968

L i berated C e n s i e r :
PARIS, July. l968

KALAMAZOO (Michigan), August, I968

Liberated Censier:

A Revolutionary Base

Introduction

A Revo l u t i o n a r y Base
The revolutionary movement which showed its head in

France in May and June, I968, has been maligned and mis-

understood by the capitalist press, the Communist Party

press, and the presses of "revolutionary*1 grouplets.

According to the liberal capitalist press, the stu-

I nt ro d u c t i o n
dent revolt and general strike can be understood in terms

of the "peculiar characteristics" of Gaullist France. Ac-

The r e v o l u t i ona ry m ovem ent whi c h s h owed i t s head i n

cording to the Communist Party press, the university oc-

cupations and the general strike represent a reform move-

ment, with students fighting for a "modern university" and Fra n c e i n May and June , 1 968 , h a s be e n mal i gned and m i s ­
workers for the satisfaction of material demands, both
u nder s to o d by t h e c a p i tal i s t pre s s , t h e Commun i s t Party
groups being disrupted by a "handful of madmen and adven-

pr e s s , a nd t he pr e s s e s of " r e vol u t i o nar y '' grou pl e t s .

turers." According to some "revolutionary" grouplets,

Ac c or d i ng t o t h e l i beral capi tal i s t pr e s s , t h e s tu ­

the movement in France is either an example of the effi-

cacy of "revolutionary vanguards" and "leaders," or else

it is an example of the lack of vanguards and leaders-

d e n t revol t a n d general s t r i k e can be und e r s t o od i n t e rm s
There is also an eclectic version: the "rise" of the move- o f t h e " p e c ul i ar c hara c t e r i s t i c s " o f Gaul l i s t Fran c e . Ac­
ment illustrates the efficacy of the revolutionary van-

c o rd i ng t o t h e C ommuni s t Party pre s s , t h e u n i v er s i t y o c ­

guards, and its "decline" illustrates what happens to a

c u pa t i o n s and t he g e neral s tr i k e r e pre s e nt a r e f orm move ­

movement which has no vanguard.

m e n t , w i t h s tu d e nt s f i gh t i ng f or a ''mod e r n u n i v er s i ty " a nd
work e r s f o r t h e sa t i s fa c t i o n o f ma t e r i al d ema nd s , bo t h
1

grou p s be i ng d i s ru n t ed b :v a '' handful o f madm e n a nd adven­

According to one version, the Revolutionary Com-

munist Youth (J.C.R.) played the "central leadership

role" (The Militant, July 5, 1968). According to another,
students played the leadership role (The Militant, June 21,
1968;. According to a third version, "the action commit-
tu rer s . " A c c ord i ng to s om e " r evolu t i o nary " groupl e t s ,
t h e m ov e m e n t i n Fra n c e i s e i t he r an e xam pl e of t h e e f f i ­
c a c y o f " r e v o l u t i o na r y vangua rd s '' a n d " l ead e r s , " o r el s e
i t i s an e x a mpl e o f t he l a ck o f va ngua rd s a n d l � ad e r s .

tees played a vanguard role of central importance" (The

Th e r e i s a l s o a n e c l e c t i c ve r s i o n : t h e " r i s e " o f the move­

m e n t i l l u s t ra t e s t h e e f f i ca c y o f t h e r e v ol u t i onar y van­
Militant, June 28, 1968;. Yet according to slightly dif-

ferent "vanguard revolutionaries" the movement "failed"

.z-uard 8 . a nn i t s " d e e. l i ne '' i J 1 u s f ra te s what ha p n e n s to a

because it had no vanguard; they conclude in a headline:

m o vem e n t w h �. c h ha s no va n p.:u a r d .
"Vital Link of Revolutionary Party Still Needed" and they

point out in the article that "the general strike has

confirmed the perspective that this paper has put forward

over recent years" (Socialist Worker—London—July, 1968).

The same conclusion was drawn in the Guardian, June 1,

1
1968.

Y o u t h ( J . C . R . ) p l ay e d t h e " c e n t ral l e a d e r s h i p
A c c o rd i n e to one v e r s i on , the R e v o l u t i o n a ry Com­
mu n i s t
ro l e " ( The M i l i t an t , J u l y 5 , 196 8 ) . A c c o rd i n g t o ano t h e r ,
s t u d e n t G p l a y e d t h e l e ad e r s h i p r o l e ( T h e Mi l i t an t , J·Wle 2 1 ,
1968 ) . A c c o rd i n g to a t h i rd version , " the ac t i on c o mmi t ­
( The
28 , s l i g h t ly dif­
tees p l ay e d a v an t:u ard ro l e o f' c e nt r al i m p o r t an c e "
, 1968 ; .
" v aneuard " fa i l e d "
M i l i t an t June Yet ac c o rd i n g to

it v an guard ;
fe rent revol u t i onari es " the movement
b e e au � �)
and th e y
had no they c o n c l ud e in a h e a d l i ne :

in
" V i t al Link of R e ·v o l u t i o na ry Party S t i ll Needed "
point ou t the art i c l e that " the g e n e ral s t ri k e has

( S o c i al i s t
c o n f i rm e d the p e rs p e c t i v e that this pap e r has pu t f o rw a rd
ov e r r e c ent y e ar s " W o rk e r - - L o nd o n - - J uly , 1 9 6 �.
T h e s ame c onc l u s i o n w as d r aw n in the G u a rd i an , J un e l,
1968 .
 )6

The s e " e xplana t i o n s " do no t e x nl a i n

why any t h i ng happened i n Fra n c e i n May ,
36

l q6 8 .
enrages

S tud e n t re vol t s and fa c t or y o r cu na ­

enrages
de

tous

t i o n s are not among the " c hara c t e r i s t t c s "

les

o f Fre n c h � oc i e ty , n or d i d " p e c ul i a r " c o n­

de d 1 t i on s for suc h behavi or ap pear in Fra n c e

pays

pre c i s el y i n May , 196 8. Th e " normal " b e ­

unissez-

ha vi or o f s tud e n t s and work er s in cap i tal ­

vous

tous
These "explanations" do not exnlain

why anything happened in France in May,

i s t so c i e t y , t h e d e s i re o f s tud e n t s f or
l968. Student revolts and factory occupa-

more pr i v i l ege s and o f work er s for more

les
good s , d.o e s not e x-pl a i n w h y s tud e n t s and
tions are not among the "characteristics"

work e r s c ea s e d a c t i n Fr " normal l y '' a nd s tar t­

of French society, nor did "peculiar" con-

ed s truggl i ng to d e s troy the sy s tem o f

ditions for such behavior appear in France

pays
precisely in May, I968. The "normal" be-

havior of students and workers in capital-

pri v i l ege .
ist society, the desire of students for

unissez- The expl o s i on o f May - June 1 968 i s a

more privileges and of workers for more

s ud d e n break wi th t he r P- �ular 1 t 1 e s o f
goods, does not explain why students and

Fre nc h s o c i e ty , a nd i t canno t b e expl a i ne d

workers ceased acting "normally" and start-

vous
ed struggling to destroy the system of

privilege. i n te rm s o f t ho s e regul ar i t i e s . The s o c i al

The explosion of May-June I968 is a
c ondi t i o ns , the c o n s c i ou s ne s s o f s tud e n t s
sudden break with the regularities of

a nd work er s , the s t ra t e p:l e s o f " r e vo lu t i o n ­

ary" s e c t s , had. all ex i s t ed he fore May , 1 96 8 ,
French society, and it cannot be explained

and ha d not g i ve n ri s e t o a s tu d e nt revol t ,

in terms of those regularities. The social

a ge neral s tr ik e , or a ma s s movem e nt d e -
conditions, the consciousness of students

and workers, the strategies of "revolution-

ary"sects, had all existed before May, I968,

t e rm i n ed t o d e s troy ca p i tal i sm . Som e t h i ng new appeared i n
and had not given rise to a student revolt,

May , a n e l ement wh i c h wa s no t regular bu t uniq ue , e n e l e ­

a general strike, or a mass movement de-

ment whi c h tran s form e d the " normal " c o ns c i ou s n e s s o f s tu ­

d e n t s and work er s , a n el eme n t whi c h repre s ent e d a rad i ca l
termined to destroy capitalism. Something new appeared in

break wi th wha t wa s known be fore May , 196 8 .

May, an element which was not regular but unique, an ele-

ment which transformed the "normal" consciousness of stu-

dents and workers, an element which represented a radical

break with what was known before May, l968.

The new e l em e nt , the s park whi c h s e t o f f the expl o ­
The new element, the spark which set off the explo-

s i o n , wa s ••a ha nd ful of mad.m e n '' who d i d no t c o n s i d er t hem­

s e l ve s e i ther a re volu t i onary pa r ty or a vanguard . Th e
sion, was "a handful of madmen" who did not consider them-

s t ory o f the s tudent movem e n t wh i c h began i n Nant err e

selves either a revolutionary party or a vanguard. The

w i th a demon s trf t i o n t o e nd t h e war i n V i e tnam ha s be e n

story of the student movement which began in Nanterre

with a demonstration to end the war in Vietnam has been

told elsewhere. The actions of this student movement were

told el s ewhere . The a c t i on s o f th i s s tudent movement were
"exemplary actions"; they set off a process of continuous
tt exemplary a c t i o n s " ; t h e y s e t o f f a pr o c e s s o f c on t i nu ou s
escalation, each step involving a larger sector of the

e s calat i o n , ea c h s t ep l nvol v l n� a larger s e c tor o f th e

population.

p o pulat i o n .
One of the steps in this process of escalation was

One o f the s t e p s i n t h i s pr o c e s s o f e s cal a t i on wa s

the occupation of Censier, annex of the University of

Paris Faculty of Letters (Sorbonne). Not as publicised

the o c cupa t i on o f C e ns i e r , a nnex o f the Un i ver s i t y o f

Par i s Fa cu l t y o f L e t t e r s ( Sorbonne ) . No t a s publ i c i s e d
as the actions or personalities of the Nanterre student

movement, the activity which developed at Censier during

the last two weeks in May parallels and supplements that

a s t h e a c t i on s or p e r s o nal i t i e s o f t he Nanterr e s tud e n t

Notably by the "madmen" themselves in: Mouvement du

movem e n t , t h e a c t i v i ty wh i c h d e vel oped a t C e n s i er dur i ng

the l a s t two week s i n May parall el s and supp l em e nt s tha t
22 Mars, Ce n'est qu'un debut. continuons le combat (This

Is Only the Beginning, Let's Continue the Struggle). The

English translation of the central parts of this book was

published in CAW!, No. 3, Fall, 1968.

1
N o t ab ly by the " mad me n " themselves in : Mouv e m e n t du

22 Ce n ' est gu ' un d e bu t , c on t i nuons le c ombat ( Th i s

Is
Mar s ,
Only 3 t ruggl e ). The
o :f
Let ' s C o n t i nu e the
t r an s l e. t i o n o f' t h e c e n t ral p a r t s
the B e [" i nn i ne ,
this book was

r u b l i �., h e u i n C AW ! , .N o
.i n g l i s h
3 , F al l , l 9 6 8
• •
 37

o f th e Mar c h 2 2 Movem e nt . Th i s e s sa y wi l l try t o d e s c r i be

t h e s t e p s i n the proc e s s o f e s cal a t i on a s the y were ex­
3?

of the March 22 Movement. This essay will try to describe

the steps in the process of escalation as they were ex- p er i enc e d and i n t erpre ted by the o c c upan t s o f Ce n s i er .
perienced and interpreted by the occupants of Censier.

What happened in Censier cannot be explained in

Wha t happ e n e d i n C e n s i er cann o t be expl a i ned i n

t e rm s o f Fre nc h everyday l i f e . The o c c upant s o f C e n s i er
terms of French everyday life. The occupants of Censier

s udd e nl y c ea s e to be u n c on s c i ou s , pa s s i ve obj e c t s s ha p e d
suddenly cease to be unconscious, passive objects shaped

by na rt i c ul a r c ombi na t i o n s o f s o c i al for c e s ; t h e y be c om e
by particular combinations of social forces; they become

conscious, active subjects who begin to shape their own

social activity.
c o ns c i ou s , a c t i ve subj e c t s who be g i n t o s hape t h e ir own
The occupants of Censier aim at the destruction of

s o c i al fl. c t i v i t y .
capitalist social relations, but they do not define them-

The o c c u pa n ts o f C e n s i e r a im a t t h e d e s truc t i on o f
selves as the historical subject who will overthrow ca-

c ap i tal i s t s o c i a l r e l a t i on s , but t h e y do no t d e f i ne them­

pitalism. Their actions, like those of the March 22

Movement, are exemplary actions. Their task is to com-

municate the example to a larger subject: the workers.

s e l ve s a s the hi stori cal subj e c t wh o w i l l over throw ca­
To make the example overflow from the university to the
pi tal 1 sm . The ir a c t i o ns , l ik � tho se o f the Mar c h 2 2
working population, the Censier occupants create a new

M oveme n t , e.r e exemplary ac t i on s . The i r ta sk i s to c om ­

social form: worker-student action committees.

muni ca t e t h e examp l e t o a larger su b j e c t : the work er s .

To make the exampl e overfl ow from the unive r s i ty t o the
Each action is designed to go beyond itself. The

work i ng p opul a t i on , the C e n s i er o c cupant s create a new

aim of the occupants of Censier is not to create a self-

governing commune in that building, but to set off the

occupation of factories. The occupation of Censier is a s o c ial f orm : work er - s tu d e n t a c t i on c omm i t t e e s .

break with continuity; the occupants' aim is to create

other breaks.

Ea c h a c t i on i s de s i gned to go beyond i t s el f . The

a im of the o c cupant s of C e n s i er i s not to crea t e a sel f­
The occupants do not proceed on the basis of what is

governi ng c ommune in t hat bu ild i ng , bu t to s e t o f f the

"normal," but on the basis of what is possible. Radical

breaks with everyday life are not normal, but they are

possible. A movement with the slogan "anything is pos-

o c c upa t i on o f fa c tor i e s . The o c cupat i on o f C e n s i er i s a
sible" proceeds on the basis of the potential, not the
break w i th c o n t i nu i t y ; the o c c upant s ' a im i s t o create
usual.

o t her break s .
The task of these revolutionaries is not to define

The o c cupant s d o no t pro c e ed on the ba s i s o f wha t i s

the conditions which make revolution impossible, but to

" normal , '' bu t o n the ba s i s o f what i s po s s i bl e . Rad i cal

create the conditions which make revolution possible.

This orientation is probably the most radical break of

March 22 and Censier with the traditional Western Left,

break s w i t h everyday l i fe are not normal , but they are
which begins by pointing to the "objective conditions"
p o s s i bl e . A movem e n t w i t h the s l o gan "anyth i ng i s p o s ­
(for example, the apathy, self-interest and dependence

s i bl e " pro c e e d s on t h e ba s i s o f the po tent i al , not the

of workers) which make revolution impossible. The

u sual .
French movement begins by pushing beyond the "objective

The task of the s e revol u t i o nar i e s 1 s not t o d e f i ne

limits," an orientation which it shares with a handful

of Cuban revolutionaries and Vietnamese revolutionaries

who began struggling at a time when any analysis of

t h e c o nd i t i o n s whi c.h make revolu t i on impo s s i bl e , but t o
"objective conditions" would have led to a prediction of
c r eate t h e c ondi t i on s whi c h make revol u t i o n po s s i bl e .
certain defeat. The French revolutionaries broke out

Thi s or i en ta t i on i s probabl y the m o s t rad i cal br eak of

of the psychology of defeat, the outlook of the loser,

Mar c h 2 2 and C ens i er with the trad i t i onal We s t ern L e f t ,

whi c h begi n s by po i nt i ng t o the " o b j e c ti ve c.ond i t i on s tt
and began struggling. Their struggle, like that of the

( for exampl e , the apathy , s e l f - i ntere s t and d e p e ndence

Cubans and the Vietnamese, was exemplary: the example

o f work e r s ) wh i c h mak e revolu t i on impo s s i bl e .

overflowed to sectors of the population who are far

stronger and more numerous than the initial revolution-

The
aries.
Frenc h movement be g i n s by pu s h i ng be yond the " o b j e c t i ve
l im i t s , " an or i e nta t i o n whi c h i t s har e s w i t h a handful
o f Cuban r e voluti onar i e s and V i e t nam e s e revolut i onari e s
wh o began s truggl i ng a t a t im e when any anal y s i s o f
" ob j e c t i ve c o nd i t i ons " woul d have l ed t o a pr edi c t i on of
c erta i n d e feat . The Frenc h r evoluti onar i e s brok e out
of the p s y c hol ogy of d e f ea t , the outl ook o f the l o s e r ,
and began struggl i ng . The i r s truggl e , l ike that o f the
Cubans and the V i e tnam e s e , wa s exemplary : the exampl e
overflowed to s e c tors of the popul a t i o n who are far
s tro nger and m ore num erous t han the i n i t i al revolut i on­
ari e s .
 38

I n the s p i r i t o f Mar c h 22 and Cens i er , t h i s e s say

will not d eal wi th the " o b j e c t i ve c o nd i t i o ns 1' o f Fre n c h
38

In the spirit of March 22 and Censier. this essay

will not deal with the "objective conditions" of French

s o c i e ty , bu t w i t h the e x emplary a c t i on s whi c h ru pture d
society, but with the exemplary actions which ruptured t ho s e c ond i t i o ns ; i t w i l l no t d eal wi th t h e apa thy , s e l f ­
those conditions; it will not deal with the apathy, self-

i n tere s t and d e pendenc e whi c h mak e t he s e l f -organi za t i on

interest and dependence which make the self-organization

o f work e r s and s tud e n t s impo s s i bl e , bu t wi th t h e rol e o f

C e n s i er i n c reat ing the rad i cal break wh i c h mad e t he i r
of workers and students impossible, but with the role of

s e l f- organ i za t i o n po s s i bl e ; i t w i l l no t d eal wi t h the c o n­

Censier in creating the radical break which made their

self-organization possible; it will not deal with the con-

ditions which prevent communication and cooperation among

d i t i ons whi c h preve nt c ommun i c a t i o n and c o opera t i on among
workers and students, but with the role of Censier in
work e r s and s tud ent s , bu t wi th the rol e of C e n s 1 er i n
making such communication and cooperation possible. The

mak i ng su c h c ommuni c a t i on and c o opera t i o n po s s i bl e . The

essay will not try to explain why the Censier movement

e s say wi l l no t try to expl a i n why t h e C en s i e r moveme nt

d id not g e t further , but why 1 t got a s far a s it d i d .
did not get further, but why it got as far as it did.

Exemplary Character of the University Occupation

To understand why university students in an indus-

trially developed society are "enraged," it is essential

to understand that the students are not enraged about the

Exemplary C haracter of t he U n i ve rs i ty O c c u pat i o n
courses, the professors, the tests, but about the fact

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 39

39 t hat t he " e d u c a t i o n " prepar e s them for a c e rta i n t y p e of

that the "education" prepares them for a certain type of
s o c i al a c t i v i ty : i t i s t h i s a c t i v i ty t h e y re j e c t . ''We
social activity: it is this activity they reject. "We

r e fu s e t o be s c holar s cut o f f from s o c i a l real i t y . We

r
r e f u s e to be u s ed for the pr o f i t o f d i r e c t o r s . W e wa nt
refuse to be scholars cut off from social reality. We

t o do away w i t h t h e s e para t i o n be twe e n t h e work o ex­

refuse to be used for the profit of directors. We want

to do away with the separation between the work of ex-

ecuting and the work of thinking and organizing."l By

e c u t i ng a nd t h e work o f t h i nk i ng a n d organi z i ng . '' By
rejecting the roles for which the education forms them,
r e j e c t i ng the rol e s for wh i c h t h e educat i o n f o rm s them ,
the students reject the society in which these roles are

t h e s t ud e n t s r e j e c t the s o c i e t y i n wh i c h the s e r ol e s a r e
to be performed. "We reject this society of repression"

t o b e p e r f o rm e d . ' ' W e re j e c t th i s s o c i e t y o f r e pre s s i o n "

i n whi c h '' expl i c i tl y o r impl i c i tl y , the U n i ver s i ty 1 s
in which "explicitly or implicitly, the University is

u n i ver sal o nl y f or t h e orga n i za t i on o f repre s s i o n . " 2

universal only for the organization of repression."2

From this perspective, a teacher is an apologist for the

existing order, and a trainer of servants for the capital-

From t h i s p e r s p e c t i ve , a t e a c her i s an apol og i s t for t h e
ist system; an engineer or technician is a servant who is
ex i s t i ng ord er , and a tra i ner o f s e rvan t s f or t h e cap i tal ­
super-trained to perform highly specialized tasks for his

i s t sy s t em ; a n e ng i ne e r o r t e c h n i c i an i s a s ervant who i s
master; a manager is an agent of exploitation whose insti-

super- tra i ne d t o p e r f o rm h i g hl y sp e c i al i z e d task s for h i s

m a s t er ; a manager i s a n agent of expl o i ta t i o n who s e i n s t i ­
tutional position gives him the power to think and decide

tu t i o nal p o s i t i on g i v e s h im th e power t o t h i nk a nd d e c i d e
for others. "In the present system, some work and others

study. Anct we've got a division of social labor, even an

intelligent one. But we can imagine a different system.

for o t h e r s . u r n t h e pr e s e n t s y s t em , s om e work and o t h e r s
.. "' This division and sub-division of social labor, per-
s tudy . Ann we ' ve g o t a d i v i s i o n o f s o c i al labor , even a n
haps necessary at an earlier stage of economic develop-

i n t �l l i g e n t one . Bu t we can imag i ne a d i f f e r e n t s y s tem •

ment, is no longer accepted. And if growing specializa-

• "
. Thi s d i v i s i on and sub-d i v i s i on o f s o c i al labor , p e r ­
ha p s ne c e s sary a t an earl i er s ta g e o f e c onom i c d e v e l o p ­
tion is associated with the birth and "progress" of capi-

And i f growi ng s p e c i al i za ­
talist society (as was argued, for example, by Adam Smith),

then the rejection of specialization by future specialists

marks the death of capitalist society.
Students have discovered that the division of social
tasks among specialized groups is at the root of aliena-
m e nt , i s no l o nger a c c e p t e d .
t i on i s a s s oc i a t e d w i t h the bi r t h and " progre s s " o f cap i ­
tal i s t s o c i e ty ( a s wa s argu e d , for exampl e , by Adam Sm i t h ) ,

t h e n t h e r e j e c ti on o f s p e c i al i za t i o n b y fu tur e s p e c ial i s t s
mark s t h e d eath o f cap i tal i s t s o c i e t y .
tion and exploitation. The alienation of political power

by all members of society, and the appropriation of so-

ciety's political power (through election, inheritance or

conquest) by a specialized ruling class, is the basis for

the division of society into rulers and ruled. The alien-
ation (sale) of productive labor by producers, and the
appropriation (purchase) of the labor and its products by
S tud e n t s have d i s c o ver e d t ha t the d i v i s i o n o f s o c i al
t a sk s am o ng s p e c ial i z ed gr oup s i s a t the r o o t o f al i ena­
t i o n and e x pl o i ta t i o n . The al i e na t i on o f pol i t i cal po wer

by all m em be r s of s o c i e t y , and t he appropr i a t i o n of s o ­

c i e t y ' s pol i t i cal power ( through el e c t i o n , i nh e r i tan c e or
owners of means of production (capitalists), is the basis

c onq ue s t ) by a s p e c ial i z e d rul i ng c la s s , i s the ba s i s for

for the division of society into bosses and workers,

managers and employees, exploiters and exploited. The

alienation of reflective activity by most members of so-

the d i v i s i on of s o c i e ty i n t o rul e r s and rul e d . The al i e n­
ciety and its appropriation by a specialized corps of
a t i on ( sal e ) of pr oduc t i ve l abor by produc e r s , a nd the
"intellect workers" is the basis for the division of

a ppropr i a t i on ( pur c ha s e ) of the l abor and i t s produ c t s by

"Vo-tre lutte est la notre," Action. May 21, 1968,

owne r s o f m e a n s of produ c t i o n ( cap i tal i s t s ) , i s the ba s i s

f o r t h e d i vi s i on o f so c i e t y i n to bo s s e s and work er s ,
P. 5.

manage r s a nd empl oy e e s , expl o i t e r s and expl o i ted . The

2

"Lee enfante de Marx e-t du 13 Mai," Action, May 21,

1968, p. 1.
al i e na t i on of r e fl e c t i ve a c t i vi ty by m o s t membe r s of s o ­
3 c i e t y a nd i t s appropr i a t i on by a s pe c ial i z e d c or p s o f
Daniel Cohn-Bendit in interview with Jean-Paul
" i n t el l e c t work e r s " i s t h e ba s i s f o r t h e d i v i s i on o f
Sartre, "L1imagination au pouvoir," Le Nouvel Observateur.

May 20, 1968, p. 5-

1 11
Vo t r e lut t e est la n o t r e , 11 Ac t i o n , May 2 1 , 1968 ,
p. 5.
2
" Les e n f an t s de Marx et du 13 Mai , " Ac t i o n , May 21 ,
1 96 8 , p. l.

3
nani e l C o hn - B end i t i n int e rv i e w w i t h J e an - Paul.
S ar t re , " L ' i mag inat i o n au p o uv o i r , " Le N ouv el O b s e rva t eur ,
May 20 , 1968 , p. 5.
 40

s oc i e ty i nto thinkers and doe�s . s tudent s and work er s .

The al i e na t i on o r crea t i ve a c t i v i t y by 'mo s t peopl e , and
40

i t s appropriati on by "arti s t s , " d 1 Ti d e s s o c i e t y i nt o a c ­

society into thinkers and doers, students and workers.

tor s and aud i enc e , c.reator s and sp e c ta tor s . The spe c i al ­

The alienation of creative activity by most people, and

its appropriation by "artists," divides society into ac-

tors and audience, creators and spectators. The special-

i zed " pro f e s s i on s " and " d i s c i pl i ne s '' repr e s e nt t h e ·sam e
ised "professions" and "disciplines" represent the same

pat t ern : a part i cular e c onom i c ta sk or s o c ial a c t i v i ty

i s rel egated to a part i cular i nd i vidual who do e s not h i ng
pattern: a particular economic task or social activity

el s e , and the r e s t of the c ommu n i ty i s excluded from

is relegated to a particular individual who does nothing

else, and the rest of the community is excluded from

th i nk i ng about . de c id i ng or part i c i pat i ng in the per­

formanc e o r a task whi c h arre c t s the entire c ommun i t y .
thinking about, deciding or participating in the per-

formance of a task which affects the entire community.

By r e fu s i ng to be formed i nt o a fa c t or or e func t i o n
By refusing to be formed into a factor or a function

in a bureaucratically organized system (even if it is an

i n a bureaucra t i cal l y organ i z ed s y s tem ( eve n i f i t i s an

intelligently organized system), the student 1s not deny-

i n tel l i g entl y organ i z ed s y s tem ) , the s tudent 1 s no t d eny­

ing the social necessity of the tasks and functions. He

is asserting his will to take part in all the activities

that affect him, and he is denying anyone's right to rule

i ng th e s o c ial n e c e s s i ty of the ta sk s and func t i on s . He
him, decide for him, think for him, or act for Mm. By i s a s s er t i ng hi s will to tak e par t in al l the a c t ivi t i e s
struggling to destroy the institutions which obstruct

t ha t a f f e c t him , and h e i s denyi ng anyone ' s r i ght to rul e

his participation in the conscious creation of his social-

him , d e c i d e for him , t h i nk f or him , or ac t for h im . By

s truggl i ng to � e s troy the i n s t 1 t.u t1 ons wh i c h obs tru c t
economic environment, the student presents himself as an

h i s part,. c- 1 pa t i on i n the c on s c i "1 1 s crea t i on of h i s s o c ial ­

example for all men who are ruled, decided for, thought

for, and acted for. His exemplary struggle is symbolized

by a black flag in one hand and a red fl«g in the other;

e c onom 1 c �nviro nm e nt , the s tud e n t pre � en t s h im s el f a s a n
it is communicated by a call to all the alienated and
exampl e for al l m e n w h o ar e rul ed , d e c i ded for , t hought
the exploited to destroy the system of domination, repres-

for , and a c t ed for . Hi s exemnlary s truggl e i s s ym bol i z e d

by a bl a ck flag i n o n e hand and a red flA g i n t h e other ;
sion, alienation and exploitation.

i t i s c ommun i ca t ed by a cal l to all the al i enated and

"On Saturday, May ll, at 6 in the evening, militants

the expl o i ted t o des troy the s y s tem o f dom ina t i on , repre s ­
of the May 3 Action Committees occupy the annex to the

Faculty of Letters, the Censier Center. All night long

and on the days that follow, the atmosphere is similar to s i on , al i ena t i on and expl o i ta t i on .
-UAS HE AHMED?

* * *
.VEA,C«»ET.„WrT« AMflLOtM/

'' On Saturday , May 11 , a t 6 i n the eve n i ng , m i l i tant s

or the May 3 A c t i on Comm i t t e e s o c cupy the annex to t he
Fa cul ty o f L e t t e r s , the C e n s i e r Center. Al l night l ong
and on t h e day s that foll ow , t he a tm o s phere i s s im i l ar t o

- \I� H E At,.EJ> 1
- �. c•1a ..... W tTN A JHft OHA .I
 41

that o f t h e " n i ght o f the barr i cade s , " no t i n t e rm s o f

v i ol e n c e , bu t i n t e rm s o f t h e s e l f - orga n i za t i o n , t h e i n i ­
4l

t i a t i ve , t h e d i s cu s s i o n . " 1
that of the "night of the barricades," not in terms of

violence, but in terms of the self-organization, the ini- The univer s i ty c ea s e s t o b e a

tiative, the discussion."^ The university ceases to be a
p l a c e f or t h e " tra n sm i s s i o n o f a cul tura l h e r i ta ge , '' a
place for the "transmission of a cultural heritage," a

pla c e for tra i ni ng manager s , e x p er t s a nd tra i ner s , a pl a c e

f o r bra i nwa s h i ng bra i nwa s h er s .
place for training managers, experts and trainers, a place

for brainwashing brainwashers.

The capitalist university comes to an end. The ex-

university, or rather the building, becomes a place for

collective expression. The first step of this transforma-
tion 1s the physical occupation of the building. The
second step is discussion, the expression of ideas, in-
The c a p i tal i s t uni ver s i t y c om e s to an end . The ex­
un i v e r s i t y , or rathe r the bu i l d i n� , b e c ome s a pl a c e for
c ol l e c tt v e expre s s i on . The f i r s t s t e p o f t h i s tra n s f orma ­

tJ on 1 � t h e p hy s i cal o c c up a t i on o f t h e bu i l d i ng . The
s e c o nd s t e p i s d i s cu s s i o n , the exp r e s s i on of i d eas , i n ­
formation, projects, the creative self-expression of the

f ormat i on , pro j e c t s , t he c r e a t i v e s e l f - e x pre s s i o n o f t h e

occupants. ."In the large auditoriums the discussion is

continuous. Students participate, and also professors,

assistants, people from the neighborhood, high schoolers,

o c cu pan t s . _ " I n t h e l ar ge aud i tor i um s t h e d i s cu s s i on i s

�
young workers."? Expression is contagious. People who
c ont i nu ou s . _ · S tud e n t s pa rti c i pa t e , and al s o pr o f � s s o r s ,
have never expressed ideas before, who have never spoken

a s s i s .t a n t s , p e o l e from t h e ne i g hbor hood , h i g h s c h o o l er s ,

in front of professors and students, become confident in

young work er s . " . Expr e s s i o n i s c o ntag i ou s . Peopl e who

haye never e xpre s s ed i d ea s be fore , who have never s p ok e n
their ability. it is the example'of others speaking,

i n f r o n t o f pro f e s sor s and s tud e nt s , b e c om e c o n f i d e n t i n

analyzing, expressing ideas, suggesting projects, which

I t l s t � e exam pl e · o f o t h e r s s p eak i ng ,
gives people confidence in their own ability. "The food

service," for example, "is represented at the meetings by t h e i r ab i l i t y .

anal y z i ng , expre s s i n� id ea s , sugge s t i ng pro j e c t s , whi c h
g i ve s p e o p l e c n n f i d e n c e i n t h P- i r o wn a b i l i ty .
a young comrade: he's thirteen, maybe fourteen. He or-

ganizes, discusses, takes part in the auditoriums. He

" Th e f o o d
s ervi c e , " f o r e x am pl e , " i s r e pr e s e nt e d a t t h e m e e t i ng s by
was behind the barricades. His action and his behavior

a young c omrad e : he ' s t h i r t e en , mayb e four t e e n . He or­

are the only answer to the drivel about high-schoolers

being irresponsible brats."3

What begins at this point is a process of collective

gan i z e s , d i s c u s s e s , tak e s par t i n t he aud i tori um s . He
learning; the "university," perhaps for the first time, wa s b e h i nd t h e barr i cade s . H i s a c t i on a nd h i � b e hav i or
becomes a place for learning. People do not only learn

are the o nl y answer t o t he dr i ve l abou t h i gh- s c hool e r s

the information, the ideas, the projects of others; they

b e i ng i rr e s p on s i bl e bra t s . " J
also learn from the example of others that they have spe-

Wha t b e g i n s a t t h i s po i n t i s a pro c e s s o f c ol l e c t i v e
cific information to contribute, that they are able to

express ideas, that they can initiate projects. There

are no longer specialists or experts"; the division be-

l earn i ng ; t h e " u n i vers i t y , " perha p s for t h e f i r s t time ,
tween thinkers and doers, between students and workers,
b e c om e s a pl a c e for l ear n i ng . P e o pl e do no t onl y l e arn
breaks down. At this point all are students. When an

t he i n f orma t i o n , t h e i d ea s , t h e pro j e c t s of o t h e r s ; t h e y
expert, a professor of law, tells the occupants that the

al s o l earn f rom t h e exampl e o f o t her s that t h e y have s p e ­

c i f i c i nf o rma t i o n t o c on t r i but e , t ha t they ar e abl e t o
occupation of a university is illegal, a student tells

ex pre s s i d ea s , t ha t t h e y c a n 1 n 1 t i a �e pr o j e c t s . There
him that it is no longer legal for an expert to define

what is illegal, that the days when a legal expert de-

fines what people can and cannot do are over. The profes-
are no l onger s p e c i al i s t s or expert s ; t h e d i vi s i on be­
sor can either stay and join the process of collective
t w e e n t h i nk e r s and d o er s , be twe e n s tud e n t s and work er s ,
learning, or else he can leave and join the police to

break s d own . At t h i s p o i nt a l l ar e s tud e n t s . Whe n an

re-impose his legality.

e x p ert , a pro f e s s or o f l aw , t e l l s t he o c cupant s t ha t t h e

o c cupa t i on o f a uni v er s i ty i s i l l e gal , a s tu d e n t t el l s
"I'Occupation," Action. May 13, 1968, p. 7.

h i m t ha t i t i s no l o ng er l e gal f or an exp e r t t o d e f i ne
2Ibid.

3Ibid.

what i s i l l egal , t ha t the day s when a l e gal expert d e ­

f i n e s what p e o pl e can a n d cannot do a r e over . The pro f e s ­
s or can e i t h er s ta y a n d j o i n t h e pro c e s s o f c ol l e c t i ve
l earni ng , or e l s e h e can l eave and j o i n the pol i c e t o
r e - i mpo s e hi s l e gal i t y .

13 , 7.
1
" L ' O c c upat i o n , " Ac t i on , May 1968 , p.

2 Ibid .

3Ibid .
 42

42
W i thi n the occu p i ed u n i ve r s i t y , expre s s i on be c om e s
Within the occupied university, expression becomes

a c t i on ; the awarene s s o f one ' s ab il i ty to th i nk , t o i n i ­

t iate , t o de c i d e , i s i n fac t a n aware ne s s of one ' s a bi l i ty
action; the awareness of one's ability to think, to ini-

to a c t . The oc cupants of the un i ve r s i ty be c ome c o ns c i ou s

tiate, to decide. is in fact an awareness of one's ability

of the ir c oll e c t i ve power : '' we ' ve d e c i ded to mak e our ­

to act. The occupants of the university become conscious

selve s the ma s ters . tt l The o c c upant s no l o nger f ol l o w or­

of their collective power: "we've decided to make our-

selves the masters."*- The occupants no longer follow or-

ders, they no longer obey, they no longer serve. They

ders , they no l onger obey , the y no l onger serve . The y

express themselves in a general assembly, and the deci-

expr e s s them selve s l n a general a s s embl y , and the d e c i ­

s i ons o f the a s s embl y are the expre s s i on o f the will o f
sions of the assembly are the expression of the will of

all i t s members . No other d e c i s i ons are val i d ; n o o t he r

all its members. No other decisions are valid; no other

'' The s tudents and workers who

authority is recognized. "The students and workers who

fought on the barricades will not allow any force what- author i ty i s r e c ogni zed .
ever to stop them from expressing themselves and from act-
fought on the barr i cad e s will not all ow any force what­
ing against the capitalist university, against the society

ever to s top them from expre s s i ng them s e l ve s and frnm a c t­

i ng aga i n s t the capi tal i s t un1! e rs 1 t y , aga i nst the s o c i e ty
dominated by the bourgeoisie."2 This awareness of the

d om i na ted by the bourgeo i s i e . " Th i s awarene ss of the

ability to express oneself, this consciousness of col-

abil i ty to expre s s o n e s e l f , thi s c onsc iousne s s o f col­

lective power. is itself an act of de-alienation: "You

can no longer sleep quietly once you've suddenly opened

lect1 ve powe r , i s i t s el f an ac t of d e -al i ena t i o n : ''You

can no l onger s l e e p q u i e t l y onc e yo u ' v e sud d e nl y opened
your eyes."3 People are no longer the playthings of ex-

ternal forces; they're no longer objects; they've sudden-

ly become conscious subjects. And once their eyes are

your eye s . " J Peopl e are no longer the playth i ngs of ex­
open, people are not about the close them again: their

ternal for c e s ; t h e y ' re no l onger o b j e c t s ; they ' ve sudd en­

ly be come cons c i ou s s1 1 b j ec t s . And onc e the i r e y e s are
passivity and dependence are negated, annihilated, and

ope n , people are not abo u t the c l o s e them aga i n : the ir

nothing but a force which breaks their will can reimpose

pa s s i v i ty and depend e n c e are n e �ate d , anni hi lated , and

the passivity and dependence.

The general assembly does not only reject former

masters, former authority; it also refuses to create new

nothi ng but a forc e wh i c h break s t h e i r w i l l can re im po s e
masters, new authority. The occupants conscious of their

the pa s s ivi ty and dep e nd e n c e .

power refuse to alienate that power to any force what-

The g ene ral a s s em bl y doe s n o t o nl y r e j e c t former

ever, whether it is externally imposed or created by the

general assembly itself. No external force, neither

the university administration nor the state, can make

master s , former au thor i ty ; i t al so refu s e s to create new
ma ster s , new au thor i ty . The o c c upa n t s c o n s c i ou s o f t he i r
power r e f u s e t o al i e na t e tha t power t o e. ny f or c e wha t­
decisions for the occupants of the university, and no

internally created force can speak, decide, negotiate,

or act for the general assembly. There are neither lead-

ever , whe ther i t i s ex ternal l y impo s ed or crea ted by t h e

gene ral a s s embly i t s el f . No e x t e rnal forc e , ne i ther
ers nor representatives. No special group, neither union

the univer s i ty adm i n i s tra t i on nor t h e s tate , can make

functionaries, nor a "coordinating committee," nor a

"revolutionary party," has the power to negotiate for the

university occupants, to speak for them, to sell them de c i s i ons f o r the o c c upant s o f the un i ver s i ty , and no
out. And there's nothing to negotiate about: the oc-
i nternally created for c e can sp eak , d e c i d e , nego t i a t e ,
cupants have taken over; they speak for themselves, make

or a c t for the general a s s embl y . There ar e ne i ther l ea d­

their own decisions, and run their own activities. The

ers nor repre s enta t i ve s . No s p e c i al group , ne i t her u n i o n

fun c t i onar i e s , nor a " c oord i na. t i ng c omm i t t e e , '' nor a
Leaflet: "Travailleurs de chez Rh&ne Pouleno,"

" r ev ol u t i o nar y par ty , " ha s t h e power t o nego t i a t e for t h e

Comit6 d'Action Ouvriers-Etudiants, Centre Censier, May

univer s i ty o c cupan t s , t o s p e ak f o r t hem , t o s e l l t hem

14, 1968.

Leaflet: "Appel general a la population," Centre

out . And th e r e ' s no th i ng t o nego t i a t e about : the o c ­
Censier de la Fao des Lettres, May 11, 1968.

cupant s have tak en over ; t h e y sp eak for t h em s e l v e s , make

Sign on a Censier wall, quoted in Action. May 13,

the i r own d e c i s i on s , and run the i r own a c t i v i t i e s . The

1968, p. 7.

1 " Trav a i l l eurs

Leafl e t : de chez Rh e m e Poulenc , "
C o mi t e d ' A c t i on Ouvri e rs -E t u d i an t s , C entre Ce ns i e r , May
l.4 , 1968 .
2 Leafle t : " Ap p e l gene ral a la po pul ati on , " C entre
C ens i er de 1a Fae des Le t t r e s , May l l , 196 8 .

3
a Ac t i o n , 13 ,
p.
S i gn on C ensi e r w all , quo t e d in May
1968 , 7.
 43

43
S ta t e a nd t h e c a p i tal i s t p r e s s t r y t o s e t u p l ead e r s ,
State and the capitalist press try to set up leaderst s p ok e sm e n , r e p r e s e n ta t i v e s w i t h w h om t o n e g o t i a t e t h e
spokesmen, representatives with whom to negotiate the
e va c u a t i o n o f t h e u n i v e r s i ty ; b u t n o n e o f t h e • • l e ad e r s ' '
evacuation of the university; but none of the "leaders"

ar e a c c e p t e d ; t h e i r u s u r p e d p o w e r i s i l l e g i t ima t e ; t h e y
s p e ak f o r no o n e . In t h e fa c e o f th i s a p p e aran c e o f
are accepted; their usurped power is illegitimate; they

d i re c t d e m o c ra c y , of g ra s s - r o o t s c o n trol ( t he Ca p i tal i s t
speak for no one. In the face of this appearance of

a nd C omm u n i s t p r e s s c a l l i t " a nar c hy a nd c h a o s ' ' ) , the

direct democracy, of grass-roots control (the Capitalist

and Communist press call it "anarchy and chaos"), the

State has only one resort: physical violence. S ta t e ha s onl y one r e s ort : p h y s i c a l v i o l e n c e .
Consciousness of collective power is the first step

toward the appropriation of social power (but only the

first step, as will be shown below. Conscious of their

collective power, the university occupants, workers and

students, begin to appropriate the power to decide, they

begin to learn to run their own social activities. The

process of political de-alienation begins; the university

is de-institutionalized; the building is transformed into

a place which is run by its occupants. There are no "spe-

cialists" or "responsibles." The community is collec-

tively responsible for what takes place, and for what

doesn't take place, within the occupied building. For-

merly specialized social activities are integrated into

the lives of all members of the community. Social tasks

are no longer performed either because of direct coercion

or because of the indirect coercion of the market (i.e.

the threat of poverty and starvation). As a result, some

C o n s c i ou s ne s s o f c ol l e c t i ve power i s t h e f i r s t s t ep
t o ward the appropr i a t i on of s o c i al p o wer ( bu t onl y t h e
f i r s t s t e p , a s w i l l b e s h own bel ow. C on s c i o u s o f t h e i r
c o l l e c t i ve p ower , t h e u n i v e r s i ty o c cupan t s , work e r s and
s tu d e nt s , be g i n to appropr i a t e the power to d e c i d e , t h e y
b e g i n t o l earn t o ru n th e i r own s o c i al a c t i v i t i e s . The
pro c e s s of p ol i t i c al d e -al i e na t i on beg i n s ; the u n i v e r s i t y
i s d e - i n s t i tut i o nal i z e d ; t h e bu i l d i ng i s tran s f ormed i nt o
a pl a c e whi c h i s ru n b y i t s o c cupant s . The r e are n o '' s p e ­
c i al i s t s '' o r ' ' r e s p on s i bl e s . '' T h e c ommu n i t y i s c ol l e c ­
t i ve l y r e s p o n s ibl e f or what tak e s pla c e , and f or wha t
d o e s n ' t take pla c e , w i th i n t h e o c c up i ed bu i l d i ng . For­
merl y s p e c i al i zed s o c ial a c t i vi t i e s are i n t e gr a t e d i nt o
t h e l i ve s o f all m embe r s o f th e c omm un i ty . S o c i al ta sk s
are no l o nger p e r f ormed e i t her be cau s e o f d i r e c t c o e r c i on
or be cau s e o f t h e i nd i r e c t c o e r c i on o f the mark e t ( i . e .
t he t h r e a t o f poverty and s tarva t i o n ) . A s a r e s ul t , s om e
44

social activiti e s , like hair dressing and manicuring,

are no longer performed at all. Other tasks, like cook­
ing, sweeping the room s , cleaning the toilets--tasks per­
formed by people who have no other choice in a coercive
system--are left undone for several days. The occupation
shows signs of degeneration: the food ls bad, the rooms
are filthy, the toilets are unusabl e . These activities
become the order of the day of the general assembly:
everyone i s interested in their efficient performance ,
and no one is institutionally coerced to perform these
tasks. The general assembly i s responsible for the1� per­
formance , wh1ch means everyone i s responsible. Committees
of volunteers are formed . A Kitchen Comm ittee improves
the quality of the meal s ; the food i s free: it i s pro­
vided by neighborhood committees and by peasant s . A s�r­
vice o f order charges itself with maintaininp. clean
toilets stocked with toilet-paper. Each action committee
sweeps its own room. The tasks are performed by profes­
sors, students and workers. At this point all of the
occupants of Censler are workers. There are no longer
upper and lower class jobs; there are no longer intellec­
tual and manual tasks, qualified labor and unqual ified
labor; there are only socially necessary activities.

An activity which is con­

sidered necessary by a handful

.L7 ROUP l
of occupants becomes the basis

lETTtJS.IL.t..
for the formation of an action -

committee. F.ach person i s a 6-R EGA

noN .
thinker, an initiator, an or­ - (I.
ganizer, a worker. Comrades
are being seriously injured by ,
SNE 5vp.
-
E PH E' AAPHl . 6V
-- '
cops i n the street fights: a �rnblee Gt:<lir-.lc Hi'.lflffAttr111
�So

c iNE M Afu1.,(
floor of Censier i s transformed
into a hospital; doctors and

f:s.:i,"'"�
medical students care for the �in; ��
patients; others without me­ . - . If.t\VA7lf�S
dical experience help, cooperate .....,"""WA710N- t'TVDfltN1S 2�
.

fRESSE t�ti.
•

and learn. A large number o f

C R oi x'RdJG-£- 5.ff.
comrades have babies and a s a
result cannot take part in ac­
��"

VOLONTA i RES-SO���
tivities which interest them:
the comrades unite to form a
nursery. The action commit­

LfAISONS -IN1
tees need to print leaflets,
------
- -
·

announcements, reports: mi­

meograph machines and paper
are found, and a free print-
ing service l s organi zed.
Townspeople--observers and
potential partic ipants--
stream into Censier constantly and are unable to find
their way around the complex social system which has
started to develop within the building: an information
window is maintained at the entrance and information
 45

o f f i c e s a r e ma i nta i ned on ea c h f l o o r to or i e nt t h e vi s i ­
tors . Many m i l i tant s l i ve far from C e n s i e r : a d orm i tory
45

offices are maintained on each floor to orient the visi-

tors. Many militants live far from Censier: a dormitory

i s organi z ed .
is organized.

Censier, formerly a capitalist university, is trans-

Cen s 1 er , f orm erl y a capi tal i s t un i v e r s i ty , i s trans ­
formed into a complex system of self-organized activities

form ed i nt o a compl ex s y s t em o f s el f - organ i z ed a c t i vi t i e s

a nd s o c i al relat i on s . Howe ver , Cens 1 e r i s no t a s el f­
and social relations. However, Censier is not a self-

suf f i c i e nt Commu ne r emoved f r om the r e s t of s o c i e t y . The

sufficient Commune removed from the rest of society. The

police are on the order of the day of every general as-

sembly. The occupants of Censier are acutely aware that

pol i c e ar e on the ord er of t h e day of every general a s ­
their self-organized social activities are threatened so
s embl y . The o c c upan t s o f C e n s 1 er a r e a cutel y awar e t hat
long as the State and its repressive apparatus are not

t h e i r s e l f -organ i z e d s o c i al a c t i v i t i e s are t hreate ned so

destroyed. And they know that their own force, or even

l ong a s t h e S ta t e and i t s repre s s ive appara tu s are not

d e s troyed . And they know that t he i r o wn forc e , or even
the force of all students and some workers, is not suf-

ficient to destroy the State's potential for violence.

The only force which can

t h e for c e of all s tud e n t s and s ome work e r s , i s not suf­
put the Censier occupants f i c i e nt to d e s troy t h e S t a t e ' s potential f or v i o l e nc e .
back to sleep is a force
The onl y for c e wh i c h can
which is physically

p u t the C e n s i er o c c upant s
strong enough to break

ba ck t o sl e e p i s a for c e
whi c h i s phy s i cal l y
their will: the police

s tro ng e nough t o break

and the national army

still represent such a

force.
t he i r will : the pol i c e
~lHC?c liE'LL 6tT A fRlZfc^
and t h e na t i o nal army
;„'„„ ,j.\ ^-vii'ri',.!

s t i l l r e pre sent su c h a
--" "-•

f or c e .
(During the Algerian War, eight

The means o f
people had been killed at an

anti-war demonstration at the

Charonne subway station.)

v i ol enc e produ c e d by a
The means of
h i g hl y devel oped i ndus­
violence produced by a

try are s t i l l c ontrol l ed

highly developed indus-

by the cap i tal i s t S ta t e .

And t h e C e n s i er o c ­ ( Dur i ng t h e Al ger1. an War , e i ght
try are still controlled

by the capitalist State.

And the Censier oc-

cupant s are awar e that p e opl e had be e n k i l l e d a t an
the power of t he S tate anti -war demons tra t i on at the
Charonne subway s ta t i o n . )
cupants are aware that

the power of the State

will not be broken un­
will not be broken un-

til c on trol over the s e

i ndu s tr i al a c t i vi t i e s pa s s e s to the pr oduc ers : t h e y ''are
til control over these

c onv i n c e d tha t the s truggl e cann o t be c oncluded w i thout

industrial activities passes to the producers: they "are

the ma s s i ve part i c ipat i on of the work er s . " 1 The armed

convinced that the struggle cannot be concluded without

the massive participation of the workers."1 The armed

power of the State, the power which negates and threatens power of the S ta t e , the power whi c h nega t e s and threa t e n s
to annihilate the power of collective creation and self-
t o ann i h i l a t e the power o f c ol l e c t i ve crea t i on and s el f ­
organization manifested in Censier, can only be destroyed

organi za t i on mani f e s ted i n C e ns i er , c a n onl y b e d e s troyed

by the arm e d power of s o c i e t y . Bu t be f ore t he popul a t i o n
by the armed power of society. But before the population

c a n b e arm e d , before t he work e r s c a n tak e c ontrol o f the

can be armed, before the workers can take control of the

means of production, they must become aware of their

ability to do so, they must become conscious of their

collective power. And this consciousness of collective
power is precisely what the students and workers acquired
after they occupied Censier and transformed it into a
means of pro duc t i on , they mu s t b e c ome aware o f t h e i r
abil i ty to d o s o , t h e y mu s t b e c ome c o ns c i ou s o f t h e i r
c o l l e c t i ve power . And th i s c o ns c i ou sne s s of c ol l e c t i ve

power i s pre c i s e l y what the s tudents and work e r s a cq uired

A f t e r they o c c up i ed Cens i e r a nd tran sformed it i nt o a
place for collective expression. Consequently, the oc-

pl a c e f or c oll e c t ive expre s s i o n . Con s equentl y , the o c ­

cupation of Censier is an exemplary action, and the cen-

tral task of the militants in Censier becomes to communi-

cate the example. All the self-organized activities

Leaflet: "Travailleurs R.A.T.P.
tion, Censier, May 15(?), 1968.
Les Comites d'Ao-
cu pati on o f Cens i er i s a n exemplary a c t i on , and the c e n­
tral ta sk o f t h e m i l i tant s i n Cens i er be c om e s to c ommuni ­
c a t e the exampl e . Al l the s e l f - organi z e d a c t i v i t i e s

1
Le afl e t : " T ravai lleurs R . A. T . P. , " Les C o mi t e s d ' Ac -
t i on , C en s i e r , May 15 ( ? ) , 1968 .
 46

1+6 revolve around t h i s c e ntral ta sk . Former c l a s sroom s b e ­

revolve around this central task. Former classrooms be-
c om e work shops f or ne wl y f o rm e d ac ti o n c omm i t t e e s ; i n
come workshops for newly formed action committees; in

every r o om pro j e c t s ar e s u gg e s t e d , d i s c u s s ed , and laun c h e d ;

group s o f m i l i tant s ru s h out wi t h a pro j e c t , and o t her s
every room projects are suggested, discussed, and launched;

r e turn to i ni t iate a new one .

groups of militants rush out with a project, and others

return to initiate a new one.

The problem is to communicate, to spread consciousness

of social power beyond the university. Everyone who has The pro bl em i s to c CXllDlu n i ca t e , to spread c on s c i ou sn e s s
attended the general assemblies and participated in com-
o f s o c ial power beyond the univer s i ty . Everyone who ha s
mittee discussions knows what has to be done. Every ac-

a t tended the general a s s embl i e s and par t i c i pated i n c om­

m i t t e e d i s c u s s ions knows what ha s to be done . Every a c ­
tion committee militant knows that the self-confidence

t i on c omm i t t e e m i l i tan t knows t ha t the s e l f - c on f i d e n c e

in his own ability, the consciousness of his power, could

not develop so long as others thought, decided and acted

for him. Every militant knows that his action committee i n h i s own abil i ty , t he c o n s c i ou s ne s s o f h i s power , c oul d
is able to initiate and carry out its projects only be-
n o t deve l o p s o l ong a s o t h e r s thought , d e c i d ed and a c t e d
cause it is a committee of conscious subjects, and not a

f o r h im . Every m i l i tant knows t ha t h i s a c t i on c omm i t t e e

i s abl e to i n i t i a t e and carry o u t i t s pro j e c t s o nl y be ­
committee of followers waiting for orders from their

cau s e i t i s a c omm i t t e e o f c o n s c i o u s sub j e c t s , a nd not a

"leaders" or their "central committee."

Censier exists as a place and as an example. Work-

ers, students, professors, townsneople come to the place

c omm i t t e e o f foll owe r s wa i t i ng for ord e r s fr om t h e i r
to learn, to express themselves, to become conscious of
" l ead er s " o r t h e i r tt c e ntral c omm i t t e e . ••
themselves as subjects, and they prepare to communicate

C e n s i e r ex i s t s a s a p l a c e a nd a s an exam p l e . Work­
the example to other sections of the population and to

ers , s tud e nt s , pro f e s s o r s , t o wn s neopl P c om e to the p l a c e

other parts of the world. Foreign students organize a

general assembly to "join the struggle of their French

comrades and give them their unconditional support."

Realizing that "the struggle of their French comrades is
only an aspect of the international struggle against ca-
pitalist society and aprainst imperialism," 1 the foreign
t o l earn , t o e xpre s s t h em s e l ve s , to be c om e c on s c i ou s o f
t h em s e l ve s a s sub j e c t s , and t h e y prepare t o c ommu n i ca t e
t h e exam pl e t o o t her s e c t i on s o f t h e popul at i o n and t o

o t her par t s o f t he w orl d . For e i gn s t ud e n t s organ i z e a

general a s s embl y t o " j o i n t h e s t ruggl e o f t h e i r Fr e n c h
students prepare to spread the example abroad. East

c omrad e s a nd g i ve t hem t he i r u n c o nd i t i onal supp ort . "

European students express their solidarity and send the

news to their comrades at home. A U.S. group forms sn

Real i z i ng tha t " t h e s tru�gl e o f t he i r Fre n c h comrad e s i s

o nl y a n a s p e c t of t h e i n t e r na t i ona l s t r u g g l e a ga i n s t c a ­
Action Committee of the American Left, and they "plan to

p i tal i s t s o c i e t y a nd a �a i n s t imper i al i sm , " l t h e fo r e i � n

establish a news link-up with the U.S.A."2

Most important of all, Censier's main contribution

to the revolutionary movement, the worker-student action

s tud e n t s pr e par e to s p read t he exampl e a br oad . Ea s t

European s tud e n t s e x pr e s s t h e i r s ol i dar i t, v a nd s e nd t h e
A u . s . group f o rm s R n
committees, are formed. "Workers" ... To destroy this

�
news to t h e i r comrade s a t h om e .
repressive system which oppresses all of us, we must fight

together. Some worker-student action committees have been

created for this purpose."3 The formation of the worker-

Ac t i on Comm i t t e e o f t h e Am er i c a n L e f t , a n t h e y •• plan t o
Leaflet: "Assemblee Generale des iitudiants Etrangers,"
e s ta bl i s h a news l i nk - u p w i t h t h e u . s . A . 1 1
Centre Censier, May 20, 1968.

M o s t important o f a l l , C e n s i er- • � m a i n c o n t r i bu t. 1 o n
2

t o t he revol u t i onary mo vPm e n t , t h e work er - 8 tud e n t a c t i o n

Leaflet: "Permanence Americaine," Centre Cem;ier, May

• • w o rk er s "
17, 1968. In this leaflet, the American students also men-

tion that they are willing to inform their French comrade.'-

c omm i t t e e s , are f o rm e d . . To d e s tr o v t h i s
• •

of "attempts of students to organize workers" in the U.S. repr e s s i ve s y s t em w h i c h on pr e s s e s all o f u s , we mu s t f i � h t

The Americans found very few action committee militants who
toge the r . S om e wo rk er - s t u d e n t a c t i o n c omm i t t e e s have b e e n
were interested.

c r e a t e d f or t h i s p u r p o s e . 1 1 3 The forma t i o n o f t h e w o rk er -
Leaflet: "Travailleurs," Conite d 'Action bitudiants-

Travailluurs, Censier, May 16, 1968.

1
Leafle t : " As s embl e e Gene rale d e s � t ud iant s E t range rs , " .
C entre C ens i e r , May 2 0 , 1 9 6 8 .

Ame ri c aine , " C en t re C e n :: > i e r , i\1a:v

2
Leafle t :
" Pe r mane n c e

17 , 1968 . thi s le af'l e t , the Ame r i c an s t ud en t s als o men':.

In
t i o n that they are w i l l i ng t o i n f o rm the i r l'' re n c h c o mrad e f-:
o f" " at t empts o f s ·tud e n t s ·t o o r gan i z e work e rs " i n th e U . S .
The Ame ri c ans f' o und v e ry few a.c t i o n c o mmi t t e e rr; .i l i t an t s w r: o
w e re interest ed .

3 L e afle t : " Travai lleurs , " C o ni te d ' A c t i o r.

l9�8 .
1� t ud i a r1 t �-:: ­
T rav a i l l u u r s , C e ns i e r , May 16 ,
 47

-studr.nt committees coinc i d e s w i t h the outr.reak of a

w1ldcAt strike: 1'In the style of the student demonstra­
tors, the wo�kers of Sud - Avia ti on have occupied the fqr­
tory at Nan te s . 11 1

Revolutionary Consci ousness of Social Power

·
The workerr; of a h1ii,hlv industrial i z e d cap i tal i st
society sudd <: rl '! c eas e ac t }. na: "normall v " : they stop work­
ini<, and th�"' ci o not go out on an 11ordinar:v" strike for
material dp�andE· They oc cupy thPir fac t ori es , and they
begir. t c talk abo.u t ex::ropr1ation.

To understar.d tb.is radica� �reak w i t h the usual be­

havior of worke1":·. it is nece!"sarv to understanrl that
this 1rnusual �r->'-levior i s an f!ver-pre sent po.Ye.n_�J�l i tx in
capi t 3. l i st soci.P.tv. The e x i f: tence of thi s ootent1al i t y
cannot h � 1� ;-:ders tood in terms o f the m:'lterlal cond i t i o n s
of t h e workers, but onl.v i n terns of the structure o f
sociqJ relatlons in canitalist soc i ety .

The ba s i c fact of l i fe i n cap i tal i st society is the

al1.ena t 1 on of c reati ve power. The a l i enated power of
society i s aoorooriated hv a c l a s s . Concentrated in
i n s t i tutior s--Caoital , State, Police and Military--the
Power a l i enated by s oci ety becon:es the power of the do-
m1 n��t class to control and oppres s society. To the
creators of the Power, the i n s t i tutions which control and
oppress them seer like external forces, l i k e forces of na­
ture, pern1Anent anrl lmmuta hle.

The � l i P.n� t i on of creative power and the appropria­

t i o n of that oower takes place through the act of exchange.

1� Mend e , May 16 , 1968.

 48

The prod u c er s e l l s h i � l a bor ; t h f? cap i ta l i s t bu y s t- r � 0

labor . I n e x c hA np: e f o r h i s l a bo T t h e produ c e r r e � � t v� �
48

wa ge s , nam e l y m o m � v w i th w h i c h t o bu :v r. on s mn er p: o o d s .
The producer sells his labor; the capitalist buys the

The pur c h a s e anrl sa l e o f l a b o r t n c ap i ta l i s t s o c i e t v

labor. In exchange for his labor the producer receives

redu c e s l a bo r t o a t h i n � , a c ommod i t y , s om e t h i n � w h i c h
wages, namely money with which to buy consumer poods.

The purchase and sale of labor in capitalist society

reduces labor to a thing, a commodity, something which

can be b o u � h t and s ol d . On c e t he l a hor i s s o l d t o t h e

ca p 1 tal 1 s t ,t h e pr o d u c t s o f t h e l a bo r '' bel o n $Z' 11 t o t h e
can be bought and sold. Once the labor is sold to the

cap i tal i s t , t h e y ar e h i s '' pr o p er t y . " Th e s e produ c t s

capitalist, the products of the labor "belong" to the

t i on w i t h wh i c h �o o� �
capitalist, they are his "property." These products

of labor include the means of production with which goods o f l abor i nc l u d e t h e m e a n s o f pro d u c
are produced, the consumer goods for which the producer
ar e prod u c e d , t h e c on s um e r good s f o r wh i c h t h e produ c e r
sells his labor, and the weapons with which the capital-

sell s hi s l abor , qnd t h e wea p o n s wi t h wh t � h t h e c a p i tal ­

i s t ' s " pr o p e r t :v " l s or o t e c t e d from i t s p r od u c e r s . The
al i e na t e d orod u c t s o f la.bor t h e n tak e o n a l i f e o f t h e i r
ist's "property" is protected from its producers. The

alienated products of labor then take on a life of their

�
ea n s o f produ c t i o n n o l o n � e r �pp ear a � nr o ­
own. The means of production no longer appear as pro-

ducts of labor but as Capital, as objects anri instru-

own . The
duc t s o f l abor bu t a s Cap t ta l , a. s o b .1 e c t s a n rt j_ n � tru ­
ment s w h i c h emana t e from t h e c a n i ta l l s t . a s t h e " pr o p e r ­
ments which emanate from the capitalist, as the "proper-

ty" of the capitalist. The consumer goods no longer ap-

ty '' o f t h e can l ta l i s t . T h e c o n s um e r g o o d s n o l o np:- e r a p­

pear a s t he p r o du c t s o f l a bor bu t a s t h e reward s o f l a ­
pear as the products of labor but as the rewards of la-

bor, as external manifestations of the stature, worth and

bor , a s e x t e rnal m a n i f e s ta t i o n s o f t h e s t a ture , wo r t h a n d

character of an individual. The weapons no longer ap-

c hara c t e r o f a n i nd i v i d ual . The wea p o n s no l o n � e r a p ­

pear as products of labor, but as the natural and indis-

pensable instruments of the State. The State no longer

appears as a concentration of the alienated power of so-

p e a r a s prod u c t s o f l a bor , bu t a s t h e na tu ral and i nd i s ­
p e n s abl e i n s tr um e n t s o f t h e S ta t e . T h e S ta t e n o l o n � e r
appear s a s a c o n c e n t ra t i o n o f t h e al i e n � t e d p o w e r o f s o ­
ciety, and its "law and order" no longer appear as a

c i e t y , a nd i t s " l aw and o rd e r •• no l o n "2: e r a nn ear a s a

violent enforcement of the relations of alienation and

appropriation which make its existence possible; the

v i ol e n t e n f or c em e n t o f t h e r e l a t i o n s o f al i e na t i o n A n d
State and its repressive media appear to serve "higher"

appr opr i a t i o n w h i c h m a k e i t s e x i s t e n c e p o s s i bl e ; t h e
aims.

S t a t e a n d 1 t s r e pr e s s i ve m ed i A a p p ear t o s e r ve •1 h i g h � r "
The two terms of the act of exchange (labor for

wages, creative power for consumer goods! are blatantly

unequal. They are uneaual in terms of their ouantity and a im s .

in terms o*" +heir Quality. To analyze the French general

The two t e rm s of the ac t of e x r. hA n u e ( l 8 h0r for

wage s , c r ea. t l v e n o w e r f o r c o n sum e r � o o rl � ) A r e hlA t a. �1 tl ;v
strike it is necessary to understand both types of in-

Th e y are u -ri ea ual i n t e rm s o f t r P. i r n u 8 n t 1 t,y a n �

equality, and it is crucial to grasp the difference be-

uneo ual .
tween them. The Quantitative inequality has been tho-

+ h e i r o ual i t;v . T o a na l :v z e t h e Pr e n c h p,: e n e-r� 1

roughly analyzed by an apologetic and a critical litera-

ture. A whole area of knowledge, the "science of econo-

i n t e rm s o f'
mics," exists to mask this quantitative ineauality. Ac-
s tr i k e it is n e c e s sary t o � nd e r s ta nd bo t h t ;vn e s o f i n ­
cording to this "science," each side of the exchange is

eq ual i t y , and i t i s c ru c i a l to �ra sp t h e d i f f e r e n c e be ­

twe e n t h e m . The o u a n t i ta t i v e i n eq ual i t y hR s h e e n t h o ­
paid for its "contribution": capital is exchans-ed for a

r oughl y anal y z ed by an a p o l o � e t i c a nd a c r i t i c a l l i t e ra ­
"corresponding" ouantity of profits, and l^bor is ex-

A who l e a r e a o f k no wl e d g-e , t h e " s c i e n c e o f e c o r o ­

changed for a "corresponding" ouantity of wages. It is

ture .
m i c s , " e x i s t � t o m a sk t h i s o uA n t i ta t i ve t n ea ual i t v .
to be noted that the Quantities which are exchanged do

not correspond to each other, ru+- +-o a historical rela- tl.. c ­

c ord i np; t o t h i s " s c i e n c e , " e A. c h s i d e o f t h e ex c hB n r-- e i �
1 t s •1 c o n t :r t bu t i o n " : ca o i b� l i s e x c h � n g P. d f o r A.
tion of forces between the capitalist class and the work-

ing class, and that strikes and unions have Increased the

pa i d f o r
" c orr e s p ond i n s;r " ri ua n t i tv o f n r o f i t s , a rirl l !'l hor i s e x ­
c hanp;ed f o r a '' c orre s n0nd � n � " ('l UR n t l t v n f wa P-"e s .
quantity of goods to which labor "corresnonds." However,

It ' �
t o be n o t e d t h � t t h e n u a n � i t i e s ¥ h i c h a r P e x r h R n � � d d o
the purpose of this "theory" is not analytic ~ut apolo-

getic: its point is to mask the fact that more s ex-

no t c orre s n r md t o Aa c h o t h E> r , ru +- +- o R h i � t o r i cal r � l A ­

changed for less, that workers produce more goods than

they receive in exchange for their labor. Yet this fac4-

t i o n o f f o r c e s b P t we P- n t h P (' a n t ta l i s t c h � � s :=t nd t h= � \·' 0 ""' k -

1 ng c l e, s s , a nd t hA t � t r L-<: � s .�t nd un i o � s h q v 40 t r. <'r e P. c t:l rl t � e
is hard to mask: if workers received all the scoods they

q ua n t i t y o f g o o d s t o wh i c h l R h or " c or :r e s n o � rl s . " : � n "':·� P v e � ,

produced, there would be no capital, and there would r"

nothing left over for State, Army, Police or Fropecarn^.

t h e p ur p o s e o f t h i s " t h e or v " i s n o t P n a l "': t j_ r "- u t R n o l o ­

g e t 1 c : 1 t s po i n t 1 s t o Tr\ A s k t h -?. f a c t that m o r e s �x -

c ha n g e d f o r l e s s , t h � t work e r s n r o d u c e m o r e � o o � ? t hq n
t h e y r e c e i v e i n e x c � n n � e f o r t h P i r l a b or . Y e t t � i s fa r �
i s hard t o m A sk : i f work er s r e c e i v e d a l l t h e g o o d s t � P J
pr o d u c e d , t h e r e wo� 1 l rl b e no ca -p i ta l , a r d t h e r e wou l d r -,

n o t h i n g l e f t over f o -r �� t A. t P , Arm v , Pol i c e or F r o n e c:rp l-· ,;; .� .

 49

^9

'PA RT/C (PAT E !f

^'T-tharmore, the nroposition that each is paid for "his"

\J E
contribution, the capitalist for "his" capital and the

worker for his labor, simply isn't true: the capitalist's

"contribution" consists of means of production produced

by workers, so that the capitalist is paid for the work-

er's labor. The capitalist absorbs (or accumulates) sur

plus labor, ramely what the worker contributes but doesn't

cret, or what's "left over" after the workers are paid.

Lat-r-r unions concern themselves exclusively with the

Quantitative relation between workers and capitalists.

The union's role is to decrease the degree of exploita-

tion of the workers, namely to increase the goods workers

receive in exchange for their labor, and at times even to

increase the share of social wealth which is distributed

to the working class. Unions help workers have more, not

be more. They serve to increase the ouantity of floods the

worker receives in exchange for his alienated labor; they

do not serve to abolish alienated labor. Unions, like

economists of Communist countries, as well as much 20th

Century socialist literature, deal exclusively with the

quantitative relation between workers and capitalists.

t h P nron o s i t i on t ha t ea c h l s pa i d f or " hi s "

�'11 1" t r �rm o -r- e ,
c o n t r i bu t i o n , t h P, c a p i ta. l i s t f or " h i s '' cap i tal a nd t he
work e r f o � h i � l a � or , s i m p l y i s n ' t true : t h e ca p i ta l i s t ' s
" r. on tr l hu t i o n " c on s :l � t s o f m e a n s o f produ c t i on p r o d u c e d
cy work e r s , s o t ha t t h e c a p i ta l i s t i s p a i d for the work ­
er ' s l ab o r . T h e cap i tal i s t ab s orb s ( or a c c umul a t e s ) sur
plu s l a b or , r � m e l y w ha t t h e w o rk e r c ontri but e s bu t doe sn ' t
P: e t , or whA t ' s " l e ft ove r " af ter t he work e r s ar e pai d .

La r (' r u n t o n � � o T' c e r n t h em s e l v e s e x c l u s i vel y w i t h the

o 1 J a vi t i v� t.t ve r e la t i o r. be t we e n work e r s a n d cap i tal i s t s .
T h e u n i o rl ' s r o l e i s to d e c rea s e t h P. d e gre e o f e x pl o 1 ta ­
t i o r. o f t r e T-:o rk e r s , nam e l :v to i. ncrea s e t h e good s work er s
r e c e i v e i n e x c h � n � e for t h e i r l a bor , anrl a t t i m e s e v e n t o
i n c r e ? � P t h e s hP re o f s o c i �l weal t h whi c h i s d i � tr 1 buted
to th� �ork i n � c l a s s . Un i o n s h e l p work er s h � v e more , no t
�=-r ;n o r c . T h e v s �r v e t o i nc r P, n s e t h e o ua.n t i t :v o f p;ood s t h e
T·" nr-'� c. r -r e c t'l �_ ve s i n e � c ha np- e f o r h i s al i e na t e d l abor ; t h e y
d. c " ! (' t s e r v e. t o a t: o l i s h al i e n a t e d l abor . Un i on s , l i k e
e c o r 0� 1 s t s c: Commun i s t c ou n tr i e s , a s wel l a s mu c h 2 0 t h
;=--

� e n t 1 � 1'"' .. s o c 1 � l i � t l i t e ra tur e , d eal e x c l u s i ve l v w i t h t h e

_.r

r. � 1 � n t i .� �- t i_v.� r e l q t i o n be twe e n work er s and cap i tal i s t s .

 50

However , w i l d ca t s tr i k er s i n Fran c e l a s t M a y d i d not

o c cupy the i r fa c tor i e s i n ord er to g e t a lar � er s h�re of
50

t he good s they pr od u c e d . I t wa s t h e Vn i on ( The G e n eral

However, wildcat strikers in France last May did not

Confedera t i on of Labor ) whi c h c l am p e d t h i s goal on t n e

occupy their factories in order to pet a larger share of

The r e v o J u t i o nary i s s ue
the goods they produced. It was the Union (The General

s t ri k e , i n o rd e r t o d e -ra i l i t .
t i on b e t we e n w ork e r s a n d
Confederation of Labor) which clamped this goal on t*e

strike, in order to de-rail it. The revolutionary issue

l � s t Ma v wa s t he q ual i ta t i ve r e l a
last May was the qualitative relation between workers and

cap i tal i s t s , not t he q uanti t a t i v e rel at i o n . Y e t t h e q ua l ­

i ta t i ve rel a t i on ha s n o t b e e n trea ted e x t e n s i vel '' by r e ­
capitalists, not the quantitative relation. Yet the qual-

voluti o nary s o c ial i s t s -- perha p s pa rtl y be ca u s e t u e q ua n ­

itative relation has not been treated extensively by re-

volutionary socialists—perhaps partly because tne quan-

titative problem can be grasped more easily and can be t 1 ta t i ve probl em can be gra s p e d more ea s i l y a n d ca n be
i l l u s tra t e d w i t h s ta t i s t i c s i n a s o c i e ty w h i c h wor s h i n s
q uanti t i e s , partl v becau s e S o v i e t t h e or i s t s d i sm i s s e d t n �
illustrated with statistics in a society which worships

quantities, partlv because Soviet theorists dismissed the

whol e probl em a s " i d eal i sm , " a nd par t l y be c a u s e cap i tal :� - � t

whole problem as "idealism," and partly because capital!-.t

i deol ogue s have tr i ed t o c o - o p t the i s su e and t o t ra n s ­

ideologues have tried to co-opt the issue and to trans-

f orm i t i n t o a q ua s i -rel i g i ou s l i beral r e f orm p r o �ram . T h e

form it into a quasi-religious liberal reform program. The

result is that the action of workers and students was far

r e s ul t i s t ha t t he a c t i o n o f work er s and s tudent s wa s far

m ore rad i cal '.\; han t he theory of m o s t " revol u t i o nar :v t h e o ­
more radical than the theory of most "revolutionary theo-

rists" and "strategists."

The two terms of the act of exchange—labor and wages,

r i s t s " and " s tra tegi s t s . "

creative power and consumer goods, living energy and in-

The two t e rm s o f the a c t o f ex c hange- -labor and wa g e s ,

animate things—differ in quality, in kind. The two terms

continue to differ in quality no matter what hapDens to

crea t i ve power and c onsumer good s , l iv i ng e n Argy a nd i n­

anima t e t h i ng s - - d i ff e r i n q ual i ty , i n k ind .
their quantities.1 In other words, the fact that the work-

er exchanges labor for wages., namely two different qua- T h e two t e rm s

lities, does not change if the worker gets more wages,

c on t i nue t o d i ffer i n q ual i ty no ma t t e r wha t ha o o e n s to

. l In other word s , the fa c t t ha t the wor k ­
namel y two d i f f e re n t a ua -
more consumer goods, more things in exchange for his cre-

t he i r q uanti t 1 e s
e r e x c hange s labor f or wage s ,
ative power. There is no "reciprocity" in this act of

l i t i e s , d o e s not c hange i f the work er g e t s more wa � e s ,

"exchange": the worker alienates his living energy in ex-

change for lifeless objects; the capitalist appropriates

the alienated labor of workers in exchange for nothing.

more co nsumer g o od s , more t h i n� s i n ex c ha ng e f o r h i s c r e ­
(In order to maintain the fiction of reciprocity, "objec-
a t i ve powe r . There i s n o "r e c i pro c i ty " i n t h i s a c t o f
tive social scientists" would have to say the capitalist

" ex c hange " : t he worker al i e na t e s h i s l i Y i ng e n erp:-y i n e x ­

appropriates the productive power of society in exchange

c hange f or l i f el e s s o b j e c t s ; the cap i tal i s t appropr i a t e s

t he al i e na t e d labor o f work e r s i n e x c h a n � e f o r n o t hi ng .
for his domination; they do sometimes say this, in more

( In ord er to m a i nta i n t h e f i c t i o n o f r e c i pr o c i t y , '' o b j e c ­

euphemistic terms.)

t 1 v e s o c i al s c i e n t i s t s '' woul d have t o say t h e c a p i tal i s t

This statement excludes the likelihood that infinites-

appropr i a t e s the produ c t i ve power of s o c i e t y i n e x c hang e

simal quantitative changes will gradually lead to a quali-

for h i s d om i nat i on ; t h e y d o s ome t i m e s s a y t h i s , i n m o r e

tative leap, a prospect offered by J.M. Keynes: with the

continued development of society's productive forces, it can

euphem i s t i c term s . )
become "comparatively easy to make capital-goods so abund-

ant that the marginal efficiency of capital is zero. . .

(a) little reflection will show what enormous social chan-

ges would result from a gradual disappearance of a rate of

return on accumulated wealth." One of the main social con-

1
Thi s s t at ement e x c lud e s the likel ihood that infinites­
g radu al l .Y l e ad
sequences would be "the euthanasia of the rentier, and, con-

to
b y J . M . Keyne s
s i mal quan t i t at i ve c h an g e s w i ll a qual i ­
l e a p , a pro s p e c t o f f e r e d
sequently, the euthanasia of the cumulative oppressive power

of the capitalist to exploit the scarcity-value of capital,"

t at i v e : w i t h the
i.e. the disappearance of the capitalist and the disappear-

c ont i nu e d d e v e l o pment of s o c i e t y ' s p r o d u c t i v e f o r c e s , i t c an

b e c o m e " c o m p arat i v e ly e as y t o mak e c a p i t al - g o o d s s o a bund ­
ance of capitalism. (J.M. Keynes, The General Theory of

ant that t h e marg i n al e f" f i c i e n c y o f c a p i t al i s z e ro .

Employment, Interest and Money, New York: Harcourt, Brace,

• •

( A ) l i t t l e re fle c t i o n w i l l s h o w w h a t e n o rmo us s o c i al c han ­

1964, p. 221 and p. 376.)

g e s w o uld r e s u l t f r o m a g ra d u al d i s a p p e aran c e o f a rat e o f

re turn on ac c umulat e c.i w e al t h . " One o f t h e main s o c i al c o n ­
s e que n c e s would b e " the e u t h anas i a o f t h e re n t i e r , and , c o n ­
s e qu e n t ly , t h e e u t h an a s i a o f t h e c umu l a t i v e o p p r e s s i v e p o w e r
0 £ t h e c ap i t al i s t t o e x pl o i t the s c ar c i t y - value o f c a p i t al , "
i . e . t h e d i s ap p e ar an c e o f t h e c ap i t al i s t and t h e d i s ap p e ar ­
an c e o f c ap i t al i s m . ( J . M . K e y n e s , The G e n e ral Th e o ry o f
Employme nt , I n t e r e s t and M o ne y , N e w Yo rk : Har c o u r t , Bra c e ,
1 9 6 4 , p . 2 2 1 and p . 3 7 6 . )
 51

5l

By selling his labor, the producer alienates his pro-

ductive power, his activity; he alienates what he does in

life. In exchange for his activity, or to compensate for

his lost li^e, he eats, drinks, travels, surrounds himself

with lifeless objects, abandons himself to animated car-

toons, and intoxicates himself with vicarious experiences.1

It has frequently been noted that the alienated labor

of capitalist society differs from slavery and serfdom. The

slave's entire being, and not merely his labor (or labor-

time) is the property of the master; strictly speaking, the

slave has nothing to alienate, since he is not a person but

an object, a piece of property. The serf, on the other hand,

is not owned by his lord, and does not alienate his labor;

he is forced to give up the products of his labor, and he

receives nothing in exchange (except the "protection" of

his lord—which in practice means oppression, domination,

and. often death). The laborer, unlike the slave, is a "free

man": his body is his own; it is his labor which becomes the

property of an owner. Unlike the serf, the laborer alienates

his labor, but receives something in exchange for what he

gives away.

By sell i ng h i s labor , t h e pr o du c er al i e nat e s his pro­

d u � t i v e o ower , h i s a c t i v i ty ;
he al i e na t e s wha t he d o e s i n
l i fe . In e x c ha n�e f o r h i s a c t i v i t y , o r t o c o m p e n s a t e f o r
h i s l o s t l i T e , he e a t s , dr i nk s , travel s , surroun d s h i m s e l f
w i t h l i f e l e s s n h .i e c t s , aband o n s h im s e l f t o a n i ma t e d car­
l
t o o n s , gnd i nt ox i ca t e s h i m s e l f wi th v i c ar i o u s e x p er i e nc e s .

1I t h a f:> fre quently b e en noted that the ali enat e d labor

of c a p i t al i s t society d i ffers
s l av e ' s e nt i re be ing , no t
from s l av e ry and s e rfdom . The
and ( or
t i me
m e r e ly hi s lab o r labor­
) is t he pro p e r � y of mas t e r ;
s l av e has n o t h i ng
the s t r i c t ly s p e aking , the
to al i e n a t e , sinc e he is not a person but
an o b j e c t , a p i e c e of p ro p e r t y .
no � o w n e d by h i s l o rd , and d o e s no t al i enat e hi s labo r ;
The s e r f , on the o th e r hand ,
is
he is er i v e
re c e i v e s
::· a rc e d to up the produc t s of his lab o r , and he
e x c h an g e ( ex c e p t
p r ac t i c e
n o t h i ng in the •• pro t e c t i o n " of
his
and. o :t' t c n
l o rd - - w h i c h in m e an s oppre s s i on , d o minat i o n ,
d e e.th ) . The
his bcuy is h i s own ; i t i s h i s l a b o r whi c h b e c ome s the
l ab o r e r , un l i k e the s l av e , is a " free
mw1 1 1 :

pro r; e r t ;{ of an o w n e :r .
his but r e c e i v e s s o me thing i n e x c h an g e f o r what h e
Unl i k e t h e s e r f , t h e lab o r e r al i enat e s
laL o r ,
r�· i v e s away .
 52

Ameri can s o c i ol ogi s t s have tr i e d to redu c e t h e al i e n ­

52

a t i o n o f l abor to a f e el i ng o f al i e na t i o n : t hu s r e d u c e d ,
the problem can be '' s o l v e d " i n c a p i ta l i s t s o c i e ty , w i th ­
American sociologists have tried to reduce the alien-

out revolu t i on ; a l l t h a t ' s ne e d e d i s s om e s o l i d p r o p aga nda

ation of labor to a feeling of alienation: thus reduced,

the problem can be "solved" in capitalist society, with-

out revolution; all that's needed is some solid propaganda

and a c om p e t e n t c orp s of s o c i o l o g i s t s a nd p s y c hol o g i s t s
and a competent corps of sociologists and psychologists wh o know how t o c ha nge work er s ' f e e l i ng s . However , so
who know how to change workers' feelings. However, so

l ong a s c ap i tal i s t r e l a t i o n s e x i s t , t h e work e r w i l l c o n ­

long as capitalist relations exist, the worker will con-

t i nu e to be al i e nated e v e n i f h e f e e l s d e -al i e na t e d
tinue to be alienated even if he feels de-alienated

'w he ther orn o t t he work er i s " ha p p y " about i t , by al i e n­

a t i ng h i s a c t i vi ty he be come s pa s s i ve , by al i e na t i ng hi s
Whether or not the worker is "happy" about it, by alien-

ating his activity he becomes passive, by alienating his

creativity he becomes a spectator, by alienating his life

crea t i v i ty he b e c ome s a s p e c ta t or , by al i e na t i ng h i s l i f e
he lives through others. Whether or not he is "happy" he l i ve s t hrough o t her s . Whe t he r or n o t he i s " ha p p y ' '
about it, by alienating his productive power, he gives

about i t , b y al i ena t i ng hi s produ c t i v e powe r , h e g i v e s

that power to a class which uses it to hire him, decide

t hat power to a c l a s s wh i c h u s e s i t to h i r e h i m , d e c i d e
f or h im , c o ntrol h im , mani pul ate h i m , bra i nwa s h h im , r e ­
for him, control him, manipulate him, brainwash him, re-

pre s s him , k i l l .him , e n t e r ta i n him and m ak e h i m " happy . ''

press him, kill .him, entertain him and make him "happy."

The quantitative relations between workers and ca-

pitalists have a history. The quantity of goods produced

per laborer has increased, the quantity of goods received

The q uant i ta t i ve rel a t i o n s between work e r s a nd c a ­
by workers has increased, and even the share of the social

p i tal i s t s have a h i s tory . The q ua n t i ty o f good s produc e d

product received by workers may have increased within spe-

p e r laborer ha s increa s ed , the q uanti t y o f g o od s re c e i ve d

by work e r s ha s i n crea s ed , and even t he s hare o f t h e s o c ia l
cific regions, although if one views the world economy

as a whole this has not taken place. The application of

science to technology increases the productivity of labor

and thus the productive power which the capitalist class
commands; the increased quantity of goods has enlarged
the empire controlled by capitalists; competition in the
produc t re c e ived by work e r s may ha ve i n c r e a s e d w i th i n s p e ­
c i f i c regi on s , al though i f one v i e w s t he worl d e c o nomy
as a whol e th i s ha s not tak en pla c e . The ap pl i c a t i o n of

s c i e n c e to t e c hnol ogy i ncrea s e s t h e p rodu c t i v i t y of l abor

and thu s the produ c t i ve power w h i c h the c ap i tal i s t c l a s s
introduction of technological innovations, and also pe-

command s ; t h e i nc r e a s e d q ua n t i t y o f g o o d s ha s e n l a r g e d
riodic crises, have ruined inefficient or unlucky ca-

pitalists, and thus made possible the centralization of

the emp i r e c ontrol l e d by c ap i tal i s t s i c omp e t i t i o n i n t h e

t e c hn o l o g i cal i nn o va t i on s , ar-d a l s o p e ­
enormously enlarged capitals and the integration of tech-

nologically related processes. The centralization of ca- i nt r o du c t i o n o f

pital and the integration of related processes has meant
r i od i c c r i s e s , have ru i ned i n e f f i c i e n t o r u n l u c k y c a ­
that numerous activities take place under the same roof,

p i tal i s t s , a nd t hu s mad e p o s s i bl e t h e c e n tral i z a t i o n o f

e n o rm o u s l y e nl arged c a p i tal s a nd the i n t e gra. t i o n o f t e c h ­
and that production becomes a sophisticated process of co-

nol o g i c al l y r e l a t e d p r o c e s s e s . The c e ntral i z a t i o n o f c a ­

ordination and cooperation.

However, the qualitative relation between workers

and capitalists does not have a history within capitalist

society: it is born with capitalism and abolished with
capitalism: it is part of the structural backbone of ca-
pitalism. The worker is the ruled object, the capitalist
p i ta l a nd t h e i n t e gra t i o n o f r e l a t e d p ro c e s s e s ha s m ea n t
t h a t num e r o u s a c t i v i t i e s tak e p l a c e und e r t h e same r o o f .
a nd t h a t p r o du c t i o n b e c om e s a s o p h i s t i c a t e d p r o c e s s o f c o ­

ord i na t i on and c o o p e ra t i o n .
is the ruling subject; the worker alienates his produc-

However , t h e q ual i ta t i v e r e l a t i o n b e tw e e n work e r s

tive power, the capitalist appropriates it; the worker's

labor creates products, the capitalist owns them and sells

them to the worker; the worker creates Capital, the capital-

a nd c a p i tal i s t s d o e s n o t have a h i s t or y w i t h i n c a p i tal i s t
s o c i e t y : i t i s born wi t h c a p i tal i sm and abol i s h e d w i t h
i t i s p ar t o f t h e s tru c t ur al:_ ba c k b o n e o f ca­
ist invests it; the worker produces more than he consumes,

he creates a surplus; the capitalist disposes of the sur-

c ap i tal i sm :
p i tal i s m . The work er i s the r ul e d o b j e c t , the c a p i t al i s t
plus and thus determines the shape of the worker's en-

i s t he rul i ng su b j e c t ; t h e work e r al i e na t e s h i s p r o du c -
vironment, forms a repressive apparatus which keeps the

t i v e p o w e r , t h e c ap i tal i s t a p p r o pr i a t e s i t ; t h e w o rk e r ' s
worker "in his place," and hires propagandists, manipul-

ators and educators who make the worker "like" his con-

dition, or at least accept it. This structural relation
between the worker and the capitalist is the integument
l abor c r ea t e s p r o d u c t s , t h e c a p i tal i s t own s t h em and s e l l s
them t o t h e work e r ; t h e work e r c r e a t e s Cap i tal , t h e c a p i tal ­
i s t i n v e s t s i t ; t h e work er produ c e s m or e t han he c o n s um e s ,
he c r e a t e s a s ur p l u s ; t h e c a p i tal i s t d i s p o s e s o f t he s u r ­
plu s and t h u s d e t e rm i ne s t h e s ha p e o f t h e w ork er ' s e n­
v i ro nm e n t , f o rm s a r e pr e s s i ve ap para t u s wh i c h k e e p s t h e
work e r " i n h i s pl a c e , " and h i r e s p r o pagand i s t s , m a n i pul ­
a t or s a n d e d u c a t or s who m ak e t he work e r '' l i k e " h i s c o n­
d i t i o n , or a t l ea s t a c c e p t i t . T h i s s tru c tu ra l r e l a t i o n
be twe e n the work e r a nd the c a p i tal i s t is the i n t e g um e n t
of capital i s t society, i t ls the shell in which the quan­
titative changes take place.

I t l s t h i s shell which began to crack in May. It i s

this structure which starts to d i s integrate, not piece­
meal , but all at once. The development of society ' s pro­
ductive forces, the centralization of capital and the i n ­
tegration o f economic activity, the growth o f socially
combined and scientifically coordinated production pro­
c e s s e s , make the capitalist shell increasingly vulnerable.
The worker s . united by the capi tal i s t under the same roof,
cooperative with each other because of the exigenci e s of
the work itself, highly educated to be able to manage the
sonhisticated technolo�y. no longer tolerate their s itua­
tion, they no lon�er tolerate the existence of the ca-
pi tal i 8 t , they no longer tolerate the alienation of their
labor A.nd the transformation of their labor into a com­
modity. Educated, pr.oud of their work , confident in
their abil i t i e s , they begin to express themselves about
the fact that they are reduced to tools. Each finds h i s
own observations confirmed by those o f others. The work­
ers become class conscious. They gain confidence in
their power, they become conscious of their collective
power. They commun icate their consciousness to other
workers.

The workers start t o take over; they start to take

possession of the produc tive forces (the former "capital " ) .
and with these powerful productive forces they can destroy
 54

the c o n c e ntrated power o f t h e cap i ta l i s t c l a s s : t h e Sta t e

The c a p i t a l i s t s h e l l s tar t s
5^

the concentrated power of the capitalist class: the State

and i t s repre s s i ve apparatu s .
and its repressive apparatus. The capitalist shell starts t o bur s t ; the expr o p r i a t o r s be g i n to b e e x pr o p r i a t e d .

Th i s i s the beg i nni ng o f s o c i a l i s t revo l u t i on .

to burst; the expropriators begin to be expropriated.

This is the beginning of socialist revolution. It is

It i s
the begi nn i ng o f a worl d - w i d e event : t he de s tr u c t i o n o f ca ­
the beginning of a world-wide event: the destruction of ca-

p i tal i sm a s a un i f i e d , worl d sy s t em ; t he n e ga t i o n of a l i e n ­
pitalism as a unified, world system; the negation of alien-

It i s an adventure , the be g i nn i ng o f a pr< .. e s s o f

ation. It is an adventure, the beginning of a prr .ess of

social creation.
ation.
When the Sud-Aviation workers occupied their factory
s o c i al crea ti o n .
"in the style of the student demonstrators," they were not

merely expressing their sympathy with the student demon-

When the Sud-Av i a t i o n work e r s o c c up i e d t h e i r fa c t ory

" i n the styl e o f the s tud e n t dem o ns tra t or s , " they were no t
strators. And when other

merely expre s s i ng the i r s ympathy w i t h th e s t ud e nt d emon­

workers occupied their fac-

tories, they were not demand-

s tra tor s . And whe n other

workers o c c u p i e d t he i r fac ­
ing more consumer goods in ex-

change for their alienated

labor. Some workers had

tori e s , they were not demand­

profoundly understood what

i ng m ore c onsumer good s in e x­

c hange f or the i r al i enated
was happening in the uni-

labor . Some workers had

versities. This was not the

traditional "social conflict"

between "labor and manage-

pro foundly u nd e r s too d wha t
ment." At the Renault auto-
wa s happening i n t h e un i ­
mobile factory in Cleon, for

ver s i ti e s . Th i s wa s no t the
example, "the initiative was

trad i ti onal " s o c ial c o nfl i c t "

be tween ''l abor and manage ­
taken by about 200 young work-

ers, members of the unions

(the General Confederation of

ment . " At the Renaul t auto­
Labor and the French Democra-
mobi l e fa c tory in Cl e o n , f or
tic Federation of Labor), but

exampl e , " t he i n i t i a t i ve wa s
who seemed to be acting spon-

tak e n by about 200 young work­

ers , m embe r s o f the uni ons
taneously, following the model

( the Ge neral Confedera t i on o f

of the students; there was no

social conflict in the estab-

Labor and t he Fr e n c h Demo c ra ­

t i c Federa t i o n of La bor ) . but
lishment."1 In fact, the

unions also understood that this was not a traditional

strike, that the student example had nothing to do with

who s e em e d to be a c t i ng spon­
quantitative improvements within the context of capital-

tane ou sl y , f o l l o w i ng the mod e l

l
o f t h e s tud e nt s ; there wa s no
ist society, and both unions declared "their resolve not

s o c ial c on l i c t in the e s tab-

to share the responsibility over the movement with the

students, and their will not to permit overflows which

could lead to anarchy."2

The physical occupation of the factories was the
first step towards "anarchv." The next step would be
for workers to use factory workshops and yards as places
l i s hm e n t . '' In fac t , the
uni on s al s o under s tood tha t t h i s wa s not a trad i t i onal
s trike , that t he s tud ent example had no t h i ng to do wi th

q uant i ta t i v e improvem e nt s wi th i n the c o n t e x t of capi tal ­

i s t s o c i e ty , and both uni o n s d e c l ared " t he i r r e s olve n o t
for collective expression. This happened in a few

to s hare t he re spons i bi l i t y o v e r the movement w i th the

Le Monde. May 18,'1968, p. 3.

-Ibid.

s tudent s , and the i r wi l l not to perm i t overflows whi c h

c ould l ead to anar c hy . '' 2

The p hy s i cal o c c upat i on of the fa c t or i e s wa s t h e

f i r s t s t ep toward s tt ana.r c h v . 1 1 The nex t s t e p woul d be
for work er s to u s e fac tory work s h o p s and yard s a s pl ac e s
for c oll e c t i ve expre s s i o n . Th i s happ ened i n a f e w

p.
l
Le Mond e , May is , � 1 9 6 8 , 3.

2 I b id .
 55

55
fa c tori e s . But onl y a f e w . The uni ons be gi n to tak e
factories. But only a few. The unions begin to take

c ontrol of t he m ovem en t . And t h P. unions ha ve no i n­

control of the movement. And the unions have no in-

t e re s t i n l e t t i ng crea t i v e expr e s s i o n " overfl o w '' i nto

the work s h op s . I t be c om e s u r g e n t f o r the student s to
terest in letting creative expression "overflow" into

the workshops. It becomes urgent for the students to

communicate their example. This is the task of the Cen-

sier worker-student committees. To do this, the commit-
tees not only have to struggle against the capitalist
propaganda, but also against the announced opposition of
� ommun i cate the ir exampl e . Thi s i s t he ta sk o f the Cen­
s i er work e r - s tudent comm i t t e e s . To do t h i s , the c omm i t­
t e e s not onl y have t o s truggl e aga i n s t t he cap i tal i s t

pr opaganda , bu t al so aga i n s t t he annou n c ed opp o s ition of

t h e u n i on s . "We no l o nger want to c onf ide our demand s to
the unions. "We no longer want to confide our demands to

un i on pro f e s s i onal s , whe t h er o r not they ' r e pol itical .

union professionals, whether or not they're political.

We want to take our a f fa i r s i nto our own hand s . OUr o�

We want to take our affairs into our own hands. Our ob-

jectives cannot be realized without live, concrete and

daily information, without a constant, human and im-

j e c t i ve s cannot be real i z e d wi thout l i ve , c o n c r e t e a nd
aginative contact between workers and students. 'J1

da i l y i nformat i o n , wi thou t a c o n s tant , human a nd im­

The "constant, human and imaginative contact between

ag i na t i v e conta c t be twe en worker s and st ud en t s . � 1

workers and students" had been established at Censier

Th e " c on s tant , human and imaginative contact be tween

since the first day of the occupation! this was the basis

wo�k e r s and s tud ent s " had be en establ i shed at Cens i er

for the formation of the worker-student committees. On

the night of the occupation, "young workers who had de-

monstrated in the Latin Quarter, entered a French univer*-

s i nc e the f i r s t day of t h e oc cu pa t io n ; th is wa s the basis

sity for the first time, ana were more numerous than the

for the f ormat ion of the worker - s tudent c omm i t t e e s . On

the n i ght of the o c c upa t i o n , " young workers who had d e ­
students. They all discuss, sometimes in a disorganized

monstra t e d i n thP. La ti n Qu�r ter , ent ered a French un i ve�

manner, a little too enthusiastically, but everyone is

s i ty for the f i r s t t im P. , a�a wer e more num erous t han the

aware that the abstract phrases about the liaison between

workers and students can be bypassed."2 Worker-student

solidarity, creative self-expression, collective learn-

s tudent s . They al l d i s cu s s , s om e t im e s i n a d i sorgan i z ed
ing, consciousness of collective power, are all facts at

ma.nn e.r , a l i t tl e too enthu s i a s t i cal l y , but everyone i s

Censier; they have to be communicated to the rest of the

awar e t ha t t h e abstra c t phra s e s abou t the l i a i s o n be twe en

work ers and s tudent s can be h y pa s s ed . 11 2 Work e r - s tudent
population. Creative self-expression and self-organiza-

s ol i dar i ty , creat i ve s e l f-e x p r e s s i on , coll e c t i ve l earn­

tion in one building or one factory are like a strike

carried out by one worker.

A worker-student committee is formed for every major i n g , c o n s c i ousne s s of c ol l e c t i ve power , are al l fa c t s at

enterprise, district, region. The committees include
C e n s i er ; t h e y ha ve to be c ommun i cated to the re s t o f the
workers from the enterprise, workers from other enter-

popula t i on . Creat i ve s e l f - expr e s s i on and s e l f -organi za­

prises, French students, foreign students, professors.

t i on i n one bu il d i n � or one fac tory are l i k e a s tr i k e

carr i ed o u t b y one work er .
The names on the doors o^ former classrooms refer to

places: Renault, Citroen, 5th District, l8th District.

The committees are not named according to programs, po-

litical lines or strategies, because they have no pro- A work er- s tud ent comm i t t e e i s f orm ed for every ma j or
grams, lines or strategies. Their aim is to communicate
e n t erpr i s e , d i s tri c t , r e g i o n . The c omm i t t e e s i nclud e
work ers from the ent erpri s e , work e r s from o t he r enter­
pri s e s , Fr en c h s tudent s , fore i gn s tudent s , p r of e s sor s .
to workers what has taken place at Censier. Self-led

The nam e s o n the door s o � form er cla s �ro om s re fer to

and self-organized, they do not go out to "lead the po-

pulation" or to "organize the workers." They know they're

pl a c e s : R enaul t , r. i tro�n . 5 th D i s t ri c t , 1 8 th D i s tri c t .

not up to this task in any case; but they also know that

even if they succeeded in this, they would fail in ac-

complishing their goal: they would merely reintroduce

Th e c omm i t t e e s ar e no t nam ed a c c ord i ng t o program s , p o­
leaflet: "Personnel d'Air-Inter et Air France," May

l i ti cal l i ne s or s tra t e g i e s , be cau s e t h e y have no pr o­

16, 1968.

gram s , l i ne s or s tra t e g i e s . Th e i r aim i s t o c ommu n i c a t e

to work e r s wha t ha s tak en pl a c e at Cen s i er . S el f -l e d
•I'Occupation," Action, May 13, 1968, p. 7.

and sel f - organ i zed , t h e y do no t go out t o " l ead t h e po­

nulat i o n tt or to tt organ l z e the work er s . " They know they ' re
not u p to t h i s ta sk 1 n an y c a s e : but they al s o know t hat
even i f they suc c e ed e d i n t h i s , they would fa i l i n a c ­
c ompl i s h i ng the ir goal : t h e y woul d merel y r e i ntrodu c e

1
Le afl e t : " P e rs o nn e l d ' Ai r - I nt e r et A i r Fran c e , " May
16 , l. 9 68 .

2
" L ' O c c up at i on , " Ac t i on , May 1 3 , 1 9 6 8 , p. 7.
 56

56
t he type o f d e p e nd e n c e , the type o f relat i o n be twe e n
the type of dependence, the type of relation between
l ead e r s and l ed , t h e t y p e o f hi erar c h i c s t ru c ture , wh i c h
leaders and led, the type of hierarchic structure, which they ' d o nl y j u s t s tar t e d s truggl i ng to d e s tro y . When a
they'd only just started struggling to destroy. When a
"revol u t i o nary " groupl e t tak e s up r e s i d e nc e i n C e n s i er ,
"revolutionary" grouplet takes up residence in Censier,

pu t s i t s nam e on a door , and s tar t s to ' ' h e l p '' a c t i o n

c omm i t t e e m i l i ta n t s wi th probl em s of " pol i t i cal pr o ­
puts its name on a door, and starts to "help" action

gram " a n d tt s trat e gy " s o t ha t th e m i l i tant s w i l l h e abl e

committee militants with problems of "political pro-

gram" and "strategy" so that the militants will ^e able

to "lead the workers" more effectively, the militants of

t o " l ead t h e work e r s " more e f f e c t i vel y , th e m i l i ta n t s . of
several action committees burst into the office of the
s everal a c t i on c omm i t t e e s bur s t i nto the o f f i c e o f the
"revolutionary vanguard," call the experts on revolution

" r evol u t i o nary vanguard , " cal l the exp er t s on r e volut i on

professors and even cops, and give them an ultimatum:

pr o f e s s or s and even c o p s , and g i v e t hem an ul t ima tum :

e i t her l earn wi t h u s or j o i n t h e Au thor i t i e s ou t s i d e .
either learn with us or join the Authorities outside. .

Committee militants go to the factory gates to talk

to strikers, to exchange information, to communicate.

They do not go there.to substitute themselves for the

C omm i t t e e m i l i tant s go to the fac tory gat e s to talk
union leaders, but to stimulate the workers to organize
to s t r i k e r s , t o e x c hange i nforma t i on , t o c ommuni c a t e . ·

themselves, to take control away from the union leaders and

They dg not go there _ to su b s t i tute them s el ve s for the

into their own hands. "The political and union leaders

uni on l e ader s , but to s t imul a t e the work e r s to organ i z e

them s e l ve s , t o take c ontrol away from the un i on l eaders and
did not initiate the strike. The strikers themselves, .

i nt o the i r own hand s . " Th.e pol i t i cal and un i o n l eaders

unionized or not, made the decisions,, and it is they who

should make the decisions." For this to become possible,

the action committee militants call for-a "reunion of all

d id no t i n i t i a t e the s tr i k e . The s tr i k er s them s e l ve s ,
the strikers, unionized or not,, in a continual General
uni oni z e q. or no t , ma.de the d e c i s i ons , . . a nd i t i s th e y who
Assembly. In this Assembly, the workers will freely de-

s houl d mak e the d e c i s i on s � " For t h i s to be c ome p o s s i bl e ,

the a c t i on c omm i t t e e · · m i l i t ant s call for a ' ' r eu n i o n o f al l
termine their action and their goal, and they will or-

the s tr i k er s , u n i o n i z e d or no t , _ i n a c ont i nual General

ganize concrete tasks like the strike pickets, the dis-

In th i s A s s embl y , t h e work e r s wi l l fr e e l y d e ­
tribution of food, the preparation of demonstrations..."

The action committee militants call on the workers to

transform the occupied factory into a place for collec-
tive expression by the workers.
Workers who are contacted by the Censier militants,
A s s em bl y .
t e rm i n e t he i r a c t i on and t he i r goal , and th e y wi l l or - _
gani z e c o n c r e t e . ta sk s l i k e t he s t r i k e p i ck e t s , t h e d i s ­

tri but i on o f f o o d , t h e pre para t i o n o f d em on s trat i on s 11 1

. • •

The a c t i on c omm i t t e e m i l i tant s cal l on the work e r s to

or who are reached by the leaflets, do express themselves,

tran s form t h e o c cu p i ed fac tory i n t o a pl ac e for c o l l e c ­

they do discuss, and through discussions they do become

conscious of their power. However, it was not in the

factories that they expressed themselves, but in the

t i ve e x pr e s s i on by the work er s .
"liberated zone," in Censier. By letting Censier become

the place for the creative expression of workers, tne

Work er s who are c onta c t e d by the C e n s 1 P.r m i l i t a n t s ,

place for collective learning, the workers failed to

or wh o are r e a c h e d by t h e l ea f l e t s , do expr e s s t h em s e l ve s ,
they d o d i s c u s s , a nd t hr o ugh d i s c u s s i o n s t h e y d o b e c om e
transform the factories into places for creative self-

However , i t wa s n o t i n the
expression. In Censier the workers liberated themselves:

they did not overthrow the capitalist system. In Censier,

revolution was an idea, not an action.
The discussions at the Censier general assemblies
were heated. Conflicting conceptions of workers' power,
c on s c i ou s of the i r powe r .
fac t or i e s tha t t h e y expre s s ed them s e l v e s , bu t i n the
" l i be ra t e d z one , '' i n C e n s i e r . By l e t t i ng C e n s i e r b e c om e

t h e pl a c e f or the c r ea t i ve e xpre s s i on o f work er s , the

pl a c e f or c ol l e c t i ve l e ar n i ng , t h e work e r s fai l e d to
of socialism, of revolution, clashed. But the discus-

tra n s form the fa c t or i e s i n t o p l a c e s for crea t i ve s e l f ­

sions were liberating. The starting point of every dis-

I n Ce n s i e r t h e work e r s l i bera t e d t h em s e l ve s ;
cussion was the actual situation of the occupants of-£en-

expre s s i o n .
they d i d not ove r t hrow the cap i tal i s t s y s t em . I n C e n s i er ,
sier: the constituents decided about and controlled their

Leaflet: "Camarades," Comite d'Action Travailleurs-

Etudiants, Sorborme and Censier, May 20, 1968.

r e volu t i on wa s an i d e a , no t an a c t i o n .

The d i s cu s s i on s a t t h e C e n s i er g e n eral a s s em bl i e s
wer e heat e d . C o nfl i c ti ng c o n c e p t i o n s o f work er s ' power ,
o f s o c i al i sm , o f revolu t i o n , c l a sh e d . Bu t the d i s cu s ­
s i on s were l i bera t i ng . The s tar t i n g po i nt o f every d i s ­
c u s s i o n wa s the a c tual s i tua t i on o f th e o c cu pan t s of.- .Cen­
s i er : the c o n s t i tue nt s d e c i d e d about and c ontr ol l e d the i r

1L e afl e t : " C amarad e s , " C o mi t e d ' Ac t i o n T rava i l l eurs ­

E t ud i ant s , S o rbonne and C ens i e r , May 20 , 1968 .
 57

own a c t i v i ty ; they d i d not g i v e the i r power t o l eade r s ,

57

del e ga t e s or r e pre s e ntat i v e s who c o ntr ol l ed t hem i n the i r

own activity; they did not give their power to leaders,

nam e . Thi s wa s not expl o i ta t i on for a d i f f e r e nt pr i c e ,

or by d i f f ere nt peopl e ; i t wa s a d i f f erent q ual i ty o f
delegates or representatives who controlled them in their

And s peak er s dr ew c onclu s i on s from t h i s qual i ta t i ve

name. This was not exploitation for a different price,

or by different people; it was a different quality of

l i fe .
life. And speakers drew conclusions from this qualitative
tra n s f orma t i o n of s o c. 1 al r e l a t i ons .
transformation of social relations.

I n our o pi n i o n s o c i al i s m mus t be d e fined as the ove rthrow

prod u c t i o n
In our opinion socialism must be defined as the overthrow

of the relations of production. This is the fundamental

of the r e l a t i o ns of . Thi s is the fundamenta1
point which allows us to unmask all the bourgeois and

po int whi ch all o w s us to unmas k a11 the bourge o i s and

bureauc rat i c t endenc i e s whi c h c all thems elv e s s o c i al i s t . •
bureaucratic tendencies which call themselves socialist."

Two p r 1 � c 1 p al t e nden c i e s ar e t h e n unma sk ed :

Two principal tendencies are then unmasked:

—the first defines socialism as the nationalization of

means of production and as planning. It's obvious that

nationalization can change property relations, but it

- - the f i rs t d e fines s o c i al i s m as the nat i o nal i z a t i o n o f
m e an s of p roduc t i on an d a s planning . It ' s o bv i ous that
cannot in any way change relations of production. Con-

nat ional i z a t i o n c an change pro perty relat i ons , but it

cretely, the worker continues to submit to a hierarchic

authority in the process of production and in all other

areas of social life. This current is represented in

c anno t i n any way change relat i ons of pro d uc t i on . C on ­
France by the French Communist Party, which proposes
c re t e ly , the w o r k e r c o nt inues to su bmi t to a hi e rarc hic
this model of socialism afe a long-term objective. It is aut h o r i t y in th e pro c e s s of produc t i o n and in all o th e r
also represented by pro-Chinese grouplets and by numerous

areas of s o c i al life . Thi s current is r e p r e s ent ed in

F ranc e by t h e French C o mmuni s t P ar ty , whi ch propo s e s
other micro-bureaucracies who advertise their Bolshevism.

this model of s o c i al i s m a� a l ong t e rm o b j e c t ive . I t i'

—the second current, com-

-
posed of intelligent so-

cial-democrats ,... insists

al s o repre s ented by p r o - C hine s e group1 e t s and by nume rous
on the notion of worker-
o th e r mi c ro - bur e au c rac i e s who ad v e r t i s e their Bolshev i s m .
management , but without

ever posing the problem

- - th e s e c o nd c urren t , c o m­
of the overthrow of ca-
posed of in t e lli ge nt so­
pitalism. Thus they pre-
c i al - d e mo c ra t s , . • . in s i s t s
sent conceptions of co-

on the no t i o n o f worker­
management , but w i thout
management and self-manage-

ever p o s ing the pro blem

ment which can easily be

assimilated by capitalism,

since, in the context of

of the ove r t hrow of c a­
the present system, they p i t al i s m . Thus they pre ­
will at best lead to a
s ent c onc e p t i ons of co­
management and s e l f - manage ­
situation where the

m e nt wh i c h c an e as i ly be
c a p i t al i s m ,
workers manage their own

exploitation. This cur-

rent is represented in
as s i mi l a t e d by
France by certain anarchist groups, and above all, in a
s inc e , in the c ont ex t of
more elaborated form, by the centralist bureaucracy of
the p r e s ent system , they
the United Socialist Party (P.S.U.), which has gained

w i 11 a t best l e ad to a
s i tuat i on w h e r e the
some influence in the present crisis through its in-

w o rk e r s man age t h e i r 2J!.!!

termediaries in the leadership of the U.N.K.F. (The

e x pl o i t at i on . Thi s c u r ­
student union) and the S.N.ii. Sup. (the professors'

i s r e pre s e n t e d i n
union). The same theses are presented, with some

variants, by the leadership of the G.F.D.T. (French

r ent
Democratic Federation of Labor)."
F ran c e by c ert a i n anarc h i s t g r o ups , an d a b o v e all , in a
These conceptions are abandoned. They are replaced by a

mo r e e l ab o rat ed f o rm , by the c en t ral i s t bu r e au c racy of

th e Un i t e d S o c i al i s t P ar t y (P. 0 .U. ) , whi c h has ga i ne d
generalization of what is in fact taking place at Censier,

s ome i nflu enc e in the present c ri s i s t hrough its in­

in t h e l e ad e r s h i p o f t h e U . N . � . F .
0 .N.�.
t e rm e d i ari e s ( The
s tud e nt un i o n ) and the Sup . ( t he p ro f e s s o rs '
uni o n ) . Th� s ame th e s e s are pre s e nt e d , w i th s o me
var i ant s , by the l e ad e rs h i p of
the C .F.D.T. ( French
D e mo c rat i c F e d e rat i o n of Lab o r ) . "

The s e c o n c e p t i on g are a ba nd o ned They ar e replac e d by a .

e
� n era l 1 zat 1 o n of wha t i s i n fa c t tak i n� pl a c e at Ce n s i er ,
58

•
namely a general ization

GAMARAOlS OUVRl£RS I
of a real expei:ience.
Our conception of so­

CONTRf LfS PROVOCATIONS

cialism is the follow­
ing:

, PATRONAl[S fT POLICIER£S --the workers dir�ctly

CONTRf lf OEFAffiSM[ El
organize and control the
entire process of pro­

LA CAPITUlATION
duction and all other
aspects of soc ial life.

POUR lA SATISrACTION 0[
The organs of this or­
ganization and control

TOUTf S l[S RfVE�OICATIONS

cannot be defined in ad­
vance. We can only say

RfJOIGNONS NOTRE POSTE

that the organization
will not be carried out

OE COMBAT COHlll lf fJ\PITAl

by a party or by a union
• • • This obviously im­

t • USINE OCCUP££ I
plies the suppression of
all hierarchies, on all
levels . l

ORGANISONS l'AUTOOEFfNS[ t This i s a call for

·NOUS VAIN�RONS ! --
�

•
the death of capitalism.
a call for the appro­
priation of social power
by society. a call for
(Fellow workers! Against the workers to appropriate
provocations of the owners and the productive power
the police; against defeatism alienated to cao1talists.
and capitulation; £or the sa­ a call for peop e to ap­ l
tisfaction of all our demand s , propriate the decisi on­
let ' s return t o our combat post making power ali enated to
against Capital : the occupied the tops of hierarchies,
factory! Let ' s organiz e our a call for everyone to
self defense. We wiil win! )
appropriate the power to
think and act alienated
to specialists and re­
presentatives.

It ' s the last week in May. Increasing numbers of

workers take part in the general assembl ies at Censier
and at other universities. This i s no 11grouplet , 11 no
"vanguard party ; " i t ' s a revolutionary mass movement.
At this point it is ludicrous to Censier militants that
a t some universities there are still 11students" discus­
sing university reform and reorganization.

For the Censier militants, 11anything is possible. 11

The potentialities of the revolutionary situation are

1
"Rapport d ' Orientation" ( Orientation Report ), read
and discussed at the General Assembly of the Workers-Stu­
dents Action Committees of Censier on May 25 ( ? ) , 1968.
 59

e l a bora t e d i n l ea fl e t s , in general a s s embl y d i s cu s s i on s .

Al l
59

the pro grams and s t ru c t ur e s of the t rad i t i onal

o r g an i z at i o n s
elaborated in leaflets, in general assembly discussions.

w o rk i ng - c l as s hav e exploded . The qu e s ­

All the programs and structures of the traditional

working-class organizations have exploded. The ques-

tion of power has been posed. It's no longer a ques-

t i on of p o w e r has b e en po s ed . It ' s no l o ng e r a qu e s ­
tion of replacing one government with another, nor of t i on of re plac i ng one gove rnment with ano t h e r , nor of
replacing one regime with another. It's a question of
re p l a c i ng o ne re g i me w i th an o th e r . It ' s a que s t i on of
i n s t al l i n g the
s o c i e ty ;
installing the Power of the entire working class over

Power of the ent i r e wo rking c lass over

the who l e it ' s a qu e s t i o n of the aboli t i o n of
the whole society; it's a question of the abolition of

class society.-1-

1
Not only in France, but in the entire capitalist region.
c l as s soc iety .

N o t onl y i n Franc e , bu t i n t h e ent i re cap i tal i s t regi on.

The destruction of the capitalist state and its repres-

sive apparatus (the army and the police), the force which

The d e s truc t i on o f t h e capi tal i s t s ta t e and 1 t s repre s­

s i v e a npara t u s ( the army and the pol i c e ) , the for c e wh i c h
protects the transfer of the world's wealth from "back-

ward" to "developed" regions and from lower to upper

classes, is eliminated. The lack of a regime, of a go-

pro t e c t s t h e trans fer of t h e world ' s weal t h from " te. ck -

vernment, makes it as urgent to extend the revolution

ward '' to " d evel oped " regi o n s and from l ower to upper
c l a s s e s , i s e l im i na t e d . The l ack of a regime , o f a go­
beyond the borders of France as it is to extend it beyond

vernm e n t , mak e � it as urg e n t to ext end the r e vol u t i o n

the borders of Censier. This point is made in a general

assembly; it raises a furor; it's a point that hasn't

been raised by revolutionary socialists since the victory

bey ond t he bord e r s o f Franc e a s i t i s to e x t e nd i t beyond
of Stalin's conception of "socialism in one country."
the bord e r s o f Ce n s i er . Thi s po i nt i s mad e i n a ge neral
a s s embl y ; i t r a i s e s a fur or : i t ' s a p o i nt t ha t ha sn ' t
b e e n ra i s ed by revol u t i o nR r y s o c i al i s t s s i n c e the vi c tory
In Belgium, in Germany, in Italy, in England, in

Holland, in all capitalist countries, struggles

of S tal i n ' s c on c e o t i o n o f " s9 c i al i sm in one c ountry . "

similar to ours or in solidarity with our struggle,

are developing.

In Belgium , in Ge rmany , in I t aly , in England , in

The economy is paralyzed. All places of work are oc-

cupied by the workers. The power of the capitalist regime

is suspended:
H o lland , in all c ap i t al i s t c oun t ri e s , s t ruggl e s
...it has lost its factories, it has lost control over s i mi l a r to o u rs or in s o l i d ari t y w i t h o u r s t ruggle ,
2
economic activity, it has lost its wealth. It ha6 lost

are d e v e l o ping .
everything; all it has left is power: this has to be

taken.-'

The e c onomy i s paral y zed . Al l pla c e s o f work are o c ­

cup i ed b y the work e r s . The power o f t h e capi tal i s t r e g im e
The question of power is posed. The first step is

realized: the producers physically occupy the places of

work: "the red flag of the working class and not that of
i s su spended :
a party floats everywhere." The next step is for the

workers to express themselves, "to organize themselves

. . . it has lo s t its fac t o ri e s , it has lost c o n t ro l over
and to develop their enormous capacity for initiative."4 e c onomi c a c t ivi ty , it has los t its w e al t h . It has lost
At this point, expression is translated into action, the
eve ry t h i n g ; all it h as l e ft is pow e r : this h as to be
3
consciousness of collective power is followed by the or-

t ake n .
ganization of collective power, the strike is transformed

into an "active strike." And at that point,

Leaflet: "Que Faire?" Comite d'Action Travailleurs- The q u e s t i on o f power i s po s e d . The f i r s t s t e p 1 s

Etudiants, Cenoier, May 25, 1968.
real i z ed : the produc er s phy s i cal l y o c c upy the pl ac e s o f
2

work : tt t h e red flag of the work i ng cl a s s and not that of

a pa r t y f l oat s everywhere . .. The nex t step is for t he
Leaflet: "De Gaulle a la Porte I" Les Comites d'Action,

work er s t o expre s s them s e l ve s , " t o organi z e them s el ve s

May 24, 1968.

a nd t o d e v e l o p the i r enormous capac i t y for i n1 t i a t i ve . tt 4

-'ibid. 4,,Que Paire?"

At th i s p o i nt , expr e s s i on 1 � tran slated i nto a c t i on , t he

c o n s c i o us ne s s o f c ol l e c t i v e power i s fo l l owed by t he or ­
gan i za t i o n o f c oll e c t i ve power , t h e s tr i k e i s tran s f ormed
into an "ac t i ve s tr i k e . •• A nd at that point ,

l
Leafle t : " Que F ai r e ? " C o mi t e d ' Ac t i o n Trava i l l eure -
E t ud i ant s , C en � i e r , May 25 , 1968 .

2
L e afl e t : " De Gaul le a la }J o r t e ! " Les C o mi t e s d ' Ac t i on ,
May 24 , l968 .
41
3!.E.i£ . 1 Q ue F a i re ? "
60

we are the power

• • • violence ie inevitable so 1ong aa the menace 0£

losing all they 've conquered hangs over the workers,
so long as the repressive power of the State con­
tinues to exist . . . Now the workers will have to or­
ganize the-ir own power everywhere in order to de­
stroy this repressiv.e power at its roots . . . The
workers must prepare themselves by organizing armed
retaliation to any provocation They must de­
• • • •

stroy the very sources of power by making the bour­

geoisie useless, by taking over the organization of
production and distribution. 1
• the state apparatus , whether bourgeois or bureau­
• .

cratic, is destroyed. There is no longer any spe­

cialized repressive corps ( police, army, et c . ) ; these
bodies have given way to the general armament of the
working popu1ation . 2
Capitalism 1 s destroyed; alienation i s annihilated; an
adventure be�ins: the working population organizes its
own social activities; people consciously create their
own material and social conditions.

These perspectives were expressed in the general as­

sembl i e s of Censier. However, Censier was not the place
where expression could be translated into social action,
where the consciousness of collective power could be
transformed into an organization of collective power,
where the strike could be transformed into an act·i ve
strike. And when, at the very end of May, the workers
of a chemical plant told the assembly that they had be­
gun to express themselves in their factory, everyone
understood. "Until now w e ' v e been kept from speaking;
but we've taken the floor, w e ' v e learned to speak, and
this i s irreversible. 11 3 They had formed rank and file

1Ibid .
2 "Rapport d ' Orientation , " cited above.

3Leaf1et : "Rhane-Poulenc , " Le Comite Centrale de

Greve (Rhene Poulenc , Central Strike Committee ) , May 28 ,
1968.
 61

c om m i t t e e s " c ompo sed of al l the workers of a s e c tor . The

c omm l t t e e i s the ex pre s s i on of the w i l l of the work er s . ''
6l

T h i s i s w h a t had to be d one i n all the factor i e s when

committees "composed of all the workers of a sector. The

committee Is the expression of the will of the workers."

This is what had to be done in all the factories when

t he s tr i k e began ; t h 1 s i s w ha t w i l l be d o ne when the next

the strike began; this is what will be done when the next

� t r i k e be g i n s . The p e � s p e c t i ve s were i n the pa s t , or i n

t h e f u t ure ; i t had not be en done ; Cens i e r had s erved a s
strike begins. The perspectives were in the past, or in

a s u b s t i tute .
the future; it had not been done; Censier had served as

a substitute.

The Unveiling of Repression and Propaganda

Revolution is as much of a threat to the Communist

Party as to the factory owners. The Party has acquired

The U n ve i l i n g of Re p ress i o n and Pro p ag an da

a vested interest in the law and order of capitalist

society: it has enormous financial resources, a for-

Revol u t i on i s a s mu c h o f a threa t t o t h e C ommun is t

midable electoral machine, and controls France's major

union. It has vested interests in its long-range poli-

tical program and in its strategy for eventual parlia- Par ty a s t o the fa c t ory owner s . The Party ha s acq u i red
mentary victory. It has a vested interest in its fa-

a v e s t e d i n tere s t i n the law and order of cap i tal i s t

s o c i e t y : i t ha s e normou s f i nanc i al re s our c e s , a for­
bulous bureaucratic structure. The Communist Party could

m i d a bl e e l e c t oral mac h i ne , a nd c o ntrol s Franc e ' s ma j or

not have "led" the working-class to revolution. "Waldeck

uni on. I t ha s ve s ted i nt ere s t s i n i t s long-range pol i ­

-Rochet for Dictator of the Proletariat"1 would in any

case have been a ludicrous slogan in a literate society

in the middle of the 20th Century. The conauest of power

t i cal pr ogram and i n i t s str a t e gy for e v en tual parl i a­
by the workers m � n ta r y v i c t o r y . I t ha s a ve s ted i ntere s t i n 1 t s fa­
would have put
bul ou s bu reaucra t i c s truc tur e . The Communi s t Par ty c oul�
an end to the

no t have " l ed " the work i ng · c l a s s to revol ut i o n . " Walde cTc

- R o c h e t f or D i c ta t or o f t h e Prol e tar i a t •• l woul d i n any
Communist Party's

c a s e have be e n a l u d i c rou s sl o g an in a l i tera t e s o c i e t y

political pro-

The c o na u e s t o f powe r
gram and to its

strategy for wr-

i n t h e m i d d l e o f t h e 2 0 t h Centu ry .
b:v the w o rk e r s
wo1 1 l d ha v e p u t
liamentary vic-

tory; it would

an end to t h e
have annihilated

C ommun i s t Pa rty ' s

the Party's fi-

o ol i t i c a l pro­
nancial resources,

its electoral ma-

chine, and its gram and to i t s

union. To have

s tra t e gy for � r­
contributed to

l i amentar:v vi c ­
t orv ; i t would
the conquest of

ha ve ann i h i l at e d
power by the

the Pa rty ' s f i ­

workers, the

Communist Party

would have had

nan c i al r e s our c e s .
to bury itself.

i t s e l e c t o r al ma ­
chine , And i t s
But the Communist

To hav e
T
union .
Party is one of

�!
I .
S=J^»

c o n t r i bu ted to
1
-Waldeck-Rochet is the top official of the French

the � o nq u e s t o f
J
Communist Party.

power by the
2

I � '
L'Humanity is the official newspaper of the French

wo rk e r s , t h e � �.
Communist Party.

Com m un i s t Pa r t y

v t:. "
would have had
t o bury i t s el f . -- ' -;: 1 1\f [) Y:'.J " ..;. � c, L� LA RL\f ?U� l'1 1 s �� ;
l'" ' 11-i rH r & f -rn. Q C,,l 131-t.: 1'1 1\ µ. £. R <-; f\ r\: i)
1

Bu t the C omm u n i s t
·; l i' L' \, G ( i\ T E U � ,:_ � 2
·

Par t y i s o n e o f

1wald eck-Rochet is the top o f f i c i al of the Frenc h

C o mmun i s t Party .

2
L 1 Human i t � is the o ffi c i al n e w s pa p e r of the Frenc h
C ommuni s t Party .
 62

the major political forces i n mo­

dern capital i s t society: l i k e other
institutions, it has a vested in­
terest in i t s own continued exist­
ence. Consequently, the power, the
experience and the knowledge of t h e
Party and the General Federation of
Labor were all mobilized to destroy
the revolution.

.
The Government and the Union.
the Capital ists and the Commun i s t s ,
mobilized their instruments of re­
pression and propaganda to keep the
student example from overflowing
into the working class.
.
One of the
government ' s first acts was to have
_..... .

the police occupy the radio trans-

mission center (at the Eifel Tower).
One of the Union ' s first acts was
to take absolute control over everv loudspeaker system i n
every occupied factory. Both the Capital i s t and the Com­
mun-1st ·press repeated the "news" about students concerned
over tests and workers con�erned over wages. hopin� to
bring this s ituation into existence by mentionin� i t end­
lessly.

The press did not mention the fact th1=1.t thP �tudents
were running their own social a c t i v i t i e s . This wA.s not due
to ignoranc e , er to lAck of information. Censlf<r. for e:x­
ample , was wide open to the publ i c , to the pres s , even to
cops ( i n plain clothes. obviously; they weren ' t invited,
but they came; no one stopped them ) . Reporters wer:t to
Censier; they looked for the leaders. the responsiblf' s ,
the organtzational headquarters. and thi;>y found none. They
were d i sappointed, uYJ·impre ssed; nothinfr was ha ppen1 l'l.ll' at
Gensler, and i n any case 1 t was anarchy and chaos. A
population who depended on orders from super iors. on in­
structions from leaders. was not .: , ';>·§.V!
>.told that the population of Censi erf.·
.

LA POLIC E
had done away with superiors and
leaders.

In fact, all the techniques A L "ORTr

known to the ''science of infor­
mation'' were used to keep the
population asleep, to reinforce
their dependence on superiors,
leaders, spoke sm.en, bosses. If !
leaders d i d n ' t exist, then they ''
had to be invented. The press
itself went on to install the
Spokesmen, the Representatives,
the Leaders. Obscure bureaucrats, C. 'f:ST LA !?Of!. ic E

CHEZ VO�S
vigorous professors, outspoken

...
!--
- --------..
- .;.,...-
., --•,·
 63

£
�
m i l i tants. were transformed by the
p r e s s into. the Lenins. the Maos and
the Ches of the Revolution. Thus
Jacques Sauvageot. vice -president
of th� student union. 'became the
Spoke sman of the Student Move­
m e n t ; Alain Geismar. former sec­
r e t a r y of the professors• union.
became the Representative of the
enra�ed students and professors;
and Daniel Cohn-Bend i t became the
Leader of the Madmen.

Dany Cohn-Bendi t was the

favor i t e . His German origins
were poi�ted out so as to keep
a n t i-Germans well informed about
the situation. and h i s Jewish
crr i g i n s were pointed. out to put
anti-Semites on �uard . Then the situation was clear to
e
a l l o f the middl class. and to most of the working clasa:
t h e i r polite sons and daugttters had been led to violent.
irre sponsitle. anarchi s t i c . anti-Patri otic demonstra­
t i o n s by a little foreign agitator. And the choice was
made lucidly clear for all responsible people. It was
all a m�tter of one or another Leader. Did the French­
man prefer a responsibl e . even i f slightly senile. De
Gaull e . or a German-Jewish Anarchist? Did the worker
prefer a responsibl e .
even i f slightly bureau­
crati c . union official ,
or a German-Jewish
Anarchist? The circus
had to end; the fac.­
tory owner s , the govern­
ment and the press had
�rown tired of i t ; work­
ers had to return to
their jobs. students to
their tests. Everyone
would have a chance to
vote for h i s prefered
Leader i n the coming
election.

The Unlon • s major

task was to keep the oc­
cupied factories from
being transformed into
places where the work­
ers could express them­
selves creatively. Thls

¥tf 1
had. to be done without
the intervention of the
police, i f possibl e ,
 64

(.. C M i2. /:\ l> e- S � l.j () t, , l A tJ ' T i � A 6 (N €. W #+ 'J'

T
'- O fl t �
TlfE 1:: /J c M 1 e s o + Y O ifi 1:! .Dt:L�C1ATE , w H o
· o (,1 , D'4 � t To �A y � B 0(,1 T H 1 M .
6k

$'$>$%**

^•vH^ii *♦

C.6.T

Vl/OWH/tKI

since an inopportune attack by the cops during the general

strike could have led workers to start organizing their

self-defense. The union managed this operation soon after

the outbreak of the strike. Union officials placed them-

selves at the head of the "movement"; they held on to all

the loudspeakers and "initiated" the occupation of the

factory; the Union bureaucracy then proceeded to "occupy"

the factory instead of the workers. Inside the Union-

occupied factory, no one expressed himself: union offi-

cials read prepared speeches over the loudspeakers to an

audience composed largely of union delegates. The work-

ers inside the factory were not all enthusiastic about the

"occupation"; those who were unenthusiastic did not ap-

plaud the speeches read by officials over loudpseakers,

and in the evening they went to Censier to analyze what

had to be done.

Action committee militants were aware of what was

happening. "The policy of the union leaders is extremely

clear; unable to oppose the strike, they're trying to

isolate the most combative workers inside the factories,

they're trying to let the strike rot so as to make the

�� \�'\� � � � �\ '1Joa,.1A1�t( I

s i n c e a n i no ppor tune a t ta ck by t h e c op s dur i ng t h e general

s tr i k e c ould have l e d work er s to s tart organ i z i ng the i r
s e l f - d e f en s e . The un i on managed t h i s opera t i on s o o n a f t e r
t h e outbreak o f t h e s tr ik e . Uni o n o f f i c i al s pla c e d them­
s e l v e s a t t h e head o f t h e "movem e n t " ; they held on t o all
the l oud s p eak e r s and " i ni t ia t e d " t h e o c c upat i o n o f t he
fa c t ory ; the U n i on bur eau c ra c y t h e n pr o c e ed e d to 11 o c cupy ''
the fac t ory i n s t ead of t h e work er s . I n s i de the U n i on­
o c cu p i ed fa c t ory , no one expr e s s e d him s el f : un i o n o f f i ­
c i al s r ead prepared sp e e c h e s over t he l ou d s peak e r s to an
aud i en c e c ompo s ed large l y o f u ni on del egat e s . The work ­
e r s i n s i d e t h e fac t ory were n o t all enthu s i a s t i c a bou t the
" o c cupat i o n " ; t ho s e who were u n e nthu s ia s t i c did not ap­
pl aud the s p e e c he s r ead by o f f i c i al s over l oudp s eak er s ,
a nd i n the eveni ng t he y wen t to C e n s i e r to anal y z e what
had to be done .

A c t i on c omm i t t e e m i l i tant s were aware o f wha t wa s

happ e n i ng . " Th e p ol i c y o f t he uni on l eader s i s ex trem e l y
c l ear ; unabl e to o pp o s e t h e s t r ik e , t h e y ' re try i ng t o
i s o la t e t h e m o s t c om ba t i ve work e r s i n s i d e t h e fac t or i e s ,
t h e y ' re try i ng t o l e t t he s tr i k e r o t s o a s to mak e t h e
 6S

strikers accept the agreement which they'll reach with

the bosses. And the bosses are in fact ready to nego­
tiate, to give some union leaders more power , the way
their likes have already done in other countries. If
they have to, they w o n ' t hesitate to recognize the union
l o cal, in order to increase their control over , and to
minimize, the workers' demands. 11 1

The Union ' s next major task i s to prevent contacts

between the workers and the student s, to keep the cons­
ciousness of ·collective power fran overflowing into the
factories. .This is done by a combination of propaganda
and force. On the level of propaganda. th e workers are
told that the problem� of students have nothing in com­
mon with the problems of workers : that students are
worried about tests and want to have a Modern University,
and that in any ease the student s • Leader, Dany Cohn­
Bendi t, has n o understanding of the workers' problems
and cannot negotiate for the worker s • consequently, t h e
workers must let the union . officials negotiate for thelli..
On the level of forc.e : the workers are locked: in, the
students are locked out . The majority of workers, in
fact, are not inside the factory: they•re kept away by
the fact that nothing happens there: these workers are
home, listening to the government on the radio, reading
the bourgeois press, and waiting for the strike to end;
they're safely removed from the possibility of becoming
conscious of anything.

The minority of workers who occupy the factory are

l o cked i n : thus they're kept away from the action commit­
tee militants outside, and they're exposed to the speeches

1
Leaf1 e t : "Camarades , " Comit� d ' Action Travai11eurs­
Etudiants, Sorbonne and Censier, May 20, 1968.
 66

66

MMM

"To Work Now means To Work with a Gun in Your Back"

inside. The strike pickets appointed by Union and Party

officials play cards and wait for the strike to end. The

action committee militants who come to the factory en-

trances get as far as the strike pickets, who are instruc-

ted not to let the militants inside, not to let the mili-

tants talk to workers, not to take the "provocators and

adventurists" seriously, and to chase them away by any

means necessary in case crowds of workers collect around

them.

In factories occupied in this manner, no one ex-

presses anything, no one learns; the level of conscious-

ness remains where it was before the strike. The work-

ers are told by their "spokesmen" that what they

want is higher wages and improved conditions, and that

only the union can negotiate these gains for them. The

whole strike is reduced to the problem of quantitative

improvements and material gains within capitalist so-

ciety. Locked into the factories by appointed strike

pickets, spoken-for by union officials, told by loud-

speakers and press that the militants outside are anar-

chistic provocators who follow an irresponsible foreign

Leader, the workers become even more dependent. Chained

" To Work Now mean s T o W ork wi t h a Gun i n Your Ba c k "

i n s id e . T h e s t r i k e p i ck e t s app o i nted b y Uni on a nd Party

o f f i c ial s pl ay card s and wa i t for the s t r i k e t o end . The
a c t i on comm i t t e e m i l i tant s wh o c ome to the fa c t ory e n­
tra nc e s ge t a s far a s the � tr i k e p i ck e t s . who are i n s t ru c ­
ted n o t t o l e t t h e m i l i tant s i n s i d e , n o t t o l e t t h e m i l i ­
tant s talk to work e r s , not to tak e t he '' provoca t or s and
adve ntur i s t s tt s e r i ou sl y , and to c ha s e them away by any
means ne c e s sary in c a s e c r owd s o f work e r s c ol l e c t around
them .

In fa c to r i e s o c c up i ed i n th i s mann e r , no one ex­

pre s s e s any t h i ng , n o one l earns ; t he l e vel o f c on s c i ous­
ne s s rema i n s where i t wa s be f ore the s tr i k e . The wo rk ­
ers are told by t he i r " spok e sme n '' tha t wh a t th e y
want i s hi gher wag e s and improved c ond i t i o n s , and that
onl y the un i on can neg o t i a t e t he se ga i n s for them . The
whol e s trike i s redu c e d to the pro bl em o f q uan t i ta t i ve
improvement s and ma ter ial ga i n s wi t h i n cap i tal i s t s o ­
c i e ty . L o ck ed i nto t h e fa c tor i e s by appo i n ted s tr i k e
p i ck e t s , spok e n-for by un i o n o f f i c i al s , t o l d by l oud ­
s p eak e r s and p�e s s t ha t the m t l 1 ta n t s ou t s i d e are A rar­
c h i s t i c provoc a t o r s who foll ow an i rre s po n s i bl e f o r e i � n
Lead e r , t h e work ers be c ome e v e n m ore d e p e nd e n t . ChA i n ed
 67

to a context in which all their powers are alienated, the

workers view their possibilities from the vantage point
of powerlessness--and from this vantage point, nothing
i s possible and nothing i s learned.

For example, when peasants contact Censier and of­

fer chickens at cost price, and whPn other peasants offer
potatoes free, action committee militants are excited1
i t ' s the beginning of the active strike. Trucks have to
be placed at the service of the strikers to deliver the
food. Militants approach the strike picket of an auto
factory. The union guards at the entrance aren ' t in­
terested. The Boss wouldn ' t give permission to let the
strikers use one of his trucks , and in any case the
Union Canteen buys i t s food through established channels.
Union officials hear about the proposition. Like small
businessmen they calculate the quantitative gains ror
the union treasury. They accept: i t ' s a good buy . They
send a union truck for the food. Communist officials and
a Commun ist strike committee cannot imagine any social
relations other than capital ist relations.

Thus the occupied fa�tories are not transformed 1n o l

places for e�pression and learning: general assembli e s
are not formed ; workers do not become conscious o f their
collective power, and they do not appropriate society ' s
productive forces. The appropriation of social power by
the working population would have meant the tran�forma­
tton of the entire society into a place for collective
expression, 9 place for active, conscious, de-alienated
creation. Such anarchy i s averted. Toward the end of
the st�ike, rank and file comm ittees are formed in fac­
tory after factory. The workers i n these committees are
acutely aware of the means which were used to avert the
appropriatlon of social power by the workers--this time.

Once the factories are removed from the workers by

N[CO.
I
the Unions, the police attack the universities. In
order to ,justify the repre ssion,
scape�oats have to be found. Those
who are singled out are the re­
volutionary grouplets, the van­
guards whose importance had de­
lJ N

ft .
clined during the �eight of the
crisis. The revolutionary group­
lets are outlawed, several of
c · rs
their members are thrown i n

L�
jail. It is at this point that
the vanguard revolutionaries re­
gain their lost importanc e. Their
role as vanguards has been cer­
tified by the capitalist State,
•
and is daily confirmed by the
bourgeo i s press. The banned
revoluti onari e s return to Censier.
llNegotiation i s a Trap"
 68

Th i s t i m e t h e y ' r e not c ha s e d out . Eve ryone i s s ympa th e t i c .

M e e t i ng s to pro t e s t the ban ar e he l d .
68

This time they're not chased out. Everyone is sympathetic.

Demo n s tra t i ons t o
Meetings to protest the ban are held. Demonstrations to p r o t e s t t h e incar c e ra t ion o f c omrad e s are pl ann e d . The r e ­
protest the incarceration of comrades are planned. The re-

volu t i onar i e s ar e f o l l owed b y co p s . A s e nt i nel i s pl a c e d

volutionaries are followed by cops. A sentinel is placed

a t t h e e ntranc e of C e n s i er - - for the f i r s t t ime s i nc e t he

o c cupa t i on . The revol u t i o nary groupl e t s ar e f i gh t i ng t o
at the entrance of Censier—for the first time since the

occupation. The revolutionary grouplets are fighting to

save themselves: it's time to get organized. A frantic

save t h em s e l ve s : i t ' s t i m e t o ge t organ i z e d . A fran t i c
atmosphere and elements of paranoia are introduced to
atm o s p here and el ement s o f parano ia ar e i ntrodu c ed t o
Censier.
Cens ier.
Censier is transformed. Action committee militants

see themselves looked at, the same way students are looked

C e n s i er i s trans f ormed . A c t i o n c omm i t t e e m i l i tant s

s e e t h em s e l ve s l ooked a t , the sam e way s tudent s are l o ok e d
at by professors. The militants are rated, classed. They

The m 1 1 1 ta n t s a r e ra t e d , cl a s s ed . T h e y
are once again an underclass: they are politically un-

formed, they are unshaped dough. They are raw material

which is to be coordinated, organized, led.
It is at this point that the worker-student commit-
tees leave Censier. The General Assembly of the Worker-
at by pro f e s s or s .
a r e onc e aga i n an und e r c l a s s : t h e y a r e pol i t i call y un­
formed , t h e y are u n s ha p e d dough . They are raw mat e r i al

wh i c h i s to be c oord i nated , organi z e d , l ed .

Student Action Committees changes its name: it becomes

I t i s at t h i s p o i nt t ha t t h e work er- s t ud e n t c omm i t ­

the Inter-enterprise Committee. It is now composed main-

t e e s l eave C e n s i e r . The General A s s embl y o f the Work er­

ly of workers from various enterprises; it becomes an oc-

casion for members of newly formed rank and file commit-

tees to exchange experiences. It no longer meets daily,

S tudent Ac ti �n C omm i t t e e s c ha ng e s i t s name : it be c om e s
but once a week. Some individual factory committees,
t h e Inter- en terpr i s e Comm i t t e e . I t i s now c ompo sed ma i n ­
like the Citroen Committee, continue to lead an independ-

l y of work e r s from var i ous enterpri s e s ; i t b e c om e s a n o c ­

ent existence. Workers continue to express themselves,

c a s i on for m em bers o f newl y formed rank and f i l e c omm i t ­

t e e s t o e x c hange experi e nc e s . I t no l ong er me e t s da i l y ,
to learn, to initiate and to act within the action com-

bu t o n c e a week .
mittees. But the committees are no longer places for the

self-expression of all the workers; they're removed from

Som e i nd i vi dual fac tory comm i t t e e s ,
the factories and from the universities. They're groups
l ik e the C i tro�n C omm i t t e e , c o nt i nue t o l ead an i ndep e nd ­
of people. They have neither a strategy nor a political
e n t ex i s t e n c e . Work er s c ont i nue t o expr e s s t h em s e l ve s ,
program. They have a perspective. And they know they've

t o l earn , to i ni t i a t e and to a c t wi thi n the a c t i on c om ­

been had; they know how, and by whom.

m i t te e s . But the c omm i t t e e s are no l onger pl a c e s for t h e

s el f -expre s s i o n o f all the work er s ; t h e y ' r e removed from
The repression itself gives birth to the type of

"Left" described by the propaganda: a "Left" composed of

the fa c t or i e s and from t h e u n i ver s i t i e s . They ' re gr ou p s

They have n P. i ther a s tra tegy nnT R nol i t i c al
clandestine societies, persecuted vanguards, tragic lead-

ers, and even students concerned with student problems. o f p e opl e .

fORM COMIIiTTEtA TOR THE DETEHSE tjT
program . They have a p e r s pec t i ve . And t h e y know t h e y ' ve
THE RETU jSLlo!

b e e n had ; t h e y k now how , and by whom .

The r e pre s s i on i t s el f g i ve s b i r t h t o t he t y p e of
''Le f t tt d e s c r i bed by the propaganda : a " L e f t " c ompo s e d of
c l ande s t i n e s o c i e t i e s , per s e c u t e d vanguard s , trag i c l ead­
e r s , and even s t ud e n t s c onc erned w i t h s tud ent probl em s .

fO R M L(J i'1 l'1 1 IT £ f C, 'TC R Tfl E Jh:.7EN .t; C O T

TH E R E T u :h L I L- !
 69

69

It was a natural death, wasn't it?

]'Enrag£

When the general strike is over, when the worker-

student committees are gone, Censier becomes "organized"

for the first time since its occupation: it acquires an

internal hierarchy. The frustrated vanguard revolution-

aries, who had not been able to lead, to organize, to

plan during the crisis, now bring their talents to Cen-

sier. They forge themselves a place in a Central Commit-

tee of Occupation. They form a Central Coordinating Com-

mittee which assigns rooms to appropriate groups in order-

ly fashion. They explain that the "anarchists" are gone

now; that the ideas of the "anarchists" corresponded to

"an earlier stage of the struggle," and that now the

"struggle" reauires centralization, coordination, leader-

ship. They allocate rooms to new groups—new committees

--made up entirely of students. And they preside over

commissions on university reorganization and course

It was a natu ral death, wasn't it? l ' Enrag�

transformation.

"Student problems" come to Censier for the first time

since the occupation. On the heels of the "student prob-

lems" come the police. When the police occupy Censier

no one tries to defend the building: there's nothing to Wh e n t h e ge neral s t r i k e i s o v e r , when the work er­
defend; Censier now consists of a student "mass" concerned

s tudent c omm i t t e e s are gone , Cen s i er be c om e s '' organi z e d "

with the modalities of a reorganized University, and a

for t h e f i r s t t im e s i n c e i t s o c cu pa t i on : i t acq u i re s an
i n t � r na l h i e :rl3: r c h v . The fru � tra ted van g uard r e vol u t i on­
"vanguard" concerned with keeping itself in the Central

Committee. An empty shell is taken by the police.

ar i e s , who had not be e n abl e to l ead , to org a n i z e , to

plan d u r i n g t h e c r i � t s , n o w br i ng t he i r tal ent s t o Cen­
F. Perlman

� ier. Tr e y forge t h Am s el v e s a p l a c e in a Ce ntral Comm i t ­

t e e of O c r.upat i o n . Th e y form a Ce ntral Co ord i na t i ng C om­
m i t t e e wh i c h a s s i �n s room s t o appropri ate gr oup s i n order­
ly fa s h i o n . The y expl a i n t hat the "anarc h i s t s " are gone
n o w ; t ha t t he id ea s of �he ''B l1a r c h i s t s " c o rr e s pond e d to
" a n e a r l i e r s ta � e of the s t rugs:rJ -?. , " j:\nd that now t h e
' ' � tru p:gl e '' reo u i r e s c e n tra l i za t i on. , c o ord i na t i on , l ea d e r ­
ship. The y al l o ca t e room s to new group s - - new c omm 1 t t e a s
- -mad e u p en t i re l y of s tud e n t s . And t h e y pre s i de over
c omm i s s i ons on u n i v ers i ty re or�ani za ti on and cour s e
trari � f o rma t i o n .

" S tud e n t probl em s '' c om e to Cens i er for t h e f i r s t time

s i nc e thP. o c c upa t i on . On the he el s o f the '' s tudent prob­
l em s " c o m e the pol i c e . When the pol i c e o c cu p y C e n s 1 er
no o n e tr i e s to d e fend t he bu i l d i n g : t h ere ' s no t h i ng to
d e f e nd ; C e n s i e r now c o n s i s t s of a s tudent ''ma s s " c onc e rned
w i t h t h e modal i t i e s of a r e organ i z e d U n i v er s i ty , a nd a
•• vanp;u a r d " c on c erned w i t h k e e p i ng 1 t s e l f i n the C e ntral
C omm i t t e e . An emp t y s h e l l i s tak e n by t he pol i c e .

F. Perlman
 70

Part II
70 K ALAMAZ O O , Fe brua r y , 1 969
Part II

KALAMAZOO, February, l969

Evaluation and Critique

Evaluation and Critique

Limits of the Escalation

Why did we participate in the worker-student action

committees? What did we tMnk was happening when the

general strike began? What was the basis for what we

thought?

Students had ceased to accept the state and academic

Limits of t he E scalat i on
authorities within the universities- Regularly controlled

and managed by the state, and in this sense "state proper-

W h y d i d we par t i c i oa t e i n t h e work e r- s tud ent a c t i on

ty," the universities were transformed into "social" ins-

titutions, where the students determined what was to be

done, what was to be discussed, who was to make the

c omm i t t e e s ? Wha t d i d. we t }'l 1 nk wa s hap pe ni ng wh e n t h e
decisions and the rules.
� e neral s tr i k e began ? W ha t wa s t h e ba s i s f o r w h a t w e
At numerous general assemblies, people exDressed the

thoug h t ?
awareness that, if the universities were to remain in the

S t ud e nt s had c e a s e d t o a c c e p t t h e s ta t e and a cad Pm 1 c

hands of people who gathered there, workers had to take

a u t h or i t i e s w i t h i n t h e u n i ve r s i t i e s . Re p:u l a.rl :v c o nt ro l l e d
control of the factories. In fact, people went to fac-

tories to say to workers: "We've taken over the univer-

sities. For this to be permanent, you have to take over

a nd mana g e d by the s ta t e , .9.nd i n t h i s s e n s e '' s ta t e p r o p e r ­
the factories." Some workers began to "imitate" the stu-
t y , " t h e u n i v er s i t i e s were tra n s f o rm e d i n t o " s o c i a l " i n s ­
dent movement independently. At Renault, for example, the

t i tu t i o n s , w h e r e the s t ud e n t s d e t e rm i n e d wha t wa s t o be
strike began before the "students" went there. This is

d o ne , wha t wa s to be d i s c u s s ed , who wa s to mak e t h e

d e c i s i o n s a n d t h e r ul e s .
also true of Sud-Aviation. At several other factories,

young workers who had joined the students on the barricades

began to follow the "example" of the universities by call-

ing for strikes and eventual take-overs of the factories

A t num e r o u s general a s s em bl i e s , p e o p l e e x or e s s e d the
by their workers. awar e ne s s t h a t , if the u n i ve r s i t i e s were t o r em � i n in t h e
Yet this is where the first critiaue has to be made.

hand s o f p e o p l e who ga t h e r e d t he r e , work e r s h a rl t o take

We had not, in fact, understood the full significance of

c o ntrol of the fa c t or i e s . I n fa c t , p e o p l e w e n t t o fa c ­
t o r i e s t o s a y t o work e r s : " W e ' ve tak e n over t h e u n i v e r ­
the "model" of the university occupations, and consequent-

si ties . For t h i s t o b e p e rmane n t , you h a v e to tak e o v e r

ly our perspective of "general assemblies in the factories"

did not have the basis we thought it had.

What had happened in the universities was that stu-

t h e fa c t o r i e s . " S om e wo rk e r s be gan t o ' ' i m i ta t e " t h e s t u­
dents, workers and others had taken over state buildings,
d ent m o ve m e n t i nd e p e nd e ntl y . A t R e naul t , f or e xam n l e , t he
and assumed for themselves the power formerly wielded by

s t r i k e be gan be f or e t he " s t ud e nt s " w e n t t h e r e . Th i s i s

al s o true o f Sud-Avi a t i o n . A t s e v e ra l o t h e r fa c t o r i e s ,
the state. However, they did not "reorganize" or "re-

young work e r s w h o had ,j o i n e d t he s t u d e n t s o n t h e barr i c ad e s

structure" the university; they did not substitute a

bega n t o f ol l ow t h e " e xampl e '' o f t h e u n i v e r s i t i e s by c al l ­

"student-run" university for the state-run university; they

did not reform the capitalist university. The occupations

did not establish "student-power" in the universities; i ng f o r s t r ik e s and e v e ntual tak e - over s of the fa c t or i e s
students did not elect or appoint a new administration,

by t h e i r work e r s .
this time a student-bureaucracy, to run the university

Y e t t h i s i s where the f i r s t c r i t i a ue ha s to be ma d e .
in the place of the state bureaucracy. In fact, the oc-

w� had n o t , i n fa c t , u nd e r � t o od th e fu l l s i � n i f i c a n c e o f
cupants of the universities rejected the traditional

t he "mod e l " o f t he un i ve r s i t y o c c u p a t i o n s , a nd c o n s ea u e n t ­
l y ou r p e r s p e c t i ve o f 1 ' g e n eral a s s em bl i e s i n t h e fa c t o r i e s ' '
d id not have t h e ba s i s we t h o u g h t i t had .

What ha d happ e n e d i n the u n i v e r s i t i e s wa s tha t s t u ­

d e n t s , work e r s and o t h er s had tak e n over s ta t e bu i l d i n g s ,
and a s sumed f o r t h em s e l v e s the p o w e r f o rm e r l y w i e l d e d by
the s ta t e . H o w e ve r , t he y d i d n o t ' ' r e o r p:a n i z e ' ' or '' r e ­
s tr u c ture " t h e uni ve r s i t y ; t h e y d i d n o t su b s t i t u t e a
" s tud e n t - ru n " u n i ver s i t y f o r t h e s ta t e - r u n u n i v e r s 1 ty ; t he :v
d i d n o t re f o rm t h e c a p i t al i s t u n i ve r s i t y . The o c c u n at i on s
d i d n o t e s ta bl i s h ' ' s tud e n t - power ' ' i n t he u n i v e r s t t i e s ;
s t u d e n t � d i d n o t e l e c t or a p p o i n t a n e w adm i n i s t ra t i o n ,
t h i s t i m e a s tud e n t - bu r e a u c ra c y , to r u n t h e u n i ve r s i t v
i n t h e pl a c e o f t he s ta t e bur eaucra c y . In fac t , t h e o c ­
c u pa n t s of t he un i v e r s i t i e s r e j e c t e d the trad i t i o nal
 71

stu�Pnt bureaucracy . the student union (National Union of

Fren ch Students--UNEF ) .

(Hnweve-r, this !::; RR far as t he " escalat1on11 w ent .

When ��P peop e "Who org�nized their act1v1t1es 1 n s 1 d e a n
oc c 1 pi en tini v"irsi ty w en t to "thA worke:rR. 11 either on the
barT
.Jfuad e.
&r- o 1-- n the f�-t(}-r i (OS , an when they sard 1;o
"tht>work P.'1'<> 11 : 11 YOIT shoulrl. ra k e over YOUR factor i e s . '' they
Phnwed � com le � �� �w at � ere
e�;:,,:fH
es..� o
s. l : rea t e
1
:.; 01; � e=-s-! \
t t- ,

. r:i-.. _:ti.�-!':.!.-.. .ld,11 �yer� 1,tJ...e.s . the ..div.is

de r.t:S! �:.� J.l�",; �:rte:r.s.! 1 �-as ' abol.1.Sh .
ed' 1.n
rraG.t.�t;e,; �tlf : "t. 11e.�· 6 cc'upa nts.; .� the l'e .�e�El
t� s��. �im1l·;J.rt.'?i;l;4.re 'e·:.:r.:.t asks·.·· Ji Ho�ever;. t
t
�i�t.��1'- ��
e action went f r­
y

ther.. ::e . Xlfe''."ccn;;; {

t�&': { ou'Sfl�m> · : B:v itoing to · "the workers ' !
pe on'l···-
-:e ';......
;6a.\.i '.:."
tih�
.";
i;;i�e r s a s:Pe"cial17.e sector of society.
r he Y :::�...��.�pj:�C. '..: ttre :di vl si 'on of.. labor
. ,,
. .. �... . ..
a:-s
.
. ,....... ,........ I
•

..
..
... .,.._

formation of
.,�. •·
the
opulat1on 1nsid the
o ccu pied univers ities. The occupants r ga niz ed their wn
acti v1 t i e f': . . , ·

F.owever. the neople-who " s oc 1 al i z .the univers1 i e s

d irl no t see the fActories ss SOCIAL me of ;p.roduc t i o ;
thev did. not see that thPse �actories ave not been cre­
ated bif trie· 'workers emplo;ved there. l:>ut by generations of
work 1np; peopl� . All they d i d see. since this i s visible
on the s urfac e . is that the capital i s t s do not do the pro­
duc1n� hut the workers. But this l s an illusion. Renault.
for exa�nle. is not in any sense the ''product'' of the work ­
�rP emoloved a t RPn�ult; i t ' s the product of generations
 72

o f p e opl e ( no t m e r e l y i n Fra n c e ) i n c l ud i ng m i ne r s , mac h i n e

72
produ c e r s , f o o d produ c e r s , r e s e a r c h e r s , e ng i n e e r s . To
of people (not merely in France) including miners, machine t h i nk t ha t the Re naul t a u t o pl a n t s " be l o n g " to the p e o pl e
producers, food producers, researchers, engineers. To

who work t h e r e today i s an illus i on . Y e t t h i s wa s t h e f i c ­

t i o n a c c e p t e d by p e opl e who ha d r e j e c t e d s p e c i a l i za t i o n and
think that the Renault auto plants "belong" to the people

" p r o p e r t y •• in the o c cu p i e d un i v e r s i t i e s .
who work there today is an illusion. Yet this was the fic-

tion accepted by people who had rejected specialization and

"property" in the occupied universities.

The "revolutionaries," who had transformed universities

The " r e v o l u t i o nar i e s , .. who ha d tra n s f o rm e d u n i v er s i t i e s
into public places and consequently no one's property, were
i nt o publ i c pl ac e s a nd c o n s e q u e nt l y no o ne ' s pr o p e r t y , were
not aware of the SOCIAL character of the factories. What

n o t aware of the S OC IAL c hara c t e r of the fa c t or i e s . W ha t

they c on t e s t e d wa s the '' s u b j e c t " wh o c o n trol l e d the prope r ­
they contested was the "subject" who controlled the proper-

ty , the " owner . " Th e c o nc e p t i o n o f the " r evolu t i o na r i e s "

ty, the "owner." The conception of the "revolutionaries"

wa s that " R e naul t w o rk er s s hould run the fa c t or i e s i n s t e ad

was that "Renault workers should run the factories instead

of the state bureaucrats; CitroSn workers should run Ci-

tro8n instead of the capitalist owners." In other words, of the s ta t e burP.au c ra t s ; C i tr o �n work e r s s t oul d ru n C 1 -
private and state property are to be transformed to grouo
tro�n i n s t ead. of the c a p i tal i s t owner s . " In o t h er word s ,
property: Citroftn is to become the property of the workers

pr i va t e and state prop e r t y are to be tra n s f orm e d to groun

nro p e r t y : C i tro � n is to be c om e t he property of t he work e r s
employed at Citroen. And since this "corporation" of work-

empl o y e d a t Ci tr o e n . And since thi s " c or-porat i o n " o f w ork ­

ers does not exist in a vacuum, it has to establish ma-

er s doe s not ex i s t i n a va c uum , it ha s to e s tabl i s h ma­

chinery to relate to other, "external" corporations of work-

ers. Consequently they have to set up an administration,

a bureaucracy, which "represents" the workers of a parti- c h i n ery to relate to o t he r , " e x t e rnal '' c o rp ora t i on s of work ­
cular plant. One element of this corporatist conception
ers . C o n s eq u e n t l y they ha ve to set up an adm i ni s trat i on ,
was affected by the "model" of the occupied universities.

a bur eaucra c y , wh i c h " r e pr e s e n t s " the work er s of a par t i ­

c ul ar pl ant . One e l em e nt of thi s c orpora t i s t c o n c e p t i on
Just as the student union was rejected as the "spokesman"

wa s a f f e c t ed by the "model " of the o c cup i e d u n i v e r s i t i e s .

for the university occupants, the traditional union (the

Ju s t a s the s t ud e n t un i o n wa s re j e c ted a s the " s p ok e sman "

General Confederation of Labor) was rejected as the "spokes-

man" for the incorporated workers: "the workers should not

be represented by the CGT; they should be represented by for t he uni ver s i ty o c cupant s , t he trad i t i onal uni on ( the
themselves," namely by a new, democratically elected
G e neral C o n f ed e ra t i o n o f Labo r ) wa s r e j e c t e d as the •1 s p ok e s ­
bureaucracy.

man " for the i nc orp ora t e d worker s : '' the work e r s s h oul d not
be r e p r e s e n t e d b y t h e CGT ; they s hould b e r e pr e s e n t e d by
Thus even in the perspectives of the university oc-

them s el ve s , " nam e l y by a new , d em o c ra t i ca l l y elec ted

cupants, the factories were not to be socialized. Thus

bureau c ra c y .
"General Assemblies" inside the factories did not have

the same meaning as in the universities. The factories

were to become group property, like Yugoslav enterprises.

Such enterprises are not socially controlled; they are run

Thu s even in t he p e r s p e c t i ve s of the un i v e r s i ty oc­

c upant s , the fa c t or i e s wer e not to be s o c i al i z e d . Thu s
by bureaucracies inside each enterprise.

" G e neral A s s embl i e s " ins ide the fa c t or i e s did no t have

By fighting the Gaullist police in the streets, peo-

the sam e m ea n i n g a s· in the un i v er s i t i e s . The fa c t or i e s

ple contested the legitimacy of this power over their

lives. By occupying a building like Censier, they con-

tested the legitimacy of the bureaucrats who controlled were to be c o m e group p r o p er t y , l ik e Yu g o s l a v e n t e r pr i s e s .

this "public institution." People occupied Censier whe-
Su ch e n t e r pr i s e s are n o t s o c i a l l y c ontrol l e d ; t h e y are run
ther or not they had ever been students there; no one act-

by bureaucra c i e s i n s id e ea c h e nt e r pr i s e .
ed as if Censier "belonged" to those students who were

By f i gh t i ng the Gaul l i s t pol i c e in t he s tr e e t s , peo­

enrolled for courses there. But the same logic was not

applied to the factories. People did not go to Renault

or CitroSn saying, "This doesn't belong to the capitalist,

pl � r. o n t e s t e d t h e l e g i t i m a c y o � t h i s p ower over t h e i r
or to the state, and it doesn't belong to the CGT either.' l i ve s . By o c c u py i ng a bu i l d i n g l i k e C e n s i e r , t h e y c on ­
Furthermore it doesn't belong to a new bureaucracy that
t e s ted the l eg i timacy of the bureau c ra t s who c o n tr o l l e d
t h i s " publ i c i n s t i tu t i o n . " P e o p l e o c c u p i e d C e n s i e r whe ­
someone might set up. It belongs to the people, which in-

t her or no t t h e y ha d e v e r be e n s t u d e n t s t h e r e ; no o r. e a c t ­
cludes us. Renault is ours. And we're going in. First

e d a s i f C e n s i er " be l on�ed " t o t ho s e s t u d e n t s w h o we re

of all we want to see what it 3s, and the we'll figure

out what to do with it."

e nro l l e d for c ou r s e s there . Bu t the sam e lo�i c wa s not

a p pl i ed to the fa c t or i e s . P e o pl e di d not �o to Re naul t
or C i tro�n say i ng , " Th i s doe sn ' t b e l o ntl to the c a p i tal i s t ,
or to the s ta t e , a nd it doesn ' t b e l o n� to the CGT e i t he r 1
Fu r t h erm ore it doesn I t bel o ng to e. n e w bur eau c rA � :V t h a t
s om e on e m i g h t set up . It b e l o ng s to t he p e o pl e , wh i c h i n ­
c l ud e s us. R e na ul t is our s . And we • r e go i ng in. Fi r s t
o f a l l w e wa nt to see wha t it i s, and the we ' l l f t �u r e
ou t wha t to do with i t . 11
 73

In May it was certainly possible for ten thousand peo­

ple to �o to Renault and occupy 1 t . More than ten thousand
did in fact demonstrate their "solidarity" with the work­
.er s of Renault, and they walked from the center of Paris
to the Renault Plant at Billancourt. "Rnt the dominant
idea was that the workers who are employed there have to
decide what happens inside the factory. The demonstrators
accepted the most important regularity of capitalist l i f e i
they accepted prope�ty , they merely wanted a new owner.

(A small number of workers from a chemical plant did

go to Cens1er to invite "outs1ders" into the factory. but
their l nvitation did not have consequences, and was even
opposed by "revolutionar rguments like "We would be
substituting ourselves he wo rs . 11 )

The idea ti
working people :
wa�'l':'f''irn�
the parti r.ula
vulgarizati
particular
someone i n
he will be
if someone
fly or do

The student movement was impregnated with hi stori cal

exampl e s of "workers• councils" in Russia. Germany. Spai n ,
Hungary and Yugoslavi�. A tactic by which workers in one
factory can effectively opoose the factory bureaucracy was
transformed into a "revnJ u t i onary pro�ram . 11 The "work ­
ers' counc1ls1' were t.o be created inside the factories by
the workers themselves , the same way that the oc.cupations
had been carried out tiy the students .

However. what haooened on May 15 was that a "wildcat

strike'' broke out, namely an event which is within the
bound s of activity that takes place in capital ist society.
The wildcat strike de�enerated into a bureau cratic strike
because of the failure of the revol11t.:l onary movemP.nt to
"escA.l.<it"'" or overflow into the factories. The m i l 1 tants
 74

d i d not have p er s p e c t i v e s f or pa s s l n� fr om a w i l d ca t
7U

s t r i k e , from a r e bel l i on a ga i n s t a u t hor i t y , t o the l i bera ­

did not have perspectives for passing from a wildcat

strike, from a rebellion as-ainst authority, to the libera-

t i on o f d a i l y l i f e . I n a f e w rlav s t h e s tr ik e wa s ta k e n
over by the u n i on bur eau cra c y , and i n th i s s e n s e wB s n o t
tion of daily life. In a few days the strike was taken

Thi s m i s s i n � s t e p be ­
over by the union bureaucracy, and in this sense was not

e v e n a su c c e s s ful wi l d c a t s t r i k e .
even a successful wildcat strike. This missinc step be-

twe e n t he s t ud e n t s trug�l e a nd the general s t r i k e e f f e c t i v e ­

tween the student struggle and the general strike effective-

l y c l o s e d thi s rou t e o f e s cal a t i on : t h e s tu d e n t m ov em e nt

ly closed this route of escalation: the student movement

d i d not " e s cala t e tt i nto a m o v em e n t wi t h i n t he fa c t or i e s .

did not "escalate" into a movement within the factories.

Perhaps, after the outbreak of the strike, there still

remained possibilities for escalation, possibilities for

a further step in the direction of transforming daily life.

Perhap s , after t h e outbreak o f t h e s t r i k e , t h e r e s t i l l

r ema i n e d po s s i bi l i t i e s for e s c al a t i on , po s s i b i l i t i e s for
People were still fighting. With ten million workers on

a fur t h e r s t e p i n th� d i re c t i on of tran s f orm i ng da i l y l i f e .

strike and thousands of people on the streets everv day,

the escalation* might have taken the form of a systematic

attempt to destroy the state apparatus. The orientation of

P e o pl e wer e s t i l l f i gh t i ng . W i th t e n m i l l i on work e r s on
the movement was anti-statist; the state ran the univer- s tr i k e a nd thou sand s of pe o pl e on the s tr e e t s e v erv d R V ,
sities and its power had been abolished. There had been

t h e e s c a l a t i orr m i �ht have tak e n t h e form o f a s y s t emat i c

an "escalation" until May l0. Students communicated their

a t tempt t o d e s troy t he s ta t e appara tu s . Th e or i en ta t i on o f

t h e movem e n t wa s ant 1 - s tat1 s t ; the s ta t e ran the u n iv�r-
intentions to other students in the street. And their in-

s 1 t 1 e s and i t s power had b e e n s bol i s h ed . There had be �n

tentions were very specific. On May l0 they were deter-

an tt e s ca l a t i o n " u n t i l May 1 0 . S tu d e n t s c om i m n l c a t e n t: h e i -r
mined to take back their university. They had the support

of the majority of students, of younff workers who joined

i nt e n t i on s t o other s t ud en t s i n t h e s tr e e t . And t h e 1 r i n ­
On M ay 1 0 t h ey were d e t e�­
them in the street, and of the peonle 1n the neighborhood

(the Latin Quarter). However, after May l0, a series of

t e n t i o n s wer e very s p e c i f i c .
m i ne d t o tak e ba ck the i r u n i v er s i ty . T h e y h q ci t li � � up p o � t
of t h e ma j or i ty o f s tud e n t s ,. 0 f v o u m r work er s wh o .1 o i 11 P o
small demonstrations "reproduce" the demonstration and

struggle of May l0, and no longer constitute "escalations"

them i n the s tr e e t , and o f the p e o nl e 1 n t h e ne i g� ho r h o n d

of the struggle. Thousands of peor>le participate in thcr^e

( t h e Lat i n Quarter ) . Howe ver . a f t e r May 1 0 , �. � e r l e s o �

actions; there are constant confrontations with th<= police.

But there is no longer the determination to take control

over an essential activity.

smal l d em o n s trat i on s " r ep-rod u c e " t h e d em on � t -rR. t i on � nd
s truggl e o f May 1 0 , and n o l on � e r c o n s t i t u t P '' e � c R.l a t i o n � ''
Thou sand s o f p e o ol e par t 1 � i n� tP ;_ ...., t h r:· s P
For example, the state power, which did not date

send its army or police anywhere between May l6 anri Mav

of the s truggl e .
a c t i on s ; t h e r e are c o n s ta n t e o n fro nta t i o n s wi t h t h � n o 1 1 r P .
20, was using a small group of cops to broadcast the news

But there i s no l ong e r t h e d e t erm i na t i on t o ta k e c o n t � o l

all over France. The state broadcast its "news" from a

tower with a few cops In front of it, and everyone In

France knew that lies were being broadcast (for example,

over an e s s e n t i al a c t i v i ty .
that workers were striking for their union demands, and

For e xampl e , the s ta t e powe r , wh 1 c h d i d n o t da t e

s e nd i t s arm y o r pol i c e anywh er e b e t we e n M a v 1 6 A ri n M� v
that students were anxious to take their tests).

The people in the universities and in the streets,

2 0 , wa s u s i ng a smal l group of c o p s to br o � a ca s t t h e n e w s
The s t a t e broad c a s t 1 t s " n e w s " from .q
as well as the striking workers, really needed to com-

municate with the rest of the population, merely to de-

a l l over Fran c e .
tower wi th a f e w c op s i n front o f i t , and every o n e 1 n
scribe what they had done and were doimr. Yet In th1 s

Franc e knew that l i e s were be i n� br o a d ca s t ( fo r exRm nl e ,

situation, where the "relation of forces" was on the side

that work er s were s t r i k i n� f or t h e i r u n t on d e m a n d s . ann

of the population and not the state (in the view of both

sides), when "revolutionaries" thought they had already

that s tud ent s were anx i o u s t o t a k e the i � t e s t s ) .

won and the government thought it had already gone under

—in this situation, between May l6 and May 20, all that

The p e o pl e i n the u n 1 v er s 1 t 1 e s and in t h e s tr e e t s ,

happened about the lack of information was that people

whispered about it in the street, and some vaaruely said

"we should take over the national radio station." a s well a s t h e s tr l k i n� wo rk er s , r ea l l y n e ed e d to c om ­

muni c a t e wi th the r e s t o f the p opu l a t i on , m � r e l y t o d P ­
s c r i b e wha t t h e y had d o n e and were d o 1 n D-' . Yet ln thl s
s i tuat i on , where t h � " r e l a t i on o f f o -r. c e s tt WR � on t h e s 1 d e
o f the populat i on and no t the s t a t e ( i n the v 1 P w of bo th
s i d e s ) , whe n " r e volu ti onar i e s " thoup;ht t h e y ha d H l r e A d y
won and t h e governm e n t th oug h t i t had A l r e ad y �one u nd er
- - i n thi s s i tua t i on , be twe e n May 1 6 a nd May 2 0 , al l tha t
happened a bout the l a c k o f i n f orma. t 1 on wa s t ha t p e o o l e
whi spered about i t i n t h e s t re e t , and s om e va � u e l y sa i d
"we should take over the na t i o na l ra d i o s ta t i o n . ''
 fre ed om , when M 2 2 m i l i ta n t s all owed the s e l f -a o p o i nted
7*

pre � i d e nt s o f a general a s s em�l v to de f i ne t he i r a c t i o n ,

a s i n t h e plann i ng s e s s i o ns for the May 2 4 d emon s tra t i o n ,
freedom, when M 22 militants allowed the self-anpointed

the r e sul t wa s not anyone ' s l i be ra t � o n , bu t ra t h e r t h e

presidents of a general assembly to define their action,

as in the planning sessions for the May 2k demonstration,

the result was not anyone's liberation, but rather the

c o n s tra i nt o f the e n t i r e moveme nt .
constraint of the entire movement.

March 22 militants were not the only people who con-

M ar c h 2 2 m i l i tant s were no t the only p e o pl e who c o n ­

fronted, general assemblies with the choice of joining or

fronted ge neral a s s em bl i e s wi t h t h e c h o i c e o f j o i n i ng or
opp o s i ng a c t i on s . Ind i v idual s a s s um ed the r i g h t to i n t A r­
opposing actions. Individuals assumed the right to inter-

rupt general a s s embl y d i s c u s s i on s i n ord er to d e s c r i be

rupt general assembly discussions in order to describe

actions they were engaged in, to seek support, and to

confront passive "sympathizers" and "revolutionary spec-

a c t i o ns t h e y were e ngaged i n , to s e ek suppor t , a nd to
tators" with the challenge: "What are you actually DOING
c onfron t pa s s i ve " sympat h i z er s " and "revol u t i onar y s pe c ­
to liberate yourself?"

tator s " wi t h t h e c hall en�e : u wha. t ar e you a c tual l y D O I NG

This right .to intervene, which was granted fairly

t o l i bera t e y o ur s e l f ? "
universally, was frequently abused. All types and var-

Th i s r i gh t .to i nt ervene , whi c h wa s granted fa i rl y

ieties of small actionettes were described at general as-

semblies, not merely actions which were significant and

possible in terms of the changed situation and the social

uni ver sal l y , wa s freque ntl y a bu s e d . Al l typ e s and var­
power of the people ready to act.
i e t i e s o f smal l a c t i one t t e s were d e s cr i bed a t genera l a s ­
When there were no collective actions which were

s em bl i e s , not merel y a c t i on s wh i c h were s i gn i f i cant and

significant as transformations of the social situation,

p o s s i bl e i n term s of the c hanged s i tua t i o n and the s o c i al

power o f the pe opl e ready to a c t .
the general assemblies lost their character of self-or-

ganized activity, and frequently degenerated into

audiences of spectators bored by the machinations of the

bureaucrats up front. This degeneration was frequently When t here were no c o l l e c t i ve a c t i o n s wh i c h were
explained as a structural shortcoming of the general
s i gni f i cant a s tran s f o rma t i on s of t h e so c i al s i tua t i on ,
assemblies; the action committees were supposedly more

t h e general a s s embl i e s l o s t t h e i r c hara c t e r of s el f-or­

gani zed a c t i vi ty , and freq uentl y d e genera t e d i nt o
effective structures. However, the action committees

aud i e nc e s of s p e c tators bore d by t h e m a c h i na t i o n s o f the

were integral parts of the general assembly. The general

assembly, a large body of people, did not itself perform

actions: the actions were carried out by smaller groups

of people who organized and planned the projects which
had been chosen and defined by the assembly. The action
committees did not represent a new "social structure"
bur eaucra t s up front . Th i s d e ge nera t i on wa s freq uently
expl a i ned as a s truc tural s h or t c om i ng o f the �eneral
a s s embl i e s ; the a c t i on c omm i t t e e s were suppo s e dl y more

e f f e c t i ve s t ru c ture s . However , the a c t i on c omm i t t e e s

which was to be the "form of future society." The second

were i nt e gral part s o f t he general a s s em bl y . The general

a s s embl y , a large body of p e o pl e , d i d not i t s e l f p e r f orm
function of the action committees was to make possible

direct communication, development of ideas and perspec-

tives, definition of concrete tasks, which would not

have been possible among the larger body of people.
However, when the action committees became "institution-
alized," when they no longer situated their activity with-
a c t i ons : the a c t i on s were carr i e d out by smal l e r group s
o f p e o p l e who organ i z e d and planned the pr o j e c t s wh i c h
had be e n c h o s e n and d e f i ned by the a s s em bl y . The a c t i on

c omm i t t e e s d i d not r e pre s e nt a new " s o c i al s truc ture "

in the context of the general assembly which gave rise

wh i c h wa s to be the " f orm o f future so c i e ty . " The s e c ond

func t i on o f the a c t i on c omm i t t e e s wa s to mak e p o s s i bl e
to them, when committee members began to think of their

committee as an institution, as a thing whose significance

was explained in terms of a mysterious "revolutionary move-

ment," the activity of the committees lost its context.
Consequently, the degeneration of the general assemblies
was in fact merely a reflection of the degeneration of the
d i r e c t c ommun i c a t i o n , d e vel opm e n t of i d e a s and p er s p e c ­
t i ve s , d e f i n i t i on o f c o ncr e t e ta sk s , wh i c h would not
have be e n p o s s i bl e among the l arger body o f p e o pl e .

However , wh e n the a c t i on c omm i t t e e s be cam e " i n s t i tu t i on­

al i z e d , " whe n t h e y no l o ng e r s i tuated the i r a c t i vi ty wi th­
action committees: it's not because there were bureaucrats

i n the context of the general a s s embl y w hi c h gav e r i s e

that action committee militants couldn't say anything rele-

vant to the general assembly, but precisely because the

to them , whe n c omm i t t e e m em be r s be ga n to t h i nk of the i r

c omm i t t e e a s a n i n s t i tu t i on , a s a !�t?lg who s e s i gni f i c anc e
militants ceased having anything to say that there were

bureaucrats.

wa s expl ai ned i n term s o f a m y s t er i ous " r evol u t i o nary move­

m e nt , " the a c t i v i t y of the c omm i t t e e s l o s t i t s c ontex t .
Consequentl y , t he d e ge nera t i on o f the general a s s embl i e s
wa s i n fa c t m e r e l y a r e fl e c t i on o f the d e genera t i on of the
a c t i on c ommi t t e e s : i t ' s no t be cau s e there were bureaucra t s
t ha t a c t i o n c omm i t t e e m i l i ta n t s c ouldn ' t say a n y t h i ng r e l e ­
vant to t h e general a s sembl y , bu t pre c 1. s e l y be c a u s e t h e
m i l i tant s c e a s e d hav i ng anyth i ng t o say that t h e r e were
bureau c ra t s .
 77

The Citro�n Action Committee was one of the groups

that ceased to have any relevant actions to present to the
general assembly at Censier. This committee, like the
others. was not able to engage i n action which was trans­

�
parently liberatory for all the people gathered in the
a ssP,mbly . The Committee described ••contacts" with foreign
wo:rker s , attem 2ts to CI:Jll:\.te place f-or, un
hampe..:r:ed scus­
s i ons nside tHe factor e s , attempts to encourage rkers
to ta. 'factor:v trucks to collect food which peasa s were
willi to d i s tri bute freely. However , the Citroe Com­
mitte . people did not, for example, go to the fact r y
sa:vln, "We k now where ther e ' s food, and we need s e of
the t ck s instd o, se to thEI general

t �·
e
to take t e

nd
onth
we

')F
� ·
o.. t�
�h
!:-
� �ctories wa that
so much physical orce
ke over the factorie
s case was left 11to t e

r
wo:--k PJ', , " J')nd s i n c e t hr;id not 1 1 berated t em-
�Pl ves r om the union ra y,
1r 0 the initiative
•e

left t the union bu eaucr: t � . Co s eo uently , a s a

l\
s i cal r c e , 11 the act 1,_
on mmitte mil itants went t
factor. �ates to help 'the T. T e first leaflets o
the Ci tJ o�n Comm i t t e e �n faCit conf irm thi s : 11Worker ,
we � m op rt :vour n l i t � �
T a.nd n
a ,hts your mands
fJ.
• • .

. . . LonP- J ive poll i c e nd u nion 1 rti es. " These tate­

m e n t s c� only ha e o e p \..m
e an Q n ituation wher there

I
i s one dominA n t union: they could only mean Long L� the
CGT, w h at e ver the illusions o f the people who wrote he
le13. fle ts The lo,g-ic behinn t hP. se propos i tions went u­
t:'rn xima t�l:v as follow s : "It.' s not ne cessary to offen th e
work"'r� ov attackin.i< their u n i on, which they accept.
How�v0r the mP. 0'1: ouL �v bee
n-eRend. ea.-tO-t he
nronosi t. ion. 11WP. shoul n not offe.nn t h e workP.rs hy attack­
inF captt� l i s t s o r i e t v , which they also accept. ''

This was a reformist strate""Y without any real ele­

ment,s that went be:vcmd reformism. This stra tegy was n othi ng
more than suuport for a wil d at strike. e.nd when the strike
c
was tskP.n over bv the union. the committee militants sup­
ported <i tradit. l onal, bureau c ra t ic union strike.

Self -Organization in Action Committees

What tvoe of C'onsc i ousnes s l ed i::i ction colllr.' it.tee mili­
tan t s to this refoTm i s t strate�v?
 78

C ha ra c t er i z ed i n very g e n e r al t e rm s , i t i s a c o n s ­
c 1ous ne s s w h i c h s i m pl y a c c ep t s t h e va s t � a j or i t y o f t h e r e ­
78

gu l ar i t i e s a nd c o n v e n t i o n s of c a o i t a l i s t everyday l i f e ;
Characterized in very general terms, it is a cons-

ciousness which simply accepts the vast majority of the re-

a c o n s c i o u s n e s s wh i c h a c c e n t s bu rea u c r a t i c o r ga n i z a t i o n �
o:r i va t e pr o p er t y , t h e r e p r e s e n ta t i o n o f w o rk P. r s t hr o u P- h
gularities and conventions of caDitalist everyday life;

a consciousness which accepts bureaucratic organization,

un i ons , the s e pa ra t i on o f work e r s i n t e rm s o f pa.r t i c u l a r

In shor t , i t i s R � o n s ­
private property, the representation of workers through

ta sk s and l o c a t i ons i n s o c i e t y .
unions, the separation of workers in terms of particular

c i ou s ne s s wh i c h a c c ep t s c a o i t a l i s t s o c i e t y . I t i s w i th i n
tasks and locations in society. In short, it is a cons-

ciousness which accepts capitalist society. It is within

this framework that the militants "move around." They t h i s framework t ha t the m i l i ta n t s " m ove arou nd . " They
"take actions," but do not even apply outside of Censier
" take a c t i on s , " bu t d o n o t e v e n appl v ou t s i d e of C e n s i er
what they are already doing inside of Censier. Self-or-

wha t they are al ready do i ng i n s i d e o f C e n s i e r . S e l f - or­

gan i z ed i n C e n s i er , t h e y s t i l l a c c e p t c a p i tal i s t s o c i e t y .
ganized in Censier, they still accept capitalist society.

( A m i nor e xampl e of th i s i s tha t " r evol u t i onar i e s '' who

(A minor example of this is that "revolutionaries" who

think they are struggling to abolish capitalist society

once and for all, do not use last names because they fear
t h i nk they are s truggl i ng to abol i s h cap i tal i s t s o c i ety
the repression that will come once "stability" is re- onc e and for all , d o no t use l a s t name s be cau s e t h e y fear
stored. ) They want to participate in whatever actions
the repre s s i on t ha t w i l l come o n c e " s tab i l i t y " i s r e ­
take place: they support workers striking for higher wages,

s t ored . ) They want to par t i c i pa t e i n wha t e ver a c t i on s

take pla c e : t h e y support work e r s s tr i k i ng for h i gher wage s ,
they support workers demanding more "rights" for union

they supp or t workers d emand i ng m ore " r i ght s " f or u ni on

bureaucrats, they support people striking for an "auto-

nomous national radio station," even though this conflicts

with other "ideas" they hold.

bureaucra t s , th e y support p e o pl e s tr i k i ng for an ''auto­
There were, of course, several types of action commit-
nomous na t i o nal rad i o s ta t i o n , " even t hough t h i s c o nfl i c t s
tees: some were as reformist as the Communist Party and the

wi t h ot her " i d ea s " t h e y hold .

union; others tried to define a "revolutionary strategy"

There wer e , of c o ur s e , se veral typ e s of a c t i o n comm i t ­

by passing through reformist "transitional steps." Some

t e e s : s om e were a s re form i s t a s the C ommun i s t Par t y and the

action committee militants projected the self-organization

of the universities to the factories, but they projected

corporatist rather than social self-organization. This

1.ln i o n ; other s tri ed to d e f i ne a ''revol u t i o nary s tra tegy "
corporatist self-organization in the factories appealed to
by pa s s i ng t hrough r e form i s t " tran s i t i onal s t ep s . " S om e
two types: it appealed to anti-communists and liberals,

a c t i on c omm i t t e e m i l i ta n t s pro j e c t ed t he s el f - organ i za t i on

and it appealed to anarchist-communists. To the anti-

o f the u n i ver s i t i e s to the fa c to r i e s , but they pr o j e c t e d

c orpora t i s t ra ther than s o c ial s e l f - organi za t i on . Th i s
communists, self-organization in each factory meant that

workers would organize a separate union in each factory

and get out of the CGT. The "radicals" made no clear at-
c orpora t i s � � el f - organ i za t i on i n the fA � t or i e s appeal ed to
tacks on this perspective, and it is precisely because of two t y p e s : i t app eal ed to anti - c ommuni s t s and l i be ral s ,
this that they had even less appeal for workers than the
a nd i t app eal e d to anar c h i s t - c ommun i s t s . To t he a nt i ­
bureaucrats of the CGT. Workers are obviously much strong-

c ommuni s t s , s e l f - organi za t i o n i n ea c h fa c tory meant t ha t

work e r s woul d organ i z e a s eparate un ion i n ea c h fa c tor y
er with the CGT than they would be with separate unions

and g e t ou t o f t he CGT . The '' rad i cal s " made no c l ear a t ­

in each factory. Members of the CGT were in fact sensible

to reject a perspective which promised little more than

fragmentation within capitalist society. The "autonomous"

workers' organizations would replace the national union
in the task of selling the labor force, namely of bargain-
ing with the capitalist or state owners, and they would
tack s o n t h i s p e r sp e c t i v e , and i t i s pre c i sel y be c au s e o f
t h i s that t h e y had e v e n l e s s app eal for work e r s t han t he
bureaucra t s o f the CGT. Work e r s are obvi ou s l y muc h s tr o ng­

er w i t h the CGT tha n they woul d be wi th s epara te uni o n s

i n e a c h fa c tory . M em be r s o f t he C G T w e r e i n fa c t s e n s i bl e
obviously have less strength in doing this than a national

to re j e c t a p e r s p e c t i ve wh i ch pfom i sed l i t tl e m o r e t han

union.

What, then, was the "action" of the action committees

after the outbreak of the strike? They "kept something

fragmenta t i on wi t h i n c a p i tal i s t s o c i e t y . The " au tonom ou s "
going." They "continued the struggle." Militants spent work e r s • organ i za t i on s woul d repla c e t h e na t i onal uni on
time and energy. Why? Was it simply that no one had any-

i n the ta sk o f s el l i ng the l abor for c e , namel y o f barga i n­

thing to do, friends came to see friends, "intellectuals"

i ng wi t h the cap i tal i s t or s ta t e owner s , and they wou l d

obvi o u s l y have l e s s s trength i n do ing t h i s tha n a na t i ona l
came to "talk to workers"? The Citroftn Committee, for

un i o n .
example, continued to meet every day. Some days were spent

What , t he n , wa s t h e " ac t i o n " o f t h e a c t i on comm i tt e e s

a f t e r t he ou tbreak o f the stri ke ? They "k e p t s om e t h i ng
�o i ng . tt The y '' c o nt i nu e d the s truggl e . " M i l i tants spent
t i m e a nd energy . Why ? Wa s i t s im pl y tha t no one had any­
t h i ng to d o , f r i end s c am e to s e e fr i e nd s , tt t ntell e c tual s "
came to " talk t o work er s " ? The C i tro�n C omm 1 t t e e , f or
exampl e , c o nt i nued to m e e t every day . S ome day s were spent
 79

discussing an article written by two members; another day

a worker w:rnte a reformist leaflet; on another occasion
there was a fight with fascists in front of the factory.
People were certainly kept busy. But did they move in
some direction? Did they have a strategy, perspectives?

111 1 1 i tan ts who p:athered a. t Censi er �expe c a.cti on

I. · h has
1 s o�'f��l'J:Q��,v� sal')fi
to co . . from e m:vtholoQ"l ca.l ly concefved "mass11
�wh1o ·h." !S t<� �r T,n
�?� . .. ne e on
.
t . .
��c ti OA#��.'.b,;.,s .i. t;�'te d :;!-� i,?e�gr·gift of the
·
.·
exter
n e '� h�
formation of the worker-student action committees a t Cen­
sier. Alreadv on May 6, younQ" workers and intelle ctuals
who fouP-'ht top:ether on the barricades began discussions.
These irrouns of s tud en ts anrl "'("lrkers continued the di scu i:i­
s \ o n s when they occunied Censier on May 11, i n the general
assemblies and i n i;mAller fl'roups. It was in these ear ly
assemblies that the 11mil1 ta nt s " at Censier c on fronted ra­
<l i cal a.ct ions oronosed by workers.

A la ra:P- number of workers were among th e occupants

of Censier. Many of these workers und erstood that the
�nnt1 nuit:v of capital ist daily l i f e ha<l been broken, a
ruoture had t R ke n place, the reQ"UlRr1t1es o f l i fe were
sus nP no eCI ; C("lrsenuentl:v the:v uncl. erstood that new a c t i vi ­
t \ e- s wPre nos i:: i hi e. Other workers saw th e student d emo n ­
stratlons fi n d s trf'P t fip:hts as '3.n occasion f or rais1np: new
rn e t p r 1 q l 6e�ands. Ho¥ever, the ''tntellectuals'' a t Gensler
 80

80 tend e d to amal gama t e all work e r s i n t o t h e sam e " c la s s '' ;

tended to amalgamate all workers into the same "class";
they fa i l ed to d i s t i ng u i s h tho s e who were t h e r e t o r e f orm
they failed to distinguish those who were there to reform

cap i tal i s t l i f e from tho se who ! � t e nd e d t o abol i s h c a n 1 te l ­

i sm , and a s a re sul t t h e y were unabl e t o f o cu s o n t h e s p 0 -
capitalist life from those who intended to abolish capital-

c i f i c c hara c ter o f t h e a c t i on s propo s e d b v t h e rad i cal

ism, and as a result they were unable to focus on the spe-

cific character of the actions proposed by the radical

workers.
work er s .
For example, young workers from a private nrinting

school announced that they had thrown out their director,

For exampl e , young work e r s from a pr i v� t e nri nt i n�
were about to occupy the school, and wanted to put the

s c hool announc ed tha t t h e y ha d t hrown out th e i r d i re c tor ,

presses at the disposal of the people gathered at Censier.

were about to oc cupy the s c hool , qnd wa n t e d to pu t the

pre s s e s a t the d i spo sal of the p e o p l e ga t h e r e d � t C e n s i e r .
However , C e n s i er " m i l i tan t s " w e re n o t a s rad i c a l a s t h e s e
However, Censier "militants" were not as radical as these

workers; "illegally" occupying a university building, they

work e r s : " i l l e gall y " o c cup y i ng a u n i v e r s i t y bu i l d i ng , th e y

questioned the "legality" of the action proposed by the

young workers (who might have done better to propose this

action to members of the March 22 Movement). Another ex-

q ue s ti one d t he " l e gal i ty " o f t h e a c t i o n prop o s ed b y t h e
amples two or three workers came from the newspaper dis-

young work e r s ( who m i ght have done be t t e r to propo s e t h i s

a c t i on to m embers o f the Mar c h 2 2 M ovem ent ) . Another ex ­
ampl e : two or thre e worker s c am e from t h e n e w s paper d i s ­
tribution enterprise of Paris. They called on Censier

militants to join them in stopping the distribution of

They cal l ed on C e n s i e r
newspapers; they called on the people gathered at Censier

to explain to workers at their enterprise what was taking

place in the universities.
The militants who listened to these suggestions did
tr i bu t i o n e nt erpr i s e o f Par i s .
m i l i ta n t s to j oi n them i n s t o pp i ng the d i s tr i bu t i on of
newspaper s ; the y cal l e d on the p e opl e ga thered a t Cen s i er
t o expl a i n to wo rk er s a t t h e i r en terpr i s e what wa s tak ing

not react as if they themselves were active agents who

could transform a social situation in a real factory by

going there in person. (One of the writers of this article

plac e i n the uni ver s i t i e s .
was present at a discussion which took place before May l0

between a militant of the March 22 Movement (Dany Cohn-

Bendit) and some of the people who later influenced the
development of occupied Censier. It was clear that the
future Censier occupants did not define themselves the
The m i l i tan t s who l i s t e�ed t o the s e sugge s t i o n s d i d
not rea c t a s . i f they them s e l v e s were a c t i ve a g en t s who
c ould transform a s o c ial s i tua t i on i n a real fa c t ory by

go ing t h e r e in person . ( One of the wr i ter s of thi s ar t i cl e

wa s pre sent at a d i s cu s s ion wh i c h took pl a c e be for e Ma y 1 0
same way Dany defined himself; Dany regarded his own ac-

be twe en a m i l i tant o f the Mar ch 22 M ovement ( Dany Cohn­

tivity as a dynamic force which could transform the social

situation; but they asked about the "support" Dany had,

about the "masses behind" him. Their conception was that,

Bend i t ) and some o f the pe opl e who later i nfluenced t h e
somehow, the "masses" were going to rise and act, and that
devel opment of o c c up i e d Cens i er . I t wa s cl ear tha t the
the militants would be able to define their roles only

fu tur e C en s i er o c cupan t s d i d no t d e f i ne them s e l v e s the

within the context of this active "mass." These militants

same way Dany defined h i m s el f ; Dany r e garded hi s own a c ­

tivi ty a s a dynam i c f or c e whi c h could tra n s f orm t h e s o c i al
regarded themselves as helpless to transform a concrete

set of activities.)

s i tua t i on ; but they a sk e d ab ou t the '' support •• Da.ny had ,

about the " mas s e s b e h i nd " h i m .
Consequently, when the worker-student action commit-

tees were founded in Censier, the people at the origin of The i r c o n c e p t i on wa s tha t ,
these committees already defined for themselves a differ-
s omehow , t he " ma s s e s " were go i ng to ri s e · a nd a c t , and that
ent role from that which had been played by the March 22

the mil itants woul d be abl e t o d e f i ne the ir rol e s onl y

Movement and which had been expressed by Dany Cohn-Bendit.

wi thi n the c ontext of thi s a c t i ve "ma s s . " The s e m i l i tant s

regard ed thems elve s a s h el pl e s s to tran s form a c o n c r e t e
The Censier militants formed action committees instead of

set of act i viti e s . )

Joining radical workers in transforming social life. It

is ironic that the militants constituted "action committees"

precisely at the moment when they renounced action. They

Aid have some conception of "action." It is not the same

Con sequentl y , wh en the work er - s tudent a c t i on c omm i t ­
action as that of the March 22 Movement—a particular

tees were founded i n Cens i er , the peopl e at the o� 1gi n o f

group of people who themselves transform a concrete social

the se commi ttees alr eady d e f ined f or them selve s a di f f er­

ent rol e from that wh i c h had be en played by the Mar c h 2 2
activity. It is action which consists of following the

Movement and wh i c h had been expr e s s e d by Dany Cohn-Bendi t .

"spontaneousM activity of a social group, particularly

The Cens i er mi l i tant s formed a c t i on comm i tt e P � i n s t ead o f

j o ining rad i cal work e r s i n tra n s f o "M.n i ng s o c i al l i fe . It .
is i roni c that the m i l i te n t s c o n s t i tuted "ac t i on c omm 1 ttee s ''
precisely at the moment whe n they r e noun c e d a c t i on . The y
A.id have some c o nc ep t i on o f "ac ti o n . " I t i s n o t the s am e
acti on a s that of th e March 2 2 Movement--a par t i cular
group of peopl e who them selve s trans form a c o n c r e t e so c ial
a cti vi t y . It i s a c t i on whi c h c o n s i s t s o f foll owing the
" sponta:a: 1 eou s " ac t 1 vi ty o f a s o c i al group , p,\�t i cularl y
 81

"the working class. '' The aim 1 s "To Serve The People . 11
For exampl e , i f workers would occuny a factory and open
i � s doors to the militants, then they would go to help;
thPn there would be no quest.ion of 111 P.gali ty. 11

·l.J'!:�yl�•a s�t�ii}.A��lt,l§lil,'.J
'\ l��Lll'l'!iei:l
ts powei- in e bes1nn1ng to
, nd of the s tri ke. Som� of the w��k ers 1n the chemical
ul t saw a pote nt 1. al i tv fo.,. t.TR.nsformin$!" the rank and f i l e
co��i ttPP� i n t o real sources of power of the worker s : these
work ers went to r,e�s r ta try 0 convince others of the
u rgenc:v of TansforT" 11: t e ommlttees· theY. defined
themse ves (3- S ml i tlil
tuation. Ho ev&�, o
s w
the
h th
E powP;r to change their si­
sl � of WQ�t these wo�k er s sai d ,
thP Cen sie� m i l i tjant. d i d not de fine on rete action s
throu8h whi cl1 they WOt\l d trans form the ra l{k and file c om­
m i t t ee s ; 1n�tead , they transformed the st�tements of these
workers into conf irm at i on s of th e myths abo\.Jt T.he "spon
tan eou s revolutionary activity of the work ing C'l� s s . 11

On the basis o� � � i s mythology , the Censler mil itants

�oved yet furthP.r w�v from direct action. Th� further
i.;...1D1::.1!:.::il�
li �.a:�..t.:.1:o11L.l!�t;l.J�-e:ia::i:.1.ad�lllt;_J;�..tJ:�11.SJ!llJ�:'-�ru:i...me:na
radi cal became their oers oectl ves others .
for the action of
They develooed conceotions of "sel f-management by the work­
ers themsP.lves 11 and co!'lcep t l ons of 11actl ve strike" ( striking
w,.,.,.l<ers were to be11:in pr0d 11ction on their own ) . In other
word s , the Censier mil itants constructed an ideology. They
put this ldeolo�y into leaflets which were distributed to
workers. However, t t i s ironic that the Censier leaflets
snoke of 11 ac ti ve strike. 11 of an economy run by the workers
themselves, after the union bureaucracy had already gain ed
control o f the strike throughout all France. This action
 82

n o l ong er took pla c e i n r eal i t y ; i t t o ok pl a c e in d t s cu s ­

s i o n s and d e ba t e s am o n g a c t i o n c o mm i t t e e m i l i ta n t s a t
82

no longer took place in reality; it took place in di scus-

Cens i e r .
sions and debates among action committee militants at

Censier.

Critique of Actions

If the consciousness of the action committee militants

did not go beyond the limits of a capitalist and bureau-

C r i t i q u e o f Act ions
cratic perspective, why were so many "revolutionary mili-

a e t 1. c r
tants" attracted to Censier for more than a month after

I f the c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f the c omm i t t e e m i l l ta n t s

the strike had been taken over by the union? What was the

d i d not go beyond t he l im i t s c a r i tR l i s t a n d bur E a u­

a
nature of the "actions" of these committees?

of
cra t i c p e r s p e c t i ve , why w e r e s o man:v 1 ' r P. vo l u t i onary u: i l i ­
The variety of outlooks and political positions

gathered together in the Censier committees cannot be

tan t s " a t tra c t e d to Ce n s i e r f o r m o r e t ha n a m o n t h a f t e r

W h a t wa s t he
characterized as reformist per se. They did not come to

Censier in order to take part in reformist actions; in

t h e s tr i k e had been tak e n over by t h e u n i o n ?

natur e of the ''a c t i on s " o f the s e c omm i t t e e s ?
terms of what they said, in committee meetings and general

assemblies, they made it clear that they thought they were

The var i e t� o f outl ook s and pol i t i cal po s i t i o n �

engaging in revolutionary actions, actions which were lead-

ing to the abolition of capitalism and bureaucracy. Yet

in front of the factories they supported "the workers' de-

ga thered t o g e t her i n t h e C e n s i er c omm i t t e e s cann o t be
mands," they supported "political and union rights," and

chara c t er i z e d a s r e formi s t per s e . The y d i d not c o m e to

Cen s i er in order to tak e pa r t in r e form i s t a c t i o n s ; i n
they called for "autonomous workers' organizations."

t e rm s o f wha t t h e y sa i d , i n commi t t e e me e t i ng s a n d g e ne ral

In a brief characterization, it may be said that their

a s s em bl i e s , they made i t c l ear that they thoug h t th e y were

actions were not reformist per se; they were opportunist

per se. The Censier worker-student committees were at the

front lines of the possibilities which the social situa- engag i ng i n r e volut i onary act i ons , a c t i o n s wh i c h were l ead­
tion permitted, and there they did whatever the situation
i ng t o the abol i ti on of ca p i tal i sm a nd bur eau c ra c y . Ye t
permitted. When capitalist society functioned regularly,

in front of the f a c t or i e s t h e y suppor t e d " the work e r s ' d e ­

ma nd s , " t h e y suppor t e d " pol i t i c al and u n i o n r i g h t s , '' a n d
they did everything which is normally done in capitalist

t h e y cal l ed for "au t onom ou s work er s ' organi za t i o n s . "

society, accepting all of the limitations of normal ca-

pitalist life: wage-strikes, unions. However, in May the

opportunity existed for members of the population to en-

gage in the production process, to appropriate the social In a br i e f c ha ra c t e r i za t i o n , i t may be sa i d tha t the ir
means of production. And in May they were ready to do this.
a c t i on s we re not r e form i s t per s e ; they were opportuni s t
Opportunism. In this sense, one can say that the people

per �· The C e n s i e r work e r- s tu d ent c omm i t t e e s were at the

front l i ne s o f the po s s i bi l i t i e s wh i c h the s o c i al s i tua ­
who "agitated" from Censier represent a genuine popular

t i on p e rm i t t e d , and there the y d i d wha t eve r t h e s i tua t i o n

movement which was ready to do whatever the situation al-

lowed. Subjectively they thought they were revolutionaries

because they thought a revolution was taking place; they

thought the factories were going to be occupied and "so-
cialized," and they thought they would be among the first
to go inside the factories and join the workers in a new
pe rm i t t e d . When ca p i tal i s t s o c i e t y fun c t i oned regularl y ,
they d i d everyth i ng wh i c h 1 s noTmal l y done i n cap i tal i s t
s o c i e ty , a c c ep t i ng all o f t h e l i m i t a t i o n s o f n orma l ca­

p i tal i s t l i f e : wag e - s tr ik e s , u n i on s . However , in M a y the

opportu n i ty e x i s t ed for member s of t h e popul a t i o n to en­
system of production. They were not going to initiate

gag e in the produ c t i o n p ro c e s s , t o appronr i a t e t h e so c i.al

this process; they were going to follow the vTave wherever

And in May t h e y wer e r ea dv t o d o th i s .

it pushed them.

However, when they got to the factory gates on the

mean s of produ c t i o n .
day of the occupation, they confronted a "slightly dif-
Opportu n i sm . In thi s s e n s e , one can s a y tha t t h e p e opl e
ferent" situation. The workers were not calling for the

who "agi ta t e d " from Cen s i e r repr e s e nt a g en u i n e popular

m ovement whi c h wa s r eady to do wha t e ver t h e s i tua t i o n al ­
population to enter the factory. Union bureaucrats were

l owed . Sub j e c ti ve l y t h e y thought t h e y wer e r e volu t 1 onar i e s

calling for the "occupation" of the factory. And so the

be cau s e the y thought a r e vo l u t i o n wa s tak 1 n � pl a c e ; t h e y

thought the fac.tor i e s were g o i ng t o b e o c cu p i e d and " s o ­
c i al i z ed , " a nd t h e y t h ought t h e y wou l d b e among t h e f i r s t
to go i n s i d e t he fa c t or i e s a n d j o i n t h e work e r s i n a n e w
s y s t em o f pro du c t i o n . Th e y w e r e no t g o i n>r to i n i t i a t e
thi s pro c e s s ; they were g o i ng t o f o l l o w t h e vTa ve wr.erever
i t p u s h e d them .

However , whe n t h e y go t to t h e fac tory ga t e s nn th e

day o f the o c c upa t i o n , t h e y c o n fro n t ed a " sl 1 p- h tl v d i f ­
f erent " s i t u a t i o n . The work e r s w e r e not c al l i n� for t h P.
popul a t i o n to enter the fa c tory . U n i on bu -r ea u c ra t s were
cal l i n g for the " o c cupa t i o n " of t he fa c to r v . And so t he
 83

militants sh1 fted with the wind : the bureaucrats were call­
inp; for a waiz:e st:rike, so the "revolutionaries" supported
the workers' 1'legi t1 mate demands . "

Of course it was ''revoluti onary , " in Ma:v, for a group

of people to be read:v to "social! ze1' the factori e s a s soon
a s thE> si tnat.lon nerm� t.ted. But "someone else'' was to
hrir.p: this a.houta these "mil :ltants1' were ready to step in
after i t was done.

alizations characterize the dominant

.L
a cti v ..- ...
..,. nsier worker- student action comm i t t e e s ,
then s were not "revolutionary" and their
m embe �iiiilillli-.�
itants . 11 They represented a section
of' t. were ready for the revolutionary
chan �ht they were ahout to be pushed into
this e. ere ready to mak e the choice, but
they w ne s who would initiate the actions which
created on tha.t forced the choice. In this
d irection of their own . They went pre­
s where change was possibl e , and they
were r part, if someone brought i t about. Who
would t? There was March 22 ; there were "tWe
worker Gaullist poll cted to 11 rip
off" a mi stake . ople only
ready onditions

cap
''worker s ' counc ils" and "self-management" as wedges
could he used to undermine this total acc.eptance of ca­
pital i s t structures.

However, it mus t still be asked why the Censier mili­

tants did not succeed in pushing the s i tuation a step fur­
ther. In other word s , why did the strike become a tradi­
t..i onal bureauera tic strik e ; why did it fall under the con­
trol of union functionarie s ? The strike could not have
heen controlled by the CGT i f large numbers of �E>ople had
r e j e cted this bureaucra c y ' s right to represent anyone.
The CGT bureaucrats had power within the factories because
thP worl<" Prs e.ccepted this power. The bureaucrats are not
nopular because of the attractiveness of their personali­
t i e s , they have very little repressive power , and when the
wildcat strike broke out, their power had in fact been
undermined.

The ''take-over" by the CGT already began a day after

 84

the fa c t ory oc. cu p a t i ons be gan , at t he Re naul t plant . About

84

ten thou s a nd peopl e m ar c h from the c enter of Par i s ; they

the factory occupations began, at the Renault plant. About

ten thousand people march from the center of Paris; they

are ready for a feast with the workers inside the national-
are ready for a fea s t w i t h the work e r s i n s i d e the na ti onal ­
ized auto plant. The demonstrators get to the factory, i z ed au to pl an t . Th e d em o n s tra tor s g e t to the fac tory ,
and find the gates shut. Whoever is at the head of this
and f i nd the ga t e s shu t . Whoever i s a t t h e head of thi s
march accepts the closed gates as the last word. But the

march a c c e p t s the cl o s ed ga t e s a s the l a s t word . Bu t the

ga t e s r e pre s en t no th i ng ; c he er i ng work e r s s tand on t he
gates represent nothing; cheering workers stand on the

roof ; t he y c a n s e nd rope s down . And i n some par t s , the

roof; they can send ropes down. And in some parts, the

fence of the factory is low enough to climb. Yet suddenly

people fear a "power" they had never feared before: the

fenc e o f the fac tory i s l ow enough t o cl imb. Yet su dde nl y
CGT bureaucrats. pe opl e f ear a " p ower " they had never f ear e d be fore : the
If ten thousand people had wanted to get in, the

CGT bureau cra t s .

bureaucrats would have had no power. But there were

I f t e n thou sand peopl e had wanted to g e t i n , the

clearly very few "revolutionaries" in the march or inside

bureaucra t s woul d have had no power . Bu t there were

the factory; there were very few people who felt that what-

ever was inside* that plant was theirs. There were some

people who wanted to "storm the gates" in order to be hit

cl earl y very few "revol u t i onar i e s " in t he m ar c h or i ns id e
on the head by the CGT cops at the gates. But there was
t h e fac tory ; there were very f ew peopl e who fel t t ha t what­
apparently no one inside or outside the factory who re-

ever wa s i n s i d e· that plant wa s the i r s . Th ere were s om e

garded it as social property. One who knows it's social

peopl e wh o wanted to " s torm t h P ga t e s " i n ord er t o be h i t

on the head by the CGT c op s a t the ga te s . Bu t there wa s
property doesn't accept a bureaucrat blocking the door.

People in that march had varied pretexts for doing

nothing. "Such action is premature; it's adventuristicJ

apparently no one i n s i d e or out s i d e the fac.tory who r e ­
the plant isn't social property yet." Of course the CGT
garded i t a s s oc i al pro p erty . One who knows i t 1 s s o c i a.l
oureaucrats agreed with this reasoning, a reasoning which
pro p erty d o e sn ' t a c c ep t a bureaucrat bl o c k i ng the do or .
completely undermines any "right" the workers might have

to strike. And ten thousand militants, most of whom had

Peopl e i n that mar c h had var i ed pr e tex t s f or d o i ng

no thing . " Su ch a c t i on i s pr ematur e ; i t ' s adventur i s t i c l
just gone out of occupied universities to take part in the

the plan t i sn • t s o c i al pro perty ye t . "

march, most of whom had actively challenged the legitimacy

of the power of the police in the street, blandly accepted

the authority of the union toughs who guarded the factory
gates.
What attracted people to Censier was the impression
O f cour s e the CGT
oureau c ra t s agr e e d w i th thi s r ea s on i ng , a rea s o n i n g wh i ch
c anpl e t el y und e rm i ne s any "ri gh t " the work e r s m i g h t have

to s tr ik e . And te.n th ou sand m i l i tant s , m o s t o f whom had

that here actions were being prepared whicfc would go be-

jus t gone out o f o c cup i ed uni v er s i t i e s to tak e par t i n t h e

mar c h , m o s t o f whom had a c t i vel y chall enged the l e gi t i ma c y
yond the situation which had greeted the demonstrators at

o f t h e power o f t h e pol ice i n the s tr e e t , bl and l y a c c ep t e d

the gates of Renault. The Censier gen«ral assemblies, as

well as the action committee meetings, between May l7 and

May 20, gave the impression that here were gathered people the aut h ori t y o f t h e uni on tough s who guard ed t h e fa c t or v
determined to go further. Here were "the others" who
ga te s .
were going to push the situation beyond its newly reached

Wha t a t tra c te d p e opl e t o Ce n s i er wa s the imnr e s s i on

bureaucratic limits.

tha t here a c t i on s were be i ng prepared wh i c h would go be­

A lot of people went to Censier to take part in ac-

tions on a completelv blind basis. Lots of people who

lived completely empty lives found a brief opportunity

yond the s i tua t i on wh i c h had gr e e t ed t he d emon s tra tor� a t
to give out leaflets; for such people givinr out leaflets the gat e s o f Renaul t . The Cens i er genera l a s s em h] i e s , a s
was, in itself, more meaningful than the normal activities

well a s the a c t i on c.omm 1 t t e e me e t i ng s . be twe en May 1 7 and

of their daily lives.

May 2 0 . gave the impre s s i on tha t here were ga thered p e o pl e

d e t erm ined t o g o fur ther . Here were " the other s tt who
But there were also people committed to going beyond

were going to pu sh the s i tua t i o n �Pyond i t s newl y reached

leaflet distribution for its own sake, and the possibili-

ty of going beyond seemed to exist at Censier. Extremely

significant "actions" were discussed at the Censier general

bur eau c rati c l im i t s .

A l o t o f p e o pl e went t o C en s i er to take par t i n a c ­

t i ons o n a c . ompl e t el v hl i nd ba s i s . Lo t � o f p P. n pl e who
l i ved c ompl e tel y emp t y l iv e s found a bri e f oppo� tun1 t. y
t o g ive ou t l e a fl e t s ; f o r su c h p eo pl e g i v i n� ou t l eafl e t s
wa s , i n i t s el f , more meant ngful t ha n t h e normal a c t i vi t i e s
o f th e i r dai l y l i ve s .

Bu t there were al s o p e opl e commi t t e d to g o i ng beyond

l eafl e t d i s tr i bu t i on for i t s own sak e , and th e p o s s i bi l i ­
ty o f g o i ng beyond s e emed to exi s t a t Cens i e r . Ex tremel y
s i gni f i can t "ac t i ons " were d i s cu s s e d a t t h e C e n s i e r ge neral
 85

assembl i e s . One got the impression that people had a per­

spective, a direction.

den.r1 irP.
seen.tent
on wo.,.I<
h�ve; 1-i
but hi ::;

the Militants

Ho of
c: r i s i s ,
tiona,..,
� Emend

T
z1de fo.
of the

I
fip:hts,
tr.e obi::
 86

86
r e c o gn i z e the l egi t i ma c y of a � tP t � n� ac�d e� i � bur e au c r� c v
recognize the legitimacy of a state or- academic bureaucracy

wh i c h f or c e s m e into a sy s tem o f l e arn i n � t o tra i n m e for

s om e th i ng whi c.h i s no t my pr o j e c t a nti to wh i c h I ' l l be
which forces me into a system of learning to train me for

bound for the r e s t of my l i f e .

something which is not my project and to which I'll be

bound for the rest of my life.

By pur su i ng t h e c on. � tra i n erl rl a i l v 1 1 f P. o f " '1 0 1 t�.1 t � �

By pursuing the constrained daily li^e of einitalist

s o c i e ty , t h e ind i v i dual "9erfo -rm s c e r tA. 1. l'l � � t "'_ v :l t ·' e � "b� � -=t i J � e
society, the individual nerforms certain activities because

o f c onvent i on , be cau s e h P. d e f i nP. � h i � � �l f g � � O""' P O Y' R 1·rr 0

of convention, because he defines himself ?? seeoys f'pp

M y a c t i v i t i e � n_ e TJ P 'n � '"' � A Y t e i:' '1 q l c i -r<'< i l'!l ­

has no choice. My activities depend «n external c5resi-

ha s n o cho i c e .
stances. I do certain things because they are the one=:

s tanc e s . I do c er ta i n t h ! r!.� s be cau s e tl; � v {"1. r e th � one �

that are permitted. I do not act in terms of mv oossit.111-

I do n o t a c t i n � � � m � o f m v uo � R i hi l 1 -
ties, but in terms of external constraints.

tha t are p erm i t t e d .

t 1 e s , but i n t erm s o f e x t e r na l c o n � t�� ! n t s .
Social change takes place wither eanitnli «*t society,

but it is not perceived bv me as a nro.Vct whi^h T brinsr

about together with others. The change is external to ir.e;

S o c i al c hange t ake s p l a c e w i t � 1 n "� n l t.� 1_ 1 c +- R o c i e tv .

i t i s not perc e i ve n hir 'n e A � � nro .; P c t wh i " �
it is a spectacle; it results from huge impersonal forces:

but I 'ti�t n cr
a nation, a state, a revolutionary movement... These for-

about togeth e r �1 th o t h er s . The c h� n � e i s e x t P.�nql to � e ;

ces are all external to me, the,r are not the outcome of my

i t i s a s p e c ta c l e ; i t r e su l t s fro� hu�e i m p � T � o nal fo� c e s :

own daily activity. They are the actors on the stac-e, the

a na t i on , a s t a t e , a r e v ol u t i o na r y m ovem e nt . . .
players in a game, and I simply watch. I mav take sides

Th � s e for­
c e s are al l external to m e . th e � r a r � n o t t h P. ou t c om e of m v
and cheer for one side or the other, for the villain or the

hero. But I'm not in it.

own dai l y a c t i v i ty . The y a r e t h e a c to � s . on t h e s t a � e , th e

In Censier, in the general assemblies duriner the early

player s i n a game , iand I s im p l ;v wa t c h . · · I m a v tak e s 1 de s

days of the occupation, activity had the character of a

and c he er for one s i de or the o th e r , for t h e v1. l l a i n or t h e

project: the external spectacle had been destroyed, and so

had the dependence (since the dependence is nothina- hut the

characteristic role of the member of an audience who wat- hero . Bu t I ' m not i n i t .

In Cen s i er , i n the ?." e ner:=tl q s � em bl i e s du-ri n� the e a rl :v

ches the spectacle). Most neople originallv went to Censier

as spectators, they went to see what "the revolutionaries"

day s of the o c cupa t i on , � c t 1 vi t y had the c ha ra c ter of a

were going to do next, they went to a show. But by attend-

pro j e c t : the external � p e c ta c l e had b e e n d e s tr o y e d , �nd so

ing one after another assembly where peoDle discussed what

had the depend e n c e ( s i n c e the d e o e no e n c e i � n o th i n g hu t the

to do about the building, about Paris, about the world, they

were confronted with the awareness that they were not ob-

c harac teri s t i c rol e o f the membe r of an �ud i en c e wh o wa t ­

c h e s t h e spe c ta c l e ) .
serving a separate group, a group of actors on the stage.

One quickly realized that it's the person sitting next to

M o s t p e o p l e or i g i nal l v w e n t t o C e n s 1 er
a s s p e c ta t or s , the y WP.nt to s e e wha t " the re vol u t i onar i e s "
were g o i ng t o d o nex t , the y we n t t o a sh ow .
him, in front or behind him, who defined what was to be

Bu t by a t t e nd­
done in Censier, and what has to be done outside Censier.

i n� on e after anot he r � s s em bl y wh e r e p e o ol e d i s c u s s e d w h a t
These assemblies did not have the character of external

to do abou t t h e bu 1. l d 1 n g , a bou t Pa.r1. s , a bou t t h e worl d , t h e :v

spectacles, but of personal projects which one carries out

wer e c o n fr o n t ed w i th the awar e n e s s t ha t th e y were n o t ob­

with people one knows: the subjects were activities which

s erv ing a s e parate group , a. group of a c t o r � on t h e s tage .

would affect all those who made decisions about them.

The passive, cheering attitude of the TV-watcher

One q u i ckl y real i z ed �ha t 1 t 1 s t h e p e r s o n s 1 t t 1 ne ne x t t o

which existed at the first assemblies 1s transformed into

him , i n r�n� t or beh ind him , who d e f i ned wha t wa s t o he

an active attitude. Instead of passively observing what

done in Cen s i er , and wha t ha s t o be done ou t s i d e Cen s l e.r .

THEY (an external, separate force) are proino- to do, for

example about the cooking in Censier, YOU speak ur> because

you prefer clean to dirty food and because you have the The s e a s sembl i e s d i d no t have the c hara c ter o f e x ternal
power to change the situation of the kitchen. Once you
s p e c ta c l e s , but o f per sonal pro j e c t s wh i c h one c arr i e s out
participate actively, once action is no lo""er the spe-

w i t h peopl e one knows : the su b j e c t s were a c t 1 vi t 1 e s wh i c h

woul d a f f e c t al l t ho se who made d e c i s l on s abou t them .
cialty of a separate group, you suddenly realize that you

have power over larger projects than the Censier kitchen:

the "institutions" of society lose their character of ex-

The pa s si ve . c h e er i ng a t t i tude o f the TV-wa t c h e r

whi c h ex i s ted a t t h e f ir s t a s s em bl i e s 1 s tran s formed i nto
ternal spectacles and come into focus as social nrojects

an a c t i ve a t t i tude . In s tead of pa s s i vel y o b � e rvi n � wha t

THEY ( an ext erna l , s epara t e for c e ) are �oi n v to d o , foT
exampl e abou t the c o ok 1_ np: in Ce n s 1 e r , YOU s p eak u n be cau s e
you pr e fer c l e a n to d i rty f o od ann bP ��u s e you have th P.
p ower t � � ��nge the s i tu a� t nn nf the k i t c h P- n . On c e you
par t i c ipate a c t i vPl y , onc e a c t i o n l s no l o � � e r t h e s p e ­
c i al ty o f a s e para te group , you !mddenl y real i z e t ha t you
have power over lar�e� pr o j e c t s tha n the Ce.n s i e r k i t c h e n :
the '' i n s t i tu t i ons " of s o c i e t y l o s e th e i r c ha ra c t e r o f ex­
terna l s p e c ta cl e s and c om e i nt o f o cu s as so � i a l nro j e c t s
 87

wh i c h can be d e t erm i ned by you to ge ther wi th o t h er s .

mined by you together with others.

Th i s d e s c r i p t i o n i s exaggera t e d ; i t ' s a n a t t emp t to

c ha ra c t e r i z e an a t t i tu d e . I n ac t11al i t y , su c h a t t i tude s
xaggerated; it's an attempt to

e x pr e s s e d t h em s e lve s a s t e ndenc i e s . For exampl e , when

tude. In actuality, such attitudes

son e o f th � bur eau cra t � of the fu tu r e App o i nted them s el ve s

elves as tendencies. For example, when

t o a " s e rv i c e o f ord er " or t o a " s tr i k e c omm i tt e e '' wh i c h

crats of the future appointed themselves

rder" or to a "strike committee" which

under the guise of coordinating its

wa s t o rul � Ce n s i er u nd er the gu t s e o f co ordi na t i ng i t s

A. c t i v i t i e s , p e o pl e d i d not s impl y wa t c h them " tak e over , "
d not simply watch them "take over,"

wh i sp er i n� to eA. c h o t h er a bout the vi l l a i ny of the ac t .

other about the villainy of the act.

they took the necessary steps to pre-

n of any self-appointed "coordinating

Pe onl e were. a n�ry : t h e y took t h e ne c e s sary s t e p s t o pr e ­
y knew that a "central committee" would
vent t h e i n s ta l la t i on of any s el f -appo i n ted " c o ord i na t i ng
ecisions and undertake actions instead of
com m ! t t e e . " Th e :v kn�w t ha t a " c e ntral c.ommi t te e '' woul d
the newly liberated occupants refused to

on � e a�a i n mak e d e c i s i on s and und er tak e a � +. i nn s i n s t ead of

the o c cu pan t s , and the newl y l t berR t ed o c cupan t s r e fu s e d to
, their possibility to act, to decide.

g i v e u� th e i r power , th e i r p o s s i b i l i ty t o a c t , t o d e c i de .
vice of order" planted itself at the entrance

W h P ': a " s e rv i c e of order "

bly and claimed that "foreigners" could

pl anted i t s el f at the entran c e

t o a. g-en eral a s s embl y and
at assembly, the "service of order"

d by people inside the assembly. c l a i m e d t h a t " fore i gner s " c oul d

not par t i c i ne t e i n tha t a � s embl y , t h e " s ervi c e of ord e r "
the a s s Pm bl y .
se that every individual in the build-

, the feeling that if there was some- .>

wa s o u i ck l y r emoved b y p e opl e i n s i de
ke he had to act, together with others,

How�ver , the sen�e that every i nd i vi dua l i n the bu i l d ­

”this sense of an individual's social power,

t n � �an t h P bu i l d i � v , t h e f e �l i n � that i f t h e r e wa s s om e -
e individual, was not extended out-

oon as people left Censier they were

J

; some separate croup (March 22 Move-

t h i ng he d i dn ' t l i k e h e had to a c t , t o g e ther w i t h o t h er s ,
g Class) once again became the actor in

to c hange i t -- thi s s e n s e of a n i nd i v i dual ' s s o c ial power ,

th i s l i bera t i o n of t h e i nd i v i d ual , wa s not e x t ended ou t ­
n a spectacle. The militants were not,

s i d e Ce n s i e r . A s s oon a s p e o p l e l e f t Ce n s i e r t h e y were
ey did not in fact act as if the

on c e ag a i n h el nl e s s ; som e s epara t e �roup ( Mar c h 22 Move­

they did not act as if society con-

h whom to carry out projects, limited

e instruments and the available knowl-

m ent , The Work i n� Cla s s ) o n c e a�a i n be cam e the a c tor i n
of Censier, a retrogression took place:
wha t wa s onc e a ga i n a s p e c ta c l e . Th e m i l i ta n t s were not ,
r installed itself; special groups did

i n fa c t , l i b�ra t ed ; t h e y n i d n o t i n fa c t. a c t a s i f t he
s o c i e t y wa s t h e i r s ; t h e y d i d no t . a c t q � i f s n � i e ty con­
-, the cooking, the leaflet distribution.

s i s t ed of p e opl e w i t h wh om to ca.rr v out pro j e � t. � , l im i ted

ople in Censier to whom nothing at

ed. A group of Americans set up an

onl y by the av� ".. l abl e i n s trum e n t s and trie ava i l a bl e kn owl ­
edge . Eve n i n s i d e o f Ce n � i er , a r e tro gre s s i on took pl a c e :
e of the American Left." This was an

a d i v i s i o n o � l a bor i n s tall ed i t s el f ; s p e c i al groups d i d

lete passivity on the part of an entire

e." Many of them were draft resisters

cision once, and had "retired" immediate-

t he rn i m e o�ran h i n� , t h e c o ok i ng , th e l ea fl e t di s tr i bu t i on .
They went to the Paris demonstrations,

The r e wer e even n e o pl e i n Ce n s i er t o wh om no t h i ng a t

o Censier—not as active participants

d, but as spectators, as observers

y of others. The events were totally

the events had no link with their own
ense the world as their world. Con-
y saw was a different kind of people,
al l wa s c nrnmun i ca. t e d . A group o f Ameri can s s e t u p an
" P " +. t on c o"!m t t t e e of the Amer i can L e f t . " Th i s wa s an
exampl e o f c ompl e t e pa s s i v i t y on the par t o f an e n t i re

"a " t. i o n c omm i t t e e . " Man:v o f them were dra f t r e s i s t e r s

wh o had ma d e a d e c i s i on on c e , a n d ha d " r e t i r e d •• immediate­
gling against a different type of society,

lv a f t e r mak i n � i t . Th e y went t o t h e Par i s d emon s tra t i on s ,

ociety. They were "on the side" of the

same way one is "on the side" of a

game. This group was the symbol of

haracterized many others who came to
ssemblies and committee meetings, anr
t o the barr i c ad e s , to C e n s i e r - -not a s a c t i v e pa r t i c i pants
c hang i n � t h e i r worl d , but as s p e c ta t or s , a s obs erv e r s
wa t c h i � � t h e a c t i v i t y of o t h er s . The event s were t o tal l y
e x t e rnal t o them ; t h e e v e n t s ha d n o l i nk w i t h t h e i r own
l i ve s ; t h e y d i d no t s en s e t h e worl d a s the i r worl d . C on­
s eq u e nt l y wha t the y s a w wa s a d i f f er e n t k i nd of p e o pl e ,
t h e Fr P. n c h , s t·cu.ggl 1 ng aga i n s t a d i f f erent typ e of s o c i e ty ,
Fr en c h Gaul l i s t s o c i e t y . The y were " o n the s i d e " of the
r e vol u t i onar i e s , t h e sam e way one i s "on t h e s i d e " o f a
par t i cular t eam i n a gam e . Th i s group wa s t he s ym bo l of
an a t ti tud e wh i c h c hara c t e r i z e d many others who came to
C e n s i er , a t tended as s Pni bl i e s and c omm i t t e e me P t i ng s , a n<"
 88

wa t c hed , and wa i t e d -- l i k e d ead th i ng s . Th e y abs or be d a

88

watched, and waited—like dead things. They absorbed a

new commodity, a new spectacle, which was exciting and new commod i t y , a new sp e c ta c l e , wh i c h wa s ex c i t i ng a nd
stimulating because of its newness. Such attitudes were
s t imul a t i ng be cau s e o f i t s newne s s . Su c h a t t i tu d e s were
a dead weight on whatever personal liberation did take

a dead w e i g h t o n w ha t ev e r p e r s o na l l \ be ra t i o n d i d ta k e
pl a c e a t C e n s i e r . The s e s ymbo l s o f deadne s s d em ob i l i z ed
place at Censier. These symbols of deadness demobilized

o t h er s , t h e y mad e i t har d e r for o t h e r s to r eal i z e the y ha d

others, they made it harder for others to realize they had

a power wh i c h the s e peopl e d i dn ' t dream o f tak i n � .

a power which these people didn't dream of taking.

Some people reached the point of asking someone "what

can I do?" and thus already took a step toward living. But

S om e pe o p l e r ea c h e d the p o i nt o f a s k i ng some one " wha t

can I do ? " a nd t hu s al ready t o ok a. s t e p toward l i v i ng . Bu t
when no one gave them "a good answer," they lapsed back

into passivity.

w he n no one gave them " a good a n s w er , '' the y lap s e d ba ck

The passivity which characterized the "American Left"

i nto pa s s i vi t y .
at Censier also characterized the main "actions" of the

most "active" committees of Censier, such as the Citrotin

Committee. When the strike broke out we went to the Citro-

Kn factory expecting some kind of fraternization, perhaps

The pa s s i v i ty w h i c h c hara c t er i z e d t h e " Am e r i can Le f t ''
dancing in the streets. But what we found was a situa-

a t Cen s i er a l s o c har a c t e r i z e d the ma i n " a c t i on s " o f th e

mo s t " a c t i ve " c omm i t t e e s o f C e n s i er , su c h a s the C i tro �n
tion which looked like cowboys herding stubborn cows, name-

Comm i t te e . When the s tr ik e br ok e ou t we went t o t h e C i tro­

ly the CGT bureaucrats trying to herd workers into the

� n fa c t o ry exp e c t i ng som e k i nd o f fra t e r n i za t t o n , p e r h a p s

factory, with no contact or communication between the

bureaucrats and the "masses." The workers had no con-

da nc i ng i n t h e s tr e e t s . Bu t wha t we found wa s a s i tua­

t i on whi c h l ook e d l i k P c owbo y s herdi ng s tubborn co w s , nam e ­
ception of what was happening to them; they merely stood,

waited, and watched the bureaucrats shouting through mega-

phones.

l y t he CGT bur eaucra t s try i ng t o herd work e r s i n to t he

fac tory , wi th n o c o n ta c t o r c ommun i c a t i on be twe e n the
T h e wor k e r s had no con­
Everyone watched and no one lived. A bureaucrat

bur eau c ra t s and the "ma s s e s . 11

shouted a speech, his delegates baaa'd loudly, these

c e p t i on of wha t wa s hap p e n i ng to them ; they merely s t ood ,

cheerleaders called for "enthusiasm" from the spectators,

the indifferent "mass." "Masses" is what people become in

capitalist society; they visibly transform themselves into wa i t ed , and wa t c hed the bur eau cra t s shou t i ng thro ugh m e ga­
herds of animals waiting to be pushed around. Things
phon e s .
pass in front of the eyes of the "mass," but the "mass"

Ever yone wa t c h e d and no one l i v ed . A bur eaucrat

doesn't move, it doesn't live; things happen to it. This

s h ou ted a s p e e c h , h i s d e l e ga t e s ba.aa ' d l oudl y , the s e

time the bureaucrats were trying to cheer them into push-

ing themselves inside the factory gates, because the Cen-

che e r l eade r s c al l e d fo r " e n t hu s i a sm " from the s p e c ta t or s ,

" M a s s e s " i s whe t pe opl e be c om e i n
tral Committee had called for a "general strike with fac-

tory occupations."
the i nd i f f er e n t "ma s s . "
This is the situation when two groups arrive at the

capi tal i s t s o c i e t y ; they vi s i bl y tra n s f orm them s el ve s i nt o

factory gate: the Worker-Student Action Committee from

he rd s o f an imal s wa i t i ng t o b e nu s h e d around . Th i ng s
pa s s i n front of the e y e s o f t he " ma s s , " bu t t h e " ma s s "
Censier, and a Marxist-Leninist group with a large banner,

do e s n ' t move , i t d o e sn ' t l i v e ; t h i ng s hapn e n t o i t . Thi s

a group called "To Serve the People" (Servlr le Peunle).

The militants of the CitroSn Committee from Censier dis-

tribute a leaflet supporting the workers' "demands," while

time the bu r eau c ra t s w e r e try i ng t o c h e e r them i n to pu s h ­
the other group "Serve the People" by placing themselves
i ng them s el v e s i n s i d e t h e fa c tory ga te s , be cau s e t h e C e n ­
next to the factory gate in a "strike picket" which serves

tral Comm i t t e e ha d cal l ed for a " g e neral s tr i k e wi th fa c ­

no function whatever. Gradually the militants of both

tory o c c u p a t i o n s . "
groups become passive, stand aside, and wait for the

Thi s i s t h e s i tua t i on when two grou n s arr i ve at t he

"autonomous action of the workers;" they look at the

fa c tory ga te : the Work e r - S tudent A c t i o n C omm t t t e e from

workers (mainly foreign) on the other side of the street.

It suddenly becomes a spectacle where everyone is watching

C e n s i er , and a Marx i s t -L e n i n i s t �r ou p wi th a l a r g e ba n n e r ,
a g r oup cal l ed " To S e r v e t h e P e o p l e ' ' ( Serv1 r l e Peu nl e ) .
and each is waiting for all the others to act. And nothing

dramatic happens; the sheep slowly fleet herded into the

Th e m i l i tant s o f the C 1 t. r o � n Comm i t t e � from Ce n s i er d 1 � ­

t r 1 bu t e a l eafl e t su ppor t i ng t h e wc:rk e r s ' '' d em a n d s , " wh i l e
stable.

the o t h er gr ou p " S erve the Peopl e " by pla c i ng t h em s el v e �

next t o t h e fA c t or y ga t e 1. n a " s t r i k P. n 1 � k � t. " wh 1 c h s e rve �
no func t i on wha t ever . Gr8 d u a l l y t h e m i l i tan t s o f bo tl'i
group s become p a s s i ve , � tand a s i d e , a nd wa i t for t h e
"au t o n om o u s a c t i on of the work e r � : " thev l o ok 9 t. the
work e r s ( ma i nl y fore i p-n ) on th e o t her s t d e o f t h e s t re e t .
I t su d d e nl y becom e s a s p e c. t.a c l e wh ere e v er y o n e 1 s wa t c h l ng
and ea c h 1 s wa i t i ng for all the o t h e r s to Fl c t .
· And n o t h 1 n v
drama t i c happen s ; the s h e e p s l o wl y ti: e t h e:rd ec i n t o t h e
s ta bl e .
 89

And the Citro�n Comm ittee militants? Wel l , we helped

the bureatJ crets herd the sheep in. Why? We said, "the
workers still accept the power of the ·cGT'' and our response
to that was to accept the power of the CGT. None of us
took the mi crophone to inform the workers who we were, to
tell them what o do. ere com-
ple . v1cti orces''
that Pe opl bmitting
contin

know
duce
sion
and
Censler
thro
sion
oues
neve
for
and
eith
them
sivi

e 1sts11 and
"l ibertarians" at Censier was : 11The workers must make
their own d e c i s i o n s ; �·ie cannot substitute ourselves for
them. " This i s a bli:-i.:t application of an anti-bureaucratic
tactic to a situation where this
tactic had no application
at all. commi t te e militants had no
It meant th� t action
more of a right to tell workers what to do than a bureau­
cratic mini -nartv had. But the situation where this tactic
WAS applied ;.ras �ot the one at which i t was aimed. The
action comm:l.. ttee militants were sections of the population
who had ach� evGu some level of self-organization.- They
were not i n front of t he factory carrying out a strategy
which wonla lead them to "state nower. " The;y may have had
no st:rateii;y e,t all; i n any case, the action was an action
 90

90

of s e l f-l i be ra t i on , in the s en s e o f el im i nq +. i ng t h o s e c o n ­
d i ti ons o f da ily l i f e wh i c h k e p t t h e m from l i v i ng . Th i s
of self-liberation, in the sense of eliminating those con-

s e l f - l i bera t i o n c o ul d onl y have b e e n carr i e d through i f

ditions of daily life which kept them from living. This

self-liberation could only have been carried through if

they eliminated the obstacles to their self expression.

The obstacles to their liberation were in the factories,
as means of production which were "alien" to them, which
"belonged" to a separate group.
the y el im i na t e d t he o b s ta c l e s to the ir s el f expre s s i on .
The obs ta c l e s t o the ir l i berat i on were i n the fa c t o r i e s ,
a s mean s o f produ c.t i on wh i ch were "al i en " to them , wh i c h

" bel o ng e d " t o a s e para t e group .

By telling themselves that it was "up to the work-

By t e l l i ng them s e l v e s t ha t i t wa s 1'up to t he work ­

ers" to take the factories, a "substitution" did in fact

e r s " to tak e the fa c tor i e s , a " subs t i tut i on " d i d i n fa c t

take place, but it was the opposite "substitution" from

the one the anarchists feared. The militants substituted

the inaction (or rather the bureaucrati-c action) of the

tak e pl a c e , bu t i t wa s the opp o s i t e " su b s t i tu t i o n " from
the one the anar c hi s t s f ear e d . The mi l i tan t s su b s t i tu t e d
the i na c t i o n ( or ra t h e r t h e bureau cra t !� a c t i on ) o f the
workers' bureaucracies, which was the only "action" the

workers were willing to take, for their own action. The

wo rk e r s ' bur eaucra c i e s , wh i c h was t h e onl y " a c t i on " the

anarchist argument, in fact, turned the situation upside

work e r s were w i l l i ng t o take , for the i r own a c t i on . Th e

down. The militants thus went in front of the factories

and allowed the bureaucrats to act instead of them; they

substituted the bureaucracy's action for their own. Later

anar c h i s t argumen t , i n fac t , turned the s i t ua t i on u p s i d e
they apologized for their own inaction by talking about
down . The m il i tant s t hu s went i n front o f th e fa c tor i e s
the "betrayal" of the CGT. But the CGT was not "to blame"

and all owe d t h e bureau cra t s to a c t i n s tead o f t h em ; t h e y

for anything. When the "militants" went to the factory

subs t i tu te d the bur eau cra c y ' s a c t i on for the i r o wn . L� t er

t h e y a p ol o g i z e d for th e ir own i na c ti on by talk i ng about
gates and watched, they did no more than the workers who

the " be trayal " of the CG T . Bu t the CGT wa s n o t " t o bl am e "

stood and watched. And when the workers watched, they

allowed the CGT to act for them. The "militants" ration-

alized their dependence, their inaction, by saying that for anyth i ng . Whe n the "m il i tant s " went t o t h e fa c torv
the CGT "took over." But the relation is mutual. The
ga t e s a nd wa t che d , they d i d no more than t h e work e r s who
militants, together with the workers, created the power

s t o o d a nd wa t c he d . And whe n t he work e r s wa t c h e d , th e y

al l owed t h e CGT to a c.t f o r the m . Th e " m i l i t� n t s " rati on­
of the union bureaucracy. The militants did not go to

al i zed the i r d e p e nd e nc e , t h e i r i na c t i on , by say i ng t ha t

the factory to liberate themselves; they waited for an

the CGT " took over . 11

inexistent power to liberate them.

Once the strike was under the control of the union

bureaucracy, other habits of capitalist daily life re-
turned among the militants. Perhaps the most significant
Bu t the r e l a t i on i s mn -tual . The
m i l i tan t s , t o g e ther wi t h the worke r s , c r e a t e d t h e power
of the un1 on bu� Paucra c y . The m i l i tant s d i d not go to
the fa c tory to l i berate t h em s el v e s ; they wa i t e d for a n

"relapse" was the acceptance of division and separation

i nex i s t ent power to l i bera te them .

among different social groups. Even though the committees

were composed of workers as well as "intellectuals," and

even though committee members ceased to separate each other

into these two categories, they developed a "specialist"

Onc e the s tr i k e wa s und e r the c o ntrol of the un i o n
attitude which separated committee militants from both
bureau c ra c y , o th er h ab i t s o f c a n i tal i s t d a i l y l i f e r e ­
workers as well as "intellectuals." At the factory they

turn e d among t h e m i l i tant s . P e r hap s the m o � t s i gn i f i cant

separated themselves from the workers. And in the uni-

"relap s e " wa s the a c c ep tan c e o f d i v i s i o n and s e oa:ra t i o n

am ong d i f f e r e n t s o c ial group s . Even thoug h the c omm t tt e e s
versity they began to separate themselves from "students."

were c ompo s e d o f work e r s a s w e l l a s 11 1 n t e l l e c tu a 1 s . " a nd

The militants developed the attitude that "We are engaged

even t h ou g h c omm i t t e P. m em be r s c ea s ed to s e oara. t e ea c h o t h e r

in the most important process because we're going to the

into the s e two ca t: � p- or i e s , t h e y d e vel o p e d a " sp e c i al i s t ''

factories." There was a self-righteousness about this at-

titude which was unjustified, since no coherent analysis

a t t i tude wh i c h s e para t e d c omm i t t e e m i l i ta n t s from bo th

At the fa c t or ..,v t h P v
of the actual importance of the actions was ever made.

Contrasted to this lack of self-analysis was a contemp-

work e r s as well a s " in tell e c tual s . '' ·

s epara t e d thems elv e s from t h e worke r c; . A n d i n t h e i l Yl i -
tuous attitude towards all committees engaged in "student

vers i t y t h e y began to s e para t e t h em s el ve s fr om '' s tu d e "l t s . ' '

problems." Perhaps some of the contempt was lustified,

Th e m i l i ta n t s devel o p e d the a t t t +.u d e t h a t ''We a r e e ti ga p: e d

but the point is that the worker-student committee mili-

tants felt no obligation to even find out what the "stu-

i n t h e mo s t impor tan t pro c e s s b e c au s e we • � e �o i n� to th�

There wa s a s el f - r i g h t e ou s ne s s a bou t t h i s a t­
dent" committees were doing. It was automatically as-

sumed that going to the doors of the factories to watch

fa c t or i e s . "
ti tu d e whi c h wa s u n j u s t i f i e d , s i n c e no co heren t anal y s t s
o f the a c tual impor tanc e o f t h e a c t i on s wa s e v e r m�.d e .
Contra s t e d t o thi s l a c k o f 8 el f-anal y s i s wa s � � o Ti t em p­
tu ous a t t i tu d e toward s all c.o1nm i tt e e s engag e d 1 n '' s tu d e n t
pro bl em s . " Perhap s s om e o f th � c o n t em p t wa s .1 11 r" t i f J P n ,
bu t the p o i n t i s tha t the work er- s tud ent c oir.m i t t, e e l'Tl. U i ­
tant s f el t n o obl i ga t i on t o even f i nd ou t wha t. + h e ' ' � t.u ­
dent " c omm i t t e e s were do i ng . I t wa s a u t omA t i �a l l :r a s ­
sumed t ha t go i ng t o t h P. door s o f the fa � t or i e s +, o wa t � h
 91

the sheen-like behavior of workers in the face o f bure�

crats Wa s , urima f!Ci�, more important than anything eJ.-.e
tha t was h�ing done anywhere.

This acc e �t�n c e of social separat1on was a relapse

in th e sense th13t thp peonl e who originally gathered in
CPnsi er had be'?,tln to break such lines down. Between May
17 and May 20, a t the outbreak of the strike, people
ahandon ed t h ei r var i ed s epara te activiti�s, like litera­
ture , snec1alized jobs. They came to Censier to synthesize
their a c ti v1 ti es i n a collective project. For a period of
about two o� three days , the worker-student committees of
Cen�ier were thou�ht to be the poi�� of synthes i s of the
entire movement. There was a vap.-ue feel ing that the peo-
ple who had �athered there were determined to liberate all
t-he meAl".S of nrodu c t i on for th e free development of every­
OJ'IP.. I t was thls feelin� that accounted for the sudden
err.1te�ent around Censier: its general assemblies grew im­
mense, neople came from all OYer Pari s to "join" action
r.0111m! ttees, to ask what they could do in their own neigh­
hnrhood s . PPonle wanted to he oart of th i s l>rocess of
l l heration. Tbi s only l as ted for about two days.

Thi s snirit of synthe si s , this a tt.e mpt to integrate

oJ'le ' s fra.P111e ntery ex i s tenc e into a significant whole , came
to an eJ'ld as soon as the soectacle reaffi l'!lled itself at the
�at.es of t h e factories. Inside the Citro!n Committee, for
P.Xamnl P., t.he a.ttemot to s1rnthP.size one ' � life, to make a
whol e nut of A fra.vme,..,t , was suddenly dead. Only a vague
T'<>?'f'Pnti nn thi:i t 11so.methin.,. 1inusual 1' had been felt the day
+-.he strike� hPaan remA in ed with l;he m1li tants. And this
...,. ..,.,,,, nPJ"'f'�n+.1 nn ha.cl some eYtremel y ironic conseoue nces.
f!'i.. p f'irst. d'3�' tbe m ili ti:ints went to the factori e s was felt
to be �o � : :_: ·:->! n '"·'··� t . it ci:i.rried so much psych ol ogi cal im­
no.,..+.·� "'re �.r1 the 1'!inds of +i.,,, 'll i l i t-9 nts , that they tri ed ,
1'"� � �n.,th q ftPrwBrrl , to re canture the ' spi r i t ' of that
� "' " • A .... rl t:"'P " rt.u "ll !'Pf"nlt was A ritt1... l is ti c rene ti t i on
f'1' P" " i ri <" t- o
t�e +'i:icto-riN� lit\y a ftPr di:iy--e.11<'1 th'.".'1'.'U'?h th:\s
--� oP t i +-.1 0 "' , ?1" PC:l.al i zAtlori an� senA'!"<i tion retnrnP.d.. Thf' y
hp�A�P s Dec :l. Al i �t � in t"'e kind of thinv the y '°lad done on
t-..,,, -r:1. r � +. l! p v of the s tl-1ke . The.:v travP.lerl t:o t"ie fac­
to"!:'l e::; , thev d1 �trl buted lee-ri-•t s , t'iev l"Uoke to work ers .
'Rn+ +.i.,P...,P ·�R I'\ t:r"P""! � 1 U1'fere'Q�e 'l:Jetween these l ater
f?°C".,.. ., 1 ,.ri� i:i..,� tht> first vi s it to the fac torv. On thP.
f.lf'1 �.,. thP � tr.i ke , thPv "°lAd O'()De to be pert �f the entire
11'1 T"".'o c�sia, thPv had �d-. +:o learn ever :vth i n�. But
ev �
:.ml"P. �:t'IE"P1A1 .
_ , tS "worker-student actions , ''
r� ....
, . �� 1ft� � tn everythi n� else. They now c on s i d Ared
y.,s 1l t � r f
nt rom the commissions en�a�ed in ex-
- p- ce itelis t i d e ol ogy, fro'll art1 ts
und.t=>:rniinin" -!;he ba s i s for a suec1al1zec1 art. A vulgar
kind of "worke:r.is'!l11 se t in; watf'hing the workP.rs in front
of the factor�' w<=1::; R more i mnortA.. n t 1'action11 than exnos:!.r?P"
car:!. t P l i s t ldeoloi<v or re j e c ti rw a. s epare ti s t arch i tf'cturf!.
The will to el"li<A.tre i n the e nti re social uroc-ess d i sannE>are
whAt took its l)l"'ce 1'rA s the ::::a:ne ki!'d of spec11=1l:!.zAt:!.on, ,f'c t1
r�nnet
.... .. _ .. _
 92

92

t h e gam e k i nd o f r i tual r e p e t i t i on , wh i c h c hara c t e r i z e s

the same kind of ritual repetition, which characterizes

da i l y l i f e i n cap i ta l i s t s o c i e ty .
daily life in capitalist society.

Th e pa s s i v i ty o f th e m i l i tants i n front o f the fa c tory

The passivity of the militants in front of the factory

and the sheep-like behavior of the workers who let them-

and the s h e en-l ike beha.vi or o f the work e r s who l e t them­

s e l ve s be h e r d e d aro und by bur eaucra t s - - t h i s i s the s i tua­
selves be herded around by bureaucrats—this is the situa-

tion which mini-bureaucrats interpret as a confirmation of

everything they've always known; this is the situation

t i on whi c h m i n i - bureaucra t s i nt erpr e t as a c on f i rma t i on of

everyth i ng the y ' ve always known ; th i s i s the s i tu a t i o n
that* "confirms the absolute necessity of a Revolutionary

that " c onf irms t h e absolute ne c e s s i ty o f a R e vol u t i onary

Party." As they see it, the "spontaneous action of the

Par ty . " A s the y s e e i t , the " sp on t& n e ou s a c t i on of th e

masses" (the action committee people, for example) cannot

ma s s e s " ( the a c t i on c omm i t t e e p e o pl e , for exampl e ) canno t

take over the factories, and the "spontaneous action of the

workers" can only lead to liberal reformism. Consequently,

the "only solution" is for the workers to shift their al-

take over the fac tor i e s , and the " s pontane ou s a c ti on o f t he

legiance from the "reformists" to the "revolutionaries"

work er s " can only l ea d to l i beral r e form i sm . Con s eq u e n tl y ,

the " only solu t i o n " i s for th e work e r s to s h i f t t- � � t r al ­
(the mini-bureaucracies); the workers must "recognize" the

l e g i anc e fr om the "re form i s t s " to th P. "revolut i onar i e s "

mini-bureaucracy as "the revolutionary vanguard which will

( the m i n i - bureau cra c i e s ) ; the work er s mus t " r e c o gn i z e " th e

lead them to a different kind of life." "Being recognized"

by the workers as their "vanguard" means getting the passive

support of the workers; this support will make it possible

m i n i - bur eaucra cy a s " th e r e vol u t i onary vanguard wh i c h w i l l
for the mini-bureaucrats to place themselves into all the

l ead them t o a d i f ferent k i nd o f l i fe . 1' " Be i ng r e c ogni z ed "

positions of power in society. This support will make it

by the work e r s a s the i r " vanguard " means g e t t i ng the pa s s i ve

support o f the worke r s ; th i s su n�ort w i l l mak e i t po s s i bl e
possible for the Party to "take state power," namely to

for th e m i n i - bur eaucra t s t o pl a c e them s elve s i n to all the

head every bureaucratic hierarchy and to dispense repres-

sion. In order to "take state power," the "revolutionary

Party" must convince the workers that the P^rty "represents p o s i t i o n s of power in s o c i e t y . Th i s su nport wi l l mak e i t
the workers' true interests" and, once in power, will sa-
p o s s i bl e for th e Par ty to " take s ta t e p ower , " na.mel y to
tisfy all of the workers' demands. Defining themselves

head every bureau c ra t i c h i P.rar c h y and to d i spe n s e �epr e s ­

as the only ones able to realize "socialism," the mini-

s ion. I n ord er t o 11 tR 'k P s ta t e power , " t h e " revol u ti ona -r v

Par t y " mus -t r. o nv in c � i; h P. work e r s t h a t t h e pq -rty "r epre s e n t s
bureaucrats promise a future in which the activities

t h e work er s ' true i nt er e s t � " and , o n c e i n power , w i l l sa ­

people engage in will not be projects, but external spec-

tacles carried out by separate groups—in other words, a

future daily life which is identical to daily life in ca- t i s f y al l of the w ork er s ' d P.ma nd s . De f i ni ng th�m s el ve s
pitalist society, with the "major difference" that the for-

a s the onl y o n e s abl e to r eal i z e " s o c i al i sm , " the m i n :l ­

mer mini-bureaucrats become transformed into "the govern-

bur eau cra t s prom i s e a fu tur e i n whi c h the a c t i vi t i e s

p e o pl e e ngage i n w i l l not be pro j e c t s , �ut external s p e c ­
ment." Furthermore, the condition for their coming to

ta c l e s c arr i e d out by s e para te group s - - i n o t her word s , a

power is precisely the maintenance of this passivity. It's

future dai l y l i f e wh i c h i s i d e n t i cal to da i l y l i f e i n ca ­

precisely the sheep-like behavior of the workers that per-

mits the mini-bureaucrats to assume the power which had

previously been assumed by capitalists, state function-

p i tal i s t s o c i e ty , w i t h the "ma j or d i fferen c e " t ha t t h e for­
aries, union bureaucrats. The separate power of a separate

mer m i n i -bureau c ra t s b e come tran s f orm e d 1 n to '' t h e g overn­

social group continues to rule over people's activities,

m e nt . " Fur thermor e , the c ondi t i on for t h e i r com t n g to

power i s pr e c i s el y the m a i n t e nan c e o f th i s pa s s i v i ty . I t ' s
only now the ruling group calls itself "revolutionary" and

pr e c i s e l y t h e s h e e p - l i k e behavi or o f th e work e r s t ha t per­

may even call its directorates "workers' councils."

m i t s th e mi n i - bureau c-r a t s to a s sume th e p ower whi c h ha d

The justification for this behavior on the part of the

mini-bureaucrats is the supposed "lack of consciousness"

among the workers. However, what these "revolutionaries"

previ ou s l y been a s sum e d by cap i tal i s t s , s ta t e func ti o n ­
call consciousness is the theory which will justify this

ar i e s , uni on bur eau c ra t s . The s e para t e power o f a s e pRra te

so c i al group c o n t i nu e s to rul e over p e opl e ' s a c t i v i t i e � ,
particular group's assumption of state power. What they

onl y now the rul ing gro up cal l s i t s el f " r evol u t i onAry " and
call consciousness is the theory which rationalizes the

ma y even call i t s d i r e c tora t e s " work f=>.r � • co u n c i l s . "

separate power of this particular group. "Consciousness"

is what enables the bureaucracy to hold power over society

as a separate group while defining itself as "the mass of

the workers;" it is the theory which makes it possible for

The j u s t i f i c a t i o n for th1 � he hAv1 o r on the par t o � the
this bureaucracy to imagine that its particular rule is the

m i n i - bureau c ra t s i s the si 1 ppo s e d "lack o f c o n s c i ou s n e s s "

among the work er s . However , wha t th P s e " r evol u t i o n � r i e s 11
rule of all. The same passivity, the same spectacle, the

call c on s c i o u sne s s i s the the ory wh i ch w1 1 1 ju s t i f y t h i s

par t i cul a r gr oup ' s a s sump ti on o f s ta t e power . What they
cal l c o n s c i ou s ne s s i s t h e t h e o r y wh i c h ra t i o nal i z e s the
s epara t e power of thi s par t i cular grou p . " Co n s c i ou � � � s s tt
i s wha t enabl e s t h e bur eau cra c y to hol d nowP-r over s o c i e ty
a s a separa t e �roup wh il e d e f i n i ng i t s el f a s " t h e ma s s o f
t h e work er s ; " i t i s t h e theory wh i c h mak e s i t po s s i bl e f or
th i s bureaucra c y to imag ine tha t i t s part i cu l ar ru l e i s the
ru l e o f all . The same pa s s i v i t y , the sam e s n e c ta c l e , th e
 93

same ali enation of labor persists, only now the factory

director i s a party functionary, the foremen are all mem­
bers of a "worker s ' counc i l , " and the new language which
descr'\"1es thts s t tua.tion i s a set of eunhemisms which in
themsel <res represent a new stl:l�e of lingui stic development.

How ttitude which

holds th the workers, 11
i s not t +: ion, since
such inac constraints
and conve point i s
to break the pass!vi t
wh i c h chR iety. The

b
point i s f the social
means of r a new 11-
leg i t imat ead ers , "
hut th e A oduction by'
the 1 1 v:.1n ion of se­
parate no ose aim i s
J �� n
e n they ab-
& , "-'W
to 11 hera
dice.te to fHi.ee'!Ves t : the
nol nt. is to choose
hetween :::i a conscious
affirmati

What hanoened in May? Was 1 t a spontaneous and 1n­

co11P�f'nt. 111"1!'\"'i"'" 0 f' variou s sections "f the population, or
a cohP:r.ent s�efl nr the nart of a determined revoluti onary
mo''f'"'"'""'.t? 'l/:::i s �- t. B bl i nd eruution of accumulated com­
nleints anci. � i s R e t 1 �fact1ons, or a conscim1s attempt to
overth,..ow ::i P.0ciHl o-rder? Did the student movement which
set off tfiP exnlol"� "n haw� a cohfrren+. -revol11tionary thP.or:v.
anci. :::i $t.l'.'atett:v h<l"'ed on the theor�1? If i t had a theory,
to whAt eYtent ws;is i t communicated to the action cornmi t­
tees, to the workers!

There were unauef':tionably elements of revoluti onary

theor:v at the o:r.i l:\"i. n of the movement. This i s illustrated
by the fact t:r:'ilt f"tndents in Nanterre began a stru8'.'gle
against the A1JJ erican war i n Vietnam and were able to re­
late the activities of their own university to thi s war.
This does not !'"can that the "rnajori t''" of thP. fip:htlnll
students exnl icitlv o:rasned the connection �etween their
own dally 11 ves Ann the wl'Clr in Vi e tnam .MC>st $tu<le,.,t'.s un­
<l,,ubtedl:v !ll'ASPe<l the wa.r AS A rl i stant strn.a;@:le between
'Of-lvld and Goliath, they �ra$�P� 1 t as a snecta cl e in which
 94

9^ t he y ha d s ympa thy for one s i d e . Bu t a smal l num ber o f s tu ­

they had sympathy for one side. But a small number of stu-
d e nt s a c ted on a muc h mnre profound und e r s ta n d i ng t he
mome nt t h e y- engaged them s e l v e s i n a s tru ggl e to unve i l t h e
dents acted on a much more profound understanding the

c o nne c ti on be twe e n t he u n i v er s i t y , t he ca p i tal i s t s y s t em ,

To t h e s e s tu d e n t s the war l n V i e t­
moment they engaged themselves in a struggle to unveil the

and the war i n V i e tnam .

connection between the university, the capitalist system,

nam c ea s e d to . be an " i s su e " and be cam e an i n t e p-r�l nar t o f

and the war in Vietnam. To these students the war in Viet-

nam ceased to be an "issue" and became an integral part of

their own daily lives. t h e i r own da i l y l ive s .

A background in Marxist theory undoubtedly plays a

large role in giving European students some tools with

A ba ckground i n Marx i s t theory undoub t e dl y pl a y s a

large rol e i n g i v i ng European s tudent s s om e to ol s w i t h
which to grasp the connection between their studies and

whi ch to gra s p the conne c t i o n be twe en th e ir s tud i e s an d

the war. However, in addition to this background in cri-

the war . However , i n add i t i o n to th i s ba c k gr ound i n c r i ­

tical theory, through the mass media European students are

given a daily view of the grossest spectacle in the modern

world: the United States. t i ca l t h e ory , through the ma s s med i a r..'uro p ean s tud en t s a r e
Increasingly sophisticated means of communication re-
g i ve n a da ily v i ew of the gr o s s e s t s pe c ta c l e tn the mod ern
veal to spectators all over the world a spectacle of two

worl d : the Un i ted S ta t e s .

I n c r ea s i ngly soph i s t i c a t e d means o f c ommu n i ca ti on r e ­

hundred million people who passively observe "their ovm

boys" killing, torturing, maiming human beincrs daily, a

veal to sp e c ta tor s al l over t he worl d a s p e c ta c l e o f two

spectacle of torture which is "scientifically" prepared by

teams of the most highly trained "scientists" in the world,

a spectacle of an immense "educational system" devoted to hundred m i l l i on p e opl e who pa s s ivel y obs erve " th e i r own_
a frantic research for methods of controlling, manipulating,
boy s tt k i l l i n� , tor tur i ng , ma imi ng human be i n a s d R i l y , a
maiming and killing human beings.

sp e c ta c l e o f t o r ture wh i c h i s " s c i en t i f i cal l y " pr e nA r e d bv

t eam s of the mo s t h i ghl y tra i ne d " s c i e n t i s t s '' i n t h e worl d ,
The arrogant insistence with which the "American way

a sp e c ta cl e of an immen s e " educa t i onal s :v � t em " d ev o t e n t<'

of life" advertises itself puts the Furorcean student on

a fra n t i c r e s ear c h for m e thods o f c on tr ol l i n g , ma n i pul a t i n g ,

guard against the methods through which "Americans" are

produced. The Nanterre student is able to see himself beinp-

transformed into an indifferent servant of a military ma-

ma i m i ng and k i ll i ng huma n be i ng s .
chine. Students become aware that the activities for which

The arrogant i n s i s t e n c e w i t h wh i c h thP "Am e r i can wa y

o f l i f e " adver t i s e s i t s el f pu t s the Ru ro n e a n s tud e n t. on
they are being trained are intimately related to the Viet-

guard aga i m � t the m e t ho d � t:hrough wh i c h "Am e r i c an s ' ' a r e

nam war. They begin to grasp connections between the

bureaucratic content of their "education," the activities

The Nan terre s tu d e n t i s e. bl P. t o s e e h i m 8 e l f he i n P­

performed by the bureaucrats, and the killing of Vietnamese.

And when students begin to engage in "exposures" of their

produ c ed .
tran s f ormed i n to an i nd i f f erent s e rvan t o f a m i l i tar y ma­
Stud e n t s be c ome awa r e tha t t he a c t i v i ti e � for wh i c h
professors and classes, they try to make explicit, trans-

parent, the connection between the "objectivity" of this

c h i ne .
or that "social science," and the activity which is a con-

th e y ar e be i ng tra i n e d are i n t ima. t el y r e l a t e d t o t h e V i e t ­

nam war . The y be g i n to gra s p c o nne c t i on s be twe en th e
bur eaucra t i c c ontent o f t h e i r " e du c a t i o n , '' t h e a c t 1. v i t t e s
sequence of the practice of this "objective knowledge";

they begin to unveil what this system of knowledge does.

Students who begin to struggle against the war In

Vietnam by exposing the content of lectures at the Uni-

p e r f o rm e d by t h e bur eau cra t s , and the k i l l i n p.- o f Vi e tna m e s e .
versity of Nanterre show that they have two crucial in-
And when s tu d e n t s be g i n to engag e i n " ex n o su r e s " o f th e i r
sights: they perceive that their own activities at Nanterre

pro f e s s or s and c l a s s e s , th ey try t o mak e e x pl i c i t , tra n s ­

par e n t , the c.onn e c ti on be twe e n the " o b ,j e c t i vi ty " of t h1. s
are a part of an inter-connected system of activities which

or that " so c i al s c i en c e , " and t h e a c t i vi ty wh i. c h i s a c o n ­

encompass the entire world society; and they perceive that

s eque n c e o f t h e pra c t i c e o f t h i s " o h j e c t i v e knowl e dge '' ;

their own practical activities at Nanterre have repercus-

they b e g 1. n to unve i l what t h i s s y s tem o f kr10wl e dp; e d o e s .

sions on the entire world society.

Even without a background in Marxist theory, students

can see themselves manipulated daily by bureaucrats whose

personal achievements and quality of life are not overly

S tud e n t s wh o beg i n t o s tru ggl e aga i n s t t h e war t n

impressive: professors, university administrators, state

Vi e tnam by e x p o s i ng t h e c ontent o f l e c tur e s a t the Un i ­

ver s i ty o f Nanterre s how tha t they have two cru c i a l i n ­
functionaries. The students see themselves being used

s i ghts : t h e y p e r c e i ve that the i r own a c t i vi t 1 e s a t N A n terr e

are a part o f an i n ter-c onne c ted s y s tem of a c t 1 v 1 t 1 e s wh 1 c h
.

e n c ompa s s the e n t i r e worl d s o c i e ty ; and t h e v pe r c e i v e t ha t

t h e i r own pra c t i cal a c t i v i t i e s a t Nan t err e have r e n e r c u s ­
s i on s o n the e n t i r e worl d s o c i e ty .

Eve n wi thou t a ba ckground i n Marx i s t th e or y , s tu d e n t s

can s e e them s el v e s mani pul a t e d da i l y b y bu r eau c ra t s wh o s e
pers onal a c h i e vements and o ual i ty o f l i fe are no t overl y
1mpre s s 1 ve : pro f e s s o r s , un i ver s i t y adm 1 rt i s tra.tor s , s ta t e
func t i onar i e s . Th e s tud e n t s s e e them s e l v e s be i n g u s ed.
 95

for nvruoses def1 ned

selves bPinIT trained

rre, wa s
e po-
d the
�
� tirm · and
·o
they
put an
t con-

I
LJ��lif!i�������'
the ac-
1tivitie s
Whe
' developed
onlv iialf When they
puestioned
Ito d e f i n e tli
�eveloued onl
from the acad.em

means
and they
d irect ion
co.llecti ve

They know that the power of the bureaucrats depends

on the sturl P.nts' ac<'entance of thi s power. They also
kriow tiia.t tiiP noi••Pr of the stAte, of ca.pi ta.l ists an d o f
union bureAucrats de!lends o n workers' acceptance of th i s
tiowe:r. But the H<"rk ers ' acceptance also .has to be ex­
�l�inerl, sin�e t�et partl� denends on the indi fference of
thP ,.. P st of th� noplllatl o'rl. Thus the workers rev.a.rd i t
as a norm P.1 oort of l i f e to sell their labor, to alienate
trieir crea +: � •:e activity, and the rest of the ponulation
a<'cents thh:: .
 In t h e u n t v er s i t y , s tud e n t s �e � i n to n u t t h e s e n Ara � �
96

p o w e r o f r h e bu r eau c ra t s to an e n d . · Bu t w h e n t h e y �o to
In the university, students begin to put the separato

t h e fa c t or i e s , t h e y a r e u n e.bl e t o d e f i n e t h e s t e n s wM_ c .,.

power of the bureaucrats to an end. But when they fro to

ar e n e c e s s ar y to br eak t h e d e p e n d e n c e a n d h e l nl e s � n e s P c. f
the factories, they are unable to define the stens which

�o +�
are necessary to break the dependence and helplessness of

t h e work e r s . Th i s r e fl e c t s a l a ck of th e o r y . Th e y
i n fa c t r e pr e s e n � R � e ­
the workers. This reflects a lack of theory. They go to

the work e r s as if t h P- wor k e r 8 did

the workers as if the workers did in fact represent a se-

para te g rou p wh i c h mu s t d e f i n e i t s own � P p a r a t e s t ra t e g :v o f

parate group which must define its own separate strategy of

1 1 be ra t i o n . Fur t h e -rrn o r P- , � 1 t hou g h the s tu d e n t m i l 1 tan t s

liberation. Furthermore, although the student militants

ar e abl e to c onn e c t the i r own n n w e rl e s s n e s s wi t h t h e 8 h e e p -

are able to connect their own ^owerlessness vrith the sheep-

1 s hne s s o f t h e wo -r k e r s who i nd i f f e r e n tL- pr o du c e t h e i:r ­

ishness of the workers who indifferently produce the in-

s t rum e n t s o f t h e i r own r e p r e s s i o n , t h e y rn � k e t h :l s c o r m P c ­
struments of their own repression, they m?ke this connec-

tion only in concepts and are unable to translate it to

reality; they are unable to define a strategy which is

t i on o n l y i n c o n c e p t s e.nd ar e unabl e t o tran s l a t e l t t o

real i t y ; they are u na bl e to d e f i n e a s tr8 t e u y wh i c h i s
related to this perception. In the university thev are

In the u n i ve r s i t y t h P v a r e
conscious of themselves as living agents, they are cons-

r e l a t e d t o th i s perc e p t i on .
c o n s c i ou s o f th em s el v e s a s l i v i n � a � en t s , th e y a r e c o � s ­
cious of their own power to transform their daily lives.

They are able to 'set themselves a collective objective, *nd

are able to move towards it. Put they are urable to extend
c i ou s o f t h e i r o wn power t o t ra � s f o rm t h e i r d a i l y l i ve s .
this power beyond the university. Once outside, they are

The y are abl e to •s e t t h em s el ve s a c o l l e c t i ve 0 11 .� e c t t v P. , � n d

suddenly helpless spectators who expect something to rise

ar e abl e to move t owa r d s i t . Pu t t.� e y ar e u r a bl e t o e x t e n d

t h i s power beyon� � � e un i v e� � i t y . Onc e ou t s i d e , t h e y ar e
out of the "working class"; they cease to define themselves

su dde nl y hel pl e s s sp e c ta tor s w ho ex p e � t s o m e th t n g t o r i s e

as members of society who have the power to transform it.

ou t o f the " wo rk i np:- c la s s " ; t h e y c ea � e to d e n n e t h e m s e1 v p c;

They suddenly accept the legitimacy of the power of se-

parate groups over the social Instruments -for i-heir own

liberation.
a s members o f so c i e ty who have t h e power t0 �ra n s f o r� i t .
Roger Gregoire

They suddenly a c c e p t thP. J e g i t t ma c y o f t h e 00\or e r o f s � ­

para t e g r o u o s over t he s o c ial 1 n s tr n m P. n t s � � � � he i r own
Fredy Perlman

l i bera t i on .
ht

Rog e r Gr e � o i r e
"Those who make revolutions half way

merely dig their own craves"—Saint-Just

Fr e d y Perl m a n

ce v � Q" ' fa'� � c..r.

�-; S€ R CJ� . r<llVI a'Efiu.

" Tho s e who mak e r e volu t i on s h al f way

merel y d i g th e i r owri grave s " - - S R 1 n t- Ju � t.
 Published r y :
BLACK � RF.D �
p: o . Rox 9? .,.
IJ.<;>0
KalamA ?Clo • M 1 1" -h 1 ga n , 0�