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Karamoja Colonial Roots of Famine in North-East Uganda
Karamoja Colonial Roots of Famine in North-East Uganda
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66
administratively,and in such a way that for the people to get enough money to
pay their taxes they would have to sell the government a certain number of
cattle! That the volumeof cattle sales was directlyrelated to the need for cash to
pay taxes is clear from the Annual Report of the Treasurerfor 1934. That year,
the estimated tax revenue of the government of ?3,600 was exceeded by
?1,650.15 shillings. The treasurer explained:'The opening up of the cattle trade
in the District enabledmore natives to pay their taxes' (p.16).
Government-setcattle prices in different parts of the colony varied enormously.
No official prices are available for Karamoja.But we can compare prices in
Lango, where the point of the cattle trade was also to 'de-stock'herds, with those
in Bugandato make our point. In 1939, average price paid for cattle was shs27/-
in Langobut shs72/- in Buganda;in 1943 it was shs45/-and shs86/-;in 1947 it was
shs87/- and shsl6O/-, accordingto the Veterinary DepartmentAnnual Reports
for 1945 and 1947. When in 1964, the governmentmonopolyin cattle buying in
Karamojawas ended in favour of private traders, the officiallyset average price
of shs.178/- steeply rose to shs258/-!
The numberof cattle sold at the auctionswas numberedin thousandsevery year.
The profits of the KaramajaCattle Scheme also ranged in thousandsof pounds,
always being the largest single revenue earners, even more than the African
Local GovernmentTax. Below is a comparisonof revenue earnedfrom these two
sources between 1949 and 1953:
1949 1950 1951 1952 1953
AfricanLocalGovtTax ?7,029 ?7,065 ?7,235 ?7,740 ?13,160
KaramojaCattle Scheme
Profits ?8,700 ?15,000 ?13,000 ?19,000 ?19,000
Source:AfricanLocalGovernmentEstimatesfor NorthernProvince
The KaramojaCattle Scheme thus came to perform a dual function. It was not
only a vehicle for 'de-stocking'herds; it also turned a handsomeprofit for the
government. The Karamojongwere fleeced, as it were, twice!
The colonialmonopolyof the cattle trade was relaxed on two occasions,and then
sharedwith British monopolies.The first time was duringthe war. Liebig's Ltd,
a British monopolybased in Kenya, was allowed to purchaselarge numbersof
Karamojacattle for canning of meat at its Athi River factory.
its purchases were 22,668 out of a total 'export' sale of 36,217. What Fresh
Foods did not buy went mainly to a government established meat packing
factory, set up in Karamojaat Namalu in 1954 to export canned meat to the
Britishgarrisonin Aden. To the people, it was this factorythat cameto symbolise
the theft of their cattle at nominalprices.
A major anti-colonialresistance movement developedin the 1950s and its focus
became the factory at Namalu. The people demanded its closure. Even the
coming of Independence in 1962 did not de-fuse this movement. The new
governmentwas forcedto respond.In 1964it movedthe factory out of Karamoja
to Soroti (Opuli-Watum). Cattle were still sold, and meat was still packed,but out
of sight of the people of Karamoja!The system was re-formed!
life well under way. Not only did hunting come to a close, for with the game
reserves set up, hunting was now 'poaching';possibilities for agriculturewere
also severely constricted as large areas of land most suited to agriculture,
including the land that was demarcated as a national park, were confiscated.
Colonial authorities, like Parsons, noted the progressive decline of cultivated
acreage per head of populationin Karamoja:in 1948, it was an average of 0.76
acres per head; by 1959, it had come down to an acreage 0.56 acres per head.
The social scientist hired by the RockefellerFund, Dr MaryJean Aerni, grasped
this fact empiricallywhen she describedthe dilemmaof the Napore tribe in the
Karamojongnationality. The Napore, she argued, were 'handicappedby an
adverse environmentand conditionsof drought'.Napore men as well as women
'are willing to be cultivators',but the option was not a real one. They were even
willingto enter the wage-labourmarket,but possibilitieswere 'scarce'.Withouta
historical perspective on the problem, and tied to the Rockefeller string, she
could see no way out.
The dilemma she described was real, but it was viewed from a short-run
perspective.The Karamojonghad been cut off both from their past (hunting)and
from their future (agriculture).They were left to endlessly suffer the crisis of
pastoralismwith insufficientland and continuouslydeterioratingenvironmental
conditions.Within thecontextof thesystemdevisedbyimperialism, they were left
with no option. It is as if they had reached a cul-de-sac,a dead end on a one-way
street!
How you define a problemdeterminesthe solutionyou advance. Those who see
the Karamoja famine as an internally-generated affair, the result of a
combinationof a backwardway of life and an inhospitablenaturalenvironment,
see the solution as coming from the outside. They look to philanthropic
organisationsfrom imperialistcountriesas the agents who will deliverthe people
of Karamojafrom their present dilemma!The point of this paper is that the
Karamojaproblem was created in the first place by imperialism.A long-run
solution to this question is not possible without questioningthe very system set
up by imperialism. And to question that system is not possible without the
initiative returningto the people themselves.
For a society, unlikethe individual,there is never a dead end. Even in the depths
of the worst exploitation,it is possible to identify forces that stand for progress
and those that impede it. Such an identificationin the Karamojacase requires
moving away from the liberal perspective. For the liberal perspective, with its
emphasis on philanthropyas the solution, has always seen the people as the
problem.Its uncritical,'natural'bent has always been to blame the victim!
Bibliographic Note
The mainsourceson the pre-colonialKaramojongsystem andthe early colonialchangesare
J.G. Wilson, The Soils of Karamoja District, Northern Province of Uganda, (Uganda
Protectorate, Departmentof Agriculture,Series 1: Soils, 1962) and his The Vegetationof
KaramojaDistrict, NorthernProvince of Uganda,(UgandaProtectorate,Departmentof
Agriculture, Series 2; Vegetation, No.5, 1962); also D.J. Parsons, Pastoral Systems,
Uganda Protectorate, Department of Agriculture, Series 3; and The Systems of
AgriculturePracticed in Uganda,No.5, January-March1960.
D.R. Opuli-Watum,'The KaramojaProblem is a Land Question', in Forward, Vol.II,
Nos.3-4, 1980, Kampala, is a pioneering work shedding light on historical roots of
Karamoja'spresent predicament.