Treaty of Peace between the United

States of America and theecember 10,

1898
WEEK 7
December 10, 1898

Treaty of Peace Between the United States of America and

the Kingdom of Spain (Treaty of Paris)*
By the President of the United States of America

[Signed in Paris, December 10, 1898]

A Proclamation.

Whereas, a Treaty of Peace between the United States of America and Her Majesty the Queen
Regent of Spain, in the name of her August Son, Don Alfonso XIII, was concluded and signed by their
respective plenipotentiaries at Paris on the tenth day of December, 1898, the original of which
Convention being in the English and Spanish languages, is word for word as follows:

THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN REGENT OF SPAIN, IN THE
NAME OF HER AUGUST SON DON ALFONSO XIII, desiring to end the state of war now existing between
the two countries, have for that purpose appointed as Plenipotentiaries:

 THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES,

 WILLIAM R. DAY, CUSHMAN K. DAVIS, WILLIAM P. FRYE, GEORGE GRAY, and WHITELAW REID,
citizens of the United States;
 AND HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN REGENT OF SPAIN,
 DON EUGENIO MONTERO RIOS, President of the Senate
 DON BUENAVENTURA De ABARZUZA, Senator of the Kingdom and ex-Minister of the Crown,
 DON JOSE DE GARNICA, Deputy to the Cortes and Associate Justice of the Supreme Court;
 DON WENCESLAO RAMIREZ DE VILLA-URRUTIA, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister
Plenipotentiary at Brussels, and
 DON RAFAEL CERERO, General of Division;

Who, having assembled in Paris, and having exchanged their full powers, which were found to be in
due and proper form, have, after discussion of the matters before them, agreed upon the following
articles:

ARTICLE I

Spain relinquishes all claim of sovereignty over and title to Cuba. And as the island is, upon its
evacuation by Spain, to be occupied by the United States, the United States will, so long as such as
occupation shall last, assume and discharge the obligations that may under international law result from
the fact of its occupation, for the protection of life and property.

ARTICLE II

Spain cedes to the United States the island of Porto Rico and other islands now under Spanish
sovereignty in the West Indies, and the island of Guam in the Marianas or Ladrones.

ARTICLE III

Spain cedes to the United States the archipelago known as the Philippine Islands, and
comprehending the islands lying within the following line:

A line running from west to east along or near the twentieth parallel of north latitude, and through the
middle of the navigable channel of Bachi, from the one hundred and eighteenth (118 th) to the one
hundred and twenty seventh (127 th) degrees meridian of longitude east of Greenwich, thence along the
one hundred and twenty seventh (127 th) degree meridian of longitude east of Greenwich to the parallel
of four degree and forty five minutes (4°45′) north latitude, thence along the parallel of four degrees
and forty five minutes (4°45′) north latitude to its intersection with the meridian of longitude one
hundred and nineteen degrees and thirty five minutes (119°35′) east of Greenwich, thence along the
meridian of longitude one hundred and nineteen degrees and thirty five minutes (119°35′) east of
Greenwich to the parallel of latitude seven degrees and forty minutes (7°40′) north, thence along the
parallel of latitude seven degrees and forty minutes (7°40′) north to its intersection with the one
hundred and sixteenth (116th) degree meridian of longitude east of Greenwich, thence by a direct line to
the intersection of the tenth (10 th) degree parallel of north latitude with the one hundred and
eighteenth (118th) degree meridian of longitude east of Greenwich, and thence along the one hundred
and eighteenth (118th) degree meridian of longitude east of Greenwich to the point of beginning.

The United States will pay to Spain the sum of twenty million dollars ($20,000,000) within three
months after the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty.

ARTICLE IV

The United States will, for the term of ten years from the date of the exchange of the
ratifications of the present treaty, admit Spanish ships and merchandise to the ports of the Philippine
Islands on the same terms as ships and merchandise of the United States.

ARTICLE V

The United States will, upon the signature of the present treaty, send back to Spain, at its own
cost, the Spanish soldiers taken as prisoners of war on the capture of Manila by the American forces.
The arms of the soldiers in question shall be restored to them.
 Spain will, upon the exchange of the ratifications of the present treaty, proceed to evacuate the
Philippines, as well as the island of Guam, on terms similar to those agreed upon by the Commissioners
appointed to arrange for the evacuation of Porto Rico and other islands in the West Indies, under the
Protocol of August 12, 1898, which is to continue in force till its provisions are completely executed.

The time within which the evacuation of the Philippine Islands and Guam shall be completed
shall be fixed by the two Governments. Stands of colors, uncaptured war vessels, small arms, guns of all
calibres, with their carriages and accessories, powder, ammunition, live stock, and materials and
supplies of all kinds, belonging to the land and naval forces of Spain in the Philippines and Guam, remain
the property of Spain. Pieces of heavy ordnance, exclusive of field artillery, in the fortifications and coast
defenses, shall remain in their emplacements for the term of six months, to be reckoned from the
exchange of ratifications of the treaty; and the United States may, in the mean time, purchase such
materials from Spain, if a satisfactory agreement between the two Governments on the subject shall be
reached.

ARTICLE VI

Spain will, upon the signature of the present treaty, release all prisoners of war, and all persons
detained or imprisoned for political offenses, in connection with the insurrections in Cuba and the
Philippines and the war with the United States.

Reciprocally, the United States will release all persons made prisoners of war by the American
forces, and will undertake to obtain the release of all Spanish prisoners in the hands of the insurgents in
Cuba and the Philippines.

The Government of the United States will at its own cost return to Spain and the Government of
Spain will at its own cost return to the United States, Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines, according to
the situation of their respective homes, prisoners released or caused to be released by them,
respectively, under this article.

ARTICLE VII

The United States and Spain mutually relinquish all claims for indemnity, national and individual,
of every kind, of either Government, or of its citizens or subjects, against the other Government that
may have arisen since the beginning of the late insurrection in Cuba and prior to the exchange of
ratifications of the present treaty, including all claims for indemnity for the cost of the war.

The United States will adjudicate and settle the claims of its citizens against Spain relinquished in this
article.

ARTICLE VIII

In conformity with the provisions of Articles I, II, and III of this treaty, Spain relinquishes in Cuba,
and cedes in Porto Rico and other islands in the West Indies, in the island of Guam, and in the Philippine
Archipelago, all the buildings, wharves, barracks, forts, structures, public highways and other immovable
property which, in conformity with law, belong to the public domain, and as such belong to the Crown of
Spain.
 And it is hereby declared that the relinquishment or cession, as the case may be, to which the
preceding paragraph refers, cannot in any respect impair the property or rights which by law belong to
the peaceful possession of property of all kinds, of provinces, municipalities, public or private
establishments, ecclesiastical or civic bodies, or any other associations having legal capacity to acquire
and possess property in the aforesaid territories renounced or ceded, or of private individuals, of
whatsoever nationality such individuals may be.

The aforesaid relinquishment or cession, as the case may be, includes all documents exclusively
referring to the sovereignty relinquished or ceded that may exist in the archives of the Peninsula. Where
any document in such archives only in part relates to said sovereignty, a copy of such part will be
furnished whenever it shall be requested. Like rules shall be reciprocally observed in favor of Spain in
respect of documents in the archives of the islands above referred to.

In the aforesaid relinquishment or cession, as the case may be, are also included such rights as
the Crown of Spain and its authorities possess in respect of the official archives and records, executive as
well as judicial, in the island above referred to, which relate to said islands or the rights and property of
their inhabitants. Such archives and records shall be carefully preserved, and private persons shall
without distinction have the right to require, in accordance with law, authenticated copies of the
contracts, wills and other instruments forming part of notarial protocols or files, or which may be
contained in the executive or judicial archives, be the latter in Spain or in the islands aforesaid.

ARTICLE IX

Spanish subjects, natives of the Peninsula, residing in the territory over which Spain by the
present treaty relinquishes or cedes her sovereignty, may remain in such territory or may remove
therefrom, retaining in either event all their rights of property, including the right to sell or dispose of
such property or of its proceeds; and they shall also have the right to carry on their industry, commerce
and professions, being subject in respect thereof to such laws as are applicable to other foreigners. In
case they remain in the territory they may preserve their allegiance to the Crown of Spain by making,
before a court of record, within a year from the date of the exchange of ratifications of this treaty, a
declaration of their decision to preserve such allegiance; in default of which declaration they shall be
held to have renounced it and to have adopted the nationality of the territory in which they may reside.

The civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants of the territories hereby ceded to the
United States shall be determined by the Congress.

ARTICLE X

The inhabitants of the territories over which Spain relinquishes or cedes her sovereignty shall be
secured in the free exercise of their religion.

ARTICLE XI

The Spaniards residing in the territories over which Spain by this treaty cedes or relinquishes her
sovereignty shall be subject in matters civil as well as criminal to the jurisdiction of the courts of the
country wherein they reside, pursuant to the ordinary laws governing the same; and they shall have the
right to appear before such courts, and to pursue the same course as citizens of the country to which
the courts belong.

ARTICLE XII

Judicial proceedings pending at the time of the exchange of ratifications of this treaty in the
territories over which Spain relinquishes or cedes her sovereignty shall be determined according to the
following rules:

1. Judgments rendered either in civil suits between private individuals, or in criminal matters, before the
date mentioned, and with respect to which there is no recourse or rights of review under the Spanish
law, shall be deemed to be final, and shall be executed in due form by competent authority in the
territory within which such judgments should be carried out.

2. Civil suits between private individuals which may on the date mentioned be undetermined shall be
prosecuted to judgment before the court in which they may then be pending or in the court that may be
substituted therefor.

3. Criminal actions pending on the date mentioned before the Supreme Court of Spain against citizens of
the territory which by this treaty ceases to be Spanish shall continue under its jurisdiction until final
judgment; but, such judgment having been rendered, the execution thereof shall be committed to the
competent authority of the place in which the case arose.

ARTICLE XIII

The rights of property secured by copyrights and patents acquired by Spaniards in the Island of
Cuba, and in Porto Rico, the Philippines and other ceded territories, at the time of the exchange of the
ratifications of this treaty, shall continue to be respected. Spanish scientific, literary and artistic works,
not subversive of public order in the territories in question, shall continue to be admitted free of duty
into such territories, for the period often years, to be reckoned from the date of the exchange of the
ratifications of this treaty.

ARTICLE XIV

Spain shall have the power to establish consular officers in the ports places of the territories, the
sovereignty over which has been either relinquished or ceded by the present treaty.

ARTICLE XV

The Government of each country will, for the term of ten years, accord to the merchant vessels
of the other country the same treatment in respect of all port charges, including entrance and clearance
dues, light dues, and tonnage duties, as its accords to its own merchant vessels, not engaged in the
coastwise trade.

This article may at any time be terminated on six months’ notice given by either Government to
the other.
 ARTICLE XVI

It is understood that any obligations assumed in this treaty by the United States with respect to
Cuba are limited to the time of its occupancy thereof; but it will upon the termination of such
occupancy, advise any Government established in the island to assume the same obligations.

ARTICLE XVII

The present treaty shall be ratified by the President of the United States, by and with the advice
and consent of the Senate thereof, and by Her Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain; and the ratifications
shall be exchanged at Washington within six months from the date hereof, or earlier if possible.

In faith whereof, we, the respective Plenipotentiaries, have signed this treaty and have hereunto
affixed our seals.

Done in duplicate at Paris, the tenth day of December, in the year of Our Lord one thousand
eight hundred and ninety-eight.

 [SEAL] WILLIAM R. DAY

 [SEAL] CUSHMAN K. DAVIS
 [SEAL] WM P. FRYE
 [SEAL] GEO. GRAY
 [SEAL] WHITELAW REID.
 [SEAL] EUGENIO MONTERO RIOS
 [SEAL] B. DEABARDUZA
 [SEAL] J. DE GARNICA
 [SEAL] W R DE VILLA URRUTIA
 [SEAL] RAFAEL CERERO

And whereas, the said Convention has been duly ratified on both parts, and the ratifications of
the two Governments were exchanged in the City of Washington, on the eleventh day of April, one
thousand eight hundred and ninety-nine;

Now, therefore, be it known that I, William McKinley, President of the United States of America,
have caused the said Convention to be made public, to the end that the same and every article and
clause thereof may be observed and fulfilled with good faith by the United States and the citizens
thereof.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be
affixed.
 Done at the City of Washington, this eleventh day of April, in the year of Our Lord one thousand
eight hundred and ninety-nine, and of the Independence of the United States the one hundred and
twenty-third.

 [SEAL] WILLIAM MCKINLEY

By the President:

John HaySecretary of State.

Footnotes:

* The Philippine National Territory: A Collection of Documents, Raphael Perpetuo M. Lotilla, ed. [1995],
at 32.

1. Sources: 30 US Stat. 1754; II Malloy 1690

2. Signed at Paris, December 10, 1898; ratification advised by the U.S. Senate, February 6, 1899; ratified
by the U.S. President, February 6, 1899; ratified by Her majesty the Queen Regent of Spain, March 19,
1899; ratifications exchanged at Washington, April 11, 1899; proclaimed, Washington, April 11, 1899.

Source: The Philippine Claim to a Portion of North Borneo

Lesson 2: Excerpt from Alfred McCoy and Alejandro Roces' Political

Caricatures of the American Era

Philippine political cartoons gained full expression during the American era. Filipino artists
recorded national attitudes toward the coming of the Americans as well as the changing mores and
times. While the 377 cartoons compiled in this book speak for themselves, historian Alfred McCoy’s
extensive research in Philippine and American archives provides a comprehensive background not only
to the cartoons but to the turbulent period as well. Artist-writer Alfredo Roces, who designed the book,
contributes an essay on Philippine graphic satire of the period.

Alfred McCoy

- J.R.W. Smail Professor of History at the University of Wisconsin-Madison who specializes in

Southeast Asia.

- He has written about and testified before Congress on, Philippine political history, opium trafficking
in the Golden Triangle, underworld crime syndicates, and international political surveillance.

WEEK 8
Lesson 1: Excerpt from Filipino Grievances Against Governor Wood by the
Commission on Independence

Leonard Wood

- a United States Army major general, physician, and public official. He served as the Chief of Staff of
the United States Army, Military Governor of Cuba and Governor General of the Philippines.

Speech of President Corazon Aquino during the Joint Session of the U.S. Congress, September 18, 1986

VIDEO:

[youtube]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4ZnnvbKyNCQ[/youtube]

TRANSCRIPT:

Speech
of
Her Excellency Corazon C. Aquino
President of the Philippines
During the Joint Session of the United States Congress

[Delivered at Washington, D.C., on September 18, 1986]

Three years ago, I left America in grief to bury my husband, Ninoy Aquino. I thought I had left it also to
lay to rest his restless dream of Philippine freedom. Today, I have returned as the president of a free
people.

In burying Ninoy, a whole nation honored him. By that brave and selfless act of giving honor, a nation in
shame recovered its own. A country that had lost faith in its future found it in a faithless and brazen act
of murder. So in giving, we receive, in losing we find, and out of defeat, we snatched our victory.

For the nation, Ninoy became the pleasing sacrifice that answered their prayers for freedom. For myself
and our children, Ninoy was a loving husband and father. His loss, three times in our lives, was always a
deep and painful one.

Fourteen years ago this month was the first time we lost him. A president-turned-dictator, and traitor to
his oath, suspended the Constitution and shut down the Congress that was much like this one before
which I am honored to speak. He detained my husband along with thousands of others – senators,
publishers and anyone who had spoken up for the democracy as its end drew near. But for Ninoy, a long
and cruel ordeal was reserved. The dictator already knew that Ninoy was not a body merely to be
imprisoned but a spirit he must break. For even as the dictatorship demolished one by one the
institutions of democracy – the press, the Congress, the independence of the judiciary, the protection of
the Bill of Rights – Ninoy kept their spirit alive in himself.

The government sought to break him by indignities and terror. They locked him up in a tiny, nearly
airless cell in a military camp in the north. They stripped him naked and held the threat of sudden
midnight execution over his head. Ninoy held up manfully–all of it. I barely did as well. For 43 days, the
authorities would not tell me what had happened to him. This was the first time my children and I felt
we had lost him.

When that didn’t work, they put him on trial for subversion, murder and a host of other crimes before a
military commission. Ninoy challenged its authority and went on a fast. If he survived it, then, he felt,
God intended him for another fate. We had lost him again. For nothing would hold him back from his
determination to see his fast through to the end. He stopped only when it dawned on him that the
government would keep his body alive after the fast had destroyed his brain. And so, with barely any life
in his body, he called off the fast on the fortieth day. God meant him for other things, he felt. He did not
know that an early death would still be his fate, that only the timing was wrong.

At any time during his long ordeal, Ninoy could have made a separate peace with the dictatorship, as so
many of his countrymen had done. But the spirit of democracy that inheres in our race and animates
this chamber could not be allowed to die. He held out, in the loneliness of his cell and the frustration of
exile, the democratic alternative to the insatiable greed and mindless cruelty of the right and the
purging holocaust of the left.

And then, we lost him, irrevocably and more painfully than in the past. The news came to us in Boston. It
had to be after the three happiest years of our lives together. But his death was my country’s
resurrection in the courage and faith by which alone they could be free again. The dictator had called
him a nobody. Two million people threw aside their passivity and escorted him to his grave. And so
began the revolution that has brought me to democracy’s most famous home, the Congress of the
United States.

The task had fallen on my shoulders to continue offering the democratic alternative to our people.

Archibald Macleish had said that democracy must be defended by arms when it is attacked by arms and
by truth when it is attacked by lies. He failed to say how it shall be won.

I held fast to Ninoy’s conviction that it must be by the ways of democracy. I held out for participation in
the 1984 election the dictatorship called, even if I knew it would be rigged. I was warned by the lawyers
of the opposition that I ran the grave risk of legitimizing the foregone results of elections that were
clearly going to be fraudulent. But I was not fighting for lawyers but for the people in whose intelligence
I had implicit faith. By the exercise of democracy, even in a dictatorship, they would be prepared for
democracy when it came. And then, also, it was the only way I knew by which we could measure our
power even in the terms dictated by the dictatorship.

The people vindicated me in an election shamefully marked by government thuggery and fraud. The
opposition swept the elections, garnering a clear majority of the votes, even if they ended up, thanks to
a corrupt Commission on Elections, with barely a third of the seats in parliament. Now, I knew our
power.
Last year, in an excess of arrogance, the dictatorship called for its doom in a snap election. The people
obliged. With over a million signatures, they drafted me to challenge the dictatorship. And I obliged
them. The rest is the history that dramatically unfolded on your television screen and across the front
pages of your newspapers.

You saw a nation, armed with courage and integrity, stand fast by democracy against threats and
corruption. You saw women poll watchers break out in tears as armed goons crashed the polling places
to steal the ballots but, just the same, they tied themselves to the ballot boxes. You saw a people so
committed to the ways of democracy that they were prepared to give their lives for its pale imitation. At
the end of the day, before another wave of fraud could distort the results, I announced the people’s
victory.

The distinguished co-chairman of the United States observer team in his report to your President
described that victory:

“I was witness to an extraordinary manifestation of democracy on the part of the Filipino people. The
ultimate result was the election of Mrs. Corazon C. Aquino as President and Mr. Salvador Laurel as Vice-
President of the Philippines.”

Many of you here today played a part in changing the policy of your country towards us. We, Filipinos,
thank each of you for what you did: for, balancing America’s strategic interest against human concerns,
illuminates the American vision of the world.

When a subservient parliament announced my opponent’s victory, the people turned out in the streets
and proclaimed me President. And true to their word, when a handful of military leaders declared
themselves against the dictatorship, the people rallied to their protection. Surely, the people take care
of their own. It is on that faith and the obligation it entails, that I assumed the presidency.

As I came to power peacefully, so shall I keep it. That is my contract with my people and my
commitment to God. He had willed that the blood drawn with the lash shall not, in my country, be paid
by blood drawn by the sword but by the tearful joy of reconciliation.

We have swept away absolute power by a limited revolution that respected the life and freedom of
every Filipino. Now, we are restoring full constitutional government. Again, as we restored democracy
by the ways of democracy, so are we completing the constitutional structures of our new democracy
under a constitution that already gives full respect to the Bill of Rights. A jealously independent
Constitutional Commission is completing its draft which will be submitted later this year to a popular
referendum. When it is approved, there will be congressional elections. So within about a year from a
peaceful but national upheaval that overturned a dictatorship, we shall have returned to full
constitutional government. Given the polarization and breakdown we inherited, this is no small
achievement.

My predecessor set aside democracy to save it from a communist insurgency that numbered less than
500. Unhampered by respect for human rights, he went at it hammer and tongs. By the time he fled,
that insurgency had grown to more than 16,000. I think there is a lesson here to be learned about trying
to stifle a thing with the means by which it grows.
I don’t think anybody, in or outside our country, concerned for a democratic and open Philippines,
doubts what must be done. Through political initiatives and local reintegration programs, we must seek
to bring the insurgents down from the hills and, by economic progress and justice, show them that for
which the best intentioned among them fight.

As President, I will not betray the cause of peace by which I came to power. Yet equally, and again no
friend of Filipino democracy will challenge this, I will not stand by and allow an insurgent leadership to
spurn our offer of peace and kill our young soldiers, and threaten our new freedom.

Yet, I must explore the path of peace to the utmost for at its end, whatever disappointment I meet
there, is the moral basis for laying down the olive branch of peace and taking up the sword of war. Still,
should it come to that, I will not waver from the course laid down by your great liberator: “With malice
towards none, with charity for all, with firmness in the rights as God gives us to see the rights, let us
finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation’s wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the
battle, and for his widow and for his orphans, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting
peace among ourselves and with all nations.”

Like Lincoln, I understand that force may be necessary before mercy. Like Lincoln, I don’t relish it. Yet, I
will do whatever it takes to defend the integrity and freedom of my country.

Finally, may I turn to that other slavery: our $26 billion foreign debt. I have said that we shall honor it.
Yet must the means by which we shall be able to do so be kept from us? Many conditions imposed on
the previous government that stole this debt continue to be imposed on us who never benefited from it.
And no assistance or liberality commensurate with the calamity that was visited on us has been
extended. Yet ours must have been the cheapest revolution ever. With little help from others, we
Filipinos fulfilled the first and most difficult conditions of the debt negotiation the full restoration of
democracy and responsible government. Elsewhere, and in other times of more stringent world
economic conditions, Marshall plans and their like were felt to be necessary companions of returning
democracy.

When I met with President Reagan yesterday, we began an important dialogue about cooperation and
the strengthening of the friendship between our two countries. That meeting was both a confirmation
and a new beginning and should lead to positive results in all areas of common concern.

Today, we face the aspirations of a people who had known so much poverty and massive
unemployment for the past 14 years and yet offered their lives for the abstraction of democracy.
Wherever I went in the campaign, slum area or impoverished village, they came to me with one cry:
democracy! Not food, although they clearly needed it, but democracy. Not work, although they surely
wanted it, but democracy. Not money, for they gave what little they had to my campaign. They didn’t
expect me to work a miracle that would instantly put food into their mouths, clothes on their back,
education in their children, and work that will put dignity in their lives. But I feel the pressing obligation
to respond quickly as the leader of a people so deserving of all these things.

We face a communist insurgency that feeds on economic deterioration, even as we carry a great share
of the free world defenses in the Pacific. These are only two of the many burdens my people carry even
as they try to build a worthy and enduring house for their new democracy, that may serve as well as a
redoubt for freedom in Asia. Yet, no sooner is one stone laid than two are taken away. Half our export
earnings, $2 billion out of $4 billion, which was all we could earn in the restrictive markets of the world,
went to pay just the interest on a debt whose benefit the Filipino people never received.

Still, we fought for honor, and, if only for honor, we shall pay. And yet, should we have to wring the
payments from the sweat of our men’s faces and sink all the wealth piled up by the bondsman’s two
hundred fifty years of unrequited toil?

Yet to all Americans, as the leader of a proud and free people, I address this question: has there been a
greater test of national commitment to the ideals you hold dear than that my people have gone
through? You have spent many lives and much treasure to bring freedom to many lands that were
reluctant to receive it. And here you have a people who won it by themselves and need only the help to
preserve it.

Three years ago, I said thank you, America, for the haven from oppression, and the home you gave
Ninoy, myself and our children, and for the three happiest years of our lives together. Today, I say, join
us, America, as we build a new home for democracy, another haven for the oppressed, so it may stand
as a shining testament of our two nation’s commitment to freedom.

WEEK 9

Lesson 1: Raiders of the Sulu Sea (Documentary Film)

Raiders of the Sulu Sea

- A Historiography documentary film focusing on Zamboanga City depicting how the Spaniards
defended the city with the Fort Pilar as Spain’s last stronghold and bastion of defense and economic
expansion in the South of the Philippines.

- It depicts the Southeast Asian flourishing free trading in the area and the adverse effects and
repercussions when Europeans such as the English, Dutch and Spanish who wanted to control the
economy as well to colonize and Christianize.

- The documentary centers on the activities of the slave raiders as a way of retaliation to the
colonizers and a way to defend their way of life against oppression.

- The Sulu and Maguindanao sultanates were then the two main kingdoms controlling the Muslim
colonies of the southern Philippines. With the king of Maguindanao, Rajah Dalasi, at the helm, they
launched a bloody attack on Fort Pilar.

3 Different groups of Muslims identified in the colonial sources

1. Tausug
 - A tribe without maritime experience, but known for its fierce warriors and widespread political
power

2. Illanun

- The one which was very important in piracy history

- Long-standing seafaring community

3. Balangingi Tribe or Samal

- Occupied the chain of islands between Basilan and Sulu island

- Also a long-standing seafaring community

Ancient Maritime Vessels and Weapons used by the Moros

Garay

- Built from bamboo, wood, and the nipa palm and could carry more than 100 sailors.

- This single-sailed ship was 25 meters long and six meters across and housed a powder magazine and
cannon at the bow.

- With 30 to 60 oars on each side, the garay was faster than any other seagoing vessel of its time

Salisipan

- Small boats designed for coastal raids

Kalis

- Sword with a mystical side

Barong

- One the Tausug warriors use to cut off an M-14, a carbine

- A single-edged leaf-shaped blade made of thick tempered steel

- This approximately one-meter long weapon was used in close hand-to-hand battle to cut Spanish
firearms down to size.

Kris
 - Weapon of warfare and ceremony

- Measuring up to 1.2 meters in length, was not only carried by slave raiders into battle but also by
nobles and high-ranking officials of the southern sultanates

- Double-edged and with either a smooth or wavy blade

Kampilan

- Heavy single-edged sword adorned with hair to make it look even more intimidating

- At the tip of the blade are two horns projecting from the blunt side which is used to pick up the
head of a decapitated body

Lesson 2: A Legacy of Heroes, Story of Bataan and Corregidor

(Documentary Film)

A Legacy of Heroes, The Story of Bataan and Corregidor

- It discusses World War 2 in the Philippines and how thousands of heroic young Filipinos braved the
odds and struggled to defend and protect the freedom of their people and motherland .

- The film centers on the stories of valor and heroism by the gallant Filipino veterans of World War 2.
Through the eyewitness accounts of patriotic Filipino and American men who fought, the documentary
returns to the events of the war, beginning from the attacks of the Japanese at Pearl Harbor, Hawaii and
then the Philippines immediately after, to the battles in Bataan and Corregidor and the Death March
where courage and sacrifice rose to its heights creating a saga in Philippine history and a legacy of
heroes that will always be remembered.

Lesson 3: Works of Juan Luna and Fernando Amorsolo (Paintings)

Juan Luna y Novicio (1857 – 1899)

- A great Filipino painter, and occasionally a sculptor

- He was a prominent propagandist who pushed for political reforms along with Jose Rizal

- His victory taking the gold medal in the 1884 Madrid Exposition of Fine Arts for his “Spoliarium”,
along with the 2nd prize silver of fellow Filipino painter Felix Hidalgo, created a celebration that would
be a highlight in the memoirs of members of the Propaganda Movement

The following are some of the most historically and culturally

significant masterpieces of Juan Luna y Novicio:

 Spoliarium (1884)
  Parisian Life (1892)
 Blood Compact (1886)

Fernando Amorsolo y Cueto (1892-1972)

- First National Artist in Painting (1972) of the Philippines, and is also referred to as the "Grand Old
Man of Philippine Art"

- Amorsolo graduated from both Liceo de Manila Art School in 1909 and the University of the
Philippines School of Fine Arts. He also graduated from U.P. with honors in 1914, and received a study
grant in Madrid, Spain

- While in New York, his art was influenced with an encounter with postwar impressionism and
cubism, creating a uniquely

The following are some of the most historically and culturally

significant masterpieces of Fernando Amorsolo y Cueto:

 The Making of the Philippine Flag

 Antipolo (1947)
 Rice Planting (1922)

WEEK 10
Lesson 1: The Site of the First Mass in the Philippines

The Site of the First Mass in the Philippines

The issue on this event in history is the question of, "Where did the first mass really took place in
the Philippines, is it in the traditional Limasawa, or is it in the claimed Masao in Butuan?"

Lesson 2: The Cavite Mutiny and the Rebellion Case Against GomBurZa

The Cavite Mutiny and the Rebellion Case Against GomBurZa

The primary sources are records that are concerned with the controversy the surrounds the event
of the Cavite Mutiny of 1872 and the alleged involvement of the three martyred Filipino priests Frs. Jose
Burgos, Mariano Gomez and Jacinto Zamora more well known as Gomburza. The issue is to settle
whether or not the three priests were guilty of the rebellion case they were accused of which resulted
to their execution by “garrote” as a penalty a month after the said mutiny.

WEEK 11
Lesson 1: The First Cry of the Revolution

The First Cry of the Revolution

 The primary sources are accounts pertaining to the first cry for freedom that has either took place
in Bahay Toro, Pugad Lawin or Biyak na Bato. The sources present different versions that would give
light to, not only where such first cry took place, but equally important is to the realization of the
struggle of the men and women of the Katipunan and their resolve to put an end to oppression and
injustice. The sources also highlight the primary contribution of the hero and revolutionary leader
Supremo Andres Bonifacio of starting the fight against the Spanish colonial masters.