The Psychomachia of Prudentius

Author(s): H. J. Thomson
Source: The Classical Review, Vol. 44, No. 3 (Jul., 1930), pp. 109-112
Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of The Classical Association
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/698302
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 THE CLASSICAL REVIEW iog
THE PSYCHOMACHIA OF PRUDENTIUS.

THE Psychomachia, widely This

readis as
not it
mere cold doctrine. The
was in the Middle Ages, has actual
won fighting
little is brought to an end by
the contest
appreciation from modern critics, apartbetween Avarice and Good
Works (Operatio).2 Avarice is the most
from the recognition of the interesting
place which it holds in literarydangerous
history.1of all the Vices, and Good
Mr. Glover almost alone has a good Works the least in rank of all the Vir-
word to say for it. No doubt moral tues (' militiae postrema gradu '), Faith
allegory does not appeal to every age. being the greatest; but it is her defeat
Bunyan's Holy War, which recounts of Avarice that marks the completion
the attack on the town of Mansoul, is of the victory. This touch is suggested
very little read nowadays; and we are by the story of the rich young man
told that even The Pilgrim's Progress is (Matt. xix. 16) who, having kept all the
much less read and known than it used
commandments from his youth up,
to be. The Psychomachia, it must be
asked, 'What lack I yet ?' and received
the answer, 'Go and sell that thou hast
admitted, cannot compete as a tale with
Bunyan's great allegories; and instead and give to the poor.' Good Works
of Bunyan's natural, easy prose narra- has given all her substance to the poor,
and so enters the fight lightened of
tive it offers us high classical epic, and
does its best to adapt the language every burden. Surely in such passages
and technique of Virgil to an abstract the spiritual lesson and the poet's re-
Christian theme. What chance can it ligious feeling are not to be missed.
have ? Yet the adaptation itself is Andin-the poem rises to a definitely
teresting and in some ways curiously religious climax. When the Vices are
successful. In the Latin work, again, all defeated and Heresy is torn asunder,
there is much less than Bunyan's arich- gorgeous temple of precious stones is
ness of spiritual observation and teach- built for the reception of the Son of
ing. The zest with which Prudentius Man. Different views have been held
(perhaps owing to his Spanish blood) as to the meaning of this temple. In
dwells on the gruesome details of its construction Prudentius has taken
slaughter often obscures the fact that many hints from the picture of the New
the poem has a religious purpose. In- Jerusalem in the Apocalypse; but the
deed, it is one of M. Puech's complaintstemple is not the New Jerusalem, nor
that the Psychomachia is devoid of yet, as Rdsler seems to have thought,
religious feeling. But this is not quite the chief seat of the Catholic Church.
fair. Throughout a great part of the It is erected in the soul of man, where
poem the spiritual aspect is not made the moral warfare has been waged, and
prominent, but it is not absent. In the the suggestion of it comes from St. Paul's
first speech which occurs Purity taunts words: 'Ye are the temple of the living
Lust with daring to tempt mankind God.' The figure of the soul as a temple
after the birth of Christ in the flesh; appears more than once in other poems
for by that birth, she says, the flesh of Prudentius ;3 and what he wishes to
itself has been made divine, since Christ express here is that the moral victory
in assuming our nature raised us to His: over the Vices is only preliminary to
Inde omnis iam diva caro est, quae concipit the consecration of the soul to God,
illum, without which it is insufficient :
naturamque Dei consortis foedere sumit . . .
Ille manet quod semper erat, quod non erat esse nam quid terrigenas ferro pepulisse phalangas
incipiens: nos quod fuimus iam non sumus, culparum prodest, hominis si filius arce
aucti aetheris inlapsus purgati corporis urbem
nascendo in melius. intret inornatam templi splendentis egenus ?
(8I6 ff.)4
1 Puech, Prudence; Ebert, Geschichte der
Christlichlateinischen Literatur ; de Labriolle,
Histoire de la Littcrature Latine Chretienne ; 2 573 ff.
3 Cf. Cath. 4, 13-18, 25-27 ; Perist. 10, 346.
Glover, Life and Letters in the Fourth Century ;
Raby, Christian Latin Poetry. Mr. Glover and 4 Cf. also the lines at the end of the poem,
Mr. Raby mention the importance of the poem especially 902-915, where the religious devotion
for mediaeval religious art. of the poet is evident.

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 IIO THE CLASSICAL REVIEW
To return, however, to moral alle- did not worship them, had good reason
gory, what the critics find hard to bearfor doing so too, for he was very con-
is the epic treatment of personified scious of their force in his moral life,
abstractions. To M. Puech and M. de and accustomed to the notion of a
struggle
Labriolle the poem is an unhappy ex- between powers of good an
evil. M. Puech claims that allegorica
periment; to turn the soul into a battle-
field, where bloodless abstractionsfigures
fight should be reserved for the us
in the manner of real epic heroes, of and
mystics, who cannot express the
to narrate their contests in thethoughts high in any other way; whereas
epic style, is a mere pedantic exercise. the Psychomachia we have only the sim
The lofty language and constant em-of Christian ideas, and nothin
plest
ployment of Virgilian phraseologyat all that could not be said in plai
only
serve to make more prominent the language. That is to say, Prudentiu
poverty of the substance, and the result ought to have written a plain sermo
is a parody of the Aeneid. But we and the argument would apply almos
ought to remember how large a partequally to Bunyan. But the plain
was played in Roman life by such figuressermon does not always make the
as Pax, Spes, Fides, Honos, Virtus, strongest appeal to human nature. The
Victoria, Pietas, Concordia. As the old Fathers of the Church, in some of their
mythology of gods and heroes wore most practical treatises, had personified
thinner and thinner, these personifica- moral qualities with some elaboration,
tions of abstract ideas became increas- and passages in their works have been
ingly prominent and important. Mr. pointed out which may or may not
Raby remarks that such personification have had some inspiration for Pruden-
was part of the 'stock-in-trade' of the tius.3 It looks as if such figures were
later poets; but it was much more than still capable of a vividness that could
that. Playing from early times an im- give reality to an heroic treatment.
portant r61le in the religion of privatePrudentius took advantage of a mode
life, appearing in poetry from Ennius of thought which was familiar but still
onwards, in prose a recognised device forcibly significant; and when he wished
of the orator, it was encouraged by art to present to readers of his time, edu-
too, and it grew rapidly on the ruinscated
of in the classical tradition, a vivid
the old religion. On the coinage, the picture of the soul's history, it is hard
most widely diffused form of art, per- to see in what form he could have cast
his poem except the heroic. Fides and
sonifications began to take a large place
towards the close of the Republic, and Concordia, the leaders of his band, Spes
in the early centuries of the Empire and Discordia, and others of his charac-
this tendency showed an immense de-
ters were already familiar, and might
velopment. In the fourth century have
it figured without criticism in the
underwent some decline, perhaps for
action of a purely pagan epic like some
of Claudian's. The Christian world
reasons connected with Christian belief;
but it still appeared, and we can seeof
in Prudentius' time was not yet so
the case of Victory one of the waysthoroughly
in christianised as to have for-
gotten its old ways of thinking. But
which Christianity took over and modi-
fied to its own purposes features of
Christianity gave to the old modes a
paganism which it could not abolish.'
new content and meaning, so that Fides
became the Catholic Faith and Dis-
Vaguely conceived as such characters
were at first, literary imagination, too,
cordia became Heresy, just as the pagan
Victoria was transformed into the
had long begun to portray them more
vividly and dramatically.2 The Roman
Christian Angel of Victory.
in his pagan religious exercises had beenNo one denies to Prudentius the
accustomed of old to attributing some credit of having originated this type of
poem, as he originated the Christian
vague sort of power to these personified
qualities; and the Christian, though ode
he and (to borrow the term applied by
1 Mattingly, Roman Coins, pp. 68, 163 ff.,
3 Tertullian, De Patientia 15, De Spectaculis
239, 250. 29; Cyprian, De Mortalitate 4; Ambrose, De
2 E.g. Seneca, De Vita Beata 7. Abrakam, 2, 4, 17, De Cain et Abel I, 4-5-

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 THE CLASSICAL REVIEW III

to his
a recent reviewer to thepoemPeristephanon)
in a mechanical and unin-
the Christian ballad. An
telligent way.attempt wasis
After full allowance
indeed made in a German dissertation1 made for the extent to which his mind
to prove that the Psychomachia is laterwas soaked in Virgil, there is a con-
in date than Claudian's Gigantomachia siderable residuum which shows that he
on the ground that it is closely depen-could use borrowed material in his own
dent on Claudian for construction and way, making it live anew in true adapta-
language and even for its title. But tion to his own purpose, which is what
Weyman, in an article recently reprinted
Virgil himself often did with conspicuous
success.5 A good example is in the in-
in his Beitriige zur Geschichte der Christ-
lich-lateinischen Poesie, showed the weak-
cident of Avarice, who, finding that in
ness of that case. The titles are not her own character she cannot harm the
parallel except in form ; for while Virtues, disguises herself as the Virtue
'Gigantomachia' is the fight of the Thrift, and in that array does much
Giants, ' Psychomachia' is the fight for execution. The device is suggested by
the soul. Hoefer produced a large Coroebus in Aeneid II. putting on the
number of alleged parallels in language,harness of the Greek Androgeos,5 but it
but many of them are mere coinci- is used here with peculiar appropriate-
dences, due to both writers imitating aness and with true observation. It is
classical poet. Bergman's index of imi- clear that in structural ideas as well as
tations (in his recent edition of the text
in language the poem does owe much to
of Prudentius) cuts them down to fifteen,the Aeneid, and a little consideration of
none of them from the Gigantomachia the borrowings may suggest what Pru-
as we have it; and even these are not dentius' conception of his subject really
striking. There is indeed a sense in was. It is noticeable that a large pro-
which the story of the Giants (or the portion of the verbal imitations of Virgil
Titans) may have some significance for come from the last books of the Aeneid.
our poem as part of the background of Neglecting mere tags like 'dixerat' or
ideas out of which it came. Prudentius 'haec ubi dicta dedit ' and a few phrases
of course knew the tale ; and Christianor lines which one might hesitate to
ways of thinking about virtue and call sin reminiscences of Virgil at all, of the
bear some obvious analogies to it. The
instances cited by Bergman from the
Vices, like the Titans, are born of the Aeneid half are from Books IX. to XII.
earth: Prudentius (Psych. 816) calls and a quarter are from Book XII. itself.
them 'terrigenas phalangas'; and there Nowhere else in Prudentius, I think, do
is war between the earth-born flesh these books figure to anything like this
extent, and it is clear that while com-
(' viscera limo effigiata') and the spirit,
which is from heaven ('sereno editus posing this poem he had Aeneas' conflict
adflatu ').3 But the poem bears a muchwith Turnus much in his mind. It is
more actual relation to Virgil than not to
the mere imitation of Virgil that is
Claudian. significant, but the suggestions which
The reader cannot fail to notice a
come to Prudentius from the contest of
great deal of borrowing from Virgil
the and
divinely commissioned Trojans with
other poets, and it is true thatthe
here
present inhabitants of their promised
land
Prudentius takes more from Virgil thanunder 'proud Turnus.' The Vir-
he does elsewhere, as a glance through
tues too, like Aeneas and his band, are
Bergman's index will show. Butunder
it is divine commission and guidance,7
a great exaggeration to speak ofandthePride, though not the leader of
Psychomachia as almost a cento of Virgil
their;4foes, is one of the most elaborately
drawn
and it is unjust to accuse Prudentius offigures in the poem. In her
transferring Virgilian phrases andspeech,
ideas which begins at line 206, the

1 H oefer, De Prudentii Poetae Psychomachia 6 Cf Sikes, Roman Poetry, p. 76.

et Carminum Chronologia, Marburg, 1895.
2 Cf. Perist. 10, 84-85.
3 904 ff.
4 I am glad to have the support of Mr.
Glover here.
6 Cf Psych. 550 with Aen. II. 390. There is
also in the language of 551 a reminiscence of
Allecto at Aen. VII. 415 changing into the
appearance of Calybe.
7 Cf. Psych. 13-16.

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 112 THE CLASSICAL REVIEW

Virtues are represented Christian themes.

just It is as
characteristic
are the
Trojans in Italy, as that for him as for Aeneas theseeking
interlopers Tiber is
what does not belong to them; the still a sacred river,6 not from any asso-
Vices are the owners of the soul, and a ciation with a river-god, but because it
more virile race to boot. The tone of flows through Christ's earthly capital
furious contempt which marks the and by the tombs of Christian martyrs.
speech
Prudentius, then, would not look back
is undoubtedly suggested by the speech
on the
of Remulus, Turnus' brother-in-law, at story of Aeneas without warm
Aeneid IX. 598.1 But the adaptation interest or merely because he was a
lover of Virgil. Believing in the divine
of these borrowed ideas to Prudentius'
mission of Rome as heartily as Virgil
own plan is perfectly natural and nowise
mechanical or unintelligent. We can did, he had a fuller conception of that
infer something of the way in which mission than Anchises in the Aeneid
Prudentius thought of his relationwas to able to declare, and he saw the
Virgil. Mr. Glover and others have ideal fulfilment of it when the far-off
remarked on the strength of his Romansuccessor of Aeneas bowed the knee to
feeling, and there is no need to dwellChrist :
upon it here. But Prudentius has his iam purpura supplex
own philosophy of history. As he looks sternitur Aeneadae rectoris ad atria Christi,
vexillumque crucis summus dominator adorat.7
back over the history of Rome he sees
in it the hand of Providence preparingBut the enthronement of Christianity
the world for the reception of Christ; 2in the seat of imperial power is no more
and it is an idealised Rome that he sees
than the outward aspect of an inner and
now existing, the centre of a world-
spiritual victory, and I suggest that
empire under Christ's government. Prudentius
We conceived the war of Aeneas
are apt to make too sharp a division in a way 'prefiguring' the moral war-
as in
our thought between pagan and Chris-
fare in the soul, divine law and peace
tian Rome. Prudentius felt no such
subduing ungoverned selfish passions,
discontinuity; he only thought of Rome
just as incidents of the Old Testament
going forward from strength to strength.3
were often interpreted as prefiguring
In the same way he accepts the works
events of Christian history or elements
of pagan art4 and the classical literature
of Christian experience. As the victory
without qualms of conscience, of such as was a step in the providential
Aeneas
many Christians felt. But art and preparation of the Pax Romana for the
literature, too, must come under the consecration of the world to Christ, so
rule of Christ. Pilate, when he orderedthe victory of the Virtues over the Vices
the superscription on the Cross to beis preparatory to the consecration of
written in Latin as well as in Hebrew
the soul. This does not mean that
and Greek, was wiser than he knew,
Prudentius allegorised the Aeneid,
for Latin was to take its place besidesome others did, but that he saw spiri
the other tongues in the praise of thesignificance in the story; and his
Lord.5 It is in this spirit that Pruden-deavour was not only to show that
tius uses the language and forms of theChristian Rome could still speak her
classical poetry for the treatment ofown great language, but to display a
part of Christian experience as a kind
1 Cf. the whole passages, especially Psych. of spiritual A eneid.
206 and 212-213 with Aen. IX. 598 and 600.
2 E.g. Contra Symmaclzum II. 583 ff.; H. J. THOMSON.
Perist. 2, 425. Bangor, North Wales.
3 Contra Symnm. II. 277 ff., especially 303 ff.
and 649-665.
4 Ib. I. 502 ff.; Perist. 2, 481. 6 Aen. VIII. 72 ; Perist. 12, 29.
5 Ajfotheosis 376-385. 7 Apoth. 446.

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