Cavite State University

Don Severino De Las Alas Campus, Main

Indang, Cavite

“An Analysis of Poland’s Government System”

A Term Paper
Presented to Faculty and Staff of
College of Arts and Sciences
And to
Mr. Renato T. Agdalpen

In Partial Fulfilment of the Course

The Philippine Government System (POSC23)
And for the Degree
Bachelor of Arts in Political Science

Abelardo C. Cordenete
November 2018
 Table of Contents

Chapter I

I. Historical Background

II. Governmental Leaders

III. Political Culture

Chapter II

I. Poland’s Government Systems

II. Government Transitions

III. Three Branches of Government

Chapter III

I. Analysis of Critique

II. Assessment of Compatibility to Philippine Context

III. Recommendation

Chapter IV

Findings, Summary, and Conclusion

 Chapter I

I. Historical Background

Poland has had a long and rich history. Over the past

thousand years the country has defended its freedom and

sovereignty from foreign aggressions on numerous occasions.

Due to country’s geo-political location between the East and

the West, Polish history is marked with wars and uprisings.

There was a time when Poland was the largest country in Europe

but there was also a stage when it was totally erased from the

world map for over a hundred years. Thanks to the resilience

and pride of the people who value freedom above all, Poland

has not only managed to overcome troubles but also has been

offering its own contribution to European history and culture.

966 – Christianisation

Poland’s history dates back to prehistory times when Slavic

tribes arrived on this territory and settled down. The first

documented ruler was Mieszko I (from Piast dynasty) in the

10th century. In 966 duke Mieszko I converted to Christianity

and by baptism brought Poland to the community of Western

nations. The first coronation took place at Wawel Cathedral in

Krakow in 1025 and the Kingdom of Poland began to take shape.

 The Jagiellonian dynasty phase brought close ties with the

Grand Dutchy of Lithuania. In 1385 Lithuania accepted

Christianity from Polish hands and Polish-Lithuanian union was

formed, which lasted for more than 400 years.

Over time a new threat emerged. The Teutonic Order directed

their campaigns against Lithuania and Poland. In 1410 at the

Battle of Tannenberg (Grunwald) the united forces of Poland

and Lithuania completely destroyed the Teutonic Knights. It

was one of the biggest and most important battles of medieval

times.

1569 – Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth

The 16th century was Poland’s “Golden Age”. The Renaissance

currents brought about country’s flourishing, Poland advanced

culturally, arts and science developed. Polish astronomer,

Nicolaus Copernicus (1473-1543), formulated the first modern

heliocentric theory of the solar system and gave a start to

modern astronomy. While Europe was absorbed with religious

turmoil, Poland proclaimed a policy of religious tolerance

which attracted many refugees from religious persecution

(Christians, Jews, Muslims). The country also expanded

territorially. In 1569 the Union of Lublin was signed forming

the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. From this time on Poland

and Lithuania were known as the Republic of Both Nations and

prospered together on the territory of almost 1,000,000 square

kilometers of central and eastern Europe. The Union was

largely run by the nobility but led by elected kings. This

early democratic system (“a sophisticated noble democracy”)

was untypical and in contrast to the absolute monarchies

prevailing at the time in the rest of Europe. In 1596 king

Zygmunt III Waza moved the capital from Krakow to Warsaw as

the city was more centrally located.

1795 – Partition of Poland

From the mid-17th century the Commonwealth entered a period

of decline caused by internal disorder and anarchy, and

devastating wars. The state was invaded by Swedes; the so

called “Swedish Deluge” left the country in ruins. The last

great victory was taken in 1683 when the allied armies of

Europe led by the Polish king John III Sobieski save Europe

from invasion of Islam in the huge battle of Vienna.

1807 – Duchy of Warsaw

In the 18th century the Republic was in crisis. The state

required reorganization. King Stanislaus Augustus Poniatowski

(the last king of Poland) introduced numerous reforms. On 3rd

May 1791 Europe’s first and the world’s second constitution

was signed. However, the reform process was not enough to turn
the tide of failing fortune. Poland gradually fell under

foreign influence. The rulers of Russia, Prussia and Austria

invaded Poland and partitioned its territory. In 1794 the

Kosciuszko Uprising began but soon it was crushed. The three

occupying powers through partitions terminated the

Commonwealth’s independent existence in 1795. The country

disappeared from the map of Europe and until 1918 there was no

independent Polish state.

1815 – Congress Poland

Despite the oppression, the idea of Polish independence was

still alive in the nation and Poland continued to exist as a

spiritual and cultural community. Poles engaged in armed

resistance. They fought with Napoleon Bonaparte, organized

November Uprising (1830-1831) and January Uprising (1863-

1864), all of which failed. But yet some great achievements in

science and art were obtained at that time: Frederic Chopin

(1810-1849), the famous pianist and composer, who was born and

raised in Poland preserved the national heritage in music; in

1853 Ignacy Lukasiewicz made a kerosene lamp, invented a way

to refine kerosene from crude oil and built the first oil

refinery in 1856; Maria Sklodowska-Curie (1867-1934), the

famous physicist and chemist, discovered radioactive elements

and won two Nobel Prizes, the only one ever in two different

sciences.

World War I

The outbreak of World War I gave Poland chance to regain

freedom. On 11th November 1918 Poland reappeared on the map of

Europe after 123 years. The Second Polish Republic was

established. In 1920 the young state stopped the massive

Soviet invasion aimed at Western Europe in the battle of

Warsaw.

World War II

On 1st September 1939 Poland was invaded by the Nazi Germany

and World War II began. On September 17th the Soviet

Union launched the unexpected attack and the country was again

divided between eastern and western powers. The Poles formed

the strongest underground resistance movement in the occupied

territories (known as Home Army). Many Polish soldiers joined

military formations on the western and eastern fronts and

fought together with the Allies against the German aggressor.

In 1944 the Warsaw Uprising broke out being the largest single

military effort taken by any European resistance movement of

World War II. Six million of Polish citizens perished during

the war, including three million of Polish Jews; the country

lay in ruins.

1945 – Communist Poland

After World War II ended, Poland fell under Soviet control

and the communist People’s Republic of Poland was created as a

Soviet satellite state. The country’s boundaries were

radically changed and shifted to the west, followed by mass

movements of people of various nations. In consequence, Poland

lost its traditional multi-ethnic character and became a

country with homogeneous Polish population.

1989 – Republic of Poland

In the difficult years of communism, a new hope for Poles

arose when Karol Wojtyla (John Paul II) was chosen Pope in

1978. Two years later, in 1980, the “Solidarity” was founded,

being the first mass independent trade union in communist

states. This reform movement, led by Lech Walesa, eventually

broke Soviet control in Eastern Europe. The first elections of

the Third Polish Republic were held in 1989 and the country

entered a period of transition from a communist state to the

capitalist economic system and liberal parliamentary

democracy. A modern Polish state arose.

 Poland now has a new constitution which was signed in 1997.

The country is a member of the NATO since 1999 and joined the

European Union in 2004. After years of turbulent history, the

country has finally found some stability and chance for growth

in peace.1

II. Governmental Leaders

Government leaders in Poland had been deposed and changed

several times due to the radical change of the Constitution as

well. The table below would only show the last three (3)

President and the incumbent President of Poland.

Table 1. List of Presidents in Poland

Portrait Name Start of End of Political

Office Office Party
Bogdan 8 July 2010 Civic
Borusewicz Platform
(born 1949)
Acting
President

Grzegorz 8 July 2010 6 August Civic

Schetyna 2010 Platform
(born 1963)
Acting
President

Bronisław 6 August 6 August Civic

Komorowski 2010 2015 Platform
(born 1952)

1
https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/pl.html
 Andrzej 6 August Law and
2
Duda 2015 Incumbent Justice
(born 1972)

III. Political Culture

POLITICAL CULTURE OF THE POLISH SOCIETY

On the ground of Polish science, ‘political culture’ emerged

in journalistic writing during the revolution of 1905. The

term culture was then used in a familiar way. It meant

political temperance, restraining from extreme actions. The

term appeared also during the interwar period. Jozef

Siemienski used it, defining political culture as the

possessions of the nation in the area of institutions

constituting the law. The following research on political

culture were performed in the 1960s. Kazimierz Biskupski was

the first author writing about this subject. After him, many

scholars took interest in the analysis of the term ‘political 3

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_heads_of_state_of_Poland#Chief_of_Sta
te
3
http://colloquium.elsite.eu/images/numery/XI/GD.pdf
culture’: Wladyslaw Markiewicz, Teodor Filipiak, Jerzy J.

Wiatr, Bronislaw Golebiowski, Czeslaw Mojsiewicz and others.

K. Biskupski originated the term of political culture from the

construct of culture itself as the possession of human beings

in the area of satisfying biological, psychic, social and

cultural needs. In this picture, he isolated science,

technology, art, morality, law, religion, customs, upbringing.

Political culture, thus defined by Biskupski, described the

ability to fulfil one’s needs in the shape that is being

inherited by generations. W. Markiewicz understands political

culture of a society as those elements of global culture which

apply to values accepted and required by a group and which

apply mostly to the system of state authority.4

Chapter II

I. Poland’s Government Systems

The unexpected speed with which communist governance ended

in Poland put the country's anticommunist opposition in charge

of the search for appropriate new political institutions. The

subsequent hectic experiment in democracy yielded mixed

results between 1989 and 1992, when the restored Republic of

Poland was still attempting to find its political bearings. In

1989 round table talks between the opposition and the

4
file:///C:/Users/mervin/Downloads/Swedlow-PoliticalCulture-
EncycModernPoliticalThought.pdf
communist government spawned a flurry of legislation and

constitutional amendments that merged democratic reforms with

institutions and laws inherited from four decades of communist

rule. At that point, the young democracy's centers of power

had not yet been able to define their span of control and

their relationship to one another. Institutional ambiguity was

exacerbated by the outcome of the long-awaited parliamentary

elections of October 1991, which seated twenty-nine political

parties in the powerful lower house, the Sejm. To form a

coalition government from such diverse parties, of which none

held more than 14 percent of the total seats, was a daunting

task in itself. The greater challenge, however, lay in

creating a political culture of negotiation and compromise

that would make stable democracy feasible over the long term.

A key element in the development of any Western-style

democracy is the unrestricted dissemination of accurate

information and diverse opinion. In this respect, Poland

underwent a less abrupt transition than other postcommunist

states. A prolific, independent press had evolved from modest

beginnings in the early 1970s, surviving the setback of

martial law, and expanding its activities as government

censorship diminished after the mid-1980s. Following the Round

Table Agreement of early 1989, the press gave voice to an

ever-widening spectrum of political and social opinion. But

the end of generous state subsidies in favor of a profit- and

competition-based system bankrupted hundreds of Polish

publishing enterprises. Radio and television adjusted less

rapidly to the changed political environment and remained

under closer government control than the print media. Despite

a constantly changing constellation of political parties and

coalitions that produced five prime ministers in three years,

Warsaw maintained a consistent and successful foreign policy

during the transition period. By mid-1992, Poland had achieved

many of its long-range policy goals, including sovereignty

over its foreign affairs; a Russian commitment for complete

withdrawal of Soviet/Russian combat forces from Polish

territory; bilateral friendship treaties with most of its

neighbors; German recognition of the permanent Oder-Neisse

border; associate membership in the European Community (EC);

and observer status in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization

(NATO). At that point, Warsaw already had travelled a

considerable distance on its "path back to Europe." The West

responded to Poland's democratizing and marketizing reforms by

granting trade concessions, debt relief, and a range of

economic and technical assistance.5

II. Government Transitions

5
http://countrystudies.us/poland/61.htm
 In August 1980, faced with an increasingly severe economic

crisis and social unrest that had been building throughout the

1970s, the communist government reluctantly conceded legal

status to an independent labor federation, Solidarity

(Solidarnosc). After monopolizing power for thirty-five years

without genuine sanction from Polish society, the communist

Polish United Workers' Party (Polska Zjednoczona Partia

Robotnicza--PZPR) found itself in contention with an

alternative source of political power that had a valid claim

to represent the country's working people. Under the threat of

general strikes and facing economic and political chaos, the

regime grudgingly reached a series of limited compromises with

Solidarity in 1980 and early 1981.

After the government's initial concessions, however,

Solidarity militants insisted on substantially broader

concessions. In response, PZPR hard-liners used the memories

of the Soviet Union's violent reaction to Czechoslovakia's

moderate political reforms in 1968 to justify the imposition

of martial law in December 1981. Solidarity was declared

illegal. General Wojciech Jaruzelski, earlier that year named

prime minister and then first secretary of the PZPR, appointed

trusted military men to key government positions and de-

emphasized communist ideology. Through the rest of the decade,

the government sought in vain to recover a degree of

legitimacy with the people and to overcome the country's

severe economic problems. The overtures of the Jaruzelski

government failed, however, to win the support of the Polish

people. In a key 1987 national referendum, voters refused to

support the government's package of painful reforms needed to

halt the economic slide. Eventually, the government came to

realize that improvement of the economic situation was not

possible without the explicit support of the Solidarity

opposition. At that point, the government had no choice but to

enter negotiations with Solidarity.6

III. Three Branches of Government

Executive

The presidency was established by the Round Table Agreement

to replace the communist-era Council of State as the primary

executive organ of government. According to the agreement, the

president was to be elected by the National Assembly to a term

of six years. Although not the head of government (that

function was performed by the prime minister), the president

was empowered to veto legislation and had control of the armed

forces. The negotiators of the Round Table Agreement clearly

crafted the presidency with the expectation that General

https://eprints.lib.hokudai.ac.jp/dspace/bitstream/2115/7953/1/KJ000000341
06.pdf
Jaruzelski would be its first incumbent. A Jaruzelski

presidency would have ensured PZPR compliance with the

concessions the party had made in the agreement. Moreover,

Jaruzelski was expected to be effective in protecting the new

political arrangements from Soviet interference. After

solidarity succeeded in forming a noncommunist coalition

government in mid-1989, however, Jaruzelski lost most of his

powers, and the presidency became a largely ceremonial office.

The office changed drastically when Walesa became Poland's

first popularly elected president in late 1990.

A constitutional amendment in the spring of 1990 provided

for direct popular election of the president to a five-year

term with a limit of one reelection. Any Polish citizen at

least thirtyfive years of age was eligible to appear on the

ballot after obtaining 100,000 nominating signatures.

If accused of violating the constitution and Polish law, the

president could be indicted before the State Tribunal if

twothirds of the National Assembly so voted. Upon indictment,

the president would be relieved temporarily of the duties of

office. A guilty verdict from the State Tribunal would bring

expulsion from office. The presidency also could be vacated

because of physical unfitness to hold the office, as

determined by the National Assembly. In such circumstances,

the Sejm speaker would temporarily assume the duties of the

presidency until a new president could be sworn in.

Legislative

Senate

The upper house of the National Assembly, the Senate, was

reestablished by the Round Table Agreement more than four

decades after being abolished by the communist government. The

Round Table Agreement provides for the direct popular election

of all 100 senators--two from each of the forty-nine districts

(województwa; sing. województwo, sometimes seen in English as

voivodship) with the exception of Warsaw and Katowice, which

elect three senators each. The senators' four-year terms of

office coincide with those of Sejm deputies.

Sejm

The lower house of the bicameral National Assembly, the

Sejm, is the more powerful of the two chambers. The Sejm has

the constitutional responsibility of initiating and enacting

laws that "set the basic direction of the state's activity"

and of overseeing "other organs of power and state

administration." The constitution specifies election of the

460 Sejm deputies to a term of four years. The 1991 election

was conducted by a system that awarded seats in the Sejm in

strict proportion to the number of votes each party or

coalition garnered nationally. This system was blamed for the

extreme fragmentation that plagued Polish politics in 1991-92.

The new Sejm is required to convene within one month after

national parliamentary elections.

Judiciary

The constitution of 1952 reflected the communists' disdain for

the concept of judicial independence. As in the Soviet system,

the Polish judiciary was viewed as an integral part of the

coercive state apparatus. The courts were not allowed to

adjudicate the constitutionality of statutes. Instead, the

function of constitutional review was within the purview of

the legislative branch until 1976, when it passed to the

Council of State. A key provision of the Round Table Agreement

was the reemergence of an independent judiciary, a concept

rooted in the Ustawa Rzadowa, the constitution of 1791. By

1992 most of the communist political appointees had left the

Supreme Court, and at all levels new judges had been recruited

from among qualified academic and courtroom barristers. On the

other hand, in 1992 Poland's body of laws still contained a

motley assortment of Soviet-style statutes full of vague

language aimed at protecting the communist monopoly of power

rather than the rule of law itself. A complete overhaul of the

legal system was a universally recognized need.

The National Judicial Council

A critical step in establishing the autonomy of the judicial

branch was the Sejm's vote in December 1989 to create the

National Judicial Council. The twenty-four member council,

consisting of judges from the national, district, and local

levels, serves a four-year term and has the primary function

of recommending judgeship candidates to the president. Another

basic function of the body is to oversee the entire judiciary

and establish professional standards.

The Supreme Court

Reform of the appointment mechanism for justices was a

necessity to ensure an independent judiciary. In the communist

era, the Council of State appointed Supreme Court justices to

five-year terms, making selections on purely political

grounds. Because the Supreme Court had jurisdiction over all

other courts in the land, the political reliability of its

members was an important consideration in appointment

decisions. Judicial reform after the Round Table Agreement

provided that the president appoint Supreme Court justices

from a list prepared by an independent National Judicial

Council, and that justices be appointed for life terms. The

presiding officer of the Supreme Court, called the first

chairman, is appointed from among the Supreme Court justices

by the National Assembly upon the recommendation of the

president. Dismissal from the chairmanship follows the same

procedure.

The Supreme Court reviews the decisions of all lower courts;

hears appeals of decisions made by the district courts, along

with appeals brought by the minister of justice (who

simultaneously serves as the prosecutor general) and the first

chairman of the Supreme Court; and adopts legal

interpretations and clarifications. The court is organized

into four chambers: criminal, civil, labor and social

insurance, and military. Because of its heavy case load, the

Supreme Court is a large body, employing 117 judges and a

staff of 140 persons in late 1990.7

Chapter III

I. Analysis of Critique

Poland’s Democracy

The democratic reform of Poland as weapon for the communism

was successful in the virtue of valuing the procurement of

principle of representation. After the devastating war (World

War II), polish thoroughly polished their skills in governance

7
http://countrystudies.us/poland/79.htm
from which was the main influenced of all democratic reform in

Europe. The transition to democracy as the concept of indirect

representation was in accordance to rule of law and adherence

of justice and equality. This could be applicable in the

context of Philippine Democracy from was used, misused, and

abused by the Filipinos. Since the conception of the 1987

Constitution of Republic of Philippines, it was longed for the

Filipinos to attained true democracy, however, due to the

political culture of the Filipinos which easily succumbs to

the power, the essence of democracy became demo-crazy. But in

Poland, the nature of democracy always resides on the voice of

the people, no official is superior to the citizen. These

officials are workers of the state and tends to work for the

people and the state. This is a great example that the

Philippine should adopt.

Disadvantage of Poland’s Government

The mere application of other governance into another form

of government is considered by most of political scientist a

risk and as well danger to the science of law and science of

governance. However, because of the culture of political

correctness of the Polish peoples, the democratic form of

government they implemented was been successful in the past

decades since the war. Therefore, the researcher did not find
any disadvantage in adopting this form of government because

the form of government used of Poland is very similar to the

Philippines. Hence, the characteristics of both states only

differ on how the management of governance is implemented and

enforced.

II. Assessment of Compatibility to Philippine Context

The researcher found the compatibility of Poland’s

government to the Philippine’s form of government a hundred

percent similar and compatible to each other. The federal

bureau of Poland only differs on the management of governance.

In this light, the essence of implementing similar form of

democratic government only differs on the political virtue and

correctness of the people running the government.

III. Recommendation

The researcher would like to recommend the full

implementation of the adoption of the Poland’s governmental

democracy. The essence of democracy of Poland came from the

voice of the people and greatly influenced the image of Poland

in the International community. The action of the leader is

the image of the citizens and vice-versa.

Chapter IV

Findings, Summary, and Conclusion

 The researcher would like to elaborate the findings,

summary, and conclusion in the manner of stating the full complex

compatibility of both states. The nature of democracy lies on the

needs and voices of the people within that government. The

government as the machinery of the state to cater the necessities

of the people, is focused o how the machinery is run. Hence, the

researcher as well demerit the idea of implementing newer

Constitution that is not applicable for fixing governmental

loopholes.