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ENV-2018-0041-ver9-Smith_1P
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ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE b EQ1
Volume 00, Number 00, 2019 Article Submission
ª Mary Ann Liebert, Inc.
DOI: 10.1089/env.2018.0041

Public Spaces as Climate Justice Places?

Climate Quality in the City of Chillan, Chile

AU2 c Pamela Smith and Cristián Henrı́quez

ABSTRACT

The transformations brought about by climate change and the continued growth of cities are having an
impact on urban climate. In urban spaces, especially in public spaces, environmental conditions are
becoming more uncomfortable and this is affecting the health and quality of life of city dwellers. This
study of climate quality in the city of Chillán revealed that there are insufficient public spaces to provide
acceptable environmental quality for the entire population. It also showed that high-income areas, located
in the peri-urban zones of the city, enjoy a better climate, environment, and air quality. This article
analyzes urban climate injustice, as evidenced by the sharp socioeconomic differences in the quality of
environment to which urban residents are exposed, and highlights the need for public spaces to improve
the environmental quality for residents.

Keywords: climate injustice, urban climate, climate quality, public space, urban planning

INTRODUCTION acterize a metropolis2. In Latin American cities, includ- b AU5

ing Chilean cities, there are clear socioenvironmental

T he twenty-First century is proving to be a

turning point in both global urbanization processes
and awareness and concern about the consequences of
climate change. These two issues are central to the issue
of the environmental quality of urban spaces. In urban
spaces, particularly urban public spaces, we can observe
differences in environmental conditions that have an
impact on the quality of urban life.
In Latin America and the Caribbean, 79.5% of the
AU4 c population lives in cities1 and a large proportion of this
number lives in medium-sized cities. Many of these cities
share the chaos, spreading, privatization, fragmentation,
informality, conflict, exclusion, and pollution that char-
AU3 c Dr. Pamela Smith is ____________ at Departamento de
Geografı́a, Universidad de Chile, Santiago, Chile. He is
________________ at FONDECYT Iniciación 11180990, Cen-
ter for Climate and Resilience Research (CR)2 & Red de Po-
breza Energética (RedPE).
Dr. Cristián Henrı́quez is ___________________ at Instituto
de Geografı́a, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, San-
tiago, Chile. He is Investigador asociado at CEDEUS & Centro
de Cambio Global UC.
1
UN-Habitat. Urbanization and Development: Emerging Fu-
tures. 2016, World Cities Report.
inequalities, as is common in all underdeveloped coun-
tries. These inequalities are particularly marked in
medium-sized cities, as they have less information and
fewer resources than large metropolises such as Santiago,
the capital of Chile; they have not been as extensively
researched and do not receive as much public investment.3,4
Medium-sized cities are the site of certain processes
and perform functions that can help to improve living
conditions and increase economic opportunities. At the
same time, however, these cities—like large metropolitan
areas—are experiencing physical segregation and social
marginalization and it is these processes that determine
where the impact of climate change will be most severe.
These are highly vulnerable to natural hazards, which not
2
F. Maturana. ‘‘¿Ciudad media o ciudad intermedia? Evolu-
ción conceptual y estudio en Chile.’’ In Ciudades intermedias en
Chile: Territorios olvidados, edited by F. Maturana and A.
Rojas. (Santiago: RIL Editores, 2015), 21–42.
3
C. Bellet and J.M. Llop. ‘‘Miradas a otros espacios urbanos:
Las ciudades intermedias.’’ Scripta Nova 8 (2004): 1–28.
4
H. Henrı́quez. Modelando el crecimiento de ciudades me-
dias. Hacia un desarrollo urbano sustentable. (Ediciones UC,
Santiago de Chile, 2014).

1
ENV-2018-0041-ver9-Smith_1P.3d 03/01/19 4:15pm Page 2
2 SMITH AND HENRÍQUEZ
only affect the sustainability of human habitats but also
AU6 c increase the vulnerability of the population.5 A clear
example of this is the exposure of the population to ex-
treme temperatures and the effects of this on thermal
comfort and health.
This research explores the issues of climate justice and
climate quality in the medium-sized city of Chillán,
Chile.6 We analyzed users’ perception of the environ-
mental quality of public spaces in the city using criteria
defined by experts and key local figure actors. We also
consider the difficulties and obstacles faced by urban
planners as they attempt to address the challenges of
urban sustainability and climate justice at a local scale
level.
This was a mixed methods study. The qualitative
methods include consultation with experts and key actors
on climate quality, surveys of the thermal comfort of
users of selected public spaces, photographic records of
the use of public space, and a review of urban planning
tools. We also used a quantitative method to define an
index of climate quality based on vegetation, soil sealing,
air temperature, and other urban and environmental
variables. Spatial data on climate quality were correlated
with the Adimark categories of socioeconomic status
(SES), which divides populations into five groups—in
descending order of income they are ABC1, C2, C3, D,
and E7—to evaluate climate justice. We used SES as a
proxy for variables that are associated with it, specifically
building density, soil sealing, and vegetation, which, in
turn, determine climate quality.
BACKGROUND
Environmental and climate justice
The term environmental justice was originally used to
refer to the uneven distribution of environmental disad-
vantages and benefits, which disadvantages lower income
communities, ethnic minorities, and women.8 Schlosberg
and Collins9 highlighted that use of the concept of en-
vironmental justice has expanded both horizontally and
vertically. There has been a horizontal expansion as the
use of the concept has spread beyond the boundaries of
5
C. Henrı́quez, J. Qüense, C. Villarroel, and C. Mallea. ‘‘50-
Years of Climate Extreme Indices Trends and Inventory of
Natural Disasters in Chilean Cities (1965–2015).’’ In Urban
Climate in Latin-American Cities, edited by C. Henrı́quez and H.
Romero (Springer.N ature, Dordrecht, 2019).
6
Ministry of Housing and Urban Development (MINVU).
‘‘Surface Measurement of Chilean Cities with More than 15,000
Inhabitants: 1993–2003.’’ (MINVU, Chile, 2007).
7
Adimark. ‘‘Mapa socioeconómico de Chile. Nivel socio-
económico de los hogares del paı́s basados en datos del censo.
Chile.’’ 2004. <www.adimark.cl/medios/estudios/Mapa_
Socioeconomico_de_Chile.pdf>
8
D. Hervé. ‘‘Noción y elementos de la justicia ambiental:
Directrices para su aplicación en la planificación territorial y en
la evaluación ambiental estratégica.’’ Revista de Derecho 23
(2010): 9–36.
9 14
D. Schlosberg and L. Collins. ‘‘From Environmental to
Climate Justice: Climate Change and the Discourse of En-
vironmental Justice.’’ Advanced Review 5 (2014): 359–373.
the country where it originated (the United States, at the
end of the 1970s) and a vertical expansion in the sense
that it has spread to different social contexts (communi-
ties, institutions etc.), where it has been incorporated into
discourse. There is also a conceptual amplification in the
fact that new concepts relating to environmental justice
have created, such as climate justice. Thus we are ex-
periencing the emergence of a new field of study that
transcends interdisciplinary approaches.
The concept of climate justice emerged in relation to
debate about global climate change, and it is considered
mainly for evaluation of the distribution of its conse-
quences.10 Debate has focused on issues such as the
identity of the countries that are or were historically the
biggest emitters of greenhouse gases, which countries
have benefited most from industrialization, and how this
compares with the countries that have suffered most from
climate change, which affects, for example, their ways of
life and their quality of life.
The global discussion has largely taken place at
nation-state level, but climate injustice can be addressed
at multiple levels, such as the national and the local.11
Despite the importance of these issues, both climate
justice and the effects of climate change have hardly
been considered in urban studies. The city is a privileged
place to rethink issues of climate justice,12 in terms of the
concept of climate quality.
Toward urban climate quality
The study of climate justice in cities can include
analysis of differences in the quality of the environment
experienced by citizens. Ensuring a good climate in a city
requires consideration of various factors at multiple
levels of planning.13 To ensure a high-quality environ-
ment, and in particular to ensure high-quality climate, a
city must not only manage environmental problems, such
as air pollution, and the reduction of emission sources,
but it must also ensure adequate ventilation of the city,
shade during summer, and access to sunlight during
winter. Barcelona city council shows significant progress
with its Plan de Ecologı́a Urbana [Urban Ecology Plan],
which specified a minimum number of hours of sunlight
to which every residence is entitled,14 among other b AU7
standards.
10
D. Schlosberg. ‘‘Theorizing Environmental Justice: The
Expanding Sphere of a Discourse.’’ Environmental Politics 22
(2013): 37–55.
11
S. Fisher. ‘‘The Emerging Geographies of Climate Justice.’’
Geographical Journal 181 (2015): 73–82.
12
H. Bulkeley, J. Carmin, V. Castán, G. Edwards, and S.
Fuller. ‘‘Climate Justice and Global Cities: Mapping the
Emerging Discourses.’’ Global Environmental Change 23
(2013): 914–925.
13
A. Bitan. ‘‘The High Climatic Quality City of the Future.’’
Atmospheric Environment. Part B. Urban Atmosphere. 26
(1992): 313–329.
J. Martin Vide, M. Montlleó, and I. Sanromá. ‘‘Barcelona:
Urban Heat Islands.’’ In Cities and Climate Change Urban Heat
Islands, edited by Jean-Jacques Terrin. (2015). 38–57.
ENV-2018-0041-ver9-Smith_1P.3d 03/01/19 4:15pm Page 3
CLIMATE QUALITY IN THE CITY OF CHILLAN, CHILE
Climate quality is not homogenous across a city; it
varies according to the interaction of local climate with
geomorphological factors, urban structure, and urban
planning criteria.15 Hence some residents of a given city
will experience a better climate than others. This is not
irrelevant in the context of climate change; homes in
urban areas with low-quality climate—where factors af-
fecting climate have not been taken account in the
planning and design of the area—use more energy for air
conditioning during the summer and heating during
winter and more electricity for lighting. Furthermore,
residents of these areas experience discomfort and in-
convenience in open spaces, due to high temperatures,
wind tunnel effects in streets, and unusual wind turbu-
lence produced by the distribution of poorly designed
high-rise buildings.16
At present, there is not much evidence of sensitivity to
environmental conditions in city design and even less
AU8 c attention is paid to climate. Climate-conscious planning17
and designing public open spaces so that they offer ac-
cess to or protection from wind and sun are important
elements in the process of creating the conditions in
which the residents of cities can adapt to climate18 and
enjoy good quality of life. The extant literature indicates
that the main paradigms on which urban planning in-
struments and esthetic-formal proposals are based have
not been able to take account of the complexity of the
factors determining urban climate.19
Taking account of climate factors in urban planning
and management poses a challenge, because of economic
constraints, lack of knowledge, historical priorities, short-
term thinking and the brevity of politicians’ tenure,20
lack of meteorological data or inadequate data,21 con-
flicts of interest, and lack of political will.22
15
I. Danni-Oliveira. ‘‘A cidade de Curitiba e a poluição do ar:
implicações de seus atributos urbanos e geoecológicos na dis-
persão de poluentes em perı́odo de inverno.’’ (PhD diss., Uni-
versidade de São Paulo, 2000).
16
M. Santamouris, N. Papanikolaou, I. Livida, I. Koronakis,
C. Georgakis, A. Argiriou, and N. Assimakopoulos. ‘‘On the
Impact of Urban Climate on the Energy Consumption of
Buildings.’’ Solar Energy 70 (2001): 201–216.
17
T. Oke, G. Mills, A. Christen, and J. Voogt. ‘‘Climate-
Sensitive Design.’’ In Urban Climates. (Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge, UK, 2017), 408–451.
18
E. Wilson, F. Nicol, L. Nanayakkara, and A. Ueberjahn-
Tritta. ‘‘Public Urban Open Space and Human Thermal Com-
fort: The Implications of Alternative Climate Change and Socio-
Economic Scenarios.’’ Journal of Environmental Policy &
Planning 10 (2008): 31–45.
19
G. Mills, H. Cleugh, R. Emmanuel, W. Endlicher, E. Erell,
G. McGranahan, and K. Steemer. ‘‘Climate Information for
Improved Planning and Management of Mega Cities (Needs
Perspective).’’ Procedia Environmental Sciences 1 (2010): 228–
246.
20
I. Eliasson. ‘‘The Use of Climate Knowledge in Urban
Planning.’’ Landscape and Urban Planning 48 (2000): 31–44.
21
M. Alcoforado, H. Andrade, A. Lopes, and J. Vasconcelos.
‘‘Application of Climatic Guidelines to Urban Planning. The
Example of Lisbon (Portugal).’’ Landscape and Urban Planning
90 (2009): 56–65.
22
H. Andrade. ‘‘O clima urbano—natureza, escalas de análise
y aplicabilidade.’’ Finisterra 11 (2005): 67–91.
3 b AU1
CASE STUDY: CITY OF CHILLÁN, CHILE
Area of study
Chillán is the capital city of the region of Ñuble
(formed in September 2017, before it became part of the
Biobı́o region). The city is a conurbation consisting of
the communities of Chillán and Chillán Viejo (Old
Chillán) and has a population of 204,180. It is located at
latitude 36 36¢ south, at an altitude of 124 m above mean
sea level. It has a warm temperate climate with winter
showers, Csb in the Köppen classification for Chile.23
According to data from the meteorological station Ber-
nardo O’Higgins, 5 km northwest of the city, the average
annual temperature over the past four decades was
13.7C and the average summer temperature was 19.4C.
Based on measurements of atmospheric temperature in
the city, the annual average temperature in the city center
is 15.5C.
Chillán is a very dynamic city, a fact that is reflected in
the average growth of its urban surface in the past two
decades, from 1800 in 1993 to 3010 hectares in 2016.
This represents an increase of 38%, above the average of
27% for Chilean metropolitan areas.
According to data from the Chilean National Socio-
economic Characterization Survey 2015 (CASEN), 16.3%
of the community of Chillán and 9.9% of the community
of Chillán Viejo were living in poverty.24
Public spaces in the city of Chillán
Of the larger medium-sized cities in the country,
Chillán has one of the lowest proportions of public green
space at only 1.7 m2 per capita, lower than the national
average (4 m2 per capita) and also lower than the average
for urban areas (*3.5 m2 per capita). In total, including
roads and pavements, public spaces represent 33.5% of
the total surface of the city,25 if roads and pavements are
excluded, however, the city has 329 public spaces cov-
ering only 4.4% of the total surface. The most common
public spaces are playgrounds, of which the city has a
total of 155, covering only 1.2% of the urban surface.
Information about the intensity and frequency of use of
public spaces in the city was collected from a survey
carried out by city council officials from Chillán and
Chillán Viejo. Based on this information, five public
spaces were selected: Plaza de Armas of Chillán [main
square of Chillán], Paseo Peatonal [Arauco walkway],
Parque Estero Las Toscas [Estero Las Toscas Park],
Parque Sarita Gajardo [Sarita Gajardo Park] and Parque
Monumental Bernardo O’Higgins [Bernardo O’Higgins
Monument Park] (Fig. 1). b F1
23
P. Sarricolea, M. Herrera-Ossandón, and O. Meseguer-Ruiz.
‘‘Climatic Regionalisation of Continental Chile.’’ Journal of
Maps 13 (2017): 66–73.
24
Ministry of Social Development. National Socioeconomic
Characterisation Survey (CASEN), year 2015. (Ministry of
Social Development, Chile, 2016).
25
P. Smith and C. Henrı́quez. ‘‘Microclimate Metrics Linked
to the Use and Perception of Public Spaces: The Case of Chillán
City, Chile.’’ Atmosphere 9 (2018): 1–16.
ENV-2018-0041-ver9-Smith_1P.3d 03/01/19 4:15pm Page 4
4 SMITH AND HENRÍQUEZ
FIG. 1. City of Chillán and the selected public spaces. Color images are available online.
Most of the 329 public spaces in the city of Chillán are
located in areas where the residents have intermediate
SES, there are 116 (24.4 hectares) and 75 (15.1 hectares)
public spaces in areas where the population is predomi-
nantly C3 and D, respectively. However, the average
surface area of these spaces is smaller than that of public
spaces closer to higher income (ABC1) areas (28 public
spaces; 12 hectares in total) and C2 (54 public spaces; 24.2
hectares in total). The smallest public spaces are in the
residential areas dominated by people of low SES (E),
where there are only eight nearby public spaces, six of
which are playgrounds with an average area of 0.1 hectares.
Sports fields, of which there are many (38; total area of
10.7 hectares), are mainly located in the C3 and D areas,
which have 12 and 24 sports fields, respectively; there is
only one football pitch in an E area. In contrast, the
ABC1 and C2 zones have much larger and better
equipped sports centers, occupying a total of 12 hectares.
Four of the seven parks in the city are located in a D
zone: Parque Sarita Gajardo (divided into three sections,
one of which is a football pitch), Parque Ultraestación
(recently opened—located west of the railway station),
Parque Estero Las Toscas (consisting of two segments),
and Parque Monumental Bernardo O’Higgins, located to
one side of the Chillán Viejo town hall, close to city
blocks with a mixed population belonging in equal pro-
portion to classes C3 and D.
Lastly, the only walkway, the Paseo Peatonal Arauco,
is located in the city center and is the main footpath for
residents of the city. Because it is used mainly to access
shopping and services rather than for recreation, it is
relevant to local climate quality.
A survey was carried out in the public spaces selected
for this case study during the summer of 2016, on the
29th, 30th, and, 31st January and the 1st February, with a
sample of 362 users. The questionnaire used was divided
into five sections: (1) personal information about the
respondent, (2) perception of thermal comfort, (3) spatial
data including place of residence, (4) frequency of use of
public space and motivation for using them, and (5) open
questions about why people use public spaces and ways
of improving users’ experience of these spaces.
Thermal comfort was measured with an 11-point scale,
ranging from 0 to 10, with the values 4–6 indicating
ENV-2018-0041-ver9-Smith_1P.3d 03/01/19 4:18pm Page 5
CLIMATE QUALITY IN THE CITY OF CHILLAN, CHILE
FIG. 2. Football pitch, Parque Sarita Gajardo. Source: Personal field archive. Color images are available online.
AU9 c thermal comfort.26 Lower values indicate that the re-
spondent perceives the temperature as cold and higher
values indicate that the temperature is perceived as un-
comfortably hot.
Users’ perceptions of the quality of climate
of selected public spaces
The sample was 45.5% women and 54.5% men. There
were no gender differences in perceived thermal comfort.
Four age ranges were defined to enable assessment of the
relationship between age and thermal comfort: 18–20,
21–40, 41–60, and >60 years. There was a direct rela-
tionship between age and perceived thermal comfort
among users of public spaces. Perceptions of thermal
comfort were similar in the two youngest age categories,
with >80% reporting thermal discomfort. In contrast,
70% of those >60 years, who represent 5% of the total
sample, expressed satisfaction with the general condi-
tions of the public space in which they were, which could
be related to older people’s higher tolerance of high
temperatures.
The overwhelming majority of users surveyed
(n = 326, 90%) lived in Chillán or Chillán Viejo. Twenty-
two of the remaining 10% lived in another part of the
Biobı́o region (now separated into two regions: Biobı́o
and Ñuble). The majority of those living in the study area
(208 out of 326) were born in the city. The majority of
the rest was born in the region of Biobı́o or Ñuble (52%),
followed by the metropolitan region (22%), more spe-
cifically, the city of Santiago. The current place of resi-
dence defines the experience about climate; such
experience affects expectations, thermal comfort per-
ception, and the level of adaptation. Respondents who
had lived in the city for 20 years or more were more
26
V. Cheng. ‘‘Urban Climatic Map and Standards for Wind
Environment Feasibility Study.’’ In Methodologies and Findings
of User’s Wind Comfort Level Survey. (Chinese University,
Hong Kong, 2008).
5 b AU1
likely to express satisfaction with the climate; there was a
negative association between satisfaction with the cli-
mate and duration of residence in Chillán.
Seasonal use and frequency of visits
to public spaces
In the case of two of the five public spaces—Parque
Estero Las Toscas and Parque Monumental Bernardo
O’Higgins—the majority of respondents indicated that
they did not visit during the autumn–winter season. The
mean frequency of use of the remaining spaces during
autumn and winter ranged from one to three times a
week, depending on location and function. The Paseo
Peatonal Arauco and the Plaza de Armas are located in
the city center of Chillán, close to shopping and ser-
vice zones, and the Sarita Gajardo Park is located in a
mainly residential neighborhood and has sports facil-
ities (Fig. 2). b F2
During autumn and winter, peak usage occurs between
12.00 pm and 4.00 pm, whereas during spring and sum-
mer, peak usage is between 4.00 pm and 8.00 pm and after
8.00 pm when ventilation increases and temperatures de-
crease. These findings were corroborated by information
provided by city council officials. According to the official
consulted, the Plaza de Armas of Chillán has visitors
throughout the day (8.00 am to 8.00 pm) due to its central
position and concentration of shopping and service facil-
ities. Users of the Paseo Peatonal Arauco and the Parque
Monumental Bernardo O’Higgins visit mainly between
4.00 pm and 8.00 pm, and the Estero Las Toscas Park
receives most visitors between 12.00 pm and 8.00 pm.
The information supplied by respondents was com-
plemented by observation of visitors at different spatial
locations within the selected spaces (Fig. 3). Analysis of b F3
these data indicated that patterns of use vary according to
the day of the week, reflecting the function of the space
concerned. Paseo Peatonal Arauco and Plaza de Armas
de Chillán had most users on Mondays and Fridays,
whereas number of visitors for Parque Sarita Gajardo and
ENV-2018-0041-ver9-Smith_1P.3d 03/01/19 4:18pm Page 6
6 SMITH AND HENRÍQUEZ
FIG. 3. User observation and meteorological measurement points in the public spaces studied. (a) Plaza de Armas b AU18
of Chillán and Paseo Peatonal Arauco; (b) Parque Monumental Bernardo O’Higgins. (a) Plaza de Armas of Chillán.
(b) Paseo Peatonal Arauco. (c) Parque Monumental Bernardo O’Higgins. Color images are available online. Color
images are available online.
Parque Monumental Bernardo O’Higgins was greatest on
Saturdays and Sundays.
There was also a clear temporal pattern to the distri-
bution of number of visitors. In general, the parks studied
were used more frequently after 6.00 pm, which corre-
sponds to the visit time declared for the spring–summer
period in the survey, as observed in the different points
photographed at the Plaza de Armas de Chillán, Paseo
Peatonal Arauco, and Bernardo O’Higgins Monumental
F4 c Park at two different times of the day (Fig. 4), which
shows more people are present in the public spaces.
Changes in the use of public spaces
according to season
Around 70% of the respondents indicated that their use
of public spaces varied with season. The proportion of
season-dependent visitors was lower in the case of Plaza
de Armas and Paseo Peatonal; however, presumably
because of the closeness of these two spaces to zones
with high concentrations of shopping and service facili-
ties. In all other public spaces under consideration in this
study, visits peak during the summer, this was especially
noticeable in the case of the Parque Estero Las Toscas
and Parque Monumental Bernardo O’Higgins, which
offer additional attractions during summer, such as
nearby stalls selling the classic ‘‘mote con huesillos’’ [a
summer beverage] in the case of the former and water
F5 c games (Fig. 5) and a craft market in the case of the latter.
Respondents cited climatic factors, such as heat, cold,
or rain, as one of the main reasons for the seasonal dif-
ferences in their use of public spaces. In some public
spaces, such as Parque Bernardo O’Higgins, *90% of
respondents named climatic factors, such as cold and
rain, as the reason for reducing their use during winter, and
‘‘better weather conditions’’—mainly higher temperatures—
as the reason for increasing their use during summer.
Users pointed out that ‘‘in summer it is warmer and people
get out more,’’ whereas ‘‘when it is not warm people do
not come out.’’ Likewise, a user of Paseo Peatonal Arauco
pointed out that ‘‘in winter, you only see the people who
walk along the promenade,’’ because ‘‘in winter it gets
darker earlier and it’s colder.’’
Among the nonclimate-related reasons for the seasonal
decrease in respondents’ frequency of use of public
spaces, they mentioned lack of free time, fewer daylight
hours during winter, and the reduction in activities taking
place in these spaces.
Preferences when choosing public spaces
A wide range of reasons were given for choosing to
visit the public spaces. In the case of all the selected
public spaces, except Parque Estero Las Toscas, the most
commonly cited reason for visiting was the vegetation.
Estero has many shady areas and, as one respondent
noted, ‘‘it’s good to hide from the sun,’’ so there is a
relationship between the choice of this park and the
presence of vegetation. Other commonly cited reasons
for visiting were that it is a calm place, the presence of
benches, security, infrastructure, activities (craft market,
water games, artistic events, puppet shows, etc.), beauty,
fresh air, closeness, accessibility, and open space. Users
of Plaza de Armas de Chillán and Paseo Peatonal Arauco
frequently mentioned the centrality of the location (both
are on commuter routes and one can walk through the
park to shop or carry out other business). Proximity to
one’s home was one of the main reasons cited by users of
ENV-2018-0041-ver9-Smith_1P.3d 03/01/19 4:20pm Page 7

FIG. 4. Images of users at noon and dusk captured at observation points in each public space. Source: Personal field b AU19
archive. Color images are available online.

FIG. 5. Water games

at the Parque Monu-
mental Bernardo
O’Higgins (Chillán
Viejo). Source: Perso-
nal field archive. Color
images are available
online.

7
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8 SMITH AND HENRÍQUEZ
FIG. 6. What would make the public space more
comfortable? The size of the word indicates the fre-
quency with which each concept was mentioned. Color
images are available online.
the Sarita Gajardo Park (a large proportion of users of
this park live in the neighborhood surrounding area);
comments included ‘‘there is not much room in my
house.’’ Users of other parks made similar comments; for
example, a user of Parque Estero Las Toscas pointed out
that ‘‘it has things that I don’t have at home.’’
F6 c Figure 6 is a word cloud diagram of answers to the
question, what would improve your experience in public
spaces? The most common response was ‘‘nothing’’
(22%), followed by vegetation, which was mentioned
mainly by the users of the Paseo Peatonal Arauco, which
has less vegetation than the other spaces we surveyed.
Respondents wanted to see more flowers, leafy trees, or
more grass. ‘‘More shade’’ was also a popular improve-
ment and it is worth noting that shade is related to the
climate quality of public spaces. The availability of water
on hot days was also considered important; related sug-
gestions for improvement included ‘‘installing drinking
fountains,’’ the provision of ‘‘public water’’ and ‘‘pools
with water’’; a couple of respondents also mentioned
‘‘building a pool for children.’’
CLIMATE INJUSTICE IN THE CITY OF CHILLÁN
Data on climate quality is a useful input for urban
planning and design, as it provides information about the
state of different areas of the city. We created a multi-
criterion index of climate quality based on the linear
weighted sum of eight climatic and environmental morph
factors, namely vegetation cover, atmospheric pollution,
urban surface temperature, distance to watercourses,
impermeable surfaces, average building height, air tem-
perature, and relative humidity. Information was taken
from satellite images, measurements from official air
quality stations, and on-site measurements made with
meteorological instruments. All factors were standard-
ized (0–1 scale) and weighted according to the recom-
mendations of a panel of 16 Chilean and foreign
specialists selected for their expertise in urban climate,
thermal comfort, and climate quality. Scores on the cli-
mate quality index can range between 0 and 1 and were
categorized into five groups: very low (between 0 and
0.2), low (between 0.2 and 0.4), medium (between 0.4
and 0.6), high (between 0.6 and 0.8), and very high
(between 0.8 and 1).
First, we calculated average climate quality for the city
based on the values of the factors at 4.00 pm during
summer, this yielded a high-quality climate score of 0.65
or 0.68, depending on whether the calculation was based
on the average or the extreme atmospheric temperature
(29.9C or 35.1C). We then calculated separate climate
quality scores for different areas of the city, these ranged
approximately from 0.05 to 0.90.
The average climate quality score for most areas of the
city ranged from medium (0.4–0.6) to low (0.2–0.4). The
exceptions were areas with lower construction densities
and more vegetation, such as gated communities and
semirural residential areas ( parcelas de agrado in
Spanish) inhabited mainly by people in classes ABC1
(northeast of the city), which achieved higher quality
climate scores (0.6–0.8). These results are like those
obtained in the study carried out in the city of Antofa-
gasta, where a climate–environmental quality indicator
incorporating vegetation coverage, urban surface tem-
perature, and SES was used.27 b AU10
Although public spaces could counteract the socio-
spatial differences in environment and climate in the city
and provide residents with access to space with a good
climate, we found that the climate quality of public
spaces in Chillán was related to the SES of the residents
in the areas around them. Thus, there were location-based
differences in the quality of the climate in public spaces
of a particular type. This is the reason why median strips
and playgrounds serving ABC1 areas had higher quality
climate scores than those serving lower SES areas. The
mean difference between the climate quality score of
playgrounds serving ABC1 and E residential areas was 0.2.
Similarly, we found that people’s perceptions of cli-
mate quality were related to the climate quality of the
areas in which they lived. of the proportion of users who b AU11
reported feeling thermal discomfort in public spaces was
positively related to the climate quality of their area of
residence, with 100% of users from high SES (ABC1 and
C2) neighborhoods (Fig. 7) reporting thermal discomfort b F7
in public spaces.
URBAN PLANNING AND CLIMATE
The city of Chillán does not have any local public
policy directly related to climate comfort and public
27
C. Henrı́quez, J. Treimun, and J. Qüense. ‘‘Zonificación
climático-ambiental urbana mediante la integración de técnicas
de teledetección satelital, geoestadı́stica y SIG.’’ In Análisis
geoespacial de los estudios urbanos, edited by J. Ley Garcı́a and
J. Mas. (Universidad Autónoma de México, Editorial SELPER,
2016), 171–199.
ENV-2018-0041-ver9-Smith_1P.3d 03/01/19 4:22pm Page 9
CLIMATE QUALITY IN THE CITY OF CHILLAN, CHILE
FIG. 7. The relation-
ship between average
climate quality level of
respondents’ home en-
vironment and their
perceived thermal com-
fort in the public spaces
studied. Color images
are available online.
AU12 c spaces in the city. Communal regulatory plans,28,29 how-
AU13 c ever, set out standards for occupational density, maximum
building height, constructability coefficient, and other ur-
ban parameters that can affect the urban microclimate and
the comfort of users of public spaces.
Comparison of the characteristics of the area around
the public spaces we investigated with the criteria for
building plot ratio and maximum height set out in the
Municipal Zoning Plan showed that there is room for
building density and heights to increase. For example, the
plan allows a building plot ratio of 1 (i.e., 100% of plots
can be built on) in the central area No. 1 (ZC-1) around
the Plaza de Armas de Chillán and the Paseo Peatonal
Arauco, which means that building density can still in-
crease considerably, as only *60% of plots had been
built on when we collected our data. Similarly, the zon-
ing plan for the community of Chillán Viejo specifies
maximum permitted heights ranging from 14 m in mixed
(commercial and residential) zone No. 1 to 20 m in mixed
zone No. 2. At the time of data collection, the tallest
building in the area around the Parque Monumental
Bernardo O’Higgins was 5 m high.
If the permitted maxima for building density and
T1 c height were reached (Table 1), the sky view factor would
be lower, reducing direct exposure to the sun, which
might have a positive effect on number of visitors and
user comfort in public spaces during the summer season;
however, it would also have negative effects on tem-
perature and comfort during winter, making it harder to
increase the number of users during winter.
AU14 c The shortage of public spaces, especially in medium
and low SES zones, combined with the low average
climate quality of those there are constitutes a problem
that should be addressed by the authorities, especially
28
Ilustre Municipalidad de Chillán. ‘‘Ordenanza Local Plan
Regulador Comunal de Chillán.’’ (2016).
29
Ilustre Municipalidad de Chillán Viejo. ‘‘Plan Regulador
Comunal de Chillán.’’ (2012).
9 b AU1
given the city’s low area of green space per capita
(1.7 m2). These issues need to be dealt with at city council
level, but the city councils have very small budgets and
can barely cover the costs of maintaining the gardens and
public lighting in existing public spaces (this takes *3%
of the council’s annual budget). The city council of
Chillán spends U.S. $54,200 per year on the maintenance
of Sarita Gajardo Park and so there is no money to im-
plement the design of the final 2 hectares of the 5 origi-
nally included in the plan (August 25, 2015, Diario La
Discusión).
The creation of new public spaces and work to im-
prove existing spaces rely on resources from the regional
or the central government, such as the public space re-
covery program of the Ministry of Housing and Urban
Development (MINVU). The Estero Las Toscas Bi-
centennial Park opened in 2004 and was developed under
this program for a total cost of U.S. $1,104,000. The city
council of Chillán also planned to develop the Huambalı́
Park, located in the locality of Ultraestación, west of the
railway station, as part of its urban regeneration program.
This 25-hectare project received funding from the Re-
gional Office of the MINVU and costs a total of U.S.
$2,714,000 to develop. The amount invested in these two
projects far exceeds the amount invested in multiuse
games areas, such as that constructed by the city council
of Chillán in the Bonilla sector under the central govern-
ment’s ‘‘Quiero mi barrio’’ [I love my neighborhood] pro-
gram at the cost of U.S. $100,340. This difference in costs,
along with the fact that games areas require little mainte-
nance, could explain the proliferation of this type of public
space—associated with low–middle SES—in the city.
Recently the MINVU30 published a document titled
‘‘La dimensión humana en el espacio público’’ [The
30
Ministry of Housing and Urban Development (MINVU).
The Human Dimension in Public Spaces. Recommendations for
Analysis and Design. Urban Public Spaces Series. (MINVU,
Chile. 2017).
ENV-2018-0041-ver9-Smith_1P.3d 03/01/19 4:22pm Page 10
10
Table 1. Criteria for Public Spaces and Neighboring Areas
as Specified in the Municipal Zoning Plans
Public space Zone
Plaza de Armas ZC-1, Central zone 1
Paseo Peatonal Arauco
Estero Las Toscas ZC-2, Central zone 2
ZM-2, Mixed zone 2
Sarita Gajardo ZH-3, Residential zone
Parque Monumental ZH-1, Residential zone
Bernardo O’Higgins ZM-1, Mixed zone
ZM-2, Mixed zone
Source: Municipal Zoning Plan for Chillán (Ilustre Municipalidad de Chillán 2016) and Municipal Zoning Plan for Chillán Viejo
(Ilustre Municipalidad de Chillán Viejo 2012).
human dimension of public spaces], which highlights the
importance of taking into account social and geographi-
cal context in the design and implementation of public
spaces in Chile. This document defined five fields of
action and sets out a total of 80 design recommendations.
Linked to space and comfort, one of the fields of action,
there are two recommendations associated with climate:
that shelter from the weather (both rain and sun) be
provided and that designs should take advantage of the
positive aspects of the local climate. The document rec-
ommends using pergolas and screens to improve the
microclimate of public spaces. The second recommen-
dation is that factors such as the microclimate should be
managed by installing passive ventilation or managing
the amount of direct sunlight by orienting features ap-
propriately. Both recommendations are in line with
climate-sensitive planning and would lead to improve-
ments in the climate quality of the city’s public spaces
during winter and summer, given the city’s Mediterra-
nean climate.31
Finally, Chile has a national plan for climate change
adaptation and, as a corollary, a sectoral plan for adap-
tation of cities to climate change.32 Once approved, the
sectoral plan, for which the citizen consultation process
recently ended, will direct municipal efforts on climate
matters in the city. However, the plan focuses mainly on
hydrometeorological risks and makes no mention of the
concept of urban climate. Hence its consideration of
temperature in the city is limited to heat waves and cold
snaps, the appraisal of which is usually based on climatic
data collected at meteorological stations located outside
the city, such as the Bernardo O’Higgins station in
Chillán. It is essential that such plans take account of
urban climatology and the complex relationship between
31
A. Salvati, H. Coch Roura, and C. Cacere. ‘‘Assessing the
Urban Heat Island and Its Energy Impact on Residential
Buildings in Mediterranean Climate: Barcelona Case Study.’’
Energy and Buildings 146 (2017): 38–54.
32
Ministry of the Environment, Chile. 2017. Climate Change
Adaptation Plan for Cities. Consultation Phase between 24 July
and 10 October 2017. (Ministry of the Environment, Chile.
2017).
SMITH AND HENRÍQUEZ
Minimum plot Building Maximum
area (m2) plot ratio height (m)
600 1 15—Free
600 0.9 7–30
500 0.8 7–20
150 0.6 15
200 0.6 15
300 0.8 14
300 0.8 20
climate and urban planning and design, including how
the design of urban spaces affects thermal comfort and
climate quality in every sector of the city.
CONCLUSION
Chillán is a city of sharp contrasts, including pro-
nounced socioenvironmental differences; this is a situa-
tion that calls for action to create more and better public
spaces. For people of low SES—mainly those in classes
D and E—public spaces provide their only access to good
climatic conditions, since they do not have the resources
to acquire alternative means of mitigating thermal dis-
comfort, such as air conditioning and ventilation sys-
tems. The shortage of parks and green areas in the city
reflects the failure of urban planners to prioritize this
issue; the creation of more comfortable spaces has been
delegated to the private sector. Examples of private
green spaces and comfortable amenities include the
Schoenstatt Shrine, located south of the city of Chillán
Viejo, the Arauco Chillán shopping mall, located in the
center, and gated housing ( parcelas de agrado in
Spanish) in semirural areas. The role of the private
sector represents a serious environmental injustice, be-
cause it means that access to high-quality public spaces
is not equal, with the poorest in society being particu-
larly disadvantaged.
Our review of the main regional and communal land
use instruments revealed that there is no clearly articu-
lated strategy for developing an integrated system of
public spaces. These instruments, especially the commu-
nal regulatory plans, intercommunal regulatory plans,
and communal development plans, point out the scarcity
of public spaces and the specific lack of green corridors.
The lack of green areas, parks, and playgrounds, which is
evident from the very low per capita green space provi-
sion, combined with by low investment in improvements
to the infrastructure and quality of those that do exist,
increases the vulnerability of the residents to the potential
impact of climate change and the effects of urban heat
islands.
ENV-2018-0041-ver9-Smith_1P.3d 03/01/19 4:22pm Page 11

CLIMATE QUALITY IN THE CITY OF CHILLAN, CHILE 11 b AU1

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS AUTHOR DISCLOSURE STATEMENT b AU16

AU15 c We thank the eight students from the University of No competing financial interests exist.
Biobı́o for their valuable contribution in the survey and
Address correspondence to: b AU17
assistance with fieldwork. We also specially thank the
Pamela Smith
officials of the city councils of Chillán and Chillán Viejo,
Departamento de Geografı́a
who kindly filled out the form, and the 16 Chilean and
Universidad de Chile
foreign experts who prepared the climate quality index.
Santiago
This research had support from CONICYT through its
Chile
National Doctoral Program and the Fondecyt de Inicia-
ción number 11180990. E-mail: pamelasmit@uchilefau.cl
ENV-2018-0041-ver9-Smith_1P.3d 03/01/19 4:22pm Page 12

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