Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Course Material-Admnistrative Law
Course Material-Admnistrative Law
SYLLABUS
ADMINISTRATIVE LAW
AUGUST-NOV 2020
B.A.LL.B. ( Hons.)
Vii SEMester
COURSE teacher-
Dr. Sushma Sharma,
Associate Professor,
N.L.I.U, Bhopal
3. Course Outline
UNIT-I
Introduction
1.1 Nature and Scope
1.2 Definitions of Administrative Law
1.3 Reasons for Growth
1.4 Sources
1.5 Comparison with Constitutional Law and Public Administration
1.6 Rule of law
1.7 Droit Administratif
1.8 Global Administrative Law
Unit –II
Classification of Functions
2.1 Separation of Powers
2.2 Difficulty in Characterization of functions
2.3 Subordinate legislation( Rule Making Functions)
2.4 Quasi-Judicial Functions
2.5 Purely Administrative Functions
2.6 Difference between the different kind of functions
Unit-III
Subordinate Legislation and its Controls
3.1 Concept and Reasons for Growth
3.2. Advantages and disadvantages
3.3. Classification-Nomenclature based classification, authority based classification
(delegated legislation and sub delegation), purpose based classification, authority based
classification- ( subordinate legislation and conditional legislation)
3.4. Essential legislative functions, Constitutionality
3.5. Legislative controls
3.6 Executive Controls
3.7 Judicial control
Unit- IV
Administrative Discretion
Unit-V
Administrative Tribunals
UNIT –VI
Principles of Natural Justice
6.1. Introduction
6.2 Right of hearing
6.3 Rule against bias
6.4 Speaking order
6.5 Exclusion of Natural Justice
6.6 Breach of Natural Justice -Effect
Unit –VII
Unit –VIII
Ombudsman
8.1.Concept of Ombudsman
8.2. Ombudsman in Scandinavian Countries
8.3.Ombudsman in Common Law Countries
8.4.Lokpal and Lokayukta Act 2013
8.5.Working of Lokpal
8.6 Ombudsman under other legislations, Banking Ombudsman, Insurance
Ombudsman
Unit IX
Public Corporations
Unit X
Regulatory Authorities
UNIT-I
Introduction
1.1 Nature and Scope
1.2 Definitions of Administrative Law
1.3 Reasons for Growth
1.4 Sources
1.5 Comparison with Constitutional Law and Public Administration
1.6 Rule of law
1.7 Droit Administratif
1.8 Global Administrative Law
RULE OF LAW
One Ideal among Others
The Rule of Law is one ideal in an array of values that dominates liberal political morality:
others include democracy, human rights, social justice, and economic freedom. The plurality
of these values seems to indicate that there are multiple ways in which social and political
systems can be evaluated, and these do not necessarily fit tidily together. Some legal
philosophers (e.g., Raz 1977) insist, as a matter of analytic clarity, that the Rule of Law in
particular must be distinguished from democracy, human rights, and social justice. They
confine the focus of the Rule of Law to formal and procedural aspects of governmental
institutions, without regard to the content of the policies they implement. But the point is
controversial. As we shall see, some substantive accounts have been developed, which
amount in effect to the integration of the Rule of Law with some of these other ideals.
The most important demand of the Rule of Law is that people in positions of authority should
exercise their power within a constraining framework of well-established public norms rather
than in an arbitrary, ad hoc, or purely discretionary manner on the basis of their own
preferences or ideology. It insists that the government should operate within a framework of
law in everything it does, and that it should be accountable through law when there is a
suggestion of unauthorized action by those in power.
But the Rule of Law is not just about government. It requires also that citizens should respect
and comply with legal norms, even when they disagree with them. When their interests
conflict with others’ they should accept legal determinations of what their rights and duties
are. Also, the law should be the same for everyone, so that no one is above the law, and
everyone has access to the law’s protection. The requirement of access is particularly
important, in two senses. First, law should be epistemically accessible: it should be a body of
norms promulgated as public knowledge so that people can study it, internalize it, figure out
what it requires of them, and use it as a framework for their plans and expectations and for
settling their disputes with others. Secondly, legal institutions and their procedures should be
available to ordinary people to uphold their rights, settle their disputes, and protect them
against abuses of public and private power. All of this in turn requires the independence of
the judiciary, the accountability of government officials, the transparency of public business,
and the integrity of legal procedures.
Beyond these generalities, it is controversial what the Rule of Law requires. This is partly
because the Rule of Law is a working political idea, as much the property of ordinary
citizens, lawyers, activists and politicians as of the jurists and philosophers who study it. The
features that ordinary people call attention to are not necessarily the features that legal
philosophers have emphasized in their academic conceptions. Legal philosophers tend to
emphasize formal elements of the Rule of Law such as rule by general norms (rather than
particular decrees); rule by norms laid down in advance (rather than by retrospective
enactments); rule by norms that are made public (not hidden away in the closets of the
administration); and rule by clear and determinate legal norms (norms whose meaning is not
so vague or contestable as to leave those who are subject to them at the mercy of official
discretion). But these are not necessarily what ordinary people have in mind when they call
for the Rule of Law; they often have in mind the absence of corruption, the independence of
the judiciary, and a presumption in favor of liberty.
Contestation about what the Rule of Law requires is partly a product of the fact that law itself
comprises many things, and people privilege different aspects of a legal system. For some the
common law is the epitome of legality; for others, the Rule of Law connotes the impartial
application of a clearly drafted statute; for others still the Rule of Law is epitomized by a
stable constitution that has been embedded for centuries in the politics of a country. When
Aristotle (Politics 1287b), contrasted the Rule of Law with the rule of men, he ventured the
opinion that “a man may be a safer ruler than the written law, but not safer than the
customary law”. In our own era, F.A. Hayek (1973: 72 ff.) has been at pains to distinguish the
rule of law from the rule of legislation, identifying the former with something more like the
evolutionary development of the common law, less constructive and less susceptible to
deliberate control than the enactment of a statute. There is also continual debate about the
relation between law and the mechanisms of government. For some, official discretion is
incompatible with the Rule of Law; for others it depends on how the discretion is framed and
authorized. For some the final determination of a court amounts to the Rule of Law; for
others, aware of the politics of the judiciary, rule by courts (particularly a politically divided
court) is as much an instance of the rule of men as the decision of any other junta or
committee (see Waldron 2002 for a full account of these controversies).
The Rule of Law has been an important ideal in our political tradition for millennia, and it is
impossible to grasp and evaluate modern understandings of it without fathoming that
historical heritage. The heritage of argument about the Rule of Law begins with Aristotle (c.
350 BC); it proceeds with medieval theorists like Sir John Fortescue (1471), who sought to
distinguish lawful from despotic forms of kingship; it goes on through the early modern
period in the work of John Locke (1689), James Harrington (1656), and (oddly enough)
Niccolò Machiavelli (1517); in the European Enlightenment in the writings of Montesquieu
(1748) and others; in American constitutionalism in The Federalist Papers and (and even
more forcefully) in the writings of the Federalists’ opponents; and, in the modern era, in
Britain in the writings of A. V. Dicey (1885), F.A. Hayek (1944, 1960, and 1973), Michael
Oakeshott (1983), Joseph Raz (1977), and John Finnis (1980), and in America in the writings
of Lon Fuller (1964), Ronald Dworkin (1985), and John Rawls (1971). Because the heritage
of this idea is so much a part of its modern application, a few highlights need to be
mentioned.
3.1 Aristotle
The work of Aristotle on the Rule of Law is still influential. Though he formulated the
question of whether it was better to be ruled by the best man or the best laws, he approached
that question realistically, noting that it depended not only on the type of law one was
considering but also on the type of regime that enacted and administered the law in question
(Politics 1282b)
But Aristotle did maintain that law as such had certain advantages as a mode of governance.
Laws are laid down in general terms, well in advance of the particular cases to which they
may be applied. Moreover,
laws are made after long consideration, whereas decisions in the courts are given at short
notice, which makes it hard for those who try the case to satisfy the claims of justice.
(Rhetoric 1354b)
There were, he conceded, some cases so fraught with difficulty that they could not be handled
by general rules—cases that required the focused insight of particular judges; he used the
term epieikeia (sometimes translated as equity). But these cases should be kept to a minimum
and legal training and legal institutions should continue to play a role in the way they are
disposed of. Aristotle’s discussion of the general desirability of rules and his treatment
of epieikeia continue to influence modern jurisprudence (see Scalia 1989 and Solum 1994).
sudden thoughts, or unrestrain’d, and till that moment unknown Wills without having any
measures set down which may guide and justifie their actions.
In Locke’s story, one of the things that people wanted to get away from in the state of nature
was being subject to others’ incalculable opinions—even when those others were thinking as
hard and rigorously as they could about natural law. Your thinking might be different from
my thinking, and it might turn out that your view of the relation between your interests and
my interests and your property and my interests might be quite different from my view of the
matter and quite different again from the view of the next person I came across. The whole
point of moving from a state of nature to a situation of positive law was to introduce some
predictability into this picture.
Unfortunately, having laid down this requirement, Locke complicated matters by adding a
substantive principle of respect for private property: “The Supream Power cannot take from
any Man any part of his Property without his own consent”, and any law that purports to do
so is of no validity (Locke 1689: §138). But then there is a difficulty. Though Locke gave us
his own theory of prepolitical property rights—the so-called “Labor Theory” in Chapter Five
of the Second Treatise—it was itself far from uncontroversial. People in our day, as in his,
disagree about the rival claims of labor and occupancy; they disagree about the background
of common ownership; and they disagree about how much anyone may appropriate and how
sensitive his appropriation must be to the needs of others. We disagree about all that—in
ways that were made evident, for example, in the debates about the Lockean theory of Robert
Nozick (1974). And Locke and his contemporaries disagreed too; Locke knew, and signaled
in a number of places that he knew just how controversial all this was (Tully 1980: 64 ff; for
Locke’s awareness of the controversies, see Waldron 1999: 74–5).
By insisting therefore that positive law is subject to this substantive constraint, Locke
subjected the legislature to a discipline of uncertainty. Because the natural right of property
was controversial, so the administration of any substantive constraint along these lines was
bound to be controversial. And because the substantive constraint was supposed to affect the
validity of positive law (Locke 1689: §135), the effect would be that some people—let’s say
those who disagreed with Locke about the claims of labor over occupancy—would disagree
with him about which positive rules of property are valid and which are not.
3.3 Montesquieu
Montesquieu’s work on the Rule of Law is best known in connection with his insistence on
the separation of powers—particularly the separation of judicial power from executive and
legislative authority (see Montesquieu 1748: Bk. 11, Ch. 6). The judiciary has to be able to do
its work as the mouthpiece of the laws without being distracted from fresh decisions made in
the course of its considerations by legislators and policy-makers. Montesquieu’s views on the
separation of powers had a profound effect on the American founding, particularly in the
work of James Madison (Federalist Papers, §47).
Elsewhere in The Spirit of the Laws, Montesquieu developed a theory of the value of
legalism. Noting that despotic governments tend to have very simple laws which they
administered peremptorily with little respect for procedural delicacy, Montesquieu argued
that legal and procedural complexity tended to be associated with respect for people’s
dignity. He associated this sort of respect with a monarchy ruling by law, as opposed to
despotism:
In monarchies, the administering of a justice that hands down decisions not only about life
and goods, but also about honor, requires scrupulous inquiries. The fastidiousness of the
judge grows as more issues are deposited with him, and as he pronounces upon greater
interests. (Montesquieu 1748: Bk. VI, ch. 1, p. 72)
This emphasis on the value of complexity—the way in which complicated laws, particularly
laws of property, provide hedges beneath which people can find shelter from the intrusive
demands of power—has continued to fascinate modern theorists of the rule of law (e.g.,
Thompson 1975: 258–69).
In the modern debate we also hear echoes of the doctrine propounded in The Spirit of the
Laws (1748: Bk. 26, ch. 15, p.510) that “things that depend on principles of civil right must
not be ruled by principles of political right”. “Civil right”—Montesquieu’s word for what we
call private law—is, he said, “the palladium of property”, and it should be allowed to operate
according to its own logic, not burdened with the principles of public or political regulation.
A failure of the Rule of Law in this regard is likely to lead to the impoverishment of an
economy, as expectations collapse, and owners’ incentives for production and enterprise are
undermined (Montesquieu 1748: Bk. V, ch. 14, p. 61).
3.4 Dicey
Writing in the second half of the 19 th century, Albert Venn Dicey bemoaned what he saw as a
decline in respect for the Rule of Law in England. The Rule of Law used to be a proud
tradition that distinguished governance in England both from the executive domination
of droit administratif in France and also from the fatuous and abstract certainties of paper
constitutions in countries like Belgium etc. For Dicey, the key to the Rule of Law was legal
equality:
[W]ith us no man is above the law [and] every man, whatever be his rank or condition, is
subject to the ordinary law of the realm and amenable to the jurisdiction of the ordinary
tribunals. (1992 [1885]: 114)
Attractive as this is in the abstract, it exhibited a certain naivety so far as the legal position of
state officials was concerned. Officials are and often need to be treated differently in law than
the ordinary citizen: they need certain extra powers and they need to be hemmed in by extra
restrictions, so that they can be held accountable for the actions they perform in the name of
the community. For the ordinary person, the Rule of Law generates a presumption in favor of
liberty: everything which is not expressly prohibited is permitted. But for the state and its
officials, we may want to work with the contrary presumption: the state may act only under
express legal authorization.
Dicey had a knack of expressing the Rule of Law in terms of principles whose eloquent
formulations belied their deeper difficulties. His first principle of the Rule of Law was:
[N]o man is punishable or can be lawfully made to suffer in body or goods except for a
distinct breach of law established in the ordinary legal manner before the ordinary Courts of
the land. (Dicey 1992 [1885]: 110)
This seems fine if we are talking about the imposition of criminal sanctions. But “made to
suffer in … goods” can also be read to connote the imposition of restrictions on the use of
personal or corporate property, or the giving or withholding of licenses, grants, and subsidies.
It can be read as precluding any form of discretionary regulation. Dicey was indeed inclined
to disparage all administrative discretion, particularly where it seemed to be superseding what
had traditionally been regarded as judicial functions. But can we really do without discretion
in modern governance? Some modern scholars of administrative law have denounced Dicey’s
account as an “extravagant”, “absurd”, and pernicious version of the Rule of Law (Davis
1969: 27–32).
3.5 Hayek
F.A. Hayek was by training an economist, but he also nurtured an interest in the relation
between legal structures and forms of national economy. Hayek’s work on the Rule of Law
proceeded in two phases: (1) from his wartime book The Road to Serfdom (1944) through
to The Constitution of Liberty (Hayek 1960); and (2) the somewhat different account
presented in his trilogy, Law, Legislation and Liberty (1973), an account which is more
congenial to the spirit of common law and hostile to the role of legislation.
(1) Governance during wartime necessarily required total mobilization and management of
all of the society’s manpower and resources. Hayek warned in 1944 against the retention of
anything like this mode of administration in peacetime. He made an eloquent argument that
in normal times a society need not be managed but should be governed—and its people
largely left to their own devices—within a framework of general rules laid down in advance.
These rules would operate impersonally to protect people from one another, not being aimed
at any person or situation in particular and not being dependent for their operation on any
expectation on the part of government as to what the particular effects of their application
would be. But this lack of particular knowledge on the part of the government would be
offset by the fact that rules would provide a framework of predictability for ordinary people
and businesses. They would know that they would not be molested by the state, provided they
operated within the parameters of the general and impersonal rules. Human freedom, on
Hayek’s account, did not preclude all state action; but it does require that state action be
calculable.
(2) In the 1970s, Hayek began to rethink all this. The attention was still on the implications of
Rule of Law for liberty. But now Hayek began to wonder whether the texts of clear general
legislated rules would really provide an appropriate framework for freedom. It was, he said, a
mistake to think that “by confining the judge to the application of already articulated rules we
will increase the predictability of his decisions”. Articulated rules are “often a very imperfect
formulation of principles which people can better honour in action than express in words”
(Hayek 1973: 118). He favored something more like a common law model of predictability,
with principles and solutions emerging from a series of judicial decisions in an almost
evolutionary way.[1] The evolution of principles that distinguished themselves by their
reasonableness was superior, Hayek thought, to the deliberate imposition of rules by a
legislator. According to Hayek, the legislative mentality is inherently managerial; it is
oriented in the first instance to the organization of the state’s own administrative apparatus;
and its extension into the realm of public policy generally means an outward projection of
that sort of managerial mentality with frightful consequences for liberty and markets.
3.6 Fuller
Lon Fuller believed that government in accordance with the forms and procedures of law had
a distinctive value that could help close the gap of separation between positive law, on the
one hand, and morality and justice on the other. The conventional wisdom of the legal
positivists held that laws could be impeccably drafted and even-handedly administered and
still be hideously unjust: antebellum slave law in the United States and apartheid law in South
Africa were often cited as examples. But Fuller believed, as a matter of political psychology,
that there would be reluctance to use the forms of law—general and public norms—to
embody and inscribe injustice. He believed that “coherence and goodness [had] more affinity
than coherence and evil”, he thought bad things happened in the dark as opposed to the
sunlight of legality, and he maintained that “even in the most perverted regimes there is a
certain hesitancy about writing cruelties, intolerances, and inhumanities into law” (Fuller
1958: 636–7).
Fuller acknowledged that this link between legality and justice was tentative. It was certainly
controversial. But whether this connection held or not, he also wanted to insist that the
complete absence of respect for formal criteria of legality might deprive a system of power of
its status as law:
When a system calling itself law is predicated upon a general disregard by judges of the terms
of the laws they purport to enforce, when this system habitually cures its legal irregularities,
even the grossest, by retroactive statutes, when it has only to resort to forays of terror in the
streets, which no one dares challenge, in order to escape even those scant restraints imposed
by the pretense of legality—when all these things have become true of a dictatorship, it is not
hard for me, at least, to deny to it the name of law. (Fuller 1958: 660)
In his 1964 book The Morality of Law, Fuller formulated principles of what he called “the
inner morality of law”—principles requiring that laws be general, public, prospective,
coherent, clear, stable, and practicable—and he argued that these were indispensable to law-
making. Reviewing Fuller’s book, H.L.A. Hart (1965) asked in what sense these principles
could be called a “morality”. They seemed to be more like instrumental principles for
effective legislation, and on Hart’s view, they were only as moral as the enterprise they made
possible.
Fuller responded by denying that the significance of his eight principles was purely
instrumental. They also constituted a morality of respect for the freedom and dignity of the
agents addressed by the law: what they made possible was a mode of governance that worked
through ordinary human agency rather than short-circuiting it through manipulation or terror.
This thesis was separate from the connection between law and morality intimated in Fuller
1958. But the two accounts of the moral significance of law were connected in a way that
John Finnis explained:
A tyranny devoted to pernicious ends has no self-sufficient reason to submit itself to the
discipline of operating consistently through the demanding processes of law, granted that the
rational point of such self-discipline is the very value of reciprocity, fairness, and respect for
persons which the tyrant, ex hypothesis, holds in contempt. (1980: 273)
Fuller’s work on the Rule of Law had one last nuance. He understood that law constituted a
distinct kind of governance that might not be relevant for every task of the state. He
contrasted it not just with a Nazi-style reign of terror, but with the sort of managerial
administration that might be necessary for allocative decision-making in a mixed economy
like the United States in the 1960s. In modern political economy, said Fuller, we face
problems of institutional design “unprecedented in scope and importance”. Focusing more on
the procedural side of the Rule of Law, Fuller insisted that we lawyers acknowledge that
although “[a]djudication is a process with which we are familiar and which enables us to
show to advantage our special talents”, still it may be “an ineffective instrument for economic
management” (Fuller 1964: 176).
Some theorists draw a distinction between the Rule of Law and what they call rule by law
(see e.g., Tamanaha 2004: 3). They celebrate the one and disparage the other. The Rule of
Law is supposed to lift law above politics. The idea is that the law should stand above every
powerful person and agency in the land. Rule by law, in contrast, connotes the instrumental
use of law as a tool of political power. It means that the state uses law to control its citizens
but tries never to allow law to be used to control the state. Rule by law is associated with the
debasement of legality by authoritarian regimes, in modern China for example.
Thomas Hobbes may be seen as a theorist of rule by law. In a society whose members
disagree about property, he thought it conducive to peace for the sovereign of a society “to
make some common Rules for all men, and to declare them publiquely, by which every man
may know what may be called his, what anothers” (Hobbes 1647: Bk. II, ch. 6, sect. ix). But
Hobbes also thought that it would undermine peace—indeed it would undermine the very
logic of sovereignty—for the ultimate law-maker to be bound by the laws he applied to his
subjects (Hobbes 1991 [1651]: 184).
However, the distinction may not be so clear-cut. Even rule by law seems to imply that rulers
accept something like the formal discipline of legality. Unless the orders issued by the state
are general, clear, prospective, public, and relatively stable, the state is not ruling by law. So
this thin version of legality does still have moral significance in the respect it pays to the
human need for clarity and predictability. Rule by law “can be a way a government …
stabilizes and secures expectations” (Goodpaster 2003: 686). Even if its use remains
instrumental to the purposes of the state, it involves what Fuller called a bond of reciprocity
with the purposes of those who are governed: the latter are assured that the promulgated rules
are the ones that will be used to evaluate their actions (see also Winston 2005: 316).
Some jurists who maintain the contrast between the Rule of Law and rule by law have a more
ambitious agenda. They take seriously the ancient idea that we might be ruled by laws and
not by men. One may ask: how is that supposed to happen? After all, all law is made by
people and interpreted by people and applied by people. It can no more rule us by itself,
without human assistance, than a cannon can dominate us without an iron-monger to cast it
and an artilleryman to load and fire it. The jurists who contrast the Rule of Law with rule by
law believe they can make this work by focusing on laws whose human origins are in some
way diffuse or immemorial. We are not necessarily talking here about natural law, but
perhaps about something like customary law or common law—law that is not so evidently a
top-down product of powerful human law-makers (Epstein 2011). Common law grows and
develops under its own steam, and need not be conceived as a device by which some
identifiable humans rule over others. No doubt there is a lot of mythology in this. A more
realistic view of common law identifies it with the deliberate and arbitrary rule of an entity
that Bentham (1792) called “Judge & Co”. But it remains true that the human element is
diffuse in this sort of system, and at any given time the law that emerges is a resultant of the
work of many people rather than the intentional product of a domineering majority ruling us
from the legislative center of a state.
As we saw in the discussion of Hayek (1973), the other side of this coin is a disparagement of
legislation, precisely because its enactment seems patently and undeniably to represent the
rule of powerful officials. Legislation is a matter of will. The legislative process produces law
simply by virtue of a bunch of people in an assembly deciding that a given law is to be
produced. And this is done by the very men—powerful politicians—to whose power the Rule
of Law is supposed to be an alternative.
However, most people who value the Rule of Law do not accept this approach. If a statute is
properly drafted (if it is clear, intelligible and expressed in general terms) and prospectively
enacted and promulgated, and if it is administered impartially and with due process—they
will call this an entirely appropriate exercise under the Rule of Law. Indeed that is what many
scholars mean by the Rule of Law: people being governed by measures laid down in advance
in general terms and enforced equally according to the terms in which they have been
publicly promulgated. The argument that it should be put aside because it does not contrast
sufficiently with the rule of men seems perverse.
No one doubts that legislation can sometimes undermine the Rule of Law, by purporting for
example to remove legal accountability from a range of official actions or to preclude the
possibility of judicial review of executive action. But this is not a problem with legislation as
such; this is a concern about the content of particular enactments. Rule by judges, too, can
sometimes be seen as the very sort of rule by men that the Rule of Law is supposed to
supersede (see Waldron 2002: 142–3 and 147–8).
5. Formal, Procedural and Substantive Requirements
Theorists of the Rule of Law are fond of producing laundry lists of the principles it
comprises. These principles are of disparate kinds, which may loosely be divided into
principles that address the formal aspects of governance by law; principles that address its
procedural aspects ; and principles that embrace certain substantive values.
The best known are the eight formal principles of Lon Fuller’s “inner morality of law”:
(1964; see also the lists in Finnis 1980: 270–1; Rawls 1999: 208–10; and Raz 1979 [1977]:
214–18) generality; publicity; prospectivity; intelligibility; consistency; practicability;
stability; and congruence. These principles are formal, because they concern the form of the
norms that are applied to our conduct.
So for example, the requirement that laws be general in character, rather than aimed at
particular individuals, is purely a matter of form. It is compatible with invidious
discrimination so far as its substance is concerned, since even a norm like “A person who is
of African descent must sit in the back of any public bus that they ride on” applies,
universalizably, to everyone. A formal requirement of generality does not guarantee justice;
but that partly reflects the fact that justice and the Rule of Law work as separate criteria for
evaluating a political system.
Besides the form of the rules themselves there is also the nature of their presence in society.
The Rule of Law envisages law operating as a relatively stable set of norms available as
public knowledge. It requires that laws be public and that they be promulgated well in
advance of individuals’ being held responsible for complying with them. These are features
that flow partly from the fact that laws are supposed to guide conduct, which they cannot do
if they are secret or retroactive. But it is not just a matter of the pragmatics of governance.
Laws face in two directions: (i) they impose requirements for ordinary citizens to comply
with; and (ii) they issue instructions to officials about what to do in the event of non-
compliance by the citizens. Laws that are secret and retroactive so far as (i) is concerned may
still operate effectively in respect of (ii). So the Rule-of-Law requirements of publicity and
prospectivity have an additional significance: they require that citizens be put on notice of
what is required of them and of any basis on which they are liable be held to account.
The requirement of clarity is also important in this regard. Laws must be public not only in
the sense of actual promulgation but also in the sense of accessibility and intelligibly. True,
much modern law is necessarily technical (Weber 1968 [1922]: 882–95) and the lay-person
will often require professional advice as to what the law requires of him. It is also an
important part of the Rule of Law that there be a competent profession available to offer such
advice and that the law must be such as to make it possible for professionals at least to get a
reliable picture of what the law at any given time requires. In the nineteenth century, Jeremy
Bentham (1782: ch. 15 and 1792) criticized customary law in general, and common law in
particular, for failing to satisfy this requirement: the sources of law were hidden in obscurity
and though there were spurious appeals to precedent, much of the law was just made up by
the judges as they went along.
We should complement this list of formal characteristics with a list of procedural principles
as well, which are equally indispensable to the Rule of Law. We might say that no one should
have any penalty, stigma or serious loss imposed upon them by government except as the
upshot of procedures that involve (I have adapted this list from Tashima 2008: 264):
Arguably, such procedural principles matter more in the ordinary person’s conception of the
Rule of Law than the formal criteria mentioned in the previous section. When people worried
that the American detention facility in Guantanamo Bay from 2003 to the present was a
“black hole” so far as legality was concerned, it was precisely the lack of these procedural
rights that they were concerned about. What the detainees demanded, in the name of the Rule
of Law, was an opportunity to appear before a proper legal tribunal, to confront and answer
the evidence against them (such as it was), and to be represented so that their own side of the
story could be explained. No doubt the integrity of these proceedings would depend in part on
the formal characteristics of the legal norms that were supposed to govern their detention,
whose application in their case they could call in question at the hearings that they demanded.
It is difficult to make a case at a hearing if the laws governing detention are kept secret or are
indeterminate or are constantly changing. Even so, we still miss out on a whole important
dimension of the Rule of Law ideal if we do not also focus on the procedural demands
themselves which, as it were, give the formal side of the Rule of Law this purchase.
Some procedural requirements are also institutional in character: there must be courts and
there must be judges whose independence of the other branches of government is guaranteed.
This side of the Rule of Law is connected with the constitutional principle of the separation
of powers. That principle is sometimes justified simply on the ground that it is unhealthy for
power to be institutionally concentrated in society. But it also has a Rule of Law justification
inasmuch as it assigns distinct significance to distinct stages in the making and application of
laws (Waldron 2013).
Though many jurists follow Raz 1977 in thinking that the Rule of Law is a purely
formal/procedural ideal, others believe in adding a more substantive dimension. They do not
think it is possible to sharply separate our political ideals in the way Raz seems to suppose.
At the very least, the formal/procedural aspects generate a certain momentum in a substantive
direction. Generality—proceeding according to a rule—is often said to contain the germ of
justice (Hart 1961: ch. 8). And, stability, publicity, clarity, and prospectivity indicate a pretty
fundamental connection between the Rule of Law and the conditions of liberty. We have to
be careful, however, to distinguish between allegedly substantive requirements of the Rule of
Law and specification of the deeper values that underlie and motivate the ideal even in its
formal and procedural requirements.
Some jurists believe that there is a special affinity between the Rule of Law and the
vindication and support of private property. Ronald Cass (2004: 131) says that “[a] critical
aspect of the commitment to the rule of law is the definition and protection of property
rights”.
[T]he degree to which the society is bound by law, is committed to processes that allow
property rights to be secure under legal rules that will be applied predictably and not subject
to the whims of particular individuals, matters. The commitment to such processes is the
essence of the rule of law. Cass (2004: 131)
Others, like Richard Epstein (2011: 10), accept that “[a]nalytically, the rule of law is … a
separate conception from private property”. But they think nevertheless that a contingent
connection between the Rule of Law and private property can be established by showing that
the forms of regulation defenders of private property are concerned about tend to be forms of
regulation that the Rule of Law, even on a more austere conception, prohibits.
It is also widely believed—though not necessarily by the same people who associate legality
with property—that a system of positive law that fails to respect fundamental human rights
should not be dignified with the term “the Rule of Law”. The World Justice Project in 2011
quoted Arthur Chaskalson, former Chief Justice of South Africa, to this effect:
[T]he apartheid government, its officers and agents were accountable in accordance with the
laws; the laws were clear; publicized, and stable, and were upheld by law enforcement
officials and judges. What was missing was the substantive component of the rule of law. The
process by which the laws were made was not fair (only whites, a minority of the population,
had the vote). And the laws themselves were not fair. They institutionalized discrimination,
vested broad discretionary powers in the executive, and failed to protect fundamental rights.
Without a substantive content there would be no answer to the criticism, sometimes voiced,
that the rule of law is “an empty vessel into which any law could be poured”. (World Justice
Project 2011: 9)
On the other hand, as we have seen, Joseph Raz (1979 [1977]: 211) is famous for insisting
that “the rule of law is just one of the virtues which a legal system may possess and by which
it is to be judged”, and that we should not try to read into it other considerations about
democracy, human rights, and social justice. Those considerations, he said, are better
understood as independent dimensions of assessment. Tom Bingham, in his book on The
Rule of Law, said this in response to Raz:
While … one can recognize the logical force of Professor Raz’s contention, I would roundly
reject it in favor of a “thick” definition, embracing the protection of human rights within its
scope. A state which savagely represses or persecutes sections of its people cannot in my
view be regarded as observing the rule of law, even if the transport of the persecuted minority
to the concentration camp or the compulsory exposure of female children on the
mountainside is the subject of detailed laws duly enacted and scrupulously observed.
(Bingham 2010: 67)
Lord Bingham’s position has an intuitive appeal in the eyes of many commentators, even if it
irritates in its casual rejection of a point whose logic it claims to recognize.
Both Chaskalson and Bingham seem to want to fill out the formal/ procedural conception of
the Rule of Law with some human rights component. And many liberals are inclined to
follow them in that. But this is not the only possibility. Many associate the Rule of Law with
a presumption of liberty or the principle of human dignity. Others—Arthur Chaskalson hinted
at this—associate the Rule of Law with a substantive dimension of democracy.
All this sounds an analytic danger signal. Once we open up the possibility of the Rule of
Law’s having a substantive dimension, we inaugurate a sort of competition in which
everyone clamors to have their favorite political ideal incorporated as a substantive
dimension of the Rule of Law. Those who favor property rights and market economy will
scramble to privilege their favorite values in this regard. But so will those who favor human
rights, or those who favor democratic participation, or those who favor civil liberties or social
justice. The result is likely to be a general decline in political articulacy, as people struggle to
use the same term to express disparate ideals.
Even if the principles of the Rule of Law are purely formal in their application, we don’t just
value them for formalistic reasons. Most fundamentally, people value the Rule of Law
because it takes some of the edge off the power that is necessarily exercised over them in a
political community. In various ways, being ruled through law, means that power is less
arbitrary, more predictable, more impersonal, less peremptory, less coercive even. It
establishes what Fuller (1964: 39–40) called a bond of reciprocity—a mutuality of constraint
—between the ruler and the ruled, and in that sense it mitigates the asymmetry that political
power otherwise involves.
Connected with this, the Rule of Law is valuable and important because it establishes an
environment that is conducive to liberty. According to Hayek’s theory of the Rule of Law—
particularly in the early phase of his work (see section 3.5 above)—we value requirements
like generality and impersonality because they free us from dependence upon others’ wills:
My action can hardly be regarded as subject to the will of another person if I use his rules for
my own purposes as I might use my knowledge of a law of nature, and if that person does not
know of my existence or of the particular circumstances in which the rules will apply to me
or of the effects they will have on my plans. (Hayek 1960: 152)
[i]n all mercantile transactions the great object should be certainty: … it is of more
consequence that a rule should be certain, than whether the rule is established one way rather
than the other. (Lord Mansfield in Vallejo v. Wheeler (1774) 1 Cowp. 143, p. 153 (cited by
Bingham 2010: 38))
Bingham went on to observe in his own voice that
[n]o one would choose to do business … involving large sums of money, in a country where
parties’ rights and obligations were undecided. (Bingham 2010: 38)
These conceptions claim to bring a certain air of reality to our discussions of freedom. There
may be no getting away from legal constraint in the circumstances of modern life, but
freedom is possible nevertheless if people know in advance how the law will operate and how
they have to act to avoid its application. Knowing in advance how the law will operate
enables one to make plans and work around its requirements (see Hayek 1960: 153 and 156–
7). And knowing that one can count on the law’s protecting property and personal rights
gives each citizen some certainty about what he can rely on in his dealings with other people.
The Rule of Law is violated, on this account, when the norms that are applied by officials do
not correspond to the norms that have been made public to the citizens or when officials act
on the basis of their own discretion rather than norms laid down in advance. If action of this
sort becomes endemic, then not only are people’s expectations disappointed, but increasingly
they will find themselves unable to form expectations on which to rely, and the horizons of
their planning and their economic activity will shrink accordingly.
So we need a basis for expectation. The best account of the importance of legal expectations
was given by the utilitarian philosopher Jeremy Bentham, in a work called “Principles of the
Civil Code”. Expectation, said Bentham, is “a chain which unites our present existence to our
future existence”.
It is hence that we have the power of forming a general plan of conduct; it is hence that the
successive instants which compose the duration of life are not isolated and independent
points, but become continuous parts of a whole. (Bentham 1931 [1802, 1864]: 111)
The establishment of expectations, said Bentham, is largely the work of law, and the security
of expectations is a vital constraint on the action of law: “The principle of security …
requires that events, so far as they depend upon laws, should conform to the expectations
which law itself has created…”.
Joseph Raz and Lon Fuller took the point about freedom even further. Raz (1979 [1977]: 221)
suggested that securing an atmosphere conducive to freedom was a matter of dignity:
“Respecting human dignity entails treating humans as persons capable of planning and
plotting their future” (Raz 1979 [1977]: 221). In Lon Fuller’s theory, too, the principles of the
inner morality of law were valued for the way they respected dignity:
What is said here about the connection between dignity and Fuller’s formal principles can be
said even more about the connection between procedure and dignity. Procedural principles
capture a deep and important sense that law is a mode of governing people that treats them as
though they had a perspective of their own to present on the application of norms to their
conduct and situation. Applying a norm to a human individual is not like deciding what to do
about a rabid animal or a dilapidated house. It involves paying attention to a point of view.
As such it embodies a crucial dignitarian idea—respecting the dignity of those to whom the
norms are applied as beings capable of explaining themselves.
No account of the Rule of Law is complete if it does not mention the ways in which this ideal
is deprecated. The laudatory history of the Rule of Law in the work of thinkers like Aristotle,
Locke, Dicey, Hayek and Fuller has been matched by opponents of legality such as Plato
(in The Statesman), Thomas Hobbes (at least if the Rule of Law is supposed to take us
beyond rule by law), and Carl Schmitt 1923 (in his attack on parliamentarism and on the
liberal assumption that rules can prevail even under conditions of endemic crisis).
The criticism by Plato (c. 370 BC) has been the most enduring. From his perspective, which
extolled the application of focused intelligence and insight by those in power, insistence upon
the use of law in government was
like a stubborn, stupid person who refuses to allow the slightest deviation from or questioning
of his own rules, even if the situation has in fact changed and it turns out to be better for
someone to contravene these rules. (Statesman 294b–c)
Rules themselves were part of the problem: “People and situations differ, and human affairs
are characterized by an almost permanent state of instability” (Statesman 294b). One would
use them, only as a (distant) second-best, if one felt one couldn’t discern or trust the
appearance of expertise in political life. These concerns are echoed in the work of modern
legal pragmatists (like Posner 1995) who place much more faith in insight of judges into new
situations than in the application of established rules or strained analogies with ancient
precedents.
Echoes of the Platonic critique are also heard in those who privilege decisive executive
decision-making in times of crisis, especially if the crises seem to be successive and unending
(Schmitt 1923; Posner and Vermeule 2010). Someone’s will has to prevail and, it is said, the
Rule of Law does us no service by pretending that the element of will can be eliminated from
politics or that decisiveness matters less than the “long deliberation” that was extolled in
Aristotle's Rhetoric.
The sense of what good law-making and ordinary legal administration require conveyed by
the principles of the Rule of Law is sometimes criticized as archaic. Partisans of the Rule of
Law often think in terms of clearly drafted and prospective measures promulgated as norms
that can stand in the name of the whole community and form a publicly acknowledged
framework for their actions and transactions. But this is not really how law operates in the
modern world. As Rubin 1989 points out, a great deal of modern legislation consists simply
of a frame-working statute authoring agencies to develop much more detailed rules which are
conveyed to the public—to the extent that is necessary—by modes of communication much
more complex and nuanced than those envisaged in traditional models of the Rule of Law.
For example, the principles comprised in Fuller 1964’s inner morality of law—see section
3.6 above—are recipes perhaps for the production of legislation that looks congenial to
legalistic concerns about clarity and predictability. But it has little or nothing to do with the
way law actually operates or the way legislatures communicate with agencies and agencies in
turn communicate with those whose actions and businesses they supervise (Rubin 1989: 397–
408).
At the same time, there are concerns about the mentality that is fostered by an excessive
emphasis on the Rule of Law. In its most extreme form, the Rule of Law can have the effect
of closing down the faculty of independent moral thought in the officials (the judges, for
example: see Cover 1975) or in the ordinary members of a community, making them anxious
in the face of uncertainty and distrustful of their own or others’ individual judgments (see
Henderson 1990). Sometimes it is important, for the sake of clear and courageous moral
judgment, not to exaggerate the importance of something being required by law. Other
concerns about the mentality fostered by the Rule of Law include concerns about legalism
and the tendency to over-formalize or over-bureaucratize relationships that are more healthily
conceived in terms that are more informal. This is not just a matter of legalizing the personal
realm; it is also a matter of understanding, for example, the damage that can be done to
relations between officials (like social workers) and vulnerable clients by replacing bringing
in rigid rules to replace relatively informal professional norms (Simon 1983).
As well as these debates about the value of the Rule of Law there is, within the camp of those
who stand for legality, incessant controversy about what the Rule of Law requires. I have
mentioned the general debates between defenders of formal, procedural, and substantive
conceptions. There are also a number of particular debates.
8.1 Discretion
How far should it be the mission of the Rule of Law to eliminate or reduce the amount of
discretion in the way a society is governed? Some jurists, like Dicey (1885) and to a lesser
extent Hayek (1944) insist that official discretion is inherently antithetical to the Rule of Law.
Others, like Davis (1969), condemn this as an extravagant position, arguing that discretion is
ineliminable in the modern administrative state. The rule of the Rule of Law is not to
eliminate discretion, but to ensure that it is properly framed and authorized, and that the
application of rules and judicial procedures is preserved for those cases where liberty and
well-being are most seriously at stake.
A similar question arises with regard to the use of norms that have the character of standards
rather than rules. (A rule is like a numerical speed limit, whereas a standard is like a norm
that requires people to drive at a “reasonable” speed.) Legal systems use both types of norm
(Sunstein 1994); they use standards for cases where the appropriate decision may vary with
ambient circumstances and it seems better to trust the judgment of those who face a particular
situation, rather than laying it down in advance. There is an element of respect for
individuals’ powers of discernment conveyed in the use of a standard. At the same time
standards allow for less certainty in the law, especially when it is difficult for the person
attempting to comply with the norm to predict how his judgment will be viewed by an official
or by a court. Hayek suggests that
[o]ne could write a history of the decline of the Rule of Law … in terms of the progressive
introduction of these vague formulas into legislation and jurisdiction. (1972 [1944]: 78)
Whether he is right depends partly on how far we take the Rule of Law to be wedded to
predictability: is predictability the be-all and end-all, or does the Rule of Law also promise a
kind of legal system that frames and facilitates reason and thoughtfulness in human affairs?
Sometimes situations can be governed and disputes settled by informal social norms rather
than by positive law, formally enacted and enforced (Ellickson 1994). Opinions differ as to
whether this should be regarded as something altogether different from the Rule of Law. On
the one hand, it looks like a genuine alternative, and little is gained by assimilating its
desirable features, such as they are, to Rule-of-Law requirements. On the other hand, it does
have something in common with understandings of customary law and conceptions of the
Rule of Law (like that of Hayek 1973) that try to separate themselves from enactment and
legislation. Also it is sometimes said that the Rule of Law works best when what is enforced
in a society can be mapped on to its members’ norms of fairness and common-sense. This
makes social participation in the integrity and upholding of law more likely (Cooter 1997).
The closer this mapping, the less of an investment there has to be in formal legal
promulgation: ordinary know-how can become a reliable guide to legal knowledge. However,
one has to be very cautious with this. Modern law is inevitably technical in ways that far
outstrip the possibilities of intuitive understanding (Weber 1968 [1922]: 882–95). The best
that can be hoped for is some sort of occasional consonance between enacted law and
informal understandings, and the sporadic character of that may well heighten rather than
reduce unpredictability.
8.4 Emergencies
Is it reasonable to use the Rule of Law to evaluate the way a society responds to
emergencies? It is often thought that emergencies require forms of state action that are more
peremptory and less procedurally laborious than those required in normal times. As a matter
of fact, a number of possibilities have been discussed (Scheuerman 2006). One is to insist, in
the name of the Rule of Law, that existing constitutional safeguards should remain in force;
that, after all, is what they were designed for and these situations are where they are most
urgently needed. Alternatively, in emergencies, one might rely on a general spirit of
flexibility and circumstantial sensitivity in state action that is encouraged even in normal
times. On this second option, the Rule of Law does not present itself as a major constraint on
the flexibility of state action in face of danger. As a third option, one might seek to preserve
something like the Rule of Law by laying down in advance specific legal rules to govern
emergencies—rules that suspend ordinary civil liberties guarantees for example or authorize
widespread discretion on the part of officials to undertake action that would normally be
governed by general rules of law. (Machiavelli proposed a version of this in
his Discourses (1517), extolling the institution of dictator in the Roman republic.) This option
has the advantage of predictability; but its disadvantage is that it endorses a sort of Rule-of-
Law-lite, which may eventually infect or supersede the conception of the Rule of Law that is
supposed to be normally applicable.
The Rule of Law applies not only within national polities but also increasingly between them,
but in this arena its use remains under-theorized (for a helpful discussion, see Crawford
2003). Much of the work that has been done on the international Rule of Law simply adopts
uncritically the perspective of those who say, at the national level, that the Rule of Law
requires determinacy, clarity, and predictability (see Chesterman 2008). But this may be
misconceived when we are talking about states rather than individuals as the subjects of law
(Waldron 2011b). States are in a much better position to be informed of what their legal
requirements are than individual men and women in society, since they are parties to the
treaties and practices that establish international law. (Maybe, though, this point does not
hold to the same extent when we consider the murky depths of customary international law.)
Anyway, the liberty of an individual state is not such an important value as the liberty of an
individual person. It is not clear that national states need protection from international law
and the power that it represents in the way that ordinary men and women need protection
from the exercise of political power in society. Moreover, in areas like international human
rights law, any presumption based on the Rule of Law in favor of the liberty of national states
will tend to have detrimental effects on the liberty or well-being of individual men and
women. We have to be careful therefore that invocation of the Rule of Law in the
international realm does not undermine the values that are supposed to be secured by this
ideal within national polities.
The Rule of Law is often cited as the key to nation-building and to the establishment of new
democracies. Indeed it is often argued (e.g., Barro 2000) that a new state needs Rule-of-Law
institutions—effective courts and commercial codes that can secure property rights and the
enforcement of contracts—more than or even before it needs democratic institutions such as
an elected legislature. It is said that a legal system in a developing country dominated by
legislative action will neither inspire the confidence nor establish the stability that modern
governance and investment require. (For discussion of these arguments, see Carothers 1998
and—more critically—Carothers 2009.) This raises once more the question of relation
between the Rule of Law and legislation—only now it takes us also in the direction of
considering an rather uncomfortably direct trade-off between Rule of Law values and
democracy.
Finally, an analytic question. What is the relation between the Rule of Law and the concept of
law? A case can be made—controversial, no doubt—for bringing the two of them together
(see Waldron 2008 and also Simmonds 2008). The concept of law could be understood to
embrace the fundamental elements of legality, though this identification looks less plausible
the more substantive the conception of the Rule of Law is held to be. On this account, a
system of governance doesn’t count as law unless it exhibits the characteristic forms and
processes that we associate with legality. Otherwise we lose our sense of the institutional
distinctiveness of law as a way of ruling a society. We saw earlier that Lon Fuller (1958 and
1964) envisaged a connection along these lines. So, in his later work did Ronald Dworkin.
Dworkin (2004) asked us to consider a situation in which judges and lawyers were grappling
with hard issues of interpretation or with difficult dilemmas posed by multiple sources of law.
He said that in such cases, we might say that what was required as a matter of law might be
different from what was required as a matter of justice. That is a familiar separation (even if
Dworkin thought it was narrower and more blurred than most legal positivists believed). But
he said, it would make no sense to say that what was required as a matter of legality or
respect for the Rule of Law was different from what the legal solution was to this case. To
figure out the legal solution we have to address the various legal and political materials
precisely in light of our commitment to legality.
A conception of legality is … a general account of how to decide which particular claims are
true…. We could make little sense of either legality or law is we denied this intimate
connection. (Dworkin 2004: 24–5)
However this is not the received position. According to Joseph Raz (1977) and others you
cannot understand what the Rule of Law is unless you already and independently understand
what law is and the characteristic evils that law is likely to give rise to (which the Rule of
Law tries to prevent). On this account, legality represents a particular set of concerns about
law that have emerged in our civilization. The fact that these concerns are undoubtedly moral
in character (even though they are not comprehensive moral concerns) means that—in Raz’s
view—it is better to keep them separate from the concept of law itself, for fear of introducing
a moral element into that concept.
Bibliography
Unit –II
Classification of Functions
2.1 Separation of Powers
2.2 Difficulty in Characterization of functions
2.3 Subordinate legislation( Rule Making Functions)
2.4 Quasi-Judicial Functions
2.5 Purely Administrative Functions
2.6 Difference between the different kind of functions
The Concept:-
Administrative actions and delegated legislations:-
Delegation of powers means those powers, which are given by the higher authorities to the
lower authorities to make certain laws, i.e., powers given by the legislature to administration
to enact laws to perform administration functions. The law legislated by the administration
with the powers given by the legislature is called delegated legislation. Or we can say that
when an instrument of a legislative nature is made by an authority in exercise of power
delegated or conferred by the legislature is called subordinate legislation or delegated
legislation.
In order to understand the topic in a lucid manner, it is essential that we first understand what
is meant by the phrase ‘administrative action’. Is the phrase wide enough to encompass
delegated legislation? This section shall ponder over this question.
1
Ex parte McDonough, 27 Cal.App.2d 155
Therefore, administrative action has to be performed by the administration by virtue of its
functions identified by the legislature, or to carry out the policies of the legislature declared
by it, or such functions which it has to perform by virtue of its existence.
Generally speaking, an administrative action can be classified into four categories:
1) Rule-making action or quasi-legislative action : It happens, and it is a
necessity, that the legislature enacts a skeletal law and leaves it to the administration
to make rules on the intricate issues involved. This power granted by the legislature is
exercised by way of delegated legislation.
2) Rule-decision action or quasi-judicial action: This is exercised by way of
administrative adjudication, where the administration is vested with authority to
determine private rights and obligations by rendering decisions involving individual
citizens.2
3) Rule-application action or administrative action: This is done by the exercise
of discretionary power vested in the administration. Thus, by the very name we may
understand that it comes into play only when the statute is not specific on the point.
4) Ministerial action: This is nothing but exercise of power in the way that is
prescribed by the enabling legislation. There is no room for discretion in this case.
This shows that administrative action as a wide phrase, which encompasses
functions resembling those of the legislature, judiciary and executive.
Unit-III
Subordinate Legislation and its Controls
3.1 Concept and Reasons for Growth
3.2. Advantages and disadvantages
3.3. Classification-Nomenclature based classification, authority based classification
(delegated legislation and sub delegation), purpose based classification, authority based
classification- ( subordinate legislation and conditional legislation)
3.4. Essential legislative functions, Constitutionality
3.5. Legislative controls
3.6 Executive Controls
3.7 Judicial control
Delegation of powers means those powers, which are given by the higher
authorities to the lower authorities to make certain laws, i.e., powers given by the
2
NOOR Mohammed BILAL, DYNAMISM OF JUDICIAL CONTROL AND ADMINISTRATIVE ADJUDICATION, 25 (New
Delhi: Deep and Deep Publications, 2004)
legislature to administration to enact laws to perform administration functions.
The law legislated by the administration with the powers given by the legislature
is called delegated legislation. Or we can say that when an instrument of a
legislative nature is made by an authority in exercise of power delegated or
conferred by the legislature is called subordinate legislation or delegated
legislation.
3
Y.V. Chandrachud and P.Ramanatha Aiyar, Concise Law Dictionary, 315 ( Nagpur : Wadhwa & Co., Nagpur,
2008)
4
http://en./wikipedia.org
5
The concise Oxford dictionary of politics.
6
Avinder Singh v State of Punjab (1979) 1 SCC 137
sovereign power, and is, therefore, dependent for its existence and continuance on superior or
supreme authority.”7
Delegated legislation thus is a legislation made by a body or person other than the Sovereign
in Parliament by virtue of powers conferred by such sovereign under the statute.
According to Jain and Jain8,” the term ‘delegated legislation’ is used in two senses:
(i) exercise by a subordinate agency of the legislative power delegated to it by the
legislature, or
(ii) Subsidiary rules themselves which are made by the subordinate authority in
pursuance of the power conferred on it by the legislature.
In its first application, it means that the authority making the legislation is subordinate to the
legislature. The legislative powers are exercised by an authority other than the legislature in
exercise of the powers delegated or conferred on them by the legislature itself.
This is also known as ‘subordinate legislation’, because the powers of the authority which
makes it are limited by the statute which conferred the power and consequently, it is valid
only insofar as it keeps within those limits.9
In its second condition, ‘delegated legislation’ means and includes all rules,
regulations, bye-laws, orders etc. The statute enacted by the legislature conferring the
legislative power upon the executive is known as the ‘parent Act’ or ‘primary law’, and the
rules, regulations, bye-laws, orders, etc. made by the executive in pursuance of the legislative
powers conferred by the legislature are known as subordinate laws or subsidiary laws or the
‘child legislation’.
Delegated legislation is defined with a different dimension by the Russian author Mishin 10.
He elaborates that the promulgation by governments of bourgeois countries of regulative acts
having the force of law, after these governments have been empowered to do so by
parliament.
Delegated legislation need not be confused with administrative instructions. Government can
issue instructions in exercise of its executive power. These instructions may look very much
like rules which the government makes in the exercise of its statutory rulemaking power
which constitutes delegated legislation The instructions issued by the government under its
7
Salmond on Jurisprudence (12th Edn.)
8
JAIN AND JAIN, PRINCIPLES OF ADMINISTRATIVE LAW, (Bombay:
N.M. Tripathi , 2007)
9
D.D.BASU, ADMINISTRATIVE LAW, PAGE( place: company,1996)
10
A.A.Mishin, The Great Soviet Encyclopedia, 3rd Edition (1970-1979),(place:
The Gale Group, Inc.,2010)
executive power can supplement, but can not supplant, the statutory rules made by the
government. The executive instructions stand on a lower footing than statutory rules as they
do not have the force of Law.11
Art. 13(3) (a) defines “law” very widely by an inclusive definition. It does not
expressly include a law enacted by the legislature, for such an enactment is obviously
law. The definition of law includes: (i) an Ordinance, because it is made in the
exercise of the legislative powers of the executive; (ii) an order, bye-law, rule,
regulation and notification having the force of law because ordinarily they fall in the
category of subordinate delegated legislation and are not enacted by the legislature;
(iii) custom or usage having the force of law because they are not enacted law at all.
This extended definition appears to have been given to “law” in order to forestall a
possible contention that law can only mean law enacted by the legislature.
Need and advantages:-
Delegated legislation using the expression in the popular sense has become a present-day
necessity, and it has come to stay - it is both inevitable and indispensable. The legislature has
now to make so many laws that it has no time to devote to all the legislative details, and
sometimes the subject on which it has to legislate is of such a technical nature that all it can
do is to state the broad principles and leave the details to be worked out by those who are
more familiar with the subject. Again, when complex schemes of reform are to be the subject
of legislation, it is difficult to bring out a self-contained and complete Act straightway, since
it is not possible to foresee all the contingencies and envisage all the local requirements for
which provision is to be made. Thus, some degree of flexibility becomes necessary, so as to
permit constant adaptation to unknown future conditions without the necessity of having to
amend the law again and again. The advantage of such a course is that it enables the
delegated authority to consult interests likely to be affected by a particular law, make actual
experiments when necessary, and utilize the results of its investigations and experiments in
the best way possible. There may also arise emergencies and urgent situations requiring
prompt action and the entrustment of large powers to authorities who have to deal with the
various situations as they arise.14
As Nicola Lacy has argued,
“Problems are typically seen as arising from ambiguities or ‘gaps’ in the rules, calling for
clearer interpretation or further legislative or quasi-legislative action…”15
The problems like this are dealt with through the technique of delegated legislation.
Delegated legislation is not is not a new phenomenon. Ever since the status came to be made
by Parliament, delegated legislation also came to be made by an authority to which the power
14
AIR 1951 SUPREME COURT 332 "In re Art. 143, Constitution of India and Delhi Laws Act (1912)"
15
NICOLA LACY, THE JURISPRUDENCE OF DISCRETION: ESCAPING THE LEGAL PARADIGM ,(Florida: University
Press of Florida,)
was delegated by the Parliament. Going back into History one can find the Statute of
Proclamation,1539 under which Henry VIII was given extensive powers to legislate by
Proclamation. This proves the fact that there was and will always be the need for delegated
legislation. The exigencies of the modern State, especially Social and Economic reforms,
have given rise to delegated legislation on a large scale, so much so that a responsible fear
arises among the people that they are being ruled by the bureaucracy16.
The Indian Parliament enacted from the period 1973 to 1977 a total of 302 laws; as against
this the total number of statutory orders and rules passed in the same period was
approximately 25,414. Corresponding figures for States and Union Territories are not
available, but the number of rules issued under the delegated powers may well be
astronomical17.
The modern trend is that Parliament passes only a skeletal legislation. A classical example
may be the Imports and Exports (Control) Act, 1947 which contain only eight sections to
provide through the rule-making power delegated to them under legislation and leaves
everything to the administrative agencies and delegates the whole power to the administrative
agency to regulate the whole complex mechanism of imports and export. The examples may
be multiplied. This trends brings us to the need matrix of the phenomenon of delegated
legislation or administrative rule-making.
The basis of need matrix of administrative rule-making lies in the fact that the complexities
of modern administration are so baffling and intricate, and bristle with details, urgencies,
difficulties and need for flexibility that our massive legislatures may not get off to a start if
they must directly and comprehensively handle legislative business in all their plenitude,
proliferation and particularisation. Therefore, the delegation of start some part of legislative
power becomes a compulsive necessity for viability. If the 525-odd parliamentarians are to
focus on every minuscule of legislative details leaving nothing to subordinate agencies the
annual output may be both unsatisfactory and negligible. Law-making is not a turnkey
project, readymade in all detail and once this situation is grasped the dynamics of delegation
of easily follows18. From the above generalization, the factors leading to the growth of
administrative rule-making may be particularized as follows:
1. Legislation on ever-widening fronts of a modern Welfare and Service State is not
possible without the technique of delegation. It is trite but correct to say that even if
today Parliament sits all the 365 days in a year and all the 24 hours, it may not give
that quantity and quality of law which is required for the proper functioning of a
modern government. Therefore, delegation of rule-making power is compulsive
necessity. It also gives an advantage to the Executive, in the sense that a Parliament
16
Agriculture Market Committee v. Shalimar Chemicals Works, (1997) 5 SSC
516.
17
Statement for the Working paper presented by Prof. Upendra Baxi, quoted
in Avinder Singh v. State of Punjab, (1979)1 SCC 137, 160: AIR 1979 SC 321.
18
From the judgment of Krishna Iyer, J. in Arvinder Singh v. State of Punjab,
(1979) SSC 137, 147: AIR 1979 SC 321.
with an onerous legislative time scheduled may feel tempted to pass skeleton
legislation with the details to be provided by the making of rules and regulations19.
2. Today legislation has become highly technical because of the complexities of a
modern government. Therefore, it is convenient for the legislature to confine itself to
policy statements only, as the legislators are sometimes innocent of legal and
technical skills, and leave the law-making sequence to the administrative agencies.
3. Ordinary legislative process suffers from the limitation of lack of viability and
experimentation. A law passed by Parliament has to be in force till the next session of
Parliament when it can be repealed. Therefore, in situation which require adjustment
frequently and experimentation, administrative rule-making is the only answer.
4. In situations where crises legislation is needed to meet emergent situation,
administrative rule-making is the necessity because the ordinary law-making process
is overburdened with constitutional and administrative technicalities and involves
delay.
5. In some situation it is necessary that the law must not be known to anybody till it
comes into operations. For example, in case of imposition of restriction on private
ownership, it is necessary that the law must be kept secret till it comes into immediate
operation, otherwise people could arrange their property rights in such a manner as to
defeat the purpose of the law. This secrecy can be achieved only through
administrative action because the ordinary legislative process is always very open.
6. Where government action involves discretion, i.e. expansion of public utility service,
administrative rule-making is the only valid preposition.
7. Today there is a growing emergence of the idea of direct participation in the
structurisation of law by those who are supposed to be governed by it because indirect
participation through their elected representatives more often proves a myth.
Therefore, administrative rule-making is a more convenient and effective way and
provides for this participation.
One may go on multiplying the factors responsible for the growth of administrative rule-
making, yet the list may not be exhaustive. It will suffice to say that the technique of
administrative rule-making is now regarded as useful, inevitable and indispensible20.
The Committee on Minister's Powers said, delegation is valuable because it provides
for a power of constant adaptation to unknown future conditions without the necessary of
amending legislation. Flexibility is essential. The method of delegated legislation permits of
the rapid utilization of experience... The practice, again, permits of experiment being made
and thus affords an opportunity, otherwise difficult to ensure, of utilizing the lessons of
experience
Classifications:-
19
Agriculture Market Committee v. Shalimar Chemical Works Ltd., (1997) 5
SCC 516.
20
“COMMITTEE ON MINISTERS” POWERS REPORT 45, 23, 51, 52( 1932).
Administrative rule-making or delegated legislation in India is commonly expressed
by the term ‘statutory rules and orders’. However this classification is not
exhaustive as it appears in other forms also, i.e. regulation, notification, by-law,
scheme and direction. These terminologies are confusing because different words
are used for the same thing and same words are used for different things.
(1) Title-based classification
1. Rule: The term “rule” is defined in the General Clauses Act, 1897 as a rule made
in exercise of power conferred by any enactment and shall include a regulation
made as a “rule” under any enactment. These rules may be made applicable to a
particular individual or to the general public. It may include rules of procedure as
under the Atomic Energy Act, 1948 and also the rules of substantive law as in the
Defence of India Rules (now repealed).
2. Regulations: This term is not confined to delegated legislation. It means an
instrument by which decisions, orders and act of the government are made known
to the public. But in the sphere of administrative rule-making, the term relates to a
situation where power is given to fix the date for the enforcement of an Act or to
grant exemptions from the Act or to fix prices, etc.
3. Order: This term is used to cover various forms of legislative and quasi-judicial
decisions. Orders may be specific or genera. The former refers to administrative
action while the letters refers to administrative rule-making.
4. Bye-laws: The term has been confined to rules semi-governmental authorities
established under the acts of legislatures.
5. Directions: The terms is used in two senses. The Constitution gives powers to the
Central Government to give directions to State Government for the execution of its
laws. In this sense it has no application to delegated legislation. In the second
sense, the term “direction’ is an expression of administrative rule-making under
the authority of law or rules or orders made thereunder. These may be
recommendatory or mandatory. If mandatory, these have the force of law.
6. Scheme: The term refers to a situation where the law authorizes the administrative
agency to lay down a framework within which the detailed administrative action is
to proceed.
The “Committee on Ministers Power” has recommended for the simplification of the
nomenclature and confining the term “rule” to the statutory instrument regulating
procedure, the term “regulation” to describe the substantive administrative rule-
making and the term “order” to be confined to instruments exercising executive and
quasi-judicial decisions.
(2) Discretion-based classification (conditional legislation)
Another classification of administrative rule-making may be based on discretion
vested in the rule-making authority. On the basis of “discretion” administrative rule-
making may be classified into subordinate and contingent or conditional legislation.
This classification is linked with the leading case of Field v. Clark21. The impugned
Act authorised the President by proclamation to suspend the operation of an Act
21
143 US 649 (1892).
permitting free introduction into the USA of certain products upon his finding that the
duties imposed upon the products of the US were reciprocally unequal and
unreasonable. The US Supreme Court upheld the validity of the Act on the ground
that the President is a mere agent of the congress to ascertain and declare the
contingency upon which the will of the Congress will prevail. The Court further held
that the Congress cannot delegate its power to make a law, but it can make a law to
delegate the power to determine some factors or state of things upon which the law
intends to make its own action depend. Therefore, contingent or conditional
legislation may be defined as a statute that provides control but specifies that they are
to go into effect only when a given administrative authority finds the existence of
conditions defined in the statute itself in subordinate legislation the process consist of
the discretionary elaboration of rules and regulations. The distinction between the two
is of ‘discretion’. Contingent or conditional legislation is fact-finding and subordinate
legislation is discretionary. In conditional legislation the gun and the gunpowder is
provided by the legislature and the administrative authority is only required to pull the
trigger but in subordinate legislation the administrative authority is to manufacture the
gunpowder also. It may be noted that this distinction is hardly real. In contingent or
conditional legislation also, a certain amount of discretion is always present. The
contingent legislation formula is a fiction developed by the U.S Court to get away
from the operation of the of the doctrine of separation of powers. It is thus obvious
that in the case of conditional legislation the legislation is complete in itself but its
operation is made to depend on fulfillment of certain conditions and what is delegated
to an outside authority is the power to determine according to its own judgment
whether or not those conditions are fulfilled. In case of delegated legislation , some
portion of the legislative power is delegated to the outside authority, in that the
legislature, though competent to perform both the essential and ancillary legislative
function, perform only the former and parts with the letter, i.e. the ancillary function
of the laying down details in favour of another authority for executing the policy of
the statute enacted. The distinction between conditional legislation contains no
element of delegation of legislative power and is, therefore, not open to attack on the
ground of excessive delegation , delegated legislation does confer some legislative
power on some outside authority and is, therefore, open to attack on the ground of
excessive delegation22.
In Emperor v. Benoari Lal23the Privy Council for the first time upheld the validity of
the Governor-General’s ordinance of special courts, which had delegated to power to
extend the duration of the ordinance on provincial governments in case of emergency,
on the ground of conditional legislation. The Privy Council observed that it was a
piece of conditional legislation as the legislation was complete and what had been
delegated was the power to apply the Act on the fulfillment of certain conditions. The
Supreme Court also in Inder Singh v. State of Rajasthan 24 upheld the validity of
Rajasthan Tenants Protection Ordinance on the ground that it is conditional
legislation. The Ordinance was promulgated for two years but Section 3 had
authorized the Governor to extend its life by issuing notification if required. In the
22
State of T.N. v. K. Sabanayagam, (1998) 1 SCC 318. See also Vasu Dev singh
v. Union of India, 89,12( SCC)753
23
AIR 1945 PC 48.
24
AIR 1957 SC 510.
same manner in Tulsipur Sugar Co. Ltd. v. Notified Area Committee 25the Supreme
court upheld the validity of a notification issued under Section 3 of the U.P. Town
Areas Act, 1914 on the ground that is not a case of ‘subordinate legislation’ but of
‘conditional legislation’. In this case by a notification under the Act the limits of
Tulsipur town had been extended to the village Shitalpur where the sugar factory of
the plaintiff was situated. In I.T.C. Bhadrachalam Paperboards v. Mandal Revenue
Office26 the Court held that power conferred on government to bring an Act into
existence to grant exemption under it is a conditional legislation and not delegated
legislation. In Union of India v. Shree Gajanan Maharaj Sansthan27, the court was of
the view that statute providing that a certain provision thereof would come into force
on a date to be notified by the government is a conditional legislation and such a
power did not enable the government to decide whether to bring or not to bring that
provision into force. However, no mandamus can be issued against the government to
consider whether the provision should be enforced and when the government would
be able to do it.
Conditional legislation is classified into three categories: (i) Statute enacted by
legislature, future applicability to a given area left to the subjective satisfaction of the
delegate as to the conditions indicating the proper time for that purpose; (ii) Act
enforced but power to withdraw the same from operation in a given area or in given
cases delegated to be exercised on subjective satisfaction or objective satisfaction of
the delegate as to the existence of requisite condition precedent;(iii) power exercisable
upon the delegate’s satisfaction on objective facts by a class of persons seeking
benefit of the exercise of such power to deprive the rival class of persons of statutory
benefits. Last category of conditional legislation attracts principles of natural justice 28.
Thus, though delegated legislation as such did not attract the principle of natural
justice but it applies in the case of conditional legislation where a person is deprived
of his statutory rights.
(3) Purpose-based classification
Another classification of administrative rule-making would involve the consideration
of delegated legislation in accordance with the difference which it is made to serve.
On this basis the classification may be as follows:
1. Enabling Act: Such Acts contain an “appointed day” clause under which the
power is delegated to the executive to appoint a day for the Act to come into
operation. In this category, the legislature prescribes the gun and the target and
leaves it to the executive to press the trigger. It is aimed at giving the executive the
time to equip itself for the administration of the law. In this class of legislation,
rule-making exercise is valid only to the extent it is preparatory to the Act coming
into force29.
25
(1980) 2 SCC 295.
26
(1996) 6 SCC 44.
27
(2002) 5 SCC 44.
28
State of T.N.v. K. Sabayagam (1998) 1 SCC 318.
29
Venkataswaraloo v. Supdt. Of Central jail, AIR 1953 SC 49.
2. Extension and Application of Act: The technique of administrative rule-making
may sometimes be used for extension and application of an Act in respect of a
territory or for a duration of time or for any other such object. Power may be
delegated to extend the operation of the Act to other territories. For example,
Section7 of part ‘c’ States Laws Act delegates power to the Central Government to
extend to any part ‘c’ State, with such restrictions and modification as thinks fit,
any enactment which is in force in any part ‘a’ State. The extension procedure has
been extensively employed in ‘reciprocal legislation’. The power may also be
delegated to extend the duration of a temporary Act which is to come to an end at
a fixed period. Sometimes power may be given to extend the operation of the Act
to object or persons other than those for which it was originally made. The Tea
District Emigrant Labour Ac, 1932 authorised the Central Government to extend
the provision of this Act to any other land and premises in Assam.
3. Dispending and Suspending Act: Sometimes the power may be delegated to the
administrative authority to make exemptions form all or any provision of the Act
in a particular case or class of cases of territory, when, at the discretion of the
authority, circumstances warrant it. Section 8 of the Stage-Carriages Act, 1861
delegated power to provincial government to exempt any carriage or class of
carriages from all or any provision of the Act. In the same manner, the Indian
Registration Act,1908 delegate power to the State Government to exempt any
district or tract of land from the operation of this Act. These exemption clauses are
meant to enable the administration to relieve hardship which may be occasioned as
a result of uniform enforcement of the law. However, delegation of such power in
order to be valid, must satisfy the test of Article 14 of the constitution. Power may
also be delegated to suspend the operation of any Act.
4. Alteration Acts: Though technically speaking any alteration amounts to
amendment, yet alteration is a wide term and includes both modification and
amendment. In Indian legislative practice the power to modify Acts has mostly
been delegated as a sequel to the power to extension and application of laws.
Power to modify has also been given to administrative authorities in cases which
may be described as ’legislation by reference’. It is a device by which the power of
modification is delegated to make the adopted Act fit into the adoptive Act.
Section 21 of the Excess Profits Act, 1940enacts that the provisions of the sections
of the Income Tax Act, 1922 named therein shall apply with such modifications as
may be prescribed by rules. The power of modification is limited to consequential
changes, but if overstepped it suffers challenge on the ground that is not within the
legislative intent of modification. Another type of alteration may be classified as
‘amendment’. The most common example is the power to change the Scheduled of
an Act. Courts have held the exercise of such provide as valid provided that the
changed items are ejusdem generis with the other items mentioned in the
Scheduled to which the law clearly applies. Power to make alteration may
sometimes include the power to ‘remove difficulty’ so that the various statutes
may coexist. This power may include the power to amend to repeal the enabling
Act as well as Acts. This type of delegation may be classed as an exceptional type
of delegation and, therefore, must not be used except for the purpose of bringing
the Act into operation. A classical example of this type of delegation is the
Merged States Laws Act, 1949 which delegates power to any court or any
authority to make such alteration in the specified Act, not effecting the substance,
as may be necessary and proper to adapt it to any matter at hand. Such a wide
power cannot be defended because the dividing line between ‘matter’ and
‘substance’ is very thin.
5. Taxing Acts: Normally the purpose, incidence and rate of tax must be determined
by the legislature. However, the courts have upheld the delegation of taxing
powers to the administrative authorities provided the policy of the taxing statute
has been clearly laid down.
6. Supplementary Acts: Under the classification power is given to administrative
agencies to make rulers to elaborate, supplement or help to work out some
principles laid down in the Act. In other words the power is delegated to the
authority to make rules ‘to carry out the purpose of the Act’. The Defence of India
Act, 1939 empowered government ’to make such rules as appear to be necessary
or expedient for securing the defence of British India, public safety, maintaining
public order, efficient prosecution of war, maintaining supplies and services
essential to the life of the community’. Such wide powers were also delegated to
the government under the Essential Commodities Supplies Act,1946.
7. Approving And Sanctioning Acts: Under this try of legislation power is delegated
not to make rules but to approve the rules framed by other specified authority.
8. Classifying And Fixing Standard Acts: Under this type of delegation, power is
given to the administrative authority to fix standard of purity , quality or fitness for
human consumption. Courts hade upheld the validity of this type of delegation on
the ground of necessity.
9. Penalty For Violation Acts: sometimes power may be delegated to an
administrative agency to prescribe punishment for the violation of rules. In the
USA, the penalty for violation of administrative rules can be fixed by congress.
Making an Act penal is a Congress function and cannot be delegated to the
administrative agency. However, in England there are some instances where
power to impose penalty has been delegated. The London Traffic Act, 1924
provides that the administrative authority may provide, by regulation, the fines
recoverable summarily for breaches thereof.
10. Clarify the Provisions of the Statute Acts: in this case power is delegated to the
administrative authority to issue interpretations on various provision of enabling
Act. The United State Treasury Department has been delegated the power to issue
interpretations on various phases of taxation. However, these regulations are not
binding on anyone. They are in the form of opinions of departmental guidance.
But in some there cases they are final and binding.
(4) Authority-based classification (sub-delegation)
Another classification of administrative rule-making is based on the position of the
authority making the rules. Sometimes the rule-making authority delegates to itself
or to some other sub-authority a further power to issues rules; such exercise of
rule-making power in known as sub-delegated legislation. Rule-making authority
cannot delegates its power unless the power of delegation is contained in the
enabling Act. Such authorization may be either express or by necessary
implication. If the authority further delegates its law-making power to some other
authority and retains a general control of a substantial nature over it, there is no
delegation as to attract the doctrine of ‘ delegatus non potest delegare’. The
maxim ‘ delegatus non potest delegare’ indicates that sub-delegation of power is
normally not allowable though the legislature can always provide for it. Courts
have always taken the position that sub-delegation invalid unless authorised by the
parent Act. A classical illustration is A.K.Roy v. State of Punjab30. In this case the
power to initiate prosecution for offences under section 20(i) of the Prevention of
Food Adulteration Act,1954 had been given to the State Government. The Act had
not authorized sub-delegation of power. Nevertheless under Rule 3 of the
Prevention of Food Adulteration (Punjab) Rules, 1958, the power of prosecution
was delegated to the Food Inspector. The court held sub-delegation as ultravires
the parent Act. In State v. Amir Chand 31 the court further held that authorization of
sub-delegation must be express, it cannot be inferred. Under the Employees State
Insurance (Central) Rules,1950, Rule 16(2) had provided for two types of sub-
delegations: (i) Director- General was empowered to delegate the powers
conferred on him by the said rules; (ii) Director- General was further empowered
to delegate his powers and duties under any resolution of the corporation or the
standing committee. The court held sub-delegation in the second case as invalid on
the ground that conferment of powers of duties under a resolution of the
corporation could be by way of delegation to the corporation and empowering the
Director- General to further delegate such powers is impermissible32 .
The Essential Commodities Act,1955 provides a unique example of
sub-delegation at where sub-delegation is authorized at two stages. Section 3 of
the Act empowers the Central Government to make rules but Section 5 authorizes
sub-delegation of powers to the State Governments who have been further
empowered to sub-delegate powers to their officers.
It is now almost settled the legislature can delegates its powers of
law-making after indicating the policy. Therefore, the maxim delegatus non potest
delegare which means that a delegate cannot further delegate is not attracted in
case of delegation by the legislature but certainly applies in case of sub-delegation.
The maxim was originally invoked in the context of delegation of judicial powers
and implied that in the entire process of adjudication a judge must act personally
except in so far as he is expressly absolved from his duty by statute. Therefore,
basic principle behind the maxim is that a discretion conferred by the statute on an
authority must be exercised by that authority alone unless a contrary intention
appears from the language, scope or object of the statute. However, keeping in
view the imperatives of modern administration courts are slow in applying the
maxim when there is question of exercise of administrative discretionary powers33.
30
(1986) 4 SCC 326. See also Ganpatiji v. State of Ajmer, AIR 1955 SCC188;
Ajaib Singh v. Gurbachan Singh, AIR 1965 SC 1619; Naraindas v. State of M.P.
(1974) 4 SCC 788; Barium Chemical Ltd. v. Company Law Board, AIR 1967 SC
295; Sahini Silk Mills (P) Ltd. v. ESI Corpn., (1994) 5 SCC 346.
31
AIR 1953 Punj. 1.
32
ESI v. T. Abdul Razak, (1996) 4 SCC 708.
33
Sahini Silk Mills (P) Ltd. v. Corpn. , (1994) 5 SCC 346.
The mechanism of sub-delegation makes parliamentary control illusory,
postpones the rule-making process and makes publication of rules difficult,
therefore it must be resorted to only in unavoidable circumstances. It is again this
backdrop that the committee on Subordinate Legislation in India suggested that
sub-delegation in very wide language is improper and some safeguard must be
provided before the delegate is allowed to sub-delegate his authority.
(4) Nature –based classification (exceptional delegation)
Classification of administrative rule-making may also be based on the nature and
extent of delegation. The Committee of Minister Power distinguished two type of
parliamentary delegation:
1. Normal Delegation:
A. Positive:- Where the limits of delegation are clearly defined in the enabling
Act.
B. Negative:- Where power delegated does not include power to do certain things,
i.e. legislate on matters of policy.
2. Exceptional delegation: Instances of exceptional delegation may be:
(i) Power to legislate on matters of principle.
(ii) Power to amend Acts of Parliamentary.
(iii) Power conferring such a wide discretion that it is almost impossible to
know the limits.
(iv) Power to make rules without being challenged in a court of law.
Such exceptional delegation is also known as Henry VIII clause to
indicate executive autocracy. Henry VIII was the King of England in the
16th Century. He imposed his autocratic will through the instrumentality of
Parliament, so he described as a “despot under the forms of law”. Under
this clause very wide powers are given to administrative agencies to make
rules, including the power to amend and repeal. Instances of exceptional
delegation may be found in Section 20 of the States Reorganisation Act,
1956 (now repealed) where power was given to the executive to make
changes in the existing law. This type of delegation is delegation running
riot. Even extraordinary conditions do not justify delegation outside the
sphere of constitutional authority.
A classical illustration of Henry VIII clause is found in the
Constitutional itself. Under article 372(2) the President has been delegated
the power to adapt, amend and repeal any law in force to bring it in line
with provision of the Constitution and the exercise of such power has been
made immune from the scrutiny of courts. The court also found Henry VIII
clause in regulation 34 of the West Bengal State Electricity Regulation
which had authorised the Board to terminate the services of any permanent
employee on three months notice or pay in lieu thereof. The Supreme
Court observed that the naked “hire and fire” rule of Regulation 34 is
parallel to Henry VIII clause so familiar to administrative lawyers34.
Exceptional delegation has always been held to be ultra virus the
Constitution.
34
W.B. State Electricity Board v. Desh Bandhu Ghosh, (1985) 3 SCC 116;
Central Inland Water Transport Corp. v. B.N. Ganguly, (1986) 3 SCC 156.
1515
Dwarka Prasad Laxmi Narain v. State of U.P, AIR 1954 SC 224; Zafar Ali Shah (Dr.) v. Asstt. Custodian of
Evacuee Property, AIR 1967 SC 106; Bidi Supply Co.v. Union of India, AIR 1956 SC 479, State of Bombay v.
Bombay Education Society AIR 1954 SC 561; Kameshwar Prasad v. State of Bihar, AIR 1962 SC 1166; Mervyn v.
Collector of Customs, AIR 1967 SC 52; Kharak Singh v. State of U.P., AIR 1963 SC 1295; Maneka Gandhi v. Union
of India,(1978) (SCC 248: AIR 1978 SC 597.
1818
FOURTEENTH LAW COMMISSION REPORT, Vol. II, p 672
Observations of Law Commission are no less relevant today when India has adopted
the policy of liberalization, privatization and globalisation in which administrative law has
developed international dimensions. Though State is now withdrawing from business, yet its
functions as a facilitator enablor and regulator are bound to increase. Growth of new centers
of economic power which often exercise power in total disregard of the fundamental rights of
the people especially of the disadvantaged sections of the society will put emphasis on the
development of new norms of Rule of Law and judicial review for reconciling economic
growth with social justice.
On the one hand the judiciary has taken up the task to conform the administrative law making
to the Constitutional parameters on the other hand the Legislature which is the conferring
body has also developed an independent machinery to pave way for a just delegation of
power and to ensure that the delegated legislation which will be evolves by the executive as
the end product of the process should not ne excessive. Legislature is coming up with
providing appropriate system of consultation and publication to ensure participation of people
in the framing of executive laws. Apart from these many other newly devised ways of
controls over the administrative law making are also functional.
Unit- IV
Administrative Discretion
Administrative Tribunals
1
INTRODUCTION
Administrative justice is part and parcel of the common,
though frequently unarticulated understandings and
expectations inherent in the constitutional fabric woven from
the weft and warp of our political and legal systems. Put quite
simply, it is a fundamental principle that the government- at all
the levels and in all its manifestations-should act justly in its
dealings with the public. Not only are the means to attain
administrative justice problematic, but the concept of justice
itself is the ambiguous and often contested.1 In this background
the introductory part seeks to provide a contextual overview of
the current provision of administrative justice in India.
The road to administrative justice is a challenging one,
the challenge being how to ensure, in the modern and complex
society that the actions and decisions of our public bodies
and institutions are just? How can administrative justice be
achieved? Through what mechanisms? What is required to a
system able to deal justly with the heard policy choices that
inevitably have to be made in the selection of priorities, the
allocation of resources and the availability of public services?
Consequently whether from a conceptual, procedural or
substantive perspective, administrative justice presents one
of the most central and vexed issues in the field of public law.2
Traditional democratic processes for delivering
administrative justice fall short of meeting demands for
machinery that can respond effectively to the complexity of
modern government. The traditional mechanism of seeking
justice through courts has been widely supplemented in the
1 ADMINISTRATIVE JUSTICE-Central Issues in UK and European Administrative
law,Diane
Longley and Roda James-Cavendish, p. 3.
2 Ibid.
2
past years by the recognition and functioning of new
mechanisms like the Tribunals, Inquiries, Commissions,
Regulatory authorities etc. The evolution of these methods ate
aimed to overcome the crises of accountability and legitimacy
in the administrative functioning which the conventional courts
failed to meet.
Although this book is about the administrative justice
system in India special emphases has been given to the
Administrative Tribunals only as these are considered as the
most established and successful contributors of the
administrative justice.
In Indian perspective the courts acted as the guardian of
the rights and interests of people. They also are involved in
providing adequate remedies for the administrative wrongs
and have also proved to be the authorities which established
the fundamental principles of administrative law along with the
equity jurisprudence. The courts have the constitutional
obligation for maintaining the rule of law in the society. But
because of the overburden, complicated procedures, time
consuming methods and all the other reasons discussed later,
the courts alone as the traditional institutions for securing the
administrative justice have proved inadequate. It was natural
to expect new alternatives or innovative ways and to make the
alternative arrangements to look at the emergent needs in the
areas of more effective scrutiny of administrative process.
Inspiration from the global developments had been taken
and as a result a lot of experimentation was done. This resulted
in establishing of new mechanisms. These systems are known
as Tribunals Inquiries, Commissions etc. Before coming to the
details about administrative justice through Tribunals it
necessary to first consider the several other ways which have
developed or have been developing as systems to meet
expectations of administrative justice in India.
3
TRIBUNALS
Administrative tribunals are quasi-judicial organizations,
located outside of the judicial branch. They play a central role
in the administration of government policies. It is difficult to
make generalizations about administrative tribunals because
their forms and functions are so variable. However, tribunals
typically resemble courts in form and, in function; they decide
how to apply government policies to particular cases. Perhaps
25
the most familiar areas in which administrative tribunals
operate are in service matters, environment and social security
policy, but tribunals are in fact quite common features of
bureaucracies.
Tribunals are known as a seat or court of justice. Meaning
of tribunals denotes the bench on which a judge or other
presiding officer sits in court. Tribunals are also referred a
committee or board appointed to adjudicate in a particular
matter.
According to Curzon, Tribunals have been defined as
“Bodies outside the hierarchy of the courts with administrative
or judicial functions”16
Administrative tribunals resolve disputes between, for
example, the citizen and an officer of a government agency or
between individuals in an area of law in which the government
has legislated the conduct of their relations.
H.W.R.Wade and Phillips once opined that ‘A prominent
feature of the governmental scene is the multitude of special
tribunals created by Act of Parliament. Each of these is
designated to be part of some scheme of administration, and
collectively they are sometimes called the administrative
tribunals.’17
Schwartz and Wade have written in their book; legal
Control of Government. ‘The welfare state could not function
without an elaborate judicial system of its own. Claims for
benefit, application for licenses, disputes about controlled rents,
planning appeals, compulsory purchase of land- there are host
of matters which have to be adjudicated upon from day to day
and which are, for the most part unsuitable for the regular
courts. In the background are the courts of law with supervisory
16 Curzon, Dictionary of Law, 1994, p387.
17 Page 904
26
and often, also, appellate functions. But the front line judicial
authorities for the administrative purposes are bodies created
ad hoc.’
It is generally understood that for creation of new standards
in such diverse matters such as housing, social services, town
and country planning, capacity for work, control of transport,
professional and Trade discipline, and the like, greater
technical experience, greater flexibility and a greater emphasis
on social welfare are required than the ordinary judicial process
and tradition allow.18
Tribunals are the outcome of this requirement which has
ever been a very effective tool for administrative justice today.
18 Principles of Australian Administrative law by Benjafield, D.G. and Whitemore, H., p.
332 (4ht Edn.)
27
DIFFERENCE BETWEEN ADMINISTRATIVE
TRIBUNALS AND THE REGULAR
COURTS
Just as any regular court the administrative tribunals also
hear both parties to the dispute, examine the evidence, and
pronounce decisions. However, administrative tribunals or
courts are not considered to be part of the ‘judiciary.’
Administrative tribunals decides different kinds of
disputes depending upon the law which constitute them, the
different range of disputes covers:-
• disputes between a private citizen and a central /State
government departments, such as claims to social security
benefits; failure of natural justice.
• disputes which require the application of specialized
knowledge or expertise, such as the assessment of
compensation following the compulsory purchase of land;
and
• other disputes which by their nature or quantity are
considered unsuitable for the ordinary courts, such as fixing
a fair rent for premises or immigration appeals.
Special features of tribunals in comparison to courts :
Encouraging Applicants: SPEED, ECONOMY,
FORMALITY, and REPRESENTATION;
FLEXIBILITY OF APPROACH
INQUISITORIAL RATHER THAN ADVERSARIAL
APPROACH.
SPECIALIZED JURISDICTIONS.
The main reasons for the creation of administrative
tribunals may be identified as:
28
• Burden on Judiciary-the relief of congestion in the ordinary
courts of law (the courts could not cope with the caseload
that is now borne by social security tribunals,
employment tribunals and the like);
• Delay-the provision of a speedier and cheaper procedure
than that afforded by the ordinary courts (tribunals avoid
the formality of the ordinary courts); and
• Need for Expertise:-the desire to have specific issues dealt
with by persons with an intimate knowledge and
experience of the problems involved (which a court with a
wide general jurisdiction might not acquire).
A slight difference in the approach of administrative
tribunals is that they do not follow the principles of law and
evidence but they follow the principles of natural justice. Further,
administrative courts in India are manned by officers from the
executive organ of the government, and not from the judiciary.
Other notable points that make administrative courts
different from regular courts are as follows:
• It is not compulsory to have a lawyer to represent your
case, if there is scope for adjustment on the dispute.
• The decision can be determined by experts on a subject
and they don’t have to be judges.
• Formal rules pertaining to evidence and witnesses are
not necessary.
• There are no complex court procedures.
• Administrative courts are not bound by precedents as they
can formulate policy and exercise considerable flexibility
to improve standards and procedures.
29
DIFFERENCE BETWEEN
TRIBUNALS AND INQUIRIES
Tribunals and inquiries somewhat have different functions
within the administrative process. Tribunals are mainly
adjudicative and act as court substitutes by hearing appeals
against decisions. Tribunals generally have an important role
in finding facts and applying legal rules derived from statutes
and regulations. However unlike the ordinary courts the doctrine
of binding precedents does not apply to them.
On the other hand inquiries are the part of original decision
making process, they are frequently activated only after an
appeal has been lodged against the initial government
decision. There is different kind of inquiries under
administrative law. For example planning inquiry, it results in
the recommendations to the particular departmental head,
which may well have wider policy considerations to take into
account before arriving at final decision.
Tribunal is a permanent body which sits periodically.
An inquiry is established on ad hoc basis.
Inquiries are set up in response of a particular event. They
may sit for months and years but they are not permanent
bodies.
Tribunals are empowered to make decisions which are
binding on the bodies subject to their jurisdiction.
Inquiries generally do not have formal decision-making
power. Inquiry ends with publication of report containing its
recommendations. It will generally be the matter of the authority
which ordered for the inquiry to act or not to act on these
recommendations.
Tribunals are concerned with matters of fact and law,
whereas inquiries are concerned with wider policy issues.
30
DEVELOPMENT
FRANCE
When we have to look into the historical development of
tribunals it is best to begin with the development of tribunals in
France, from where the concept of administrative courts has
originated.
In academic terms, French law can be divided into two
main categories: private or judicial law (“droit privé”) and public
law (“droit public”).
There are two spheres of judicial law includes, these are,
civil law (“droit civil”); and criminal law (“droit pénal”).
Public law includes, two spheres which includes
administrative law (“droit administratif”); and constitutional law
(“droit constitutionnel”).
Taken together, these four areas of law (civil, criminal,
administrative and constitutional) constitute the major part of
French law.
This is appropriate to say that the French judicial system
is divided in two parallel hierarchies of courts, the courts of the
judiciary and the administrative courts. The reason for this
double hierarchy lies in the French interpretation of the
separation of powers. It was thought that if the regular courts
had to decide on cases to which the administration was a party,
this would give the judiciary a means of intervening in the
administrative process, which would violate the principle of
the separation of powers. This is also the most striking
distinction between the common law and civil law legal systems
on the continent, of which the French is a prime example
(having the Conseil d’Etat, and a system of tribuneaux
administratifs) is the absence within the common law systems
31
of any separate court applying a universally applicable body
of concepts and rules, quite distinct from the general law of
the land, regulating justiciable administrative activity.
However this concept of administrative courts was not
accepted easily. New prejudices were added to the old
by Dicey’s critique of the exclusive administrative
jurisdiction vested in the French Conseil d’Etat, which he
stigmatised as being opposed to the fundamental
principles of the rule of law that pervaded the British
Constitution.19 To him the rule of law involved the
proposition that every person, including Ministers and
officials, was subject to the ordinary law of the realm and
amenable to the jurisdiction of the ordinary courts; droit
administratif, on the other hand, implied the exemption of
the Government and its servants from personal legal
responsibility for official acts before the ordinary courts;
instead, they were subject to “official” law applied by
special and more or less official bodies.20 Since the rule
of law was a good thing, what was incompatible with the
rule of law was obviously a bad thing.
19 Introduction to the Study of the Law of the Constitution (10th ed., 1959), pp. 328-405.
20 E.H. Lawson, “Dicey Revisited” (1959) 7 Political Studies 109, 207. Cf. Trowbridge H.
Ford, “Dicey as a Political Journalist” (1970) 18 Political Studies 220. See also M.
Loughlin, Public Law and Political Theory (1992) Chap. 7; P. Craig, Public Law and
Democracy in the United Kingdom and The United States of America (1990), Chap. 2.
32
37
ENGLAND
English lawyers were readily persuaded to regard
administrative law, or droit administratif, as a misfortune
inflicted upon the benighted folk across the Channel. In 1932
the Committee on Ministers’ Powers thought it sufficient to
condemn as “inconsistent with ... the supremacy of the Law” a
proposal to take away the existing supervisory and appellate
jurisdiction of the High Court and to vest it in new and distinct
administrative courts. As recently as 1935 the then Lord Chief
Justice of England could still dismiss the term “administrative
law” as “Continental jargon”.22 In so far as it was being brought
into existence by Parliament (by confiding justiciable issues
to special statutory tribunals and delegating unreviewable
powers to Ministers) it was to be resisted as un-English. A
climate of opinion in which administrative law was treated as
an alien intrusion that was not (or at least ought not to be) part
of the law of England was inimical to objective research into
the problems posed by the developing law of public
administration.23 The inter-war years in particular was largely
dominated by impassioned but often sterile controversies
concerning the constitutional propriety of administrative
tribunals and delegated legislation.
Another ideological rider in the growth of administrative
law was the concept of separation of powers. Every
government has three vital organs to ensure its smooth
functioning, namely:
22 Lord Hewart of Bury, Not Without Prejudice, p. 96.
23 For a critical account of the baleful influence of Dicey’s insistence that the legality of
governmental action was to be determined by the ordinary courts applying the
general law of the land, refer H.W. Arthurs, “Rethinking Administrative Law: a Slightly
Dicey Business” (1979) 170 O.H.L.J. 1 and Without the Law: Administrative Justice
and Legal Pluralism in Nineteenth Century England (1985); and M. Loughlin, “Courts
and Governance”, Chap. 9 in P. Birks (ed.), The Frontiers of Liability vol. 1 (1994).
38
• The legislature
• The executive
• The judiciary
This structure is based on the understanding that just as
the human body depends on the smooth functioning of its vital
organs to stay fit and healthy, every government requires these
three vital organs (listed above) to work perfectly. We know
that the legislature enacts laws to regulate activities in the
society while the executive implements these so as to maintain
the law and order in the state. The relevance of the judiciary is
that when there are any crimes that are committed or if there
are any disputes about rights, duties, responsibilities or a
question of law that arises, the judiciary interprets the law and
delivers a judgment to settle the dispute.
The separation of powers embodies an ideological
philosophy, that of balancing power between different bodies
so that no power centre can act without the co-operation of the
others, and each checks the others – the checks and balances
doctrine. No legal machinery can deal with the extreme case
of overwhelming political power, and however much we may
split up our governments, the separate parts could be taken
over by a like-minded tyrannical group. Nevertheless, the
separation of powers is intended to make this possibility
unlikely.
A theory of separation of powers has been recognized
since at least the time of Aristotle. There are several different
meanings of the separation of powers (Marshall, 1971). For
example, the classical doctrine favoured by Aristotle would
divide power according to class interests, these comprising
monarchy, aristocracy and democracy. This version of the
separation of powers is partly reflected in the British institutions
39
of monarch, House of Lords and House of Commons, and was
a powerful influence upon the 1688 Revolution. However, the
most influential version of the separation of powers is that
proposed by Montesquiue (De L’Esprit de Lois, 1748).
According to Montesquiue, government powers can be
divided into three kinds: (i) the legislative power of enacting
general laws; (ii) the executive power concerned with policy
making, foreign affairs and enforcement; (iii) the judicial power
concerned with the settlement of disputes about the law. If any
two of these three fall into the same hands there is a risk of
tyranny. Moreover, no branch must trespass on the territory of
another branch and each can check the powers of the others,
for example, the legislative can dismiss the executive. In its
pure form, the reparation of powers leads to weak and
cumbersome government. In practice a pragmatic
compromise is usually adopted.
In England the early Stuarts had endeavoured to withdraw
matters of State from the courts of common law,24 and had
enforced their will primarily through the medium of their
prerogative courts, in which substantive and procedural rules
unknown to the common law were applied. The common
lawyers joined in alliance with the parliamentarians to bring
about the downfall of the Court of Star Chamber and other
prerogative courts in 1641, and their alliance was renewed in
1655 to thwart the arbitrary pretensions of James II. The
traditions handed down from the constitutional struggles of the
seventeenth century created an all but invincible prejudice
against encroachments upon the province annexed by the
common-law courts in the field of public laws. Public law and
private law were in the future to be undivided and indivisible.
These traditions were reinforced by the exceptional degree of
24 In particular by the writ de non procedendo rege inconsulto.
40
public esteem earned by the superior judges after the Act of
Settlement 1701 had ensured their independence of the
Executive, and they led naturally to a general tendency to
exaggerate the practical efficacy of the functions exercised by
the ordinary courts in controlling the activities of government
bodies and office holders.25
The landmark events facilitating the growth of
administrative tribunals in England:-
1. The Crichel Down affair-a political scam of 1954.
2. A committee of inquiry appointed by lord Chancellor, was
chaired by Sir Oliver Franks- Frank’s Report.1957-study
of administrative tribunals and such public inquiries.
3. Recommendations of the Franks committee were largely
accepted and resulted in the Tribunals and Enquiries Act
of 1958.
4. Basic assumptions of Franks report:-
• Tribunals are an adjudicating rather than an
administrative body.
• They should be fair, open and impartial.-publicity of
proceedings, reasoned decision.
• Impartiality
Lowering down of the standards of public administration
and particularly rampant corruption paved way for some
important developments in the English administrative field.
In the year 1954, The Crichel Down affair happened in
England, this was was a British political scandal, with a
disproportionate subsequent effect and notoriety. The
resignation of the government minister Sir Thomas
25 Echoed even today in the argument that it is unnecessary and indeed undesirable, to
have a specialised Administrative Division of the High Court because the Crown
Office and the nominated judges of the Queen’s Bench Division do the job so
excellently.
41
Dugdale has been taken as setting a precedent on
ministerial responsibility, even though the doctrine
supposed to arise from the affair is only partially supported
by the details. Lord Carrington, Dugdale’s junior minister,
offered his resignation but was told to stay on.
The case is related to 725 acres (2.93 km2) of agricultural
land at Crichel Down, near Long Crichel, owned by a
Commander Marten and purchased in 1938 by the Air Ministry.
This was given for bombing practice for the Royal Air Force.
The purchase price when it was requisitioned was £12,006. In
1941 Winston Churchill gave a promise in Parliament that the
land would be returned to its owners, after World War II. This
promise was not honoured. Instead the land (then valued at
£21,000) was handed over to the Ministry of Agriculture who
vastly increased the cost of the land beyond the amount the
original owners could afford (£32,000), and leased it out.
In the year 1949 the original owners began a campaign
for a return sale of the land, and gained an inquiry.
The inquiry was chaired by Sir Oliver Shewell Franks.
Baron Franks, was an English public servant and philosopher
. In 1957 the Franks Committee was appointed by the British
lord chancellor to study administrative tribunals and such
procedures as the holding of a public inquiry. The committee
declared that the work of administrative tribunals and of public
inquiries should be characterized by openness, fairness, and
impartiality, and their report applied these aims in great detail.
The recommendations of the committee were largely accepted
and resulted in the Tribunals and Enquiries Act of 1958.
Basic assumptions of the report could be divided into three
segments:-
Tribunals are an adjudicating, rather than administrative,
body and they should be fair, open and impartial.
42
Openness is for publicity of proceedings and the reasoning
behind the decision.
Fairness of a clear procedure, present the case fully and
knowledge of requirements to meet for parties. Impartiality
established from independence from real or apparent influence
of administration.
Citizen should have prior knowledge of right to apply,
public knowledge of the proceedings unless the content is of
sensitive nature, legal representation normally allowed.
Tribunals empowered to take evidence under oath
subpoena witness and award remedy. Decisions with full
reasoning and copy sent to all parties. Final appellate tribunal
to publish its decision for lower tribunals.
Appeal from first instance to an appellate tribunal, but
never to a minister, unless First Instance tribunal is highly
competent. Common law remedies of Certiorari (direction to
send records), mandamus (mandatory order) and writ of
prohibition (abstain a court where it lacks competance) should
never be restricted. Also the report recommended the Councils
of Tribunals to be formed to perform their respective role as
envisaged in report.
Tribunal procedures
The report of Franks committee had far reaching
consequences as it affected and influenced the administrative
scene in all the common law jurisdictions including India.
Since tribunals are established to provide a form of
redress, mostly in disputes between citizen and State, the
principal hallmark of any tribunal is that it must be independent,
and perceived as such.
The tribunal should be able to reach decisions according
to law without pressure either from the body or person whose
43
decision is being appealed, from any party to a dispute or
from anyone else.
Judicial decisions should be uninfluenced by other external
considerations.
Procedures should be open to scrutiny if they are to retain
public confidence; they should provide a fair hearing at which
citizens can state their case and be informed of all the evidence;
tribunals should reach their decisions demonstrably free from
all personal interest and bias.
Tribunal hearings should be open and fair, which must be
available to all sections of the community in our society.
Tribunals should be independent and provide open, fair
and impartial hearings
Tribunals should be free to reach decisions according to
law without influence (actual or perceived) from the body or
person whose decision is being challenged or appealed, or
from anyone else.
Judicial officers should be independent
Procedures of selection and appointment of Tribunal
members should be fair and independent of related
departments of government and other interested parties.
Procedures should ensure conflicts of interest are
identified and avoided and
Hearings should normally take place in public, although a
private hearing should be provided in appropriate
circumstances.
At the hearing, the identity of tribunal members to be
communicated to the parties.
Hearings should be conducted with an appropriate degree
of informality, and the necessary steps taken to ensure all
relevant issues are explored.
44
Appropriate guidance about evidence and procedures
should be given at hearings especially where individuals have
no legal representation.
Special procedures should be provided for hearings involving
vulnerable groups.
The parties should be accorded equal status.
If the hearing proceeds in the absence of a party, or his
representative, the tribunal should nevertheless seek to ensure
that that party’s case is fully considered.
Decisions should be soundly based on the evidence and
relevant law;
They must be supported by reasons, explained clearly to
the parties, and if given orally confirmed in writing.
Reasons should identify findings of fact, apply relevant law
and explain the decision.
Tribunals should be accessible to users and focus on the
needs of users.
Potential users of the tribunal should be given access to
information about its services, and where previous decisions
of the tribunal are recorded.
Makers of decisions from which there is a right of appeal
to a tribunal, should be obliged to inform those affected by
decisions of the right of appeal, and how a guide to such rights
and procedures can be obtained.
Papers required by tribunals to be proportionate, and
appropriate to issues at stake.
SPECIAL ATTRIBUTES OF TRIBUNAL JUSTICE :
ACCESSIBILITY
IMPARTIALITY
OPENNESS
45
TRANSPARENCY
PROCEDURAL FAIRNESS-HEARING
PROPORTIONALITY
REASONED DECISIONS
Users should be able to understand: what papers they
have to provide; what papers the other party will provide; what
additional papers the other party can be required to provide.
Provision should be made for users with special needs,
e.g. audio tape.
There should be a clear time limit for lodging of all papers.
Tribunals to provide clear information about how their case
will be handled.
Users should be clearly informed about what is expected
of them, what they have to provide, what will happen at a
hearing, and the circumstances in which how to make a claim.
Users should be able to find out about the progress of
their case, and how long they are likely to have to wait for a
hearing or decision.
The tribunal’s decision should be accompanied by
information about appeal rights.
A complaints policy and procedure; should be in place in
relation to the performance of both judiciary, and administration,
and be publicized to users.
Tribunals should establish and publish a clear policy on
equal treatment, and continuously monitor compliance.
Tribunals should offer cost effective procedures and be
properly resourced and organized.
Judicial resources should be managed to provide a good
service, and to ensure that individuals sit often enough to
maintain knowledge and skills.
46
Standards for judicial behaviour and performance should
be set and monitored.
Outstanding cases should be collected and monitored.
Standards for hearing venues, and for service, and
performance should be set and monitored, in consultation with
users.
Appropriate planning and monitoring procedures should
be in place.
Data about patterns in the caseload (errors in first tier
decision making, cost of cases going to judicial review etc.)
should be collected and monitored.
Administrative processes should be responsive to the
needs of those who wish to use them.
The reference to “judicial office” is intended to include all
tribunal Chairs and members who exercise judicial powers.
All hearings should be in public; except that the press or
public may be excluded from all or part of the hearing in the
interests of morals, public order, national security, or where
the interests of the protection of the private life of the parties
so require, or to the extent strictly necessary in the opinion of
the tribunal in special circumstances where publicity would
prejudice the interests of justice (Article 6, European
Convention on Human Rights).
The Tribunal chairman may ask anyone giving evidence
to give evidence on oath.
Franks committee report resulted in many achievements
as most of the recommendations were implemented by
Tribunals and Inquiries act 1958 and Tribunals &Inquiries Act
1992; others were implemented by administrative practice.
Working and number of Council of tribunal was mentioned
in the schedules, with their function being advisory, but they
47
could make recommendations on any matter and had to be
consulted before any rule was enacted.
Right to give reasons was added, but it had to be asked
before or during the decision and judicial review restricted in
few instances. List of tribunals could be stopped by ministerial
power.
Where report’s recommendations weren’t followed are
appeals to High Court (Session Court in Scotland) only based
on law and procedure to appoint chairman and member is
different from what report proposed.
The UK tribunal system can be seen as beginning with
the coming into force of the National Insurance Act 1911 which
provided for adjudication of disputes by administrative
agencies. During the twentieth century, UK government
ministers acquired more and more power and were vested
with decisions that affected the day to day life of citizens.[[4]
Tribunals had long been criticised. Lord Scarman had seen
them as a danger to the prestige of the judiciary and the
authority of the ordinary law. In 1988 there were calls for an
Administrative Review Council to provide independent scrutiny
on the Australian model but such ideas were rejected.
The tribunal system of the United Kingdom is part of the
national system of administrative justice with tribunals classed
as non-departmental public bodies (NDPBs).Though it has
grown up on an ad hoc basis since the beginning of the
twentieth century, from 2007 reforms were put in place to build
a unified system with recognised judicial authority, routes of
appeal and regulatory supervision.
The system was little altered by the Tribunals and Inquiries
Act 1992.At the start of the twenty first century there were further
calls for reform in the system there. In 2000 the Legatt Review
48
was set up to look into the operation of administrative tribunals.
The Review found that each tribunal had its own processes
and standards and were not accessible to users. It also raised
concerns about the level of independence of tribunals and the
long delays which users faced in having their dispute resolved
by the tribunals.
The Legatt Review recommended that a new independent
tribunal service be set up so that the relevant sponsoring
government departments could no longer be seen as
influencing the individual tribunals and that a composite twotier
tribunal structure should be adopted.
That led to the creation of the Tribunals Service in 2006,
as an executive agency to manage and administer tribunals,
and to the Tribunals, Courts and Enforcement Act 2007.
The Tribunals, Courts and Enforcement Act 2007 created
a new unified structure for tribunals and recognises legally
qualified members of tribunals as members of the judiciary of
the United Kingdom who are guaranteed continued judicial
independence.
49
ADVANTAGES OF ADMINISTRATIVE
TRIBUNALS
The advantages of administrative tribunals are numerous.
You don’t have to worry about paying for court fees, legal
representation or pleadings. None of this is essential in
administrative courts or tribunals. Further, as there are no
complex procedures, there will be speedy justice. This system
also reduces the burden of pending cases in regular courts.
The weight of expert opinion endows the administrative
tribunals with a higher level of professional expertise and
transparency.
The tribunals are preferred because the courts’ functions
under archaic and elaborate procedural laws and highly
technical evidence law. To ensure fair play and avoidance of
judicial error, the procedural laws provide for appeals, revisions
and reviews and allow parties to file innumerable applications
and raise vexatious objections as a result of which the main
matters get pushed to the back ground. All litigation in courts
get inevitably delayed which leads to frustration and
dissatisfaction among litigants. In view of huge pendency, courts
are not able to bestow attention and give priority to cases
arising under special legislations. Therefore, there is a need
to transfer some selected arrears of litigation dealt with by
traditional courts to special tribunals.
Only if continued judicial independence is assured,
Tribunals can discharge judicial functions. In order to make
such independence a reality, it is fundamental that the members
of the Tribunal shall be independent persons, not civil servants.
They should resemble courts and not bureaucratic boards.
Even the dependence of Tribunals on the sponsoring or parent
50
department for infrastructural facilities or personnel may
undermine the independence of the Tribunal.
Disadvantages of Administrative Tribunals :
Administrative tribunals and courts have come under
considerable criticism. It has limited or non-existent right to
appeal. It has separate laws and procedures that circumvent
the celebrated judicial principles followed by regular courts in
the country. Further, the decisions of administrative tribunals/
courts are not documented, preserved or known to the general
public.
The advantage of a tribunal is that it is:
(a) Quick with no long waits for the case to be heard and
it is dealt with speedily;
(b) Cheap, as no fees are charged;
(c) Staffed by experts who specialise in particular areas;
(d) Characterised by an informal atmosphere and
procedure;
(e) Allowed not to follow its own precedents, although
tribunals do have to follow court precedents Insert.
The disadvantages of tribunals are that:
(a) Some have become more formal;
(b) They are not always independent of the Government,
although the Independent Tribunal Service now
recommends possible chairmen to the Lord
Chancellor;
(c) Some tribunals act in private;
(d) They do not always give reasons, although they are
supposed to give reasons.
(e) Legal aid is not generally available, except for the
Lands Tribunal, the Employment Appeal Tribunal and
the Mental Health Review Tribunal;
51
(f) There is no general right of appeal to the courts: it all
depends on the particular statute creating the tribunal.
Present day evaluation of tribunals in England make it
clear that there is a tribunal in England to after almost every
sphere of life. They do a useful job in taking some types of
work away from the courts and dealing with specialised
matters, less valuable claims and matters involving the exercise
of a discretion.26
There are grey areas and problems remain over lack of
standard rights, like the right of appeal, and procedures. In
many instances they make important decisions affecting
people’s livelihoods and quality of life. To compete this
challenge some special kind of training for tribunal members
is necessary.
26 T. Blakemore and B. Greene, Law for Legal Executives, 1996, p.95:
52
Tribunals in India
Meaning of Tribunal?
Working of Tribunals.
Tribunals and Judicial review.
Doctrine of Precedent
Administrative Tribunals, Article 141 and the Doctrine of
Precedent.
Contempt of Administrative tribunals.
Tribunals at work.
53
Meaning of Tribunal?
A tribunal is a generic term for any body acting judicially,
whether or not it is called a tribunal in its title. For example, an
advocate appearing before a Court on whom a single Judge
was sitting could describe that judge as ‘their tribunal’
The term tribunal is more popularly used today to denote
the administrative courts in India which in the new administrative
law regime which embraces a variety of tribunals for providing
specialized justice.
The Constitution does not define the term “tribunal”.
Etymologically ‘tribunal’ means the seat of justice. In Article
136 the word ‘tribunal’ is used in contradistinction to courts.
Article 136:-
Article 136 - Special leave to appeal by the Supreme
Court
1. Not with standing anything in this Chapter, the Supreme
Court may, in its discretion, grant special leave to appeal
from any judgment, decree, determination, sentence or
order in any cause or matter passed or made by any court
or tribunal in the territory of India.
2. Nothing in clause (1) shall apply to any judgment,
determination, sentence or order passed or made by any
court or tribunal constituted by or under any law relating to
the Armed Forces.
Thus under Article 136 Supreme Court can hear appeals
not only from a court but also from other decision making body
which though not a court as such may yet be characterized as
a ‘tribunal’.27
Supreme Court articulated the meaning of the word
tribunals through different case laws.
27 Principles of Administrative Law,M.P. Jain and S.N. Jain , p.667
54
In Union of India V. R. Gandhi,28 the Supreme Court
elaborately discussed the role of Courts, establishment and
functioning of tribunals and the difference between courts and
tribunals.
The term ‘courts’ refers to places where justice is
administered or refers to Judges who exercise judicial
functions. Courts are established by the State for administration
of justice that is for exercise of the judicial power of the state
to maintain and uphold the rights, to punish wrongs and to
adjudicate up on disputes. Courts refer to the Civil Courts,
Criminal Courts and High Courts. Tribunals on the other hand
are special alternative institutional mechanisms, usually
brought into existence by or under a statute to decide disputes
arising with reference to that particular statute, or to determine
controversies arising out of any administrative law. Tribunals
can be either private tribunals such as arbitral tribunals or
Tribunals constituted under the Constitution or Tribunals
authorized by the Constitution or Statutory Tribunals which are
created under a statute.
Some Tribunals are manned exclusively by Judicial
Officers. Example for that type of Tribunals are Rent Tribunals,
Motor Accidents Claims Tribunal, Labor Courts, Industrial
Tribunals etc., Other Statutory Tribunals are having both judicial
and technical members. Example for that type of Tribunals are
Central Administrative Tribunals, Telecom Disputes Settlement
Appellate Tribunal Competition Appellate Tribunals, Consumer
Forum, Cyber Appellate Tribunal etc.,
Durga Shankar Meha v. Raghuraj Singh,29 defined
‘Tribunal’:-
28 (2010) 96 CLA 222 (SC)
29 AIR 1954 SC 520, S.C.
55
“The expression ‘Tribunal’ as used in Article 136 does not
mean the same thing as ‘Court’ but includes, within its ambit,
all adjudicating bodies, provided they are constituted by the
State and are invested with judicial as distinguished from
administrative or executive functions.”
Bharat Bank v. Employees30, the Supreme Court
observed that though tribunals are clad in many of the trappings
of a court and though they exercise quasi-judicial functions,
they are not full-fledged courts. Thus, a tribunal is an
adjudicating body which decides controversies between the
parties and exercises judicial powers as distinguished from
purely administrative functions and thus possess some of the
trappings of a court, but not all.
• In ‘Harinagar Sugar Mills Ltd., V. Shyam Sundar
Jhunjhunwala’ 31 under section 111(3) of the Companies
Act, 1956, while deciding a dispute regarding the
registration of shares, between a company and a person
who has purchased its share, the Central govt. has to act
judicially, and it has been held that it is a tribunal and so
the court can hear an appeal from its decision.
The Supreme Court succinctly explained the difference
between courts and Tribunals - ‘All Tribunals are not courts,
though are courts are Tribunals. The word ‘Courts’ is used to
designate those Tribunals which are set up in an organized
state for the administration of justice. By administration of justice
is meant the exercise of juridical power of the State to maintain
and uphold rights and to punish ‘wrongs’. Whenever there is
an infringement of a right or an injury, the courts are there to
restore the vinculum juris, which is disturbed.’
30 AIR 1950 SC 188
31 (1962) 2 SCR 339
56
When rights are infringed or invaded, the aggrieved party
can go and commence a quarrel before the ordinary civil courts.
These courts which are instrumentalities of Government are
invested with the judicial power of the State and their authority
is derived from the Constitution or some Act of Legislature
constituting them. Their number is ordinarily fixed but they
ordinarily permanent and can try any suit or cause with their
jurisdiction. Their numbers may be increased or decreased,
but they are almost always permanent and go under the
compendious name of ‘Courts of Civil Judicature’. There can
be thus be doubt that the Central Government does not come
within this clause.
With the growth of civilization and the problems of modern
life, a large number of administrative Tribunals have come into
existence. These Tribunals have the authority of law to
pronounce upon valuable rights; they act in a judicial manner
and even on evidence on oath, but they are not part of the
ordinary Courts of Civil Judicature. They share the exercise of
the judicial power of the State, but they are brought into
existence to implement some administrative policy or to
determine controversies arising out of some administrative
law. They are very similar to courts, but are not courts. When
the Constitution speaks of ‘Courts’ in article 136, 227 or 228
or in article 233 to 237 or in the Lists, it contemplates Courts
of Civil Judicature but not Tribunals other than such courts.
By ‘Courts’ is meant Courts of Civil Judicature and by
‘Tribunals’ those bodies of men who are appointed to decide
controversies arising under certain special laws. Among the
powers of the State is included the power to decide such
controversies. This is undoubtedly one of the attributes of the
State, and is aptly called the judicial power of the State. In the
exercise of this power, a clear division is, thus, noticeable.
57
Broadly speaking, certain special matters go before Tribunals,
and the residue goes before the ordinary Courts of Civil
Judicature. Their procedures may differ, but the functions are
not essentially different. What distinguishes them has never
been successfully established.
The term ‘judicial’. This term is capable of two
meanings. In ‘Royal Aquarium & Summer & Winter
Garden Society V. Parkinson’ 32 it was held that the word
‘judicial’ has two meanings. It may refer to the discharge
of duties exercisable by a judge or by justices in court, or
to administrative duties which need not be performed in
court, but in respect of which it is necessary to being to
bear a judicial mind - that is, a mind to determine what is
fair and just in respect of the matters under consideration.
If an officer is required to decide matters before him
‘judicially’ in the second sense does not make him a court
or even a Tribunal, because that only establishes that he
is following a standard of conduct, and is free from bias
or interest. Courts and Tribunals act ‘judicially’ in both
senses, and in the term ‘court’ are included the ordinary
and permanent Tribunals and in the term ‘Tribunal’ are
included all others, which are not so included. In Jaswant
Sugar Mills V. Laxmi Chand ,33 A Conciliation officer
acting under the Industrial Disputes Act,1947, while
granting or refusing permission to Alter terms of
employment of the workmen at the instance of the
employer, was not a tribunal, although he acts under quasijudicial
capacity under the matter. The Supreme Court
observed that in order to be a Tribunal a body or authority
must, besides being under a duty to act judicially, should
be invested with the judicial powers of the State.
32 (1892) 1 QB 432
33 (1963) Supp (1) SCR 242
58
Engineering Mazdor Sabha v.Hind Cycles,34
Arbitrator appointed under section.10-A, IDA, was held
not to be a Tribunal. The Supreme Court refused to hear
appeal from it on the ground that his appointment was
based on an agreement of the parties and not the state,
and that to be a tribunal, the power of adjudication must
be derived from a statute or a statutory rule and not from
an agreement of the parties.
In the case of Indo-China Steam Navigation v Jasjit
Singh,35 The Central Board of Revenue exercising powers
under s. 191 of the Sea Customs Act, 1872, have been held to
be tribunals but not customs officers even though they do
exercise some judicial powers.
The Constitution Bench of Supreme Court in Associated
Cement Co., Ltd., V. P.N. Sharma,36 explained the position of
Tribunals as - ‘The expression ‘court’ denotes a Tribunal
constituted by the State as a part of the ordinary hierarchy of
courts which are invested with State’s inherent judicial powers.
A sovereign State discharges legislative, executive and judicial
functions and can legitimately claim corresponding powers
which are described as legislative, executive and judicial
powers. Under our Constitution, the judicial functions and
powers of the state are primarily conferred on the ordinary
courts which have been constituted under its relevant
provisions. The Constitution recognized a hierarchy of courts
and their adjudication are normally entrusted all disputes
between citizens and citizens as well as the disputes between
the citizens and the State. These Courts can be described
rules of procedure and they deal with questions of fact and law
raised before them by adopting a process which is described
34 AIR 1963 SC 874
35 AIR 1964 SC 1140
36 (1965) 2 SCR 366
59
as judicial process. The powers which these courts exercise
are judicial powers, the functions they discharge are judicial
functions and the decisions they reach and pronounce are
judicial decisions.
In every State there are administrative bodies or authorities
which are required to deal with matters within their jurisdiction
in an administrative manner and their decisions are described
as administrative decisions. In reaching their administrative
decisions, administrative bodies can often to take into
consideration questions of policy. It is not unlikely that even in
this process of reaching administrative divisions, the
administrative bodies or authorities are required to act fairly
and objectively and would in many cases have to follow the
principles of natural justice; but the authority to reach decision
conferred on such administrative bodies is clearly distinct and
separate from the judicial power conferred on courts, and the
decisions pronounced by administrative bodies are similarly
distinct and separate in character from judicial decision
pronounced by courts.
Tribunals which fall under the purview of Article 136(1)
occupy a special position of their own under the scheme of
our Constitution. Special matters and questions are entrusted
to them for their decision and in that sense, they share with the
court one common characteristic; both the courts and the
Tribunals are constituted by the State and are invested with
judicial as distinguished from purely administrative or executive
functions.
In Gujrat Steel Tubes Ltd. V. Its Mazdoor Union,37 Court
has accepted the Arbitrator appointed under s.10-A, IDA as
tribunal. He deriver his power in essence from a state made
37 AIR1980, SC 1896
60
statute. His award derives force from the statute and therefore
he can legitimately be regarded as a part of the infrastructure
of the sovereign’s dispensation of justice.
All Party Hill Leaders’ Conference v. Capt. W.A.
Sangma,38 Election Commission while exercising power
under Art. 324 read with relevant provisions of the Election
Law to adjudicate upon the disputes regarding recognition
of political parties or rival claims to a particular election
symbol is a tribunal for purpose of Art.136.When the
Commission exercises judicial function it has a duty to
act judicially. The court has also clarified that to be a
“tribunal”, it does not mean that the body must exercise
only the states’ judicial power or that it must exclusively
exercise an adjudicatory function. A body may have
multiple functions administrative, legislative or judicial; it
can be regarded as a tribunal in respect of its judicial
functions however fractional the same may be. A body may
be deemed to be tribunal for some purposes and not for
other purposes. It is not necessary that only function of the
authority must be adjudicatory before it can be
characterized as tribunal.
In the case of Income Tax Commissioner , Calcutta v.
B.N. Bhattacharya,39 "Settlement Commission “ established
under the Income Tax Act was a tribunal .The commission has
been given considerable powers and its determinations affect
the right of the parties.
Kihoto Hollohon v Zachillhu,40 All Tribunals are not Courts
though all Courts are Tribunals. The word ‘courts’ is used to
designate those tribunals which are set up in an organized
38 AIR 1977 SC 2155
39 AIR 1979 SC 1724
40 AIR 1993 SC 414
61
State for the administration of justice. By administration of
justice is meant the exercise of judicial power of the State is
to maintain and uphold rights and to punish wrongs. Whenever
there is a lis-an affirmation by one party and denial by anotherand
the dispute necessarily involves a decision on the right
and obligations of the parties to it, and the authority is called
upon to decide it, there is an exercise of judicial power. The
authority is called a tribunal , if it does not have all the trappings
of the court.
In Durga Shankar Mehta V. Raghuraj Singh,41 it was held
that the Courts and Tribunals are both adjudicating bodies and
they deal with and finally determine disputes between parties
which are entrusted to their jurisdiction. The procedure followed
by the courts is regularly prescribed and in discharging their
functions and exercising their powers, the courts have to
conform to that procedure. The procedure which the Tribunals
have to follow may not always be so strictly prescribed, but the
approach adopted by both the courts and the Tribunals is
substantially the same and there is no essential difference
between the functions that they discharge. As in the case of
courts, so in the case of Tribunals, it is the State’s inherent
powers which has been transferred and by virtue of the said
power it is the State’s inherent judicial function which they
discharge.
Thus, the basic test of a tribunal within the meaning of
Art.136 of the Constitution is that,” it is an adjudicating
authority (other than a court) vested with the judicial power
of the State under a statute or a statutory rule.”
Tribunals under the Constitution of India.
Part XIV A comprising Articles 323-A and 323-B was also
inserted in the
41 (1995) 1 SCR 267
62
Constitution of India by the 42nd Constitutional Amendment
Bill, 1976 which came into effect from 3rd January 1977.
A radical change was brought about in the constitutional
law through this amendment. Article 323A empowers
Parliament to provide, by law, for the adjudication or trial by
administrative tribunals of disputes and complaints with
respect to recruitment and conditions of service of persons
appointed to public services and posts in connection with the
affairs of the Union or of any State. The law may provide for
the establishment of an administrative tribunal for the Union
and a separate administrative tribunal for each State or for
two or more States. Under Article 323-B, the appropriate
Legislature is authorized to provide for the adjudication or trial
by tribunals of any disputes, complaints, or offences with
respect to all or any of the matters specified in clause (2) with
respect to which such Legislature has power to make laws.
Clause two included many subjects including, levy, assessment,
collection and enforcement of any tax; foreign exchange, import
and export across customs frontiers; industrial and labour
disputes; etc. The law may take out adjudication of disputes
relating to the matters as provided from the hands of the civil
courts and the High Courts.
Dr Rajeev Dhavan, said something positive about the new
tribunal system, envisaged under Article 323-A. He observed:
“The Forty-second Amendment envisaged a tribunal
structure and limited review powers by the High Courts. In the
long run, this could mean a streamlined system of tribunal
justice under the superintendence of the Supreme Court.
Properly worked out such a system is not a bad one. It would
be both an Indian and a Common law adaptation of the
French system of droit administratif.” 42
42 Rajeev Dhavan, ‘Amending the Amendment : The Constitution (Forty-fifth Amendment)
Bill, 1978’, 20 J.I.L.I. (1978) 249-272 at p. 267.
63
Article 323A {Administrative tribunals}
1. Parliament may, by law, provide for the adjudication or
trial by administrative tribunals of disputes and complaints
with respect to recruitment and conditions of service of
persons appointed to public services and posts in
connection with the affairs of the Union or of any State or
of any local or other authority within the territory of India or
under the control of the Government of India or of any
corporation owned or controlled by the Government.
2. A law made under clause (1) may -
a. provide for the establishment of an administrative
tribunal for the Union and a separate administrative
tribunal for each State or for two or more States;
b. specify the jurisdiction, powers (including the power
to punish for contempt) and authority which may be
exercised by each of the said tribunals;
c. provide for the procedure (including provisions as to
limitation and rules of evidence) to be followed by
the said tribunals;
d. exclude the jurisdiction of all courts, except the
jurisdiction of the Supreme Court under article 136,
with respect to the disputes or complaints referred
to in clause (1);
e. provide for the transfer to each such administrative
tribunal of any cases pending before any court or other
authority immediately before the establishment of
such tribunal as would have been within the
jurisdiction of such tribunal if the causes of action on
which such suits or proceedings are based had
arisen after such establishment;
64
f. repeal or amend any order made by the President
under clause (3) of article 371D;
g. contain such supplemental, incidental and
consequential provisions (including provisions as to
fees) as Parliament may deem necessary for the
effective functioning of, and for the speedy disposal
of cases by, and the enforcement of the orders of,
such tribunals.
3. The provisions of this article shall have effect
notwithstanding anything in any other provision of this
Constitution or in any other law for the time being in force.
Article 323B {Tribunals for other matters}
1. The appropriate Legislature may, by law, provide for the
adjudication or trial by tribunals of any disputes,
complaints, or offences with respect to all or any of the
matters specified in clause (2) with respect to which such
Legislature has power to make laws.
2. The matters referred to in clause (1) are the following,
namely: -
a. levy, assessment, collection and enforcement of any
tax;
b. foreign exchange, import and export across customs
frontiers;
c. industrial and labour disputes;
d. land reforms by way of acquisition by the State of
any estate as defined in article 31A or of any rights
therein or the extinguishment or modification of any
such rights or by way of ceiling on agricultural land or
in any other way;
e. ceiling on urban property;
65
f. elections to either House of Parliament or the House
or either House of the Legislature of a State, but
excluding the matters referred to in article 329 and
article 329A;
g. production, procurement, supply and distribution of
food-stuffs (including edible oilseeds and oils) and
such other goods as the President may, by public
notification, declare to be essential goods for the
purpose of this article and control of prices of such
goods;
h. rent, its regulation and control and tenancy issues
including the right, title and interest of landlords and
tenants;
i. offences against laws with respect to any of the
matters specified in sub-clauses (a) to (h) and fees
in respect of any of those matters;
j. any matter incidental to any of the matters specified
in sub-clauses (a) to (i).
3. A law made under clause (1) may -
a. provide for the establishment of a hierarchy of
tribunals;
b. specify the jurisdiction, powers (including the power
to punish for contempt) and authority which may be
exercised by each of the said tribunals;
c. provide for the procedure (including provisions as to
limitation and rules of evidence) to be followed by
the said tribunals;
d. exclude the jurisdiction of all courts, except the
jurisdiction of the Supreme Court under article 136,
with respect to all or any of the matters falling within
the jurisdiction of the said tribunals;
66
e. provide for the transfer to each such tribunal of any
cases pending before any court or any other authority
immediately before the establishment of such tribunal
as would have been within the jurisdiction of such
tribunal if the causes of action on which such suits or
proceedings are based had arisen after such
establishment;
f. contain such supplemental, incidental and
consequential provisions (including provisions as to
fees) as the appropriate Legislature may deem
necessary for a effective functioning of, and for the
speedy disposal of cases by, and the enforcement
of the orders of, such tribunals.
4. The provisions of this article shall have effect
notwithstanding anything in any other provision of this
Constitution or in any other law for the time being in force.
67
ADMINISTRATIVE TRIBUNALS ACT 1985
Pursuant to the provisions of article 323A, Parliament
enacted the Administrative Tribunals Act, 1985 (Act) to
establish an Administrative Tribunal for the Union, viz., the
Central Administrative Tribunal and a separate Administrative
Tribunal for a State or a Joint Administrative Tribunal for two or
more States. The establishment of Administrative Tribunals
became necessary since a large number of cases relating to
service matters were pending before various courts. It was
expected that the setting up of the Administrative Tribunals
would not only reduce the burden of courts, but would also
provide speedy relief to the aggrieved public servants. The
Central Administrative Tribunal, came into force on 1st July
1985. The Central Administrative Tribunal was established with
effect from 2nd October 1985. The provisions of the
Administrative Tribunals Act 1985 do not apply to members of
the military or any paramilitary force, officers or employees of
the Supreme Court or any High Court or courts subordinate
thereto, persons appointed to the secretarial staff of either
House of Parliament or any State Legislature. A person who
is, or has been, a Judge of a High Court heads an Administrative
Tribunal as its Chairman.
It has 17 regular benches, 15 of which operate at the
principal seats of High Courts and the remaining two at
Jaipur and Lucknow. These Benches also hold circuit
sittings at other seats of High Courts. In brief, the tribunal
consists of a Chairman, Vice-Chairman and Members.
The Members are drawn, both from judicial as well as
administrative streams so as to give the Tribunal the
benefit of expertise both in legal and administrative
spheres.
68
After the constitution of the Central Administrative Tribunal
in 1985, in the beginning, under section 29 of the
Administrative Tribunals Act 1985, the Tribunal received
on transfer from the High Courts and subordinate courts
13,350 cases, which were pending there.
In Kamal Kanti Dutta v. UOI43, the then Chief Justice of
India,
Hon’ble Mr. Justice Y. V. Chandrachud, speaking for the
majority, observed:
“The constitution of Service Tribunals by State
Governments with an apex Tribunal at the Centre, which, in the
generality of cases, should be the final arbiter of controversies
relating to conditions of service, including the vexed question
of seniority, may save the courts from the avalanche of writ
petitions and appeals in service matters. The proceedings of
such tribunals can have the merit of informality and if they will
not be tied down to strict rules of evidence, they might be able
to produce solutions which will satisfy many and displease only
a few.”
The enactment of the Administrative Tribunals Act 1985
opened a new chapter in the sphere of administering justice
to the aggrieved Government servants in service matters. The
setting up of the Administrative Tribunals is founded on the
premise that specialist bodies comprising both trained
administrators and those with judicial experience would, by
virtue of their specialized knowledge, be better equipped to
dispense speedy and efficient justice. It was expected that a
judicious mix of judicial members and those with grass-root
experience would best serve this purpose.44
43 (1980) 4 SCC 38
44 Department-related Parliamentary Standing Committee on Personnel, Public
Grievances, Law and Justice, Seventeenth Report on the Administrative Tribunals
(Amendment) Bill, 2006, December 2006, paragraph 6
69
The Administrative Tribunals are distinguishable from the
ordinary courts with regard to their jurisdiction and procedure.
They exercise jurisdiction only in relation to the service matters
of the litigants covered by the Act. They are also free from the
shackles of many of the technicalities of the ordinary courts.
The procedural simplicity of the Act can be appreciated from
the fact that the aggrieved person can also appear before it
personally. The Government can also present its case through
its Departmental officers or legal practitioners.
Administrative adjudication, which is quasi-judicial in
nature, is the main function of the Administrative Tribunals. The
basic objective of enacting the Administrative Tribunals Act
1985 was:
i) to relieve congestion in the ordinary courts; and
ii) to provide for speedy disposal of disputes relating
to service matters.45
The establishment of the Administrative Tribunals was a
right step in the direction of providing an effective alternative
authority to Government employees who feel aggrieved by the
decisions of the Government, in spite of the elaborate system
of rules and regulations which govern personnel management,
for judicial review over service matters to the exclusion of all
courts including High Courts other than the Supreme Court,
with the end in view of reducing the burden of such Courts and
of securing expeditious disposal of such matters.46
Section 22(1) of the Administrative Tribunals Act 1985
provides that the Tribunal shall not be bound by the procedure
laid down in the Code of Civil Procedure, 1908 but shall be
guided by the principles of natural justice and subject to the
other provisions of the Act and of any rules made by the Central
45 Department-related Parliamentary Standing Committee on Personnel, Publi Grievances,
Law and Justice, First Report on Demands for Grants (2004-2005) of the Ministry of
Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions, August 2004, paragraph 28.1
46 Report of the 18th Law Commission, Report No.214
70
Government, the Tribunal shall have power to regulate its own
procedure including the fixing of places and times of its inquiry
and deciding whether to sit in public or in private.
Section 28 of the Administrative Tribunals Act excludes
jurisdiction of all courts except the jurisdiction of the Supreme
Court, as envisaged under sub-clause (d) of clause (2) of the
Article 323A of the Constitution. Accordingly, the jurisdiction
of High Courts under articles 226/227 as regards service
matters is excluded by the Act.
Lord Denning had once commented,” If tribunals were to
be at liberty to exceed their jurisdiction without any check by
the courts, the rule of law would be at an end.”
Consequent upon the establishment of service Tribunals
in the country ‘under the Administrative Tribunals Act, 1985’, a
string of litigation had erupted before the High Courts of several
States and also in Supreme Court, questioning the validity of
certain provisions of the Act and also the vires of Articles 323-
A and 323-B.47
47 Firstly, the ‘Apex Court’ by a Five Judge Constitution Bench, headed by the then
Hon’ble Chief Justice, Justice P.N. Baghavathi, examined the constitutional validity of
Article 323-A and its provisions in S.P. Sampath Kumar Vs. Union of India and others
A.I.R 1987 Supreme Court page 386). The said Bench while upholding the validity of
Article 323-A, held that the Service Tribunals created under Article 323-A are
substitutes to the High Courts and the exclusion of the jurisdiction of High Courts is
legal.
Thereafter, a seven Judge Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court in ‘L. Chandra
Kumar Vs. Union of India and others case (Reported in AIR 1997 Supreme Court ?
page 1125) while dealing with power of judicial review vested in High Courts and
Supreme Court under Articles 226,227 and 32 respectively vis-a-vis Articles 323-A
and 323-B not only deviated from the earlier discussion of the Supreme Court in ‘S.P.
Sampath Kumar’s case’, but also held that, the Tribunals are supplementary in their
role and the power of ‘Judicial Review’ vested in High Courts and Supreme Court
under Articles 226, 227 and 32 is an inviolable basic structure of the Constitution and
struck down clause 2(d) of Article 323-A and clause 3(d) of Article 323-B of the
Constitution of India to the extent they exclude the jurisdiction of High Courts and
Supreme Court under Articles 226/227 and 32 as unconstitutional and also Section
28 of the ‘Administrative Tribunals Act, 1985’ which excludes the jurisdiction of High
Courts.
71
TRIBUNALS AND JUDICIAL REVIEW
Judicial Review is a salient feature of our Constitutional
system. Whenever new legislations or enactments are passed,
either by Parliament or Legislative Assemblies, it is generally
found that, they, being tested in courts of law, either on their
validity as a whole or certain provisions of such acts if they are
offending any provisions of Constitution, any public policy or
established legal principles.
Jurisdiction of the Supreme Court under article 32 was
restored. Constitutional validity of the Act was finally upheld in
S. P. Sampath Kumar 48 subject, of course, to certain
amendments relating to the form and content of the
Administrative Tribunals. The suggested amendments were
carried out by another amending Act (Act 51 of 1987).Thus
became the Administrative Tribunals an effective and real
substitute for the High Courts.
In 1997, a seven-Judge Bench of the Supreme Court in L.
Chandra Kumar [JT 1997 (3) SC 589] held that clause 2 (d)
of article 323A and clause 3(d) of article 323B, to the extent
they empower Parliament to exclude the jurisdiction of the High
Courts and the Supreme Court under articles 226/227 and 32
of the Constitution, are unconstitutional. Section 28 of the Act
and the “exclusion of jurisdiction” clauses in all other legislations
enacted under the aegis of articles 323A and 323B would, to
the same extent, be unconstitutional. The Court held that the
jurisdiction conferred upon the High Courts under articles 226/
227 and upon the Supreme Court under article 32 of the
Constitution is part of the inviolable basic structure of our
Constitution. All decisions of the Administrative Tribunals are
subject to scrutiny before a Division Bench of the High Court
within whose jurisdiction the Tribunal concerned falls.
48 (1987) 1 SCC124
72
As a result, orders of the Administrative Tribunals are
being routinely appealed against in High Courts, whereas this
was not the position prior to the L. Chandra Kumar’s case.
On 18th March 2006, the Administrative Tribunals
(Amendment) Bill, 2006 (Bill No. XXVIII of 2006) was
introduced in Rajya Sabha to amend the Act by incorporating
therein, inter alia, provisions empowering the Central
Government to abolish Administrative Tribunals, and for appeal
to High Court to bring the Act in line with L. Chandra Kumar.
The Department-related Parliamentary Standing Committee
on Personnel, Public Grievances, Law and Justice in its 17th
Report on the said Bill did not subscribe to the same and as
for the provision for appeal to High Court expressed the view
that the original conception of the Administrative Tribunals be
restored and appeal to High Court is unnecessary, and that if
a statutory appeal is to be provided it should lie to the Supreme
Court only.
In the above backdrop, the Law Commission took up the
study on the subject suo motu. The Administrative Tribunals
were conceived as and constitute an effective and real
substitute for the High Courts as regards service matters.
Moreover, the power of judicial review of the High Courts cannot
be called as inviolable as that of the Supreme Court. The very
objective behind the establishment of the Administrative
Tribunals is defeated if all the cases adjudicated by them have
to go before the concerned High Courts. If one appeal is
considered to be a must, an intra-tribunal appeal would be the
best option, and then the matter can be taken to the Supreme
Court by way of special leave petition under article 136. The
Law Commission is of the view that L. Chandra Kumar’s case
needs to be revisited by a Larger Bench of the Supreme Court
or necessary and appropriate amendments may be effected
73
in the Act in accordance with law and 18th Law Commission
have recommended accordingly.
CONSTITUTION OF INDIA
Article 32 - Remedies for enforcement of rights conferred
by this Part (III)
1. The right to move the Supreme Com by appropriate
proceedings for the enforcement of the rights conferred
by this Part is guaranteed.
2. The Supreme Court shall have power to issue directions
or orders or writs, including writs in the nature of habeas
corpus, mandamus, prohibition, quo warranto and
certiorari, whichever may be appropriate, for the
enforcement of any of the rights conferred by this Part.
3. Without prejudice to the powers conferred on the Supreme
Court by clauses (1) and (2), Parliament may by law
empower any other court to exercise within the local limits
of its jurisdiction ill or any of the powers exercisable by
the Supreme Court under clause (2).
4. The right guaranteed by this article shall not be suspended
except as otherwise provided for by this Constitution.
CONSTITUTION OF INDIA
226. Power of High Courts to issue certain writs
1. Notwithstanding anything in article 32 2 [***] every High
Court shall have powers, throughout the territories in
relation to which it exercise jurisdiction, to issue to any
person or authority, including in appropriate cases, any
Government, within those territories directions, orders or
writs, including 3 [writs in the nature of habeas corpus,
mandamus, prohibition, quo warranto and certiorari], or
any of them, for the enforcement of any of the rights
conferred by Part III and for any other purpose].
74
2. The power conferred by clause (1) to issue directions,
orders or writs to any Government, authority or person may
also be exercised by any High Court exercising jurisdiction
in relation to the territories within which the cause of action,
wholly or in part, arises for the exercise of such power,
notwithstanding that the act of such Government or
authority or the residence of such person is not within those
territories.]
3. Where any party against whom an interim order, whether
by way of injunction or stay or in any other manner, is made
on, or in any proceedings relating to, a petition under clause
(1), without—
(a) furnishing to such party copies of such petition and
all documents in support of the plea for such interim
order; and
(b) giving such party an opportunity of being heard,
makes an application to the High Court for the vacation of
such order and furnishes a copy of such application to the
party in whose favour such order has been made or the
counsel of such party, the High Court shall dispose of the
application within a period of two weeks from the date on
which it is received or from the date on which the copy of
such application is so furnished, whichever is later, or
where the High Court is closed on the last day of that
period, before the expiry of the next day afterwards on
which the High Court is open; and if the application is not
so disposed of, the interim order shall, on the expiry of
that period, or, as the case may be, the expiry of the said
next day, stand vacated.]
4. The power conferred on a High Court by this article shall
not be in derogation of the power conferred on the
Supreme Court by clause (2) of article 32.]
75
Article 227 - Power of superintendence over all courts by
the High Court
1. Every High Court shall have superintendence over all
courts and tribunals throughout the territories in relation to
which it exercises jurisdiction.]
2. Without prejudice to the generality of the foregoing
provisions, the High Court may—
(a) call for returns from such courts;
(b) make and issue general rules and prescribe forms
for regulating the practice and proceedings of such
courts; and
(c) prescribe forms in which books, entries and accounts
shall be kept by the officers of any such courts.
3. The High Court may also settle tables of fees to be allowed
to the sheriff and all clerks and officers of such courts and
to attorneys, advocates and pleaders practicing therein:
Provided that any rules made, forms prescribed or
tables settled under clause (2) or clause (3) shall not be
inconsistent with the provision or any law for the time being
in force, and shall require the previous approval of the
Governor.
4. Nothing in this article shall be deemed to confer on a High
Court powers of superintendence over any court or tribunal
constituted by or under any law relating to the Armed
Forces.
S. P. SAMPATH KUMAR TO L. CHANDRA KUMAR AND
THE IMPACT :
In S. P. Sampath Kumar v. UOI, the constitutional validity
of the Administrative Tribunals Act 1985 was challenged on
the ground of exclusion of power of judicial review both of the
Supreme Court under article 32 and of the High Courts under
76
articles 226 and 227 of the Constitution. During the hearing of
the case, the Act was amended and the jurisdiction of the apex
Court under article 32 was restored. The Supreme Court in
final decision held that section 28 of the Administrative
Tribunals Act 1985 which excludes jurisdiction of the High Courts
under articles 226/227 is not unconstitutional.The Court ruled
that this section does not totally bar judicial review. It also said
that Administrative Tribunals under the 1985 Act are substitute
of High Courts and will deal with all service matters even
involving articles 14, 15 and 16. It also advised for changing
the qualifications of Chairman of the Tribunal. As a result, the
Act was further amended in 1987.49
In Union of India v. Parma Nanda50 a three-Judge Bench
of the Supreme Court upheld the authority of the Administrative
Tribunals to decide the constitutionality of service rules. In
Sampath Kumar’s case, the issue of constitutionality of article
323A (2) (d) was neither challenged nor upheld and it could
not be said to be an authority on that aspect. Subsequently, a
Full Bench of the Andhra Pradesh High Court in Sakinala
Harinath v. State of AP51 declared sub-clause (d) of clause (2)
of Article 323A unconstitutional. It held that this provision is
repugnant to the ruling of the Supreme Court in Kesavananda
Bharati v. State of Kerala.52
Meanwhile, the two three-Judge Benches of the apex Court
in R.K. Jain v. UOI53 and L. Chandra Kumar v. UOI54 also
recommended that the Sampath Kumar ruling be
reconsidered. Therefore, a Bench of seven Judges of the
49 K. C. Joshi, Constitutional Status of Tribunals, 41 JILI 116 (1999)
50 AIR 1989 SC 1185
51 (1994) 1 APLJ (HC) 1
52 (1973) 4 SCC 225
53 (1993) 4 SCC 119
54 (1995) 1 SCC 400
77
Supreme Court examined the issues in a wider perspective
including the constitutionality of article 323A (2) (d). It also
considered the power of the Administrative Tribunals to
exercise the powers and jurisdiction of the High Courts under
articles 226 and 227 of the Constitution.
In L. Chandra Kumar’s case, the Supreme Court, contrary
to Sampath Kumar, held that these tribunals are not equal to
the High Courts. It further declared that the decisions of such
tribunals shall be appealable before a Bench of two Judges in
the High Court under whose jurisdiction the tribunal falls.
However, most importantly, these tribunals have been given
the quasi-equal status of High Courts in restricted areas. Thus,
the tribunals established under article 323A can still examine
the constitutionality of an enactment or rule concerning matters
on the anvil of articles 14, 15 and 16 of the Constitution. A
similar power will vest in the tribunals created under the authority
of article 323B.
The justification for inserting articles 323A and 323B in
the Constitution remains valid today. The pendency of cases
in the High Courts and the Supreme Court has posed an
imminent danger to the administration of justice. Therefore,
there is ample scope for the administrative tribunals. The short
experience of working of these tribunals has not been bad
although there is need for further improvement. In view of the
common law prejudice, the constitutionality of these tribunals
created under articles 323A and 323B has been frequently
impugned. Fortunately, the Supreme Court has upheld the
objective for which these tribunals have come into existence.
Their journey from Sampath Kumar to L. Chandra Kumar has
not been sterile. L. Chandra Kumar has not overruled
Sampath Kumar. It has firmly accepted the role of the
78
administrative tribunals in the administration of justice system.
The Supreme Court in Sampath Kumar further elaborated this
point:
“The basic and essential feature of judicial review cannot
be dispensed with but it would be within the competence of
Parliament to amend the Constitution so as to substitute in
place of the High Court, another alternative institutional
mechanism or arrangement for judicial review, provided it is
not less efficacious than the High Court.”55
Hon’ble Mr. justice Ranganath Misra, who wrote the
majority judgment in Sampath Kumar, after mentioning that
judicial review by the Supreme Court is left wholly unaffected
held:
‘Thus exclusion of the jurisdiction of the High Court does
not totally bar judicial review. This court in Minerva Mills’ case56
did point out that “effective alternative institutional mechanisms
or arrangements for judicial review” can be made by
Parliament. Thus it is possible to set up an alternative institution
in place of the High Court for providing judicial review. … The
Tribunal has been contemplated as a substitute and not as
supplemental to the High Court in the scheme of administration
of justice. … Thus barring of the jurisdiction of the High Court
can indeed not be a valid ground of attack.'
In L. Chandra Kumar, the seven-Judge Constitution
Bench of the Supreme Court considered the following broad
issues:
1. Whether the power conferred upon Parliament or the State
Legislatures, as the case may be, by sub-clause (d) of
clause
55 Supra note 17, Para 130
56 AIR 1980 SC 1789
79
2. of Article 323A or by sub-clause (d) of clause (3) of Article
323B of the Constitution, to totally exclude the jurisdiction
of ‘all courts’, except that of the Supreme Court under
Article 136, in respect of disputes and complaints referred
to in clause (1) of Article 323A or with regard to all or any
of the matters specified in clause (2) of Article 323B, runs
counter to the power of judicial review conferred on the
High Courts under Articles 226/227 and on the Supreme
Court under Article 32 of the Constitution?
2. Whether the Tribunals, constituted either under Article
323A or under Article 323B of the Constitution, possess
the competence to test the constitutional validity of a
statutory provision/rule?
3. Whether these Tribunals, as they are functioning at
present, can be said to be effective substitutes for the High
Courts in discharging the power of judicial review? If not,
what are the changes required to make them conform to
their founding objectives?
The Supreme Court, on 18.03.1997, held as under:
‘… clause 2(d) of Article 323A and clause 3(d) of Article
323B, to the extent they exclude the jurisdiction of the High
Courts and the Supreme Court under Articles 226/227 and 32
of the Constitution, are unconstitutional. Section 28 of the Act
and the “exclusion of jurisdiction” clauses in all other legislations
enacted under the aegis of Articles 323A and 323B would, to
the same extent, be unconstitutional. The jurisdiction conferred
upon the High Courts under Articles 226/227 and upon the
Supreme Court under Article 32 of the Constitution is part of
the inviolable basic structure of our Constitution. While this
jurisdiction cannot be ousted, other courts and Tribunals may
perform a supplemental role in discharging the powers
conferred by Articles 226/227 and 32 of the Constitution.’
80
It was further held:
“The Tribunals are competent to hear matters where the
vires of statutory provisions are questioned. However, in
discharging this duty, they cannot act as substitutes for the High
Courts and the Supreme Court which have, under our
constitutional set-up, been specifically entrusted with such an
obligation. Their function in this respect is only supplementary
and all such decisions of the Tribunals will be subject to scrutiny
before a Division Bench of the respective High Courts. The
Tribunals will consequently also have the power to test the vires
of subordinate legislations and rules. However, this power of
the Tribunals will be subject to one important exception. The
Tribunals shall not entertain any question regarding the vires
of their parent statutes following the settled principle that a
Tribunal which is a creature of an Act cannot declare that very
Act to be unconstitutional. In such cases alone, the concerned
High Court may be approached directly. All other decisions of
these Tribunals, rendered in cases that they are specifically
empowered to adjudicate upon by virtue of their parent statutes,
will also be subject to scrutiny before a Division Bench of their
respective High Courts.”57
The Tribunals , however continued to act as the only courts
of first instance in respect of the areas of law for which they
have been constituted. By this, we mean that it will not be open
for litigants to directly approach the High Courts even in cases
where they question the vires of statutory legislations (except,
as mentioned, where the legislation which creates the particular
Tribunal is challenged) by overlooking the jurisdiction of the
concerned Tribunal.
It was also held that So long as the jurisdiction of the High
Courts under Articles 226/227 and that of this Court under
57 Ibid, paragraph 95
81
Article 32 is retained, there is no reason why the power to test
the validity of legislations against the provisions of the
Constitution cannot be conferred upon Administrative
Tribunals created under the Act or upon Tribunals created under
Article 323B of the Constitution. It is to be remembered that
apart from the authorisation that flows from Articles 323A and
323B, both Parliament and the State Legislatures possess
legislative competence to effect changes in the original
jurisdiction of the Supreme Court and the High Court. This
power is available to Parliament under Entries 77, 78, 79 and
95 of List I and to the State Legislatures under Entry 65 of List
II; Entry 46 of List III can also be availed of both by Parliament
and the State Legislatures for this purpose.”58
The Supreme Court has also held that no individual may
directly approach the Supreme Court in any matter decided
by the Administrative Tribunal. He must first approach the High
Court (Division Bench) and only thereafter he may approach
the Supreme Court under Article 136 of the Constitution.
The Supreme Court recommended that the Union
Government may initiate action in respect of appointments/
issue of the competence of those who man the tribunals, funds
and the question as to who is to exercise administrative
supervision over them and place all the tribunals under one
single nodal department, preferably, the Legal Department
(Ministry of Law).
As a result of this judgment, orders of the Central
Administrative Tribunal have now routinely been appealed
against in High Courts whereas this was not the position earlier.
Implications of L. Chandra Kumar:
58 Ibid, paragraph 85.
82
Professor K. C. Joshi, formerly Head of Law Department
and Dean, Faculty of Law, Kumaon University, has in his article
‘Constitutional Status of Tribunals’59 stated:
“Administrative Tribunals provide simple, cheap and
speedy justice. Dicey apprehended danger from such tribunals
to the liberty of subjects, but they have become a regular part
of the system of judicial administration. The British Parliament
enacted the Tribunals and the Inquiries Act in 1958 which has
not been consolidated in the 1971 Act. Prior to the Constitution
of India 1950, administrative adjudication was in vogue. The
Constitution prior to 1973 used the word tribunal in articles
136 and 227. In 1973, provision for the administrative tribunals
was specifically made by the Constitution (Thirty Second
Amendment) Act.
With the acceptance of welfare ideology, there was
mushroom growth of public services and pubic servants. The
courts, particularly, the High Courts were inundated with cases
concerning service matters. The Swaran Singh Committee,
therefore, inter alia, recommended the establishment of
administrative tribunals as a part of constitutional adjudicative
system. Resultantly, the Constitution (Forty-second
Amendment) Act, 1976 inserted Part XIVA in the Constitution
consisting of articles 323A and 323B. Article 323A provides
for the establishment of administrative tribunals for adjudication
or trial of disputes and complaints with respect to recruitment
and condition of service of persons appointed to public
services. Article 323B makes provision for the creation of
tribunals for adjudication or trial of disputes, complaints or
offences connected with tax, foreign exchange, industrial and
labour disputes, land reforms, ceiling on urban property,
elections to Parliament and State Legislatures, etc. None of
59 Supra note 17.
83
these two articles is self-executory. Parliament has exclusive
power to enact a law under article 323A, while both Parliament
and State Legislatures can make laws on matters of article
323B subject to their legislative competence.’
5. 15 The opinion expressed by the Supreme Court about
the retired Judges presiding the tribunals is not quite correct.
These retired Judges are experienced people, having spent
a major part of their life in adjudication work. They have decided
causes and controversies coming before them. They have
collected a rich experience and decision-making process.
They are well versed in the art of adjudication. They are fully
conversant with court processes. They have acquired a certain
expertise in dealing with matters, civil, criminal, tax, labour and
constitutional coming before them. In short, they represent a
rich pool of talent.
As stated earlier, in order to annihilate the monster of
backlog, a multi-pronged attack is indispensable. Constitutionmakers
had the vision to foresee that a situation may develop
where the talent of retired Judges will have to be enlisted and,
therefore, they had made ample provision in this behalf. Article
224A of the Constitution provides that notwithstanding anything
in Chapter IV in Part V of the Constitution, the Chief Justice of
a High Court for any State may at any time, with the previous
consent of the President, request any person who has held
the office of a Judge of any High Court, to sit and act as a
Judge of the High Court for that State, and every such person
so requested shall, while so sitting and acting, be entitled to
such allowances as the President may by order determine and
have all the jurisdiction, powers and privileges of, but shall not
otherwise be deemed to be, a Judge of that High Court.
There is a proviso which says that this power could only
be exercised with the consent of the person concerned. Rarely,
if ever, this power is invoked.
84
The judgment of the Supreme Court in L. Chandra Kumar
is also likely to lead to consequences, which are undesirable.
The Supreme Court is not correct in its assumption that the
reach and range of the power of judicial review of the Supreme
Court and that of the High Courts are identical. It has already
been pointed out above that the power of judicial review in
India, after Kesavananda’s case, covers the following three
cases. The courts have the power to strike down the following:
i) subordinate legislation which is ultra vires the parent
Act;
ii) legislations of Parliament and the State Legislatures
if they contravene the provisions of the Constitution;
and
iii) the constitutional amendments which violate the basic
structure of the Constitution.60
The Supreme Court in Kesavananda for the first time in
the history of democratic Constitutions of the world, assumed
to itself the third power mentioned above, i.e., the power to
declare constitutional amendments as unconstitutional if they
violate the basic structure of the Constitution. Some might feel
that the assumption of this power by the Supreme Court is
bad enough in the context of representative democracy. But
what is worse would be to extend the exercise of this enormous
power to the High Courts also and after Chandra Kumar to all
manner of tribunals. One bizarre consequence would be that
different High Courts are likely to strike down different
provisions of constitutional amendments in different States and
the Constitution of India which is the fundamental law of the
country would be in operation in a fractured and fragmented
manner. In fact, a Division Bench of the Andhra Pradesh High
60 V. Nageswara Rao and G. B. Reddy, Doctrine of Judicial Review and Tribunals:
Speed Breakers Ahead, 39 JILI 411 (1997)
85
Court in Sakinala Harinath v. Andhra Pradesh has struck down
Article 323A (2) (d) which ousted the jurisdiction of the High
Courts in service matters. Given the vagaries of unstable
coalition governments which depend on survival politics at any
cost, the possibility cannot be ruled out of collusive writ petitions
in the High Courts seeking the striking down of inconvenient
provisions of constitutional amendments, past, present or
future, without any party seeking a further appeal to the
Supreme Court conveniently. Now, thanks to the Chandra
Kumar judgment, these disastrous results can be extended to
different tribunals within the same State striking down different
provisions of the constitutional amendments on the ground of
violation of the so-called basic structure of the Constitution.61
Thus, as stated above, the Supreme Court ought not to
assimilate the judicial review of the High Courts to that of the
Supreme Court of India with regard to the basic structure
doctrine as propounded in Kesavananda. The Supreme Court
should exclusively reserve to itself the power to strike down
constitutional amendments for violating the basic structure of
the Constitution. Bestowing this power on the High Courts
would create terrible constitutional confusion and this confusion
would be worse confounded if it is further extended to all manner
of tribunals. While the Supreme Court on one hand expressed
its serious reservations about the quality of justice dispensed
by these service tribunals, the court on the other hand was
willing to distribute the power of judicial review under the
Kesavananda doctrine to all sorts of tribunals throughout the
country.62
It should be remembered that though Parliament has the
power under Article 32(3) to confer the power of judicial review
61 Ibid.
62 Ibid.
86
on “other courts” without prejudice to the power of the Supreme
Court under Article 32(1), it has not done that so far even when
it has established different tribunals under different enactments.
But in an extraordinary gratuitous gesture the Supreme Court
has done that in Chandra Kumar’s case while professing to
uphold the supremacy of judicial review in the name of
upholding the supremacy of the Constitution.63
The power of judicial review of the High Courts under article
226 is not as inviolable as that of the Supreme Court under
article 32. While article 32(4) preserves the supremacy of
judicial review of the Supreme Court there is no saving
provision under Article 226. Establishment of tribunals as
substitutes and not supplements to the High Courts as held by
the Supreme Court in Sampath Kumar’s case is perfectly in
tune with the letter and spirit of the Constitution.64
As the Supreme Court itself observed in Chandra
Kumar’s case, the establishment of tribunals system was
necessitated by certain compelling circumstances like the need
for expert bodies to deal with specialized categories of dispute
settlement, the need for cutting down delays in the justice
delivery modalities, and docket explosion in the ordinary courts
of the land. The very purpose and Srationale of those tribunals
would be defeated if all those cases have to go before the
concerned High Courts again. It is too late in the day to go
back to Dicey’s puritanical view of Rule of Law vis-à-vis Droit
Administratif. Establishment of Alternative Dispute Resolution
mechanism is now universally accepted in common law as
well as continental legal systems and also in other jurisdictions.
In L. Chandra Kumar, the Supreme Court was justifiably
perturbed over the functioning and quality of justice dispensed
63 Ibid.
64 Ibid.
87
by the tribunals. The composition of the tribunals also needs
particular attention. There is no doubt, that many remedial
measures have to be taken regarding the composition,
qualifications and mode of appointment of members of the
tribunals as well as the judges of different High Courts and of
the Supreme Court.
The Law Commission in the aforesaid Report, as regards
the position of the Administrative Tribunal after L. Chandra
Kumar, also observed:
“It is no longer an alternative mechanism to the High Court,
but a tribunal whose decisions are subject to scrutiny by the
High Court, albeit by a Division Bench. (As a matter of fact,
Shri Justice Shiva Shankar Bhat, a retired Judge of the
Karnataka High Court, who was appointed as Chairman of
the Karnataka State Administrative Tribunal, tendered his
resignation soon after the decision in L. Chandra Kumar was
rendered, complaining that inasmuch as the position and status
of the Tribunal has been downgraded by the said decision, he
cannot continue as the Chairman of the State Administrative
Tribunal). While striking down certain clauses of Articles 323-
A and 323-B of the Constitution …, the Supreme Court has at
the same time affirmed the soundness of the principle on which
these administrative tribunals are created. It did not agree with
the contention that these tribunals should be abolished
inasmuch as they have not proved effective in discharge of
their duties and have failed to achieve the object with which
they were created. The Supreme Court has also held that
though these tribunals are subject to the writ jurisdiction of the
High Courts, they are yet competent to decide questions
relating to the constitutional validity of the statutory provisions
and rules except, of course, the provisions of the Administrative
88
Tribunals Act 1985 under which they have been constituted.
The Supreme Court has also rejected that there ought to be
no technical/administrative members in these tribunals. They
said that these non-judicial members provide an input which
may not be available with the judicial members.
In the light of the above dicta of the Supreme Court, not
much room is left for the Law Commission of India to suggest
any substantial measures or recommendations with respect
to the functioning of these tribunals.”65
Statutory finality of tribunals will not affect the jurisdiction
of H.C. and SC. If the Tribunal ceases to have control over the
matter, forums are:-
(a) The appellate authorities/Court ( if provided under
the Statute constituting the tribunal)
(b) S.C. :- Under Art. 32 ( writs) and 136(Special leave
to Appeal By S.C.
(c) H.C. :-Under Art 226(writ jurisdiction) and 227(power
of Superintendence)
The power of H.C. and S.C. is recognized by the
Constitution so it can not be taken away by the statute. Review
of decisions of tribunals can be done on many grounds, e.g. If
the order is arbitrary, perverse, or malafide, not observed
natural justice, error apparent on the face of record or is based
on irrelevant considerations etc.
Powers of HC and SC under the constitution are very
limited and these courts are often very reluctant to interfere
with the decisions of specially constituted authorities.
65 162nd Report of the Law Commission of India vide para 4.5.
89
Doctrine of Res Judicata and
Administrative Tribunals
Section 1166 of the Code of Civil Procedure, 1908 covers
the doctrine of res judicata. Res judicata is a Latin term, it
means a thing adjudged. It is a rule that a final judgment on
the merits by a court having jurisdiction is conclusive between
the parties to a suit as to all matters that were litigated or that
could have been litigated in that suit.
The Indian legal system places a high importance on this
rule and courts employ the rule of res judicata to prevent
dissatisfied party from trying to litigate the issue a second time.
Res judicata will be applied to a pending lawsuit if several
facts can be established by the party asserting the res judicata
defense. First, the party must show that a final judgment on the
merits of the case had been entered by a court having
jurisdiction over the matter. This means that a final decision in
the first lawsuit was based on the factual and legal disputes
between the parties rather than a procedural defect, such as
the failure to serve the defendant with legal process.
The general principle of res judicata also applies to
administrative adjudication although section 11 of the C.P.C.
speaks of the civil suits only.
When, and to what extent an administrative decision is to
be given the effect of a judgment binding on the parties in
66 11.Res judicata
.- No Court shall try any suit or issue in which the matter directly and substantially in
issue has been directly and substantially in issue in a former suit between the same
parties, or between parties under whom they or any of them claim, litigating under
the same title, in a Court competent to try such subsequent suit or the suit in which
such issue has been subsequently raised’ and has been heard and finally decided
by such Court.
90
collateral proceedings has been said not to be governed by
logical rules. Commentators have treated the matter
functionally67, with rejection of any attempt , ”to lay down logical
rules to which numerous exceptions would have to be taken to
make them fit the law…”68 On the other hand judicial approach
has tended to be conceptual rather than pragmatic and
functional.
In the case of Bombay Gas Company v. Shridhar,69 it
was held that an award pronounced by Industrial Tribunal have
effect of res judicata between the same parties and thus it
was held that the Payment of Wages authority has no jurisdiction
to entertain the said question again.
In Bhopal Sugar Industries v. I.T.O.,70 the Income Tax
Officer refused to carry out clear and unambiguous directions
issued by income tax Tribunal. Observing that such refusal
would be against the fundamental principle of hierarchy of
courts, the Supreme Court stated, “Such a view is destructive
of the basic principles of the administration of justice.”
In the case of Bombay Gas Company v. Jagannath
Pandurang71 the Supreme court gave the observation that the
doctrine of res judicata is a wholesome one which is applicable
to not merely the matters governed by the provisions of the
Code of Civil Procedure but to all Litigations.
In case of Jain Exports v. Union of India,72 Supreme Court
stated “In a tier system undoubtedly the decisions of higher
authorities are binding on lower authorities and quasi-judicial
tribunals are also bound by this principle.”
It proceeds on the principle that there should be no
unnecessary litigations.
67 Hart, Ann Introduction to Administrative Law, 1940 , C. XV.
68 Note 1929, MICH. Law Review, 677, 679
69 AIR 1961 SC 1196
70 AIR 1961 S.C.182(185)
71 (1975) 4 SCC 690
72 (1988) 3 SCC 579 (585)
91
UNIT –VI
Principles of Natural Justice
6.1. Introduction
6.2 Right of hearing
6.3 Rule against bias
6.4 Speaking order
6.5 Exclusion of Natural Justice
6.6 Breach of Natural Justice -Effect
_ __
1
PRINCIPLES OF NATURAL JUSTICE
Lecture delivered by Justice T.S.Sivagnanam
at Tamil Nadu State Judicial Academy on 01.06.2009
to the newly recruited Civil Judges (JR Division) during Induction Programme 2009
All of you who have assembled here have been newly Inducted in to the Judicial
Family. There lies an onerous responsibility on each one of you to carry forward your
office with dignity and decorum. The post of Civil Judge Junior Division is the foundationof
our Judicial Structure. It is common knowledge that unless the foundation is strongand firm,
one cannot raise a tall edifice on it. The Subordinate Judiciary is the root of our Judicial
system and each one of you should strive hard to inspire confidence in the society that they
would get Justice. With these words let me proceed to the topic for the
day. The Judicial Academy has classified the subject allotted under the head – General
Topics. Though I may not strictly agree with such classification, it is to be noted that though
the topic would appear to be general in nature, its roots are deeply embedded and its forms
the basis for administration of Justice which is so essential to preserve social order and
security.
I am aware of the nature of litigation which would be assigned to a Civil Judge Junior
Division and it is all the more essential that all of you observe the principle in both your
Judicial as well as your Administrative work.
For the sake of convenience I propose to analyze the topic – Principle of Natural Justice
under the following heads.
1. The Principle and its essential elements
2. How the name came ?
3. How it developed over the years ?
4. How and where it has to be applied ?
1. The Principle and essential elements of Natural Justice:
In a famous English decision in Abbott vs. Sullivan reported in (1952) 1 K.B.189
at 195 it is stated that “the Principles of Natural Justice are easy to proclaim, but their precise
extent is far less easy to define”. It has been stated that there is no single definition of Natural
Justice and it is only possible to enumerate with some certainty the main principles. During
the earlier days the expression natural Justice was often used with the expression natural
Law, but in the recent times a restricted meaning has been given to describe certain rules of
Judicial Procedure. There are several decision of the Hon’ble Supreme Court which I shall
refer at the appropriate place and these Judgments are sufficient to summarize and explain the
two essential elements of Natural Justice namely
a. No man shall be Judge in his own cause
b. Both sides shall be heard, or audi alteram partem
The other principles which have been stated to constitute elements of Natural Justice are
i. The parties to a proceedings must have due notice of when the Court / Tribunal will
proceed
ii. The Court / Tribunal must act honestly and impartially and not under the dictation of other
persons to whom authority is not given by Law
These two elements are extensions or refinements of the two main principles stated above.
2. How the expression Natural Justice came ?
We have seen the essential elements of Natural Justice and its extensions or
refinements. In Maclean vs. The Workers Union (1929) 1 Ch. 602, 624 it has been
stated as follows.
3
“The phrase is, of course, used only in a popular sense and must not be taken to mean that
there is any justice natural among men. Among most savages there is no such
thing as Justice in the modern sense. In ancient days a person wronged executed his
own justice. Amongst our own ancestors, down to the thirteenth century, manifest
felony, such as that of a manslayer taken with his weapon, or a thief with the stolen
goods, might be punished by summary execution without any form of trial. Again, every
student has heard of compurgation and of ordeal; and it is hardly necessary to observe
that (for example) a system of ordeal by water in which sinking was the sign of
innocence and floating the sign of guilt, a system which lasted in this country for
hundreds of years, has little to do with modern ideas of justice. It is unnecessary to give
further illustrations. The truth is that justice is a very elaborate conception, the
growth of many centuries of civilization; and even now the conception differs
widely in countries usually described as civilized”.
Natural Justice has been defined in various cases and a few instances are given
below.In Drew V. Drew and Lebura (1855 (2) Macg. 1.8, Lord Cranworth defined it as
“universal Justice”.
In James Dunber Smith v. Her Majesty the Queen (1877-78 (3) App Case 614,
623 JC) Sir Robort P.Collier, Speaking for the Judicial Committee of Privy
Council, used the phrase ‘the requirements of substantial justice’.
In Arthur John Specman v. Plumstead District Board of Works (1884-85 (10) App
Case 229, 240), Earl of Selbourne, S.C. preferred the phrase ‘the substantial
requirement of justice’.
In Vionet v. Barrett (1885 (55) LJRD 39, 41), Lord Esher, MR defined natural
justice as ‘the natural sense of what is right and wrong’.
While however, deciding Hookings vs. Smethwick Local Board of Health (1890
(24) QBD 712), Lord Fasher, M.R. instead of using the definition given earlier by
him in Vionet’s case (supra) chose to define natural justice as ‘fundamental
justice’.
4
In Ridge v. Baldwin (1963 (1) WB 569, 578), Harman LJ, in the Court of appeal
countered natural justice with ‘fair play in action’ a phrase favoured by
Bhagawati, J. in Meneka Gandhi vs. Union of India (1978 92) SCR 621).
In Re R.N. (An Infaot) (1967 (2) B. 617, 530P, Lord Parker, C.J., preferred to
describe natural justice as ‘a duty to act fairly’.
In Fairmount Investments Ltd., vs. Secretary to State for Environment (1976
WLR 1255) Lord Russell of Willowan somewhat picturesquely, described natural
justice as ‘a fair crack of the whip’
Geoffrey Lane, LJ in Regina vs. Secretary of State for Home Affairs Ex Parte
Hosenball (1977 (1) WLR 766) preferred the homely phrase ‘common fairness’.
3. How the Principles of Natural Justice developed over the years ?
The two essential elements had been stated of which the first being that no man shall
be Judge in his own cause.
Judges, like Caesar’s wife, should be above suspicion. The Principle is not confined
merely to the case where the Judge is an actual party to a cause, but applies to a cause
in which he has an interest. An “Interest”, has been defined as a legal interest or a
pecuniary interest and is to be distinguished from “favour”. Such an interest will
disqualify a Judge. The interest (or bias) which disqualifies must be one in the matter to
be litigated. A mere general interest in the general object to be pursued will not
disqualify a magistrate. The interest or bias which disqualifies is an interest in the
particular case, something reasonably likely to bias or influence the minds of the
magistrates in the particular case. The Law in laying down this strict rule has regard, not
to the motive which might bias the Judge but it is to promote the feeling of confidence in
the administration of Justice. As the famous saying goes – Justice should not only be
done but should manifestly and undoubtedly be seem to be done.
The second principle - Audi Alteram Partem – as the maxim denotes that no one should
be condemned unheard. This principle could be broadly classified as under.
i. party to an action is prima facie entitled to be heard in his presence
ii. he is entitled to dispute his opponent’s case, cross examine his opponents
5
witnesses and entitled to call his own witnesses and give his own evidence
before Court.
iii. He is entitled to know the reasons for the decision rendered by a Court /
Tribunal.
You are all aware about the famous decision of the Hon’ble Supreme Court in Union of
India vs. Tulsiram Patel reported in AIR 1985 Supreme Court page 1416. The issue
before the Supreme Court was relating to the interpretation of Articles 309, 310 and 311
of the Constitution of India and in particular after the amendment of Clause 2 of Article
311 by the Constitution (forty second amendment) Act, 1976, the second proviso to that
clause. Though the subject matter of the decision related to a service matter and the
safe guards conferred in Article 311 to persons employed in Civil capacities under the
Union of India or the State, the Supreme Court analysed in depth the principles of
natural justice. It was stated that the principles of natural justice are not the creation of
Article 14 of the Constitution of India and that Article 14 is not their begetter but their
Constitutional Guardian. The Supreme Court traced the ancestry of the principle which
we had seen at some length in the previous part of this lecture.
In the case of Tulsiram Patel the Supreme Court considered the issue as to how the
principles of natural justice had been interpreted by Courts and within what limits are
they to be confined. It was stated that by a process of judicial interpretation two rules
have been evolved has representing the principles of natural justice in judicial process,
including therein quasi judicial and administrative process. They being
a. no man shall be a Judge in his own cause
b. hear the other side – Audi Alteram Partem
From the above two rules a corollary has been deduced namely that he who shall
decide anything without the other side having been heard, although he may have said
what is right, will not have done what is right, in other words has it is now expressed,
Justice should not only be done but should manifestly be seem to be done.
6
While considering the Audi Alteram Partem rule it was observed that
a person against whom an order to his prejudice may be passed should be
informed of the charges against him.
Such person should be given an opportunity of submitting his explanation which
also include the right to no the oral and documentary evidence which are to be
used against him.
Witnesses who are to give evidence against him be examined in his persons with
right to cross examine them.
To lead his own evidence both oral and documentary, in his defence.
The Hon’ble Supreme Court in AIR 1963 SC page 1, Viswanathan vs. Abdul Wajid while
adjudicating a civil dispute inrespect of the Estate of one Ramalinga Mudaliar
considered the scope of Section 13 of the code of Civil Procedure which deals with the
effect of Foreign Judgments. For the purpose of the todays topic it would be useful to
refer to paragraph 40 and 41 of the Judgment which is as follows.
The plea that a foreign Judgment is contrary to natural justice has to be considered in
the light of the statute law of India and there is nothing in S.13 which warrants the
interpretation that a plea that a foreign judgment is contrary to natural justice is
admissible only if the party setting up the plea is not duly served, or has not been given
an opportunity of being heard.
It is the essence of a judgment of a Court that it must be obtained after due observance
of the judicial process, i.e., the Court rendering the judgment must observe the
minimum requirements of natural justice – it must be composed of impartial persons,
acting fairly, without bias, and in good faith; it must give reasonable notice to the parties
to the dispute and afford each party adequate opportunity of presenting his case. A
foreign judgment of a competent court is conclusive even if it proceeds on an erroneous
view of he evidence or the law, if the minimum requirements of the judicial process are
assured: correctness of the judgment in law or on evidence is not predicated as a
condition nfor recognition of its conclusiveness by the municipal Court. Neither the
7
foreign substantive law, nor even the procedural law of the trial be the same or similar
as in the municipal court. A judgment will not be conclusive, however, if the proceeding
in which it was obtained is opposed to natural justice. The words of the statute make it
clear that to exclude a judgment under CI. (d) from the rule of conclusiveness the
procedure must be opposed to natural justice. A judgment which is the result of bias or
want of impartiality on the part of a Judge will be regarded as a nullity and the trial
coram non judice.
The Hon’ble Supreme Court in Canara Bank and others vs. Sri Debasis Das and others
reported in AIR 2003 Supreme Court 2041 while considering the scope and ambit of the
Canara Bank Officers Employees (conduct) Regulations 1976 had analyzed in depth
“Natural Justice” and “Audi Alteram Partem”. The observation in the said Judgment
could be summarized as follows:
Natural Justice is another name of commonsense Justice.
Rules of Natural Justice are not codified canons.
But they are principles ingrained into the conscience of man.
Natural Justice is the administration of Justice in a commonsense liberal way.
Justice is based substantially on natural Justice is based substantially on natural
ideals and human values.
The administration of Justice is to be freed from the narrow and restricted
considerations which are usually associated with a formulated law involving linguistic
technicalities and grammatical niceties.
It is the substance of Justice which has to determine its form.
The expressions “Natural Justice” and “Legal Justice” do not present a water tight
classification.
It is the substance of Justice which is to be secured by both and when ever legal
Justice fails to achieve this solemn purpose, natural Justice is called in aid of legal
Justice.
Natural Justice relieves legal Justice from unnecessary technicality, grammatical
pedantry or logical prevarication.
8
It supplies the omissions of a formulated law.
As Lord Buckmaster said, no form or procedure should ever be permitted to exclude
the presentation of a litigants’ defence.
The adherence to principles of Natural Justice as recognized by all civilized States is
of Supreme importance when a quasi – judicial body embarks on determining
disputes between the parties, or any administrative action involving civil
consequences is in issue.
Notice it is the first limb of the principle of Audi Alteram Partem.
Notice should apprise the party the case he has to meet.
Adequate time should be given to make his representation.
In reason time the concept of Natural Justice has undergone a great deal of change. In
the sense that what particular rule of Natural Justice to be applied depends upon the
facts of that case, the statute governing the issue etc. The old distinction between an
Administrative Act and Judicial Act does not survive any longer. Every Administrative
order which involves civil consequences must follow the rules of Natural Justice.
The Hon’ble Supreme Court has held that in the absence of a notice and reasonable
opportunity to a person to meet the case against him, the order passed becomes wholly
vitiated. Having held so the Principles of Natural Justice have been interpreted by the
Hon’ble Supreme Court prescribing the limits to which they are to be confined.
What is known as “useless formality theory” was considered by the Hon’ble Supreme
Court in M.C.Mehta vs. Union of India (AIR 1999 Supreme Court page 2583). In the
said Judgment it was held
“Before we go into the final aspect of this contention, we would like to state that case
relating to breach of natural justice do also occur where all facts are not admitted or are
not all beyond dispute. In the context of those cases there is a considerable case law
and literature as to whether relief can be refused even if the Court thinks that the case
of the applicant is not one of “real substance” or that there is no substantial possibility of
9
his success or that the result will not be different, even if natural justice is followed”
The Hon’ble Supreme Court in Bar Council of India vs. High Court, Kerala reported
(2004) 6 SCC 311, held that principles of Natural Justice cannot to be put in a strait
jacket formula, it must be viewed with flexibility and when there is compliant of violation
of Principles of Natural Justice the Court may insists on proof of prejudice before
interfering or setting aside an order.
In the earlier part this decision we had seen that recording of reasons in an order
passed by a Court or a Tribunal is also one of the principles of the Audi Alteram Partem
Rule. The Hon’ble Supreme Court in Sri Jain Swetambar Terapanthi Vid (s) vs.
Phundan Singh reported in AIR 1999 SC 2322 was considering the validity of an
Appellate Court against and grant of injunction. In the said case the Trial Court granted
an order of injunction and the Appellate Court upset the order of injunction granted by
the Trial Court on the ground that the Trial Court has gone wrong in recording primafacie
satisfaction. The Hon’ble Supreme Court set aside the order of the Appellate Court
on the ground that the Appellate Court did not discuss the materials on record nor
recorded contrary finding. It would be useful to refer to the findings recorded by the Trial
Court.
“Petitioner has been successful, in my opinion, to establish the prima facie cases in its
favour. I am of the opinion that if the order of temporary injunction, as prayed for, is not
passed the interest of Petitioner as well as students, staff and guardian wil be adversely
affected in view of the fact that the allegations against O.P. Nos. 1 to 5 which have
been established prima facie are very serious. In view of that I am inclined to allow the
instant Petition for temporary injunction.
This finding of the Trial Court was reversed by the Appellate Court which came up for
consideration before the Hon’ble Supreme Court in the said case. The Supreme Court
while analyzing the aspects regarding prima-facie satisfaction and the need to record
reasons observed as follows.
10
It may be pointed out that it is one thing to conclude that the Trial Court has not
recorded its prima facie satisfaction on merits but granted the temporary injunction and
it is another thing to hold that Trial Court has gone wrong in recording the prima facie
satisfaction and setting aside that finding on the basis of the material on record because
it has not considered the relevant material or because it has erroneously reached the
finding or conclusions on the facts established. In the first situation, the appellate Court
will be justified in upsetting the order under appeal even without going into the merits of
the case but in the second eventuality, it cannot set aside the impugned order without
discussing the material on record and recording a contrary finding. The High Court
proceeded to set aside the order of the Trial Court on the first ground ignoring the
aforementioned findings of the Trial Court, the order under appeal is, therefore,
unsustainable.
In yet another case the Supreme Court while considering a proceedings arising out of a
general Court martial confirmed by Chief of Army Staff reported in AIR 1990 Supreme
Court 1984 in S.N.Mukherjee vs. Union of India observed that in view of the expanding
horizon of the principles natural justice, the requirement to record reason can be
regarded as one of the principles of natural justice which govern exercise of power by
administrative authorities. The rules of natural justice are not embodied rules. The
extent of their application depends upon the particular statutory framework where under
jurisdiction has been conferred on the administrative authority. With regard to the
exercise of a particular power by an administrative authority including exercise of
judicial or quasi judicial functions the legislature, while conferring the said power, may
feel that it would not be in the larger public interest that the reasons for the order passed
by the administrative authority be recorded in the order and be communicated to the
aggrieved party and it may dispense with such a requirement. It may do so by making
an express provision to that effect. Such an exclusion can also arise by necessary
implication from the nature of the subject matter, the scheme and the provisions of the
enactment. The public interest underlying such a provision would outweigh the salutary
purpose served by the requirements cannot, therefore, the insisted upon in such a case.
Therefore except in cases where the requirement has been dispensed with expressly or
by necessary implication, an administrative authority exercising judicial or quasi judicial
11
functions is required to record the reasons for its decision.
In the famous Meneka Gandhi vs. Union of India reported in AIR 1978 Supreme Court
597 the Hon’ble Supreme Court discussed the increasing importance of Natural Justice
and observed that Natural Justice is a great humanizing principle intended to invest law
with fairness and to secure Justice and over the years it has grown in to a widely
pervasive rule. The Supreme Court extracted a speech of Lord Morris in the House of
Lords which is an very interesting speech (I quote)
That the conception of natural justice should at all stages guide those who discharge
judicial functions is not merely an acceptable but is an essential part f the philosophy of
the law. We often speak of the rules of natural justice. But there is nothing rigid or
mechanical about them. What they comprehend has been analysed and described in
many authorities. But any analysis must bring into relief rather their spirit and their
inspiration than any precision of definition nor precision as to application. We do not
search for prescriptions which will lay down exactly what must, in various divergent
situations, be done. The principle and procedures are to be applied which, in any
particular situation or set of circumstances, are right and just and fair. Natural justice, it
has been said, is only “fair play in action”. Nor do we wait for directions from Paliament.
The common law has abundant riches; there may we find what Byles, J., called “the
justice of the common law”,. Thus, the soul of natural justice is fair play in action and
that is why it has received the widest recognition throughout the democratic world. In
the United States, the right to an administrative hearing is regarded as essential
requirement of fundamental fairness. And in England too it has been held that “fair play
in action” demands that before any prejudicial or adverse action is taken against a
person, he must be given an opportunity to be heard. The rule was stated by Lord
Denning, M.R. in these terms in Schmidt v.Secy. of State for Home Affairs: - (1969) 2
Ch. D 149 “Where a public officer has power to deprive a person of his liberty or his
property, the general principle is that it has not to be done without his being given an
opportunity of being heard and of making representations on his own behalf”.
Unit –VII
Judicial Control of Administrative Actions
7.1. Development of Judicial Review
7.2. Habeas Corpus
7.3. Writ of Mandamus
7.4.Writ of Prohibition
7.5.Writ of Certiorari
7.6.Quo Warranto
Unit –VIII
Ombudsman
8.1.Concept of Ombudsman
8.2. Ombudsman in Scandinavian Countries
8.3.Ombudsman in Common Law Countries
8.4.Lokpal and Lokayukta Act 2013
8.5.Working of Lokpal
OMBUDSMAN
The meaning of the term Ombudsman is ,”the man of
legislature”. Ombudsman is also known as the watchdog of
administration, protector of little man or advocate of little man.
It leads to open government by providing speedy redressal of
grievances. It offers democratic control over powers of State. It
is effective , in spite of minimal coercive capabilities and it
also serves as a channel between citizen and the Government
as it is the link between legislature and public. Ombudsman
has a correctional approach, it is an adjudicator in matters of
specific complaints from public against administrative injustice
& malafides.
Prof.Gerald E.Caden3 had commented in the 3rd
international conference on ombudsman,” institution of
ombudsman is an institutionalized public conscience- the
essence of what govt. ought to do; i.e. to cultivate the well being
of the citizens, preservation of individuals liberty and equitable
treatment of all citizens.”
Ombudsman is answerable to legislature as it reports to
it, is Accessible / user friendly and act as advocate of
citizens. It is also able to suggest reforms.
Difference between Ombudsman & Courts:-
Ombudsman follows simple Procedure; Principles of
Natural Justice are followed and its jurisdiction is also
wider to cover maladministration, dissatisfaction, rudeness
etc.
The Apex court had ruled that, “ effective policing of the
corridors of power is carried out by the courts until other ‘
ombudsman ‘ arrangements are made.”4
3 Author of Administraive law and public adm, books.
4 FCI Kamgar Union v. UOI , AIR 1981 SC 344
4
K.C.Wheare observes,” It is not eccentric to conclude that
if there is more administration, there will be more
maladministration.”5
Development :
Scandinavian countries
Sweeden-1809
Finland- 1919
Denmark 1953-54
Norway 1963
Common Law Countries :
New Zeeland-1962
England- 1966-67- 3 local, 11 sectorial
Canada-1967
Australia-1976
Historical background : The institution of ombudsman,
developed in the Scandinavian countries primary to redress
individual grievances against the administration1. The idea was
then adopted by common law countries. For instance, New
Zealand was the first common low country to institute an
ombudsman in 1962 followed by Britain2 and then Australia3.
OMBUDSMAN IN NEW ZEALAND : Adopted in 1962
under the Parliamentary Commissioner(Ombudsman) Act,
1962. Later Ombudsman Act, 1975 was framed which has a
provision for one Chief Ombudsman and other Ombudsmen.
Ombudsman is appointed by Governor General on the
5 WHEARE , MALADMINISTRATION AND ITS REMEDIES,1973
1 The institution of ombudsman was established in Sweden in 1809; Finland followed
in 1919, Denmark in 1953 and Norway in 1962
2 In Britain ombusman is officially called as the Parliamentary Commissioner and was
established in 1967.
3 In Australia, the system was established in 1967.
5
recommendation of House of Representatives. He has the
Security of tenure which is 5 Years. He can be Removed by
Gov. Gen. upon an address from the house of representatives.
He also has Powers under the Official Information Act, 1982
OMBUDSMAN IN ENGLAND
“ The ombudsman concept is based on the idea that
citizens should be entitled to complain against specific acts of
their rulers, and that their complaints should be independently
investigated.”6
Ombudsman in England is Officially known as
Parliamentary Commissioner. It is Created by the
Parliamentary Commissioner Act, 1967. He is appointed by
the Crown and removed by address in both the houses.
Jurisdiction covers the departments placed under Schedule-
II-all local authorities, education appeal panels, local services.
Excluded matters are given under Schedule-III. Parliamentary
Commissioner does not investigate into matter in which
remedy is available through courts or where aggrieved person
has right to appeal. He does not investigate into matter more
than 12 months old.
There is a peculiar restrictive feature in England called as
the parliamentary filter. Complaints are filed only through a
member of parliament. Reasons for continuing this feature are
that it affords a kind of screening of complaints and it is also
their tradition.
AUSTRALIAN OMBUDSMAN :
Framing of the office of Ombudsman is in accordance
with Federal System. Two tier Ombudsman exists in Australia.
The Commonwealth Ombudsman system was established by
6 Seneviratne,”joining up” the Ombudsman-the review of the public sector ombudsman
in England.(2002),p.2.
6
the Ombudsman Act, 1976.It has been amended several times.
Last amended in 1983, similar to New- Zealand Act.
Ombudsman System : A Commonwealth Ombudsman
is appointed for the term of 7 years, eligible for reappointment,
appointed by the Governor Gen. (Executive appointee), retires
at the age of 65. Years. He can delegate its powers to deputies
and also has functions under the Complaints(Australian
Federal Police) Act, 1981 and Freedom of Information
ACT(FOIA)
Removal is possible on address in the two houses of
parliament on the grounds of proved misbehavior or physical
or mental incapacity;
Composition :
• 3 Deputy Commonwealth Ombudsman;-
• A Defence Force Ombudsman;
• Jurisdiction-Complaints against -
• Action
• inaction
• decision
• recommendation
• formulation of proposal Done by govt. departments.
Action on complaint/ suo motu
The term “matter of administration” is undefined, flexible,
matter of power and function and is decided by the Federal
Court. Ombudsman does not investigates frivolous / vexatious
complaints. The limitation period is 12 months.
Section 15 of the Ombudsman Act, 1976 lays down a
catalogue of circumstances in which the Ombudsman may
consider the administrative action defective. The catalogue
includes the circumstances7
When administrative action —Appears to be contrary to
law, based on mistake of facts/law, otherwise wrong. Or is-
• Unreasonable
• Unjust
• Oppressive
• Improperly discriminatory
In all these countries, ombudsman functions primarily to
redress individual grievances against the administration. For
instance, in Australia, the ombudsman has jurisdiction to
investigate into complaints against action taken by major
government departments and prescribed authorities. The
ombudsman’s primary function is to investigate either on a
complaint or suo motu, into a matter of administration taken
by a department or a prescribed authority. ‘Taking of action’
includes a reference to:
1. the making of a decision or recommendation or the
formulation of a proposal; and
2. failure or refusal to take any action.
In Britain, the ombudsman is charged with the function of
investigation into complaints from people against
maladministration4
The primary reason underlying the establishment of the
institution of ombudsman is to provide a forum, in addition to
the courts, to redress the grievances of an individual against
the administration. Although over a period of time, the range
and scope of judicial review of administrative action has
expanded, there still remain a few areas where judicial review
does not reach. For instance, courts refrain from scrutinising
4 The term ‘maladministration’ is defined broadly. The British ombudsman is concerned
with injustice in consequence of maladministration in administrative action that includes
failure to act. The term maladministration includes corruption, bias, unfair
discrimination faulty procedure and harshness.
8
the merits of an administrative decision and play only a marginal
role .
OMBUDSMAN IN INDIA :
Mahatma Gandhi had once opined, “Corruption will be
out one day, however much one may try to conceal it: and
the public can as its right and duty, in every case of justifiable
suspicion, call its servants to strict account, dismiss them,
sue them in a law court, or appoint an arbitrator or inspector
to scrutinize their conduct, as it likes.”
This is the inspiration for establishment of the institution
of Ombudsman in India. The Apex Court had commented on
the need of such institution in these cases-
Chandra Bansi Singh v. State of Bihar,7 “ The greater
the power given to the executive, the greater the need to
safeguard the citizen against its arbitrary or unfair exercise.
Therefore an urgent problem of the day is to evolve an
adequate and effective mechanism to contain these
dangers by controlling the administration in exercise of
its powers, safeguarding individual rights and creating
procedures for redressal of individual grievances against
administration.”
G. Sadanandan v. State of Kerala,8 " …continuous
exercise of the very wide powers conferred by the rules
on the several authorities is likely to make the conscience
of the said authorities insensitive, if not blunt, to the
paramount requirement of the
Constitution that even during emergency the freedom of
Indian citizens can not be taken away…"
7 AIR 1984, SC 1767,
8 AIR 1966 SC 1966 SC 1925.
9
The genesis of Indian Ombudsman goes back to 3 April
1963, when Dr. L.M. Singhvi, (a former member of Rajya Sabha
and a member of the Standing Committee headed by
Mukherjee) participating in the discussion on Demands for
Grants of the Ministry of Law and Justice, stressed the need
for setting up of some sort of a Parliamentary Commission on
the pattern of Ombudsman in Scandinavian countries. India,
Ombudsman is called as Lokpal or Lokayukta. An
Administrative Reforms Commission (ARC) was set up on 5
January 1966 under the Chairmanship of Shri Morarji Desai.
It recommended a two-tier machinery: Lokpal at the Centre
(Parliamentary commissioner as in New Zealand) and one
Lokayukta each at the State level for redressal of people’s
grievances. However, the jurisdiction of the Lokpal is not
extended for judiciary like in New Zealand.
In the Report dated Oct.20, 1966 of the Administrative
Reforms Commission main issue before Commission
was to find out that how to provide the citizen with an
institution to which he can have easy access for the
redress of his grievances which he is unable to see
elsewhere. The Indian Lokpal is synonymous to the
institution of Ombudsman existing in the Scandinavian
countries. Government of India accepted the
recommendations of the Commission. In 1969, the Lok
Sabha passed the lokpal and lokayukta Bill,1968.This Bill
could not be passed in Rajya sabha, Lok sabha got
dissolved. Again in 1971 Bill was passed by Lok Sabha
but before efore it could be passed by Rajya Sabha, Lok
Sabha was dissolved.-Bill Lapsed.
The bill was revived in 1985, 1989, 1996, 1998, 2001 and
most recently in 2005. Each time, after the bill was introduced
to the house, it was referred to some committee for
10
improvements - a joint committee of parliament, or a
departmental standing committee of the Home Ministry -and
before the government could take a final stand on the issue
the house was dissolved.
In 2001 Bill presented in Lok sabha,13th Lok Sabha
dissolved and the Bill Lapsed. The Central Government
introduced the first Lokpal and Lokayuktas Bill in 1968 and
then in 2005, which has so far not been enacted. In 2003 ( In
fact that time it also had the recommendations from the Cabinet
to bring in Prime minister also in to the Lok pal bill) and due to
non co-operations from Congress and other parties, the bill
could not be passed. Even during UPA period in 2004 it
promised to take up the issue, yet the unwillingness from all
the political parties sounded a death knell to this proposal.
One of the major points of dispute was that P.M. should be
included or not. The Rajya Sabha Standing Committee on the
Lok Pal Bill 2001produced a comprehensive report. The report
had suggested the inclusion of the judiciary. Regarding the
inclusion of P.M. though it has been the pious intention of the
Bill to bring the office of the Prime Minister under its ambit, it
is doubtful if the proposal would receive all round political
support. Some parties are opposed to this inclusion. This
disagreement has been a major factor in the Bill not being
able to find a place in the Statute Book for decades. Ex.
President Dr. Abdul Kalam and its career-economist-turned
Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh brought the issue of Lok
Pal back to center-stage. In the process, the two, with similar
non-political background, bestirred the political class, still
remaining dormant to the need of an Ombudsman to scrutinize
the doings of people in the higher echelons of governance. It
is a legislation that can be passed by a simple majority. Only,
it has fallen victim to political and official dalliance, dither and
11
double-speak. Every government in the past four decades has
failed to muster enough political will needed to pass the Bill.
The Lokpal and Lokayukta Bill, 2011 :
In the year 2011, the anti corruption movement run under
the leadership of Anna Hazare, the social reformist and thinker
had created a wave against corruption. The strong public
support to his proposed, “Jan Lokpal Bill” and the ‘fast’ kept
by him had built a pressure for the passing of Lokpal Bill at the
Centre.
After almost 12 hours the spirited debate continued in the
Lok Sabha on 27th of December 2011. In this debate the entire
political opinions for and against the Lokpal Bill were heard
loud and clear, the UPA accepted some important
amendments which were proposed by rival parties to get The
Lokpal and Lokayukta Bill, 2011, passed through a voice vote.
Finally the 2011Bill was approved after the government moved
some key amendments, including keeping the defence forces
and coast guard personnel out of the purview of the anti-graft
ombudsman and increasing the exemption time of former MPs
from five to seven years. A number of amendments moved by
Opposition, including corporates, media and NGOs receiving
donations, were defeated. Now it is not certain that this Bill will
be passed in the Rajya Sabha tomorrow where the UPA has
less than 100 members in the 245 member House.
The government is learnt to be exploring an option of
convening a joint sitting of Parliament9 if the Lokpal and
Lokayukta Bill, 2011 fails to get passed through the Rajya
Sabha where it will be taken up for consideration and passing
on the last day of the extended winter session on Thursday.
9 The Constitution has the provision of convening joint sitting of Parliament under
Article 118 for passing any bill - other than a money bill or a constitution amendment
bill - if it fails to get the Rajya Sabha’s approval.
12
LOKAYUKTA :
Lokayukta institution has come into existence in different
years, in different States in India. Orissa is the first state to
present a bill on establishment of Lokayukta in 1970, however,
Maharashtra is the first state to have established the institution
in 1972.
There after, this institution was established in different
States in different years namely:
1. Maharashtra (1972),
2. Bihar (1974),
3. Uttar Pradesh (1977),
4. Madhya Pradesh (1981),
5. Andhra Pradesh (1983),
6. Himachal Pradesh (1983),
7. Karnataka (1984),
8. Assam (1986),
9. Gujarat (1988),
10. Delhi (1995),
11. Punjab (1996),
12. Kerala (1998),
13. Chhattishgarh (2002),
14. Uttaranchal (2002) .
15. West Bengal (2003)’
16. Haryana (2004).
The structure of the Lokayukta is not uniform across all
the states. Some states have UpaLokayukta under Lokayukta
and in some states, the Lokayukta doesn’t have sou moto
powers of investigating an enquiry.
Unit IX
Public Corporations
Public Sector Undertakings are of' recent origin but are deep-rooted and are today playing a
vital role in our economy . With the increase in the volume of' work and tendency for
nationalization, need and necessity of public sector enterprises has considerably increased. It
is felt that through those public sector undertakings, effective government control can be run
and managed for the welfare of the community as a whole. There cannot be two opinions
about the need for establishment of' public sector enterprises in the developing countries like
India. The private enterprises are always in search of profit and this motive leads them to
fields \\here the returns are high and certain. In the developing countries, this tendency has
many drawbacks (http:' w w .\vikistreets.corn). The government-owned corporations play a
pivotal role in the economic development of emerging economies because their participation
is higher in the industrial and commercial activities of these economies. Resource constraints
and limited scope of the private sector in the early stages of development and planning have
set the stage fir predominance of the public enterprises in these economies. Page 1 83 Thus.
public sectors in the leading developing countries of the world play a very iin portant role.
Investments in public sector enterprises have also been greater and have continued to
accelerate growth in core sectors of a developing economy. Many times, public enterprises
were created to operate in areas of national and international trade, consultancy, inland, and
overseas communication and construction services. As a result, overall profits of the public
sector have not been restricted to certain sectors. In other words. the public sector is a
heterogeneous combination of basic infrastructure industries, industries engaged in providing
trade services, consumer goods industries. Rapid industrialization and infrastructure creation
for economic development 'sere the basic rationale behind setting up public enterprises.
Governed by this rationale. the public enterprises were set up by the government to ensure
easy availability of' important articles of mass consumption, and to promote even distribution
of income while keeping tabs on prices of vital products. Protection of workers interests was
also one of' the objectives as large number of enterprises was created from sick private sector
enterprises that were taken over. Promoting, and ensuring that regions \\ere developed in a
balanced manner and earning foreign exchange by promoting import substitutions were some
additional reasons for encouraging public enterprises. In India and China. PSl'.s \\ere the key
catal\ tits in capital formation in the early stages of industrial development. PSEs hold
sizeable share in economic activity of a number of developed and developing economies -
France. Japan, German,.-. Italy. Australia. South Korea. China. Malaysia. Philippines.
Indonesia. Sri Lanka. and India (http:', \\\\\%.dnb.coJn). Depending on their performance.
investment capability. etc. PSU's are divided into 3 categories: a) \linlratna . h) Navratna and
c) Ntaharatna (http:// w ww ww .todpoint.com ). Page 1 84 Miniratna \liniratnas have the
authorit% to enter into joint ventures, set subsidiary companies and overseas office with
certain conditions. They have been divided into categories on the basis of their capital
expenditure allowance. Navratna In 1997. the government introduced the Navratna scheme
for the 9 identified Central Public Sector Enterprises (CPSEs) that had comparative
advantages and to support them in becoming global giants. The board decided to give them
additional powers in areas of. capital expenditure, investment in Joint Ventures or
subsidiaries, mergers and acquisitions and Iluman Resource Management. These Navratnas
were given the authority to invest to a maximum of Rs. 1000cr without government
approvals. I.ater on the number kept on adding every year and now there are 16 Navratnas.
Criteria for Navratna Status Maharatna In 2009. the cabinet established a Maharatna status
for Central Public Sector Enterprises. hich raised the company's investment ceiling from
Rs.1000cr to Rs.S000cr. As on April 2011. there are a total of 5 companies which have been
awarded the N'laharatna status (http: \v«w.todpoint.com). Different Types of Public
Enterprises ❖ C'['Sl s (Central Public Sector Enterprises) — Companies \\- here the direct
holding of the Central Government or of other CPSFs is 51 % or more ❖ PSBs (Public
Sector Banks) Banks \\-here the direct holding of the Central "State Government or other
PSBs is 51 % or more Page 185 ❖ SLPEs (State Level Public Enterprises) — Companies
where the direct holdilu1 of the State Government or other SLPEs is 51% or more (http:
'\V \V W . hsepsu.cortl ). Product Profile Public sector enterprises offer a wide range of
products and services which include: ❖ ./1anofaetwrm .t ❖ Steel ❖ k lea\ \ machinery ❖
Machine tools •.• Ir1stl'lrI1lCnts ❖ 1-leavv machine huildinq equipment •:• I leave electrical
equipment for thermal and hydel stations •:• l ransportation equipment •••
Telecommunication equipment •:• Ships and sub-marines ••• Fertilizers ❖ Drugs and
pharmaceuticals ••• Petrochemicals ••• Cement . ❖ Textile :• \linin<" of coal and minerals ❖
Extraction and retining of crude oil ❖ Operation of air, sea. river and road transport ❖
National and international trade ❖ Consultancy Page 1 86 •: Contract and construction
services •:• Inland and overseas telecommunication services •: 1= inancial services •: ('onsu
mer items such as newsprint, paper and contraceptives :• 1 lotel and tourism services As on
31st Nlay 2012. there were as man \- as 249 CPSEs (excluding 7 insurance companies). The
number of profit making CPSI:s increased steadily from 143 CPSEs in 2004-05 to 160
CPSEs in 2007-08. The number of profit making ('PSl s. as on 2010-11 stands at 158 \ti ith a
total profit oIRs. 113770 crores. Different profiles have been shown in Annexure I (Public
Enterprise Survey 2010-1 1). Department of Public Enterprises In 52nd Report. the Estimate
Committee of 3rd Lot: Sabha (1962-67) stressed the need for setting up a centralized
coordinating twit, which could also make continuous appraisal of the performance of public
enterprises. This led to the setting up of the Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE) in 1965.
Resulting in the reorganization of the ministries or department of the Union The Government
in September. 1985 BPE. a part of the Ministry of Industry. In NIa\ 1990. the BPL as made a
full-fledged Department and is now known as the Department of Public Enterprises.
Presently. it is part of' the Ministry of Heavy Industries & Public Enterprises. \s per
Allocation of Business Rules of the Government. the following subjects have been allocated
to the Department of Public Enterprises:- •:• Bureau of Public Enterprises including Industrial
Management pool. •.• Coordination of matters of general policy of non-financial nature
affecting all public sector industrial and commercial undertakings. •:• Matters relating to
Memorandum of Understanding mechanism of improving the performance of Public Sector
Undertakings. Page ' 87 •:• Matters relating to Permanent Machinery of Arbitration for the
Public Sector Enterprises. •:• Counseling. Retraining and Redeployment of rationalized
employees of ('PSI-:s. The Department of Public Enterprises accordingly plays an important
role in formulating policies relating to CPSEs and in Framing different guidelines on matters
relating to CPSEs. In fulfilling its role, the Department coordinates with other Ministries.
CPSEs and concerned organizations. Some of the important tasks of the Department are listed
below:- •:• Co-ordination of matters of general policy of non-financial nature relating to
public sector enterprises. •:• Issue of Presidential directives and guidelines to public sector
enterprises. •:• Formulation of policies, pertaining to public sector enterprises, in areas like
hoard structures. personnel management. improvement, financial management. wage
settlement and vigilance management etc. •:• Investiture and review of Navratna or Miniratna
or Maharatna status to CPSI-s. •:• Policy matters relating to composition of Board of
Directors of CPSEs, categorization of top posts and scheduling of CPSFs. •:• Notification of
pay scales to Board level executives, below Board level personnel, unionized \\orkers and the
DA admissible thereon at periodic intervals. :• Publication of' the annual survey of CPSEs
known as Public Enterprises Survev. •:• Memorandum of t'nderstanding (MoU) between the
public sector enterprises and the administrative Ministries or Departments. :• Policy relating
to Voluntary Retirement Scheme in CPSEs. Page 1 88 ❖ Matters relating, to Counseling.
Retraining and Redeployment Scheme (CRR) for rationalized employees of CPSEs. ❖
Matters relating to Board for Reconstruction of Public Sector Enterprises (13RPSE). •:•
\latters relating to reservation of posts in the public sector enterprises for certain classes of
citizens. •:• Settlement of disputes through Permanent Machinery of Arbitration (PNIA)
among Public Sector Enterprises and het~teen Public Sector Enterprises and government
departments except disputes relating to tax matters. •:• Matters relating to International
Centre for Promotion of Enterprises (ICPE). ❖ Matters relating to Standing Conference of
Public Enterprises (SCOPE). •:• Matters relating to delegation of powers to Board of
Directors of C PSEs. Department of Public Enterprises is headed by a Secretary who is
assisted by an establishment with an overall sanctioned strength of 1 )1 officers or
personnels. The Department of Public Enterprises is implementing two Plan Schemes viz. the
Scheme o1' Counseling. Retraining and Redeployment (CRR) for the separated netple\ees of
CPSEs and the Scheme of Research. Development and Consultancies on Generic Issues of
CPSE:. ('RR Scheme was implemented from 2001-02 while Scheme of Research.
Development and Consultancies on Generic Issues of CPSE was introduced in 2008-09
(http:.''dhi.nic.in). Overview of State Public Sector Undertakings the State Public Sector t
ndertakings (PSIJs) consist of State Government Companies and Statutory Corporations. The
State PSUs are established to carry out activities of commercial nature While keeping in view
the %\ellitre of people. In Andhra Pradesh, the State PSUs occupies an important place in the
state economy. The working State PSL's registered a turnover of Rs 44.180 crore for 2008-09
as per Pace 1 89 their latest finalized accounts as on September 2009. This turnover was
equal to 14.13 per cent of State Gross Domestic Product (GDP) for 2008-09. Major activities
of Andhra Pradesh State PSUs are concentrated in power sector. The working State PSUs
including working statutory corporations earned a profit of Rs 701.56 crore in the aggregate
for 2008-09 as per their latest finalized accounts. They had emplo\ ed 2.60 lakh employees as
on 31 March 2009. The State PSL s do not include nine Departmental Undertakings (DIJs).
which carry out commercial operations but are a part of Government departments. Audit
findings of these are incorporated in the Civil Audit Report for the state (http;
aghr.cag.gov.in/commercial 10 (E) 'ch I .Pdf ). Role of Public Sector Enterprise in Indian
Economy: The public sector has been assigned the important role of achieving one national
objective of economic growth %\ ith social justice, generating larger social gains and
strengthening country's economy by removing regional disparities and promoting balanced
development in different parts of the country. The impact of public sector undertakings on the
regional development may be assessed in terms of two different components. \ it. (A) Direct
Impact and (B) Indirect Impact. Public sector enterprises have rendered useful help and
service in the development of' human resource in backward areas for changing the traditional
character of village life. In tstment in human capital is considered an essential ingredient of
development planning. Such development is only possible if rural talents are identified
properly fed with modern knowledge of relevant science and technology. A large number of
public sector undertakings have been set up in the backyard areas or regions or districts in
order to capitalize the rural labour by equipping them with vocational education, technical
training and managerial skills. The strategy behind this is to transform the unemployed rural
people to get selfmotivated and self-inspired employment avenues in local economic
activities. Page 1 90 Public sector undertakings working as a vehicle of communication have
taken the ne\\ kno ledge to villages and acted as change agents li)r introducing changes in
existing practices. initiating commercial use of appropriate village technologies in agriculture
and allied activities, village artisan and handicrafts and local village industry by inducing use
of productivity enhancing equipment and light machinery. Apart from the above, a
I111I11ber of public sector undertakings have been taking special interest in setting up
community development centers to discharge their social responsibility. Improvement in
economic infrastructure in the backward areas can be provided through the help and active
participation of the public sector undertakings. This should broadly cover constructing or
improving existing link roads and inside roads in villages to make these accessible by modern
means of transport, ensuring that each village is equipped with electricity and power for
domestic as well as commercial and industrial use. Indian public sector constitutes the core of
the economy's social and economic development history, since the dawn of Independence in
1947. Rightly, this sector is described as an engine of rural development and social welfare.
The enterprises of public sector are unique. when compared to their counterpart in private
sector in the sense that the former have to bear greater social obligation apart from displaying
good performance to secure reasonable profits, which being on important concern of the
private enterprises. The public sector undertakings emerge very significant in the Indian
context by fulfilling various social obligations such as ;generation of employment for mass,
provision of basic infrastructure and public utilities, protecting the consumers from being
exploited, promoting backward regions of the country and achieving balanced regional
development. The public sector had received the best attention from the national, planner and
Government during the I960s and I970s. However, from the late 80s. the public sector
enterprises have become objects of controversy and criticism. The great push given to the
public sector in the initial Live Year Plans did start to recede. This paradigm shift can be
attributed to the overwhelming public orientation, namely to Page 1 91 serve the social
purpose than to run them as profit making apparatus as in the private sector (Vaidvanathan &
Sundar, 201 I). The public sector in India is composed of a number of segments. The first is
government itself i.e. the central, slate and local governments; the second category is that of
departmental enterprises which are run directly by government departments and are not
separately incorporated. This category includes enterprises such as the railways, the post
office and the telecommunication system. The third category is of "non-departmental
enterprises' which are separately incorporated and run as independent companies. This
category includes both manufacturing and non-manulaclLn'ing enterprises
(bttpa/vwco.rakeshmuhan.com). 1. Maximizing the Rate of Economic Growth Originally, the
activity of the public sector enterprises was to be limited to a definite field of basic and key
industries of strategic importance. there were certain fields where the private enterprise was
shy to operate as they involved huge investment or risk. It was the public sector alone which
could build the economic overheads such as power. transport, etc. Since then, the ideological
objective of capturing the 'comrnanding heights" by the public-sector has been duly fulfilled,
it has succeeded in creating the necessary initastruetural base to sustain industrial growth. It
has tremendously boosted the technologica[ capabilities. The public enterprises have firmly
established the foundation for construction of a self-generating industrial economy. During a
planned era, the public sector hasdiversified its activities to cover a wide spectrum of
industries. 'tic public sector today has entered into the production of consumer goods such as
bread, paper, watches. scooters. T.V. and transistor parts, cement, drugs, etc. 2. Development
of Capital-Intensive Sector Industrial development of a country necessitates the foundation of
an infrastructure base. This foundation is provided by the development of capitalintensive
industries and the basic infrastructure. The private sector neither has the zeal Page, 92 nor the
capacity to in est in such infrastructural programmes. From this point of view, the public
sector has a magnificent record. The State has successfully implemented various schemes of
multi-purpose river projects. hydroelectric projects, transport and communication. atomic
power. steel. etc. It has vastly contributed in the fields such as nuclear or steel technology.
aeronautics, and defence materials, ship-building and so on. It has laid down a good network
ot'transport and communications. 3. Development of Agriculture The public sector has an
important role in the field of agriculture as «ell. The public sector assists in the manufacture
of fertilizers, pesticides. insecticides and mechanical implements used in agriculture. Through
the various research institutes the public sector has augmented agricultural productivity by
introducing new highyielding variety of seeds. preventing crop diseases and innovating new
agricultural practices. 4. Balanced Regional Development During pre-independence period a
major problem as regional economic disparities. There were certain areas \\-here there was a
heavy concentration of industrial activity. On the other hand, there were certain backward
areas which went without industries. Industrial development was highly lopsided, but
Maharashtra. W 'est Bengal. Gujarat and Tamil Nadu. etc. were highly developed
industrially. States like Orissa. Assam, Bihar. Madhva Pradesh etc. vvere highly backward.
Besides, industries used to be gravitated to\\ards the metropolitan areas, rather than the
smaller towns. But imbalanced economic development is as bad as underdevelopment.
Through the extension of' public sector enterprises the Government desired to remove such
regional imbalances. The State. consequently, participated in the industrial growth of the less
developed areas by setting up public enterprises. Normally the private sector cannot be
induced to start industries in the backward areas. While locating new public enterprises
claims of the relatively backward areas are given due consideration. The policy of dispersal
of Industries aims at removing Page 1 93 regional disparities. A conscious attempt has been
made-in the successive five-year plans to accelerate the development of relatively backward
areas. 5. Development of Ancillary Industries I'stahlishment of' a few big public enterprises is
not enough to unleash forces of industrial development in an area. There are states like
Bihar \\-here in spite of la\ ish public sector investment: industrial development has not been
satisfactory. On the other hand, states like Punjab have made a vast progress because of the
development of small and ancillary units. This realization made the public sector to take a
close interest in the development of small and ancillary units. It is expected that the
development of ancillaries Would make the way for rapid industrial growth of a region and
lead to balanced economic development. The number of such ancillary units was 432 in
1974-75 and the number rose to 888 in 1979-80 with purchases from them increasing from
Rs. 29 crores to Rs. 120 crores. It is expected that in future, ancillary development would
receive more attention from the Government. 6. Increasing Employment Opportunities The
growth of the public sector has led to the expression of gainful employment opportunities. In
addition to the primary effect of the public sector in creating employ nient opportunities,
public sector investments also have a multiplier effect on other sectors of the economy. This
has a beneficial effect on the total employment position. 7. Model Employer R.K. Gupta has
observed that in India "the State has inaugurated the era of the model employer in contrast to
the employer with a feudal outlook. It has laid down guidelines for employer-employee
relations and for developing good and efficient personnel." the public sector has been the
pacesetter in the field of labour welfare and social security. The State aims at establishing an
industrial democracy which will provide a fair deal to the workers. The public enterprises
have been investing liberally Page 194 on matters pertaining to labour welfare and social
security. Not only the wages have been substantially increased, conditions of service have
vastly improved. For instance, ~vages in the coal industry have nearly trebled since
nationalization and many other amenities are also being provided. 8. Preventing
Concentration of Economic Power Preventing private monopolies and concentration of
economic power is the avowed objective of our economic policy. Nationalization is
considered as an antidote for the concentration of economic power in private hands. In India,
the public sector enterprises have grown. both, in number and in strength. Today, the public
sector not only occupies the commanding heights in the economy, it has also penetrated into
the production of essential consumer goods. The share of the public sector in the overall
industrial production. has substantially gone up. This has effectively curbed the concentration
of economic power. It has created a countervailing force against the growth of larger
industrial houses. 9. Export Promotion The public sector enterprises are substantially
contributing to the country's export earnings. ihe public sector has-built up a reputation
abroad in selling plants. heavy equipment. machine tools and other industrial products. It has
created goodwill in the third world countries for its consultancy, services and technical
knowledge. Public sector exports also include consumer goods. The role of the State Trading
Corporation and the Minerals and Metals Trading Corporation has been quite creditable in
promoting exports. 10. Import Substitution 'I he public sector enterprises have succeeded in
their efforts in import substitution. Today mall\- commodities starting from basic drugs to
highly advanced equipments are manufactured in the public sector, which previously used to
be imported from abroad. In certain tields public enterprises were specially started to Page !
95 reduce imports from abroad and achieve self-sufficiency. Public enterprises like llindustan
Antibiotics Ltd. or Bharat Electronics Ltd. or llindustan Machine Tools etc., have done a
remarkable job in import substitution. This has resulted in saving of precious foreign
exchange. Today. there is a special drive in the public enterprises to utilize indi tenous
materials and domestic skill. 11. Production and Sales While taking up the production Of any
goods or services, the private entrepreneur is guided solely b\ the profit motive. To maximize
profit, he even does not hesitate to exploit the consumers. Very often maximization of profit
is achieved at the cost of public welfare. It is only the public sector which can produce
according to special needs. Sometimes it may even sell at a price lower than its cost. The total
turnover of the State-o\\ ned manufacturing enterprises and service enterprises amounted to
Rs. 2.650 crores in 1969-70. Total turnover of these enterprises increased to Rs. 3644.3 crore
in 1981-82. This indicates that the contribution of the public sector to the flow of goods and
services in the economy was quite considerable. 12. Mobilization of resources The public
sector undertakings have played an important role in financing the planned development of
the country. lhev have significantly contributed to the Central Exchequer in the form of'
interest and various taxes. etc. Besides, public enterprises shows an increasing trend in the
generation of internal resources. From Rs. 194 crores in 1969-70. it increased to Rs. 5.068
crores in 1986-87. In the total capital formation of the country, more than 50 percent is
contributed h' the public sector. 13. Research and Development Toda\ . no country Can
industriall\ prosper ithout research and de\ elopnient. Such research is highl essential for the
introduction of new goods and new technologies of production. lowering the cost of
production and improving the quality of' the product. In this respect, the public sector is
playing a crucial role. A lot of Page ' 96 research activities are being carried on in the
laboratories of the public sector undertakings. 1.1. Establishment of a Socialist Pattern In
India. the public sector was desired to he extended rapidly so as to establish a socialist pattern
of economy. 'There was abject misery and poverty all around prior to the adoption of
planning. Through planned efforts it not only wanted rapid economic growth but also social
justice. The public enterprises aims at achieving equality of opportunity and reduction of
economic inequalities. (http: \v .publishyourarticles.net). Role Public Sector Undertakings-
General Perspective Gov ernment of India. as part of its national agenda. i.e. to promote
growth. increase in efficiency and international competitiveness, has been continuously
framing policies for industrial growth. fiscal, trade and foreign investment to achieve overall
socio-economic development of the country. As a result of exceptionally severe balance of
payments and fiscal crisis in the year 1991. the government decided to shift to a liberalized
economy with greater reliance upon market forces and a larger role for the private sector
including, foreign direct investment. The Government realized that a strongly developed and
growth oriented nation Could be built it' India _rows as part of the world economy and not in
isolation. Thus, liberalizing and deregulatory steps were initiated from the year 1991
onwards, which aimed at supporting growth and integration with the global economy. Since
then, the thrust of New Economic Policy has been on progressive reforms such as reduction
in the scope of industrial licensing, reforms in the Monopolies and Restrictive Trade Practices
Act, reduction of areas reserved exclusively for public sector, disinvestment of equity of
selected public sector enterprises . enhancing limits of foreign equity participation in
domestic industrial undertakings. liberalization of trade and exchange rate policies,
rationalization and reduction of customs and excise duties and personal and corporate income
taxes, promoting FIJI, investments from Page 1 97 NRIs ('\on-Resident Indians), extension of
the scope of CENVAT, implementing the \'AT regime in States, taking steps to switch over to
goods and services tax system w.e.f. 01.04.2010. e-governance and simplification of various
procedures, rules and regulations etc. Since the setting up of \World Trade Organization
(W'I'O) as an apex hod' at the international level, to which India is a signatory, the world
trade has detlnitel grown. thereby giving indications that international trade reforms do play
an important role in boosting economic development of various countries. Industrial policy
has seen a great change with most of' the Central Government industrial Controls being
liquidated. The Central Public Sector Enterprises (CPSEs) were classified into 'strategic' and
'non-strategic'. Strategic CPSl:s were identified in the areas or (a) Arms and Ammunition and
the allied items of defense equipments, defence air-crafts and warships: (h) Atomic Energy
(except in the areas related to the operation of nuclear power and applications of radiation
and radio-isotopes to agriculture, medicine and non-strategic industries): and (c) Railway
transport. All other CPSEs were considered as non-strategic. Further. Industrial licensing by
the Central Government has been almost abolished except for a fv hazardous and
environmentally sensitive industries. (http: dpe.nic.in). Objectives of Public Sector
Enterprises in India Although no specific objective is laid down on a 'White paper' or on a
national document. One can gather together a set of objectives of the Public Sector from
official documents from time to time. The Principal Objectives of Public enterprises are as
follows: ❖ Help in the rapid economic growth. and industrialisation of the country and
creation of the necessary infrastructure for economic development ❖ Earn return on
investment and thus, generate resources for development ❖ Promote redistribution of income
and wealth ••• Create employment opportunities Page 98 •• Promote balanced regional
development ❖ Assist in the development of small scale and ancillary industries o• Promote
import substitutions, save and earn foreign exchange forthe economy. (http:
%ishodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in). Memorandum of Understanding (Mott) A `IOL was signed by
the followintz 21 CPSLs under Dill with the Government of India for the year 2010-1 1 : 1. I
lindustan Paper Corporation Limited (IIPC) 2. Nepa Limited (N EPA) 3. Bharat I3hari Udyog
Nigam Limited (I313LUNI.) Ilolding Company 4. 1 lindustan Photo Films Manufacturing
Co. Limited (E-1PI ) 5. Rajasthan Electronics & Instruments Limited (IZI;IL) 6.
Instrumentation Limited. Kota (ILK) 7. E-I M M r I .td. 8. l h re Corporation of India Ltd.
(ICIL) 9. Scooters India Limited (SII.) 10. 1 lindustan Salts Limited (IISL) 11. C ement
Corporation of India Limited (CCI) 12. 1-lindustan Cables Limited (E-ICL) 13. Engineering
Projects (India) Ltd. (EPI) 14. 1 leavy Engineering Corporation (1-IEC) Page 1 99 15. Bharat
pumps & Compressor Limited (BPCL) 16. Richardson and Cruddas Limited (R&C) 17.
Bridge &: Root Co. (1) Limited (BKR ) 18. 1'ungahhadra Steel Products Limited (TSPI.) 19.
Andrew Yule & Co. Ltd. (,AYCI.) 20. I3harat Ileav\ Iiectricals Limited (BI IEL) 21. 1 riveni
Structurals Limited (I SL) 1O) documents bring out quantifiable targets in respect of various
parameters of performance measures to be taken by the enterprises to achieve these targets
and the assistance to be provided by the Government. A High Level Committee under the
chairmanship of Cabinet Secretary also evaluates the performance of the \lot: signing CPSEs
(http:''dlli.nic.ini). Sick Public Sector Enterprises As documented earlier, a relative and
orderly process for dealing with sick PSLs has been put in motion and the National Renewal
Fund is being set up. However, this is a very complex issue which requires more organized
thinking. The quick exit route propagated by many analysts and commentators is not a
realistic option. In the case of Germany. for example. the quick privatization and closure
route followed by the Freehand is reported to have cost about US S 170 billion and the loss
of' almost half of the existing employment in East German PSF.s. Such large fiscal and social
costs have been feasible to sustain only the kind of resources available with the Federal
Republic of Germany. The strong social security system o1 \Vest Germany' was extended
fully to East Germany. Similarly. China is also facing great difficulty in restructuring of its
own loss making: PSLs. Recent reports suggest that as open unemployment is making its felt
in the urban areas ol'China. the Government is increasingly reluctant to Page ' 100 add to
such unemployment by a wholesale retrenchment of the surplus work force in the PSEs. The
rise in inflation is being attributed in increasing fiscal deficit suffered by the Cio\ ernment as
it pumps in resources to keep up employment in loss making overmanned PSEs. The problem
in India is. on the one hand, not as serious as in these countries because PSEs form only a
small part of the total industrial economy. On the other hand. the low income level of the
country and the lack of a social security system, dealing with large layoffs in the organized
sector is not politically or socially sustainable. The problems are somewhat exacerbated with
the relative concentration of' sick PSLs in the Eastern region of India. About half of the
employees in sick PSFs are in the Eastern region of the country. This proportion increases to
almost two thirds if the loss making non sick PSEs are added. The response to this complex
issue. therefore. has to he carefully engineered and sensitively implemented. As the I31FR
process unfolds concentrated attention on the areas where industrial distress is likely to take
place is required. The National Renewal Fund mechanism could be strengthened either in its
existing, form or if it is found to be in adequate. new mechanisms could be organized. This
would need a combination of reasonably generous compensation payments to workers.
counseling, retraining and redeployment, along with focused programmes of employment
generation through industrial regeneration. The skills embodied in these industrial workers
must be seen as assets which need better utilization. With the rising trend of industrial
investment and production overall, it should also be feasible to encourage new industrial
investment in the areas that are most affected by industrial distress. If there is clear
recognition of the desirability of eventual closure of essentially bankrupt enterprises, it would
be feasible to organize a time bound realistic programme of' restructuring which would take
care of' the industrial issues arising from such closures as well as the welfare issues With
regard to labour. For the future, a self financing unemployment insurance fund is a necessity
for continuous labor restructure. (http: ; \vww.rakeshnlohan.com). Page 101 History of Public
Sector Undertakings Navratna as the title given originally to nine Public Sector Enterprises
identified by the Government ol India in 1997 as public sector companies that have
comparative advantages, giving them greater autonomy to compete in the global market so as
to "support them in their drive to become global giants". The number of PSEs having
Navratna status has been raised to 16. the most recent addition being Oil India Limited. PSL
companies are divided into thrcc categories: :• Navratna •:• IVliniratna CPSEs ❖ Category I
•:• Category II •:• Maharatna status In 2009, the government established the Maharatna
status. hich raises a company's investment ceiling from Rs. 1,000 crore to Rs. 5,000 crore.
The Maharatna firms can decide on investments Of up to I - per cent of their net worth in a
project and the \avaratna companies could invest up to Rs 1.000 crore without explicit
government approval. Criteria l he six criteria for eligibility as Maharatna are: •:• Ilaying
Navratna status. •:• Listed on Indian stock exchange with minimum prescribed public
shareholding under SERI regulations. ❖ An average annual turnover of more than Rs. 20.000
crore during: the ❖ Maharatna last 3 ,ears. Earlier it was Rs 25.000 Crore. •:• An average
annual net \corth of more than Rs. 10.000 crore during the last 3 years. Earlier, it was Rs.
15,000 crore. °• An average annual net profit after tax of more than Rs. 2500 crore during the
last 3 \-ears. Earlier, it was Rs. 5000 crore. •:• Should have significant global presence or
international operations. Page 1 102 List of \laharatna ❖ Coal India limited •:• Indian Oil
Corporation Limited •:• N I PC Limited •:• Oil and Natural Gas Corporation Limited •:• Steel
Authority of India Limited Navratna status Navratna was the title given originally to nine
Public Sector Enterprises (PSEs). identified b the Government of India in 1997 as having
comparative advantages, which allowed them greater autonomy to compete in the global
market. The number of I'Sl:s having Navratna status has been raised to 16. The government is
likely to accord the coveted status to mishra dhati nigam limited, which is under
consideration. list of N.. VRA"TNAs ❖ Bharat Heavy Electricals Limited + Bharat
Electronics Limited ❖ Bharat Petroleum Corporation Limited ❖ I Iindustan Aeronautics
Limited :• Hindustan Petroleum Corporation Limited ❖ Mahanagar Telephone Nigam
Limited ❖ National Aluminium Company Limited •:• National Mineral Development
Corporation Limited •:• Nev veli Lignite Corporation Limited ❖ Oil India Limited •:• I'o ver
Finance Corporation Limited •:• Power Grid Corporation of India Limited •:• Rashtriya Ispat
Nigam Limited ❖ Rural Electrification Corporation Limited •:• Shipping Corporation of
India Limited ❖ Gas Authority of India Limited Page ' 103 Miniratna Status In addition.
the ,_,ov crnment created another category called Nliniratna. Miniratnas can also enter into
joint ventures, set subsidiary companies and overseas offices but with certain conditions. In
2002. there were 61 government enterprises that were awarded Nliniratna status. Howe\er. at
present. there are 68 `(government enterprises that were awarded Miniratna status. CategorNI
This designation applies to PSI:s that have made profits continuously for the last three years
or earned a net profit of Rs. 30 crore or more in one of the three years. l hese miniratnas
granted certain autonomy like incurring capital expenditure without government approval up
to Rs. 500 crore or equal to their net worth, whichever is lower. ❖ Projects & Development
India limited :• Airports :Authority of India ❖ :\ntrix Corporation Limited •:• Balmer Lawrie
& Co. Limited ❖ Bharat Dynamics Limited •:• BFAII. Limited •:• I3harat Sanchar Nigam
Limited •:• Bridge & Roof Company (India) Limited •:• Central \V arehouslng Corporation
❖ Central Coalfields Limited ❖ Chennai Petroleum Corporation Limited ❖ Cochin
Shipyard limited •: Container Corporation of India Limited •:• Dredging Corporation of India
Limited •'• Fngineers India Limited :• Ennore Port Limited •:• Garden Reach Shipbuilders &
Engineers Limited •:• (ioa Shipyard Limited Page 1 104 •:• I lindustan Copper Limited •:•
HLI. Life care Limited ❖ I lindustan Newsprint Limited •:• I-lindustan Paper Corporation
Limited •:• I lousing and t 'rhan Development Corporation •:• India "tourism Development
Corporation :• Indian Railh\av Catering and Tourism Corporation ❖ IRCON International
Limited •• Kudremmkh Iron Ore Company Limited. ❖ Mazagaon Dock Limited •:• \lahanadi
Coalfields Limited ❖ Manganese Ore (India) Limited •:• Mangalore Refinery and
Petrochemicals Limited •:• Mishra Dhatu Nigam Limited ❖ Minerals and Metals Trading
Corporation of India ❖ \1S"I C Limited •:• National Fertilizers Limited ❖ National Seeds
Corporation Limited •:• NIIPC Limited •:• Northern Coalfields Limited •:• Numaligarh
Refinery Limited •:• ONGC Videsh Limited •:• Paean Hans I-Idlicopters •:• Rashtriva
Chemicals & Fertilizers Limited •:• RITES Limited •:• Satluj Jal Vidyut Nigam •:• Security
Printing and Minting Corporation o(' India Limited •:• South Eastern Coalfields Limited •.•
State Trading Corporation of India Limiter. ❖ l'ehri Hv dro Development Corporation
Limited ❖ l elecommunications Consultants (India) Limited •:• \Vcstcrn Coalfields Limited
Page 1 105 ❖ \Vater & Po%ver Consultancy ( India) Limited :• RailTel Corporation of India
Ltd. ❖ Broadcast Engineering Consultants (1) Limited •:• Central Mine Plannine & Design
Institute Limited •:• Ld.CIL (India) Limited + Engineering Projects (India) Limited •:• FCI
Aravali C;vpsum & Minerals India Limited •:• l erro Scrap Nigam Limited ❖ I INI I
(International) Limited ❖ HSCC (India) Limited •:• India Trade Promotion Organisation •:•
Indian Medicines & Pharmaceuticals Corporation Limited •:• M F C 0 N Limited •:• National
I ilm Uevelopment Corporation Limited •:• National Small Industries Corporation Limited •:
P 1: C Limited 67. Rajasthan Electronics & Instruments Limited (www.w ikipidia.com ).
Growth of Public Sector in India At the time of Independence. India was basically an
agricultural economy with weak industrial base, low level of savings and Investment and
lacks infrastructure. A vast majority of population was extremely poor. There were
considerable inequalities in income. employment opportunities were low and serious regional
imbalances were noticeable in economic attainments. It was felt obvious that if the Country
as to speed up its economic grey\\th and maintain it in the long run at steady level, a big
'push' With State Initiative is an essential pre-requisite. Besides, the Industrial Policy
Resolution. 1948 laid down that the manufacture of arms and ammunition, the production and
control of Atomic energy, ownership and management of Railway Transport should be in
exclusive monopoly of the Central Government. By doing so. it has sown the seeds for the
growth of Public sector. The ('onstitution of India. adopted on 26th' January 1950. directs the
State under Article 39(b) and (c) to secure that the ownership and control of' the material
Page 1 106 resources of the community are so distributed as best to sub serve the common
good and that system does not result in the concentration of wealth and means of production
to the common detriment. (http:/'%shodhganga.In111bnet.ac.ln). Problems Faced Iii Public
Sector Enterprises in India The most important criticism levied against the Public Sector has
been that. in relation to the capital employed, the level of profits has been too low. Even the
Government of India has criticized the performance of the Public Sector Enterprises. For
Instance. the Eighth Five Year Plan notes that the Public Sector has been unable to generate
adequate resources for sustaining the growth process. Moreover, the poor performance in
Public Sector Enterprises is due to a host of problems which may be classified into financial
and non-financial problems based on various studies. Some of the problems can he enlisted as
follows: 1. Under utilization of installed capacity is a major reason for the low level of
profitability and poor performance in Public Sector Enterprises particularly in case of capital
intensive units. A large number of these enterprises have operated less than 50 per cent of
their capacity for a number of years. It affected the operational efficiency of' the enterprises.
II. Generally, prices are determined at a level that Would cover total cost and provide a
sufficient net return over and above this. As against this, the pricing policy is determined by
the political and social objectives rather than financial objectives Lack of rational pricing
policy has resulted in poor profitability and has left little profits for financing the expansion
programme. III. Most Public Sector Enterprises are over-capitalized and hence, productivity
of capital is low due to poor planning heavy expenditure during construction and wrong
selection of project sites and allocation of funds on non-productive heads. IV. Excessive
dependence on external sources of fund and consequent Interest payment obligations affected
the commercial viability of most Public Sector Page 1 107 enterprises. The poor generation
of internal source is attributed to the poor financial pertiormance of these Enterprise. V. l oor
planning and delay in implementation of projects resulted in raise in the cost of the project.
Cost escalation was due to changes in project sites. Sometimes. due to a belated recognition
of product mix that IS unsuitable to Indian market conditions. The projects behind the
schedule is leading to the makin of most project nonviable. VI. I he Failure to get adequate
return on the huge Public Sector Investment has been a major contributing factor towards the
recent fiscal and foreign exchange crisis which has put severe strains on the Indian economy.
VII. Lack of autonomy and political considerations tilling top management position and
frequent interference in to the affairs of day to day administration by respective ministries
reduced the flexibility in taking up commercially viable decisions and thereby include large
amount of' opportunity losses. l bus. it is e' ident that Public Sector Enterprises were incurring
losses continuously due to the presence of numerous financial and non-financial problems.
Besides, one essential cause tier the losses incurred by these enterprises is the poor operating
and financial performance: of these enterprises at the same time. Policy makers, bureaucrats.
managers and also researchers have not given due weightage and importance on this problem.
Hence, this present study is planned to explore in to this dimension. (http:': shodh an
a.inilihnet.ac.in). Challenges and Solutions in the Public Sector the public sector industry is
rapidl\ transforming. Many reforms take place to anticipate on several challenges. At the
moment, several trends can be detected within the public sector. "Ihe origin of these trends
can be found in the ongoing introduction of' public management methods and tools within the
public sector. "I'he government of' the future will he an cffecti\e. cost efficient and
accountable government that delivers high quality services. Page 108 Deloitte offers and
solutions for all government levels have faced the same set of challenges. The Deloitte
experts ha\e build up a specific kno\\ledge and expertise on the public sector industry which
is an essential kcv driver fbr a successful implementation. 1. \lore Attention towards Policy
Preparation and Evaluation II erIllnents \\ant to have major impact. tile\- need to take
decisions based on well thoucht visions. They have to understand the current day situation,
the potential needs evolutions and the agendas of all relevant stakeholders. Based on scenario
building. they have to take decisions on pursued strategy to build the p1att'0rmMs to execute
and monitor the outcomes and the impact of the government role. Solution: Policy
Preparation and Evaluation Deloitte has a team of policy advisors experienced in the
preparation as \\ell as the evaluation of policies. The team specialized in evaluation
methodologies on one hand and in specific domains such as health care, home land security,
food safety and innovation on the other hand. 2. More Regulatory Impact in a Complex
Society All kATective `11oveI'llIIIent is a good instrument that safeguard the wellbeing III
our society . The complex society needs an intelligent government that supports opportunities
for further growth towards a harmonious organization and an effective and safe society.
Regulator \ issues should ha \ e a positive impact on these ambitions. Solution: Regulation
Impact Strategies Deloitte has a team of high profiles capable to elaborate effective and
efficient solutions With impact and adapted for a complex. flexible and ever changing
society. 3. New Delivery via Partnerships \ohialien of acti\ ities. industrial production
methods and the complexity of the industrial society has a consequence that governments can
no longer have the monopoly in safeguarding security on products and services and
protection of the rights of the citizens. Page 1109 Government can no longer have the
ambition to accumulate all needed knowledge and budgets. To sale:guard the positive impact.
the governments have to elaborate new collaboration models with different stakeholders and
private partners. Controlled trust and respect instead of distrust should be the main driver in
the relation between `go\ ernment. citizens and companies. Solutions: PPP and other
collaboration models PPP is toda\ established as a means for public service delivery. Deloitte
is involved in the organization and advisory of important PPP structures. In case of inspection
activities, government has to create partnerships with loyal enterprises. 4. Be a Role Model in
Compliance Not only citizens and companies, but also governments have to be compliance
with all rules and regulations set out by the Europeon Union. National. Regional and local
political bodies. All administrations should comply with all stipulations in domains as tax.
financial reporting. pri\acy regulations, specific administrative laws and regulations.
Solutions: Statuary audit and compliance audit in tax, legal and administrative regulated
domains. Deloitte has a multi disciplinary team with deep expertise in complex statuary
audits for large public and private organizations, hospitals and non for profit organizations.
With the legal, tax and financial government experts Deloitte can build a standardized
approach in compliance testing and advisory in the all strategic domains With compliance
issues, he it social and financial reporting, tax, privacy regulations. ser\ ices directives and
other administrative regulations and reporting needs. 5. Attention on Good Government
Governance Reliability. transparency and accountability are key words for a government with
visible impact in very skeptical and media oriented society. Identification of clear objectives,
development of transparent processes. adapted checks and balances. accountability and
communication should he close at heart for all administrations. Page 1110 Solutions:
Evaluation and Advisor-on Governance and Internal Audit Based on the global expertise, the
team developed a multi disciplinary methodology to scan the level o1 good governance of
government bodies. Based on the best practice models. they can elaborate adapted
governance models, on the strategic level as well as on the operational level. Deloitte has a
team of expertise implementing internal audits within the public sector environment. 6.
Integration of Risk Management and Business Continuity Planning Relevant governments
should manage in a professional way. A good and formalized view on the different risks and
risk levels is important. These insights should steer the strategic planning and management
cycles within the administrations. Also relevant government bodies should make a business
continuity plan to "stay in business" in all circumstances Solutions: Risk Management and
Business Continuity Planning For many \ears. l)eloitte plays a prominent role in the
development of the concepts of' risk management and business Continuity planning. I he
private sector expertise has been translated towards the public sector. 7. Building the Public
Sector Landscape of the Future Io increase impact in society. to perform in an efficient %\a\
and to cope with the complexity of products and services, administrators are developing new
concepts of open organization, new collaboration models between administrations of similar
level. between administrations of different governance levels and between public and private
organizations will have an impact on the organizations design of the overall public sector.
The refer concepts as PPP. auto control systems. contracting with industries. They refer as
well to new Iunctionalities in domains as CRM and inspection of data mining activities
overlapping different administrations and aiming at more accurate risk approach. They all
have to be positioned within the government structures. Solutions: Strategic Organization
Design and shared Services Due to depth vie of the public sector based on good practice
models in other countries. They can assist the governments in the strategic organization
design of the Page 1111 public sector and the creation of shared services in domains as HR
and Finance Procurement. In domains as health care, home land security and financial
industry, they have experience on how to organize the related government bodies and how to
create added value communities integrating the related government bodies and external
stakeholders. 8. Design of Efficient Processes All administrations do have a continued need
for optimizing the processes adapting to the specific strategy. legal changes. innovation, new
services and delivery nl0Jels. Solution: RPM and Process Engineering Deloitte has a long
standing reputation in process engineering within all levels of government. They integrate the
deep insights in all functional processes in public sector HR. IC'I'. Finance. CRM.
Procurement, internal communication and inspections services. Based on our important
Involvement in different engineering exercises we have good views on all process flows
within the local sector. During the design of the processes. they integrate the insights in legal
aspects (eg privacy), best practices and risk management. They document the processes in
adapted BPM1 tools. 9. Manage the Conlplexit A relevant government is launching new
ideas and projects. Within the concept of the networking government, these projects are
becoming more and more complex. More stakeholders and complex ICT solutions have
attention on internal and externals cOt1lnMLinIeatl0tl. Solution: Project Management
Deloitte Belgium had the opportunity to build an important experience in the management of
complex projects for the private sector and the European 1- pion. They combine this
knowledge with the experience .Deloitte has built in the management of large scale
government programs in different countries. Page 1 112 10. Implement Efficiency .1n
efficient government should look for standardized solutions in domains as finance, human
resources. ('RM and procurement adapted to the specific public sector en% Ironment.
Solution: I:RP solutions l)cloittc Belgium has been involved in the implementation of FRP
systems for the public sector on ditYerent levels of administration. They are building further
on the standardized solutions. integrating the latest technologies and the multi disciplinary
competencies (risk management. tax and legal). Solution: Accounting and Administrative
Support The integrated scry ice offering is supporting governments in running their
administrative. (http: '\v1vww .deloitte.conl ) Causes for the Expansion of Public Enterprise
At the time of independence. India was backward and underdeveloped basically an agrarian
eeononl\ with weak industrial base, high rate of unemployment, low level of savings and
investment and near absence of infrastructural facilities. Indian economy needed a big push.
This push could not come from the private sector because of the lack of funds and their
inability to take risk with large long-gestation investments. As such. government intervention
through public sector was necessary for self-reliant economic growth. to diversify the
economy and to overcome economic and social backwardness. The rationale or causes for the
expansion of public sector enterprises in India are discussed below: 1. Rate of Economic
Development and Public Enterprises: 'l'he justification for public enterprises in India as based
on the tact that the targeted rate of economic growth planned by the government was much
higher than could be achieved by the private sector alone. In other words, the public sector
was Pages 113 essential to realize the target of high growth rate deliberately fixed by the
government. 2. Pattern of Resource Allocation and Public Enterprises: Another reason for the
expansion of the public sector lies in the pattern of resources allocation decided upon tender
the plans. In the Second Plan, the emphasis was shifted to industries mining, and mainly basic
capital goods industries to be developed under the aegis of the public sector. Thus. more
resources for industrialization \\ere funneled through the public sector. 3. Removal of
Regional Disparities through Public Enterprises: Another important reason for the expansion
of the public sector was the need for balanced development in different parts of the country
and to see that there were no serious regional disparities. Public enterprises were set up in
those regions which %sere underdeveloped and \\, here local resources ere not adequate.
Good examples are the setting up of the three steel plants of Bhillai, Rourkela and 1)urgapur
and the Nevveli Project in Madras which were meant to help industrialize the regions
surrounding the projects. 4. Sources of Funds for Economic Development: Initially. state was
an important source of funds for development. Tile surplus of government enterprises could
be re-invested in the same industries or used for the establishment and expansion of other
industries. Profits of public sector industries can be directly used for capital formation which
is necessary for the rapid development of the countr\ . 5. Socialistic Pattern of' Society: The
socialistic pattern of' society envisaged in the Constitution calls for expansion of public
sector. The production will have to be centrally planned as regards the type of goods to be
produced. the volume of output and the timing of' their production. Besides, one of the
objectives of the directive principles of' the Indian Constitution is to bring about reduction of
the inequalities of income and wealth and to establish an egalitarian society. The Five Year
Plans have taken this up as a major objective of planning. The public enterprises were used as
major instruments for the reduction of inequalities of income and to bring about a more
equitable distribution of income in several ways. Pagel 114 6. Limitations and Abuses of the
Private Sector: The behavior and attitude of the private sector itself was an important factor
responsible for the expansion of the public sector in the country. In many cases. the private
sector could not take initiatives because of the lack of funds and their inability to take risk
with large long-gestation investments. In a number of cases, the government was forced to
take over a private sector industry or industrial units either in the interest of workers or to
prevent excessive exploitation of consumers. Very often. the private sector did not function
as it should and did not carry out its social responsibilities. Aceorctinglv, the government was
forced to take over or nationalize the private sector units. 7. To sum up. the expansion Of the
public sector as aimed at the fulfillment of the national goals. viz.. the removal of poverty, the
attainment of sell-reliance, reduction in inequalities of Income, expansion of employment
opportunities, removal of regional imbalances, acceleration of the pace of agricultural and
industrial develop mcnt, to reduce concentration of ownership . prevent growth of
monopolistic tendencies by acting; as effective countervailing power to the private sector, to
make the country self-reliant in modern technology and create professional. technological and
managerial cadres so as to ultimately rid the country from dependence on foreign aid.
(http:l/www.trcollege.net). This Chapter deals \\ ith the development of Public Sector
Undertakings. The succeeding chapter deals \p ith a profile of' Public Sector Undertakings- A
case study of BHE1.. Page j 115 References Department of Public Enterprises. (2007). 2nd
Pay Revision Committee Report. Retrieved from
http://dpe.nic.inipublications/2nd_pay_revision_committee_ report Khanna R.. "What is the
role of Public Sector Enterprises in India?" Retrieved from http:l/www.publ ish yo urartic les.
net/knowledge-lm b/company-account s Mohan, R., "Public Sector Reform And Issues In
Privatization" Retrieved from http:www.rakestunohau.cotnidoes/ 123-CD2.doc Public Sector
in India. Retrieved from: http:/Jwww.lmollege.net/study-material/34- e c on o m i csi ind u st
ri a l-e c onom i s s/ 61-public-sector-in -i nd i s Public Sector, Challenges and solutions in
the public sector. Retrieved from htlp!/www.bsepsu.coin/2-I_Historyasp. Govt of India
outcome budget 2011-2012 Ministry of Heavy Industries & Public Enterprises. Retrieved
from http://dhi.nic.in/dhi outcome budget 11 12.pdf Navratna, Retrieved from
www.wikipidia.com Parm (28 may, 2012). "The role of Public Sector Undertaking in our
National Economy". Retrieved from httpilwww.wikistreets.eomicoflegeessays Seetharaman,
V. P. (2000). Financial perfornianace of public sector enterprises in India: a study on select
heavy and medium engineering entcrprises.(1hesis, Pondicherry University). Retrieved from
http://shodhganga.infli6net.nc.im handle! 10603il208/8/08_chapter°/v201_pdf Vaidyanathan,
S. & Sundar, V. (2011), The Role of Public Sector Enterprises in Rural Development and
social welfare". Internaeionii Journal of Managing Public Sector Information and
Communicarion Technologies (LIMLIPICT) Vol 2.1/v. I. PageII16
Philosophy:
Before entering into various aspects of public sector undertaking it is required, for the sake of
clarity, that why the role of government in economic affairs is so much emphasised. To put it
into other words it is not proper for a government to be busy only with the political and
administrative affairs of the state. A modern government must also see that economic affairs
are properly managed.
We quote here few lines from an essay by Richard C. Box “Many citizens are so alienated
from the concept of self-government that they think of government as something separate, not
a reflection of their own will, though some others like to participate directly in re-creating the
machinery of government to allow for genuine self-governance. As a potential remedy, many
politicians and citizens believe that government should be run more like business becoming
thin and lean, exhibiting competitive behaviour and giving the greater attention to the needs
of customers… New public administration (or management) seeks to separate politics (in the
sense of decision-making by the people or their representatives) from administration allowing
(or making) managers to manage according to cost-benefit economic rationality largely, free
from day-to-day democratic oversight.”:
The central idea of the above statement is that the government should be run like a business
organisation. It is because the government is simply a type of business management. It should
be cost efficient. A business cannot run incurring huge loss day after day.
In the same way the manager of state or public administrators must see that the benefit of
administration or the policies of the government must reach the target areas—that is, the
people —for whom the policies are framed. It is also believed that a government of a modern
state need not be preoccupied only with the administrative affairs of the state. It must see also
the economic progress of society Gone are those days when it was thought that the state is
like a night watchmen.
Today’s people say that it is the duty of the state to ensure overall progress of citizens or
society. The pressure of democratic progress has forced the state authority to expand its area
of business which means that the government must do something in the field of growth of
economy.
Needless to say that this new approach to the functioning of the state is diametrically opposite
to neo-liberalism. The government must perform its administrative and policy-making duties.
But simultaneously it should focus its attention on the progress of economy. This is the cost-
benefit approach of new public administration.
The new public administration has also highlighted that the absolute management of
economy by the prime sector has failed to meet the growing and variegated demands of
people in a changing society. Even in mature capitalism economy is faced with repeated
crises which have crippled the economy. This situation compels the state to interfere with the
working of the private sector. It is reasonably believed that the monoply of any one sector is
always unhealthy for the welfare of the people and economic progress.
The Great Depression of 1930s and repeated depressions of 1980s and 1990s have
established the belief that at the time of crisis or necessity the government must interfere with
the free-market functioning. Moreover, a government worthy of its name cannot leave every
aspect of economic activities to the free-market operation concept. It is now believed that
both the private and the government sectors work hand in glove.
This new tendency is widespread today. After the Second World War (1939-1945) the
Labour Party government of Britain nationalised a large number of key industries and
transferred their management to the hands of government officers. That was perhaps the first
instance of transferring the management of big industries from private management to
government control. John Maynerd Keynes, a great British economist, strongly advocated for
expanded role of government in the economic affairs.
From the 1950s large number of countries of Asia and Africa began to earn freedom and to
achieve rapid economic progress they stepped in the method of expanding the role of
government in the field of economic activities. But the role of the private entrepreneurs was
not banned.
The state and non-state organisations must have equal responsibilities in ushering in a new
era of rapid progress. From this basic idea must emerged a new concept. It is called public
sector undertaking. That is, both public and private sectors will work and exist side by side
and the objective of both will be identical. Today we have another concept-public- private
partnership.
A critic has observed: “Public sector in India has acquired a prominent place and has
witnessed phenomenal growth during the last fifty years. It accounts for approximately two-
fifth of the total gross investment and contributes approximately a quarter of the GDP”. The
public sector undertaking (PSU), we therefore see, play a very crucial role in the economic
development and industrialisation of India. In 1951 the number of public sector undertakings
was just five. In the middle of the 1990s the number rose to about 250. There was also a
phenomenal rise in the quantum of total investment. A major part of job holders is to be
found in the public sector undertakings.
The Joint Stock Company is a general form of public sector undertaking in India. This type of
undertaking is abundantly found in India. The business activities are so common that
administrators and ordinary people are acquainted with this form of business organisation.
There is a lot of .flexibility in the management of this form of undertaking. The flexibility
helps the organisation to cope or adjust with the changed situation.
There are some departmental organisations and it is said that of all forms of undertaking in
public sector these are very old. But these forms of enterprise are not very popular. One
reason is departmental forms of organisations cannot adjust themselves with the changed
situation or are very slow in adjusting themselves.
Though Railways and Post and Telegraph departments fall under the category of statutory
corporations these are not in the class of Damodar Valley Corporation or Industrial Finance
Corporation. The Railways, Post and Telegraph and The Indian Broadcasting Corporation
claim separate identity in recruitment and management. Today Railways has its own system
of recruitment and management. It is known as Indian Railways Service and it is an All-India
Service.
There is another type of public sector undertaking and it is popularly known as Holding
Company. According to S. R. Maheshwari: “In 1967, the Administrative Reforms
Commission recommended the setting up of “sector corporations” which apparently did not
differ very much from the holding companies. It recommended that all the industrial and
manufacturing concerns in the following areas should be grouped into a sector corporation.”
The manufacturing concerns are: Chemical and drugs, fertilisers, iron and steel, electricals
engineering, petroleum and petrochemicals, iron and steel.
All these different industries or concerns were put under the umbrella of a single management
or organisation. The chief aim was to run or administer all these concerns by certain definite
principles and broad administrative techniques. A little thought will reveal that all the above
noted concerns are key to industrial progress and building up a developed economy of India.
If so, all these concerns must be managed or ought to be administered by a single principle.
The highest advantage of the holding process is the key industries are managed by single or
common laws. A central authority can supervise the functions or management of the concern.
For this purpose the central government formed the Steel Authority of India (SAIL) and Coal
Authority of India (CAIL). In recent years TRAI (Telephone Regulatory Authority of India)
has been formed.
There is another reason. Since all these concerns play very important role in the field of
economic progress there must exist co-ordination, and co-operation. Holding of companies
under single authority will help. In the field of management the principle of co-ordination
plays a very important role.
Problems of PSUs:
Immediately after independence the stalwarts of Indian politics were faced with a dilemma-
whether to adopt the capitalist model of economic growth where the private enterprises will
be controlled by capitalists or to follow the then Soviet model where the State is all-in-all in
the field of economic growth.
Since Nehru was the main determiner of Indian economic system and since he had strong
sympathy for Soviet model the dominant role of the state in the field of economic progress
was finally accepted and was implemented through the introduction of the First Five Year
Plan. Nehru received support from another person —P. C. Mahalanobis —the real architect
of India’s First Five Year Plan.
The first three Five Years Plans progressed smoothly and considerable progress of economy
was witnessed. The whole economy was dominated by public sector. This progress created a
lot of enthusiasm about the success of public sector undertakings. But from the mid-1960s
crisis in economic growth began to surface. Let no put it in the words of Paul Brass: “A
major crisis for the public sector, capital intensive, heavy industrialisation strategy arose
during the discussion surrounding the formulation of the Fourth Five Year Plan (1969-1974)
……………. A further consequence of the loss of momentum in the mid-1960s was an
increasingly evident deceleration in the rate of growth of the economy, traceable primarily to
a decline in the rate of industrial growth. This decline has been attributed to, among other
causes, the slowdown of public investment since the end of the Third Plan, the inefficiency of
the public sector enterprises, and the restriction placed on the private enterprise by
bureaucratically imposed import control procedures designed to ensure priority to the public
sector” We, therefore, conclude that the problems of public sector undertakings began to
emerge since the mid-1960s. A further problem is, this problem has never been solved —
rather it has ramified assuming different forms and nature.
The leaders and policy-makers of Indian economic and political systems were so much
obsessed with the imaginary miracle of public sector’s success that the private sector received
everywhere step motherly behaviour. By the beginning of the 1980s the problems of public
sector undertakings began to be prominent. These problems related to management and
efficiency.
There were losses in large number of public enterprises. It was found that there was
mismanagement and this was primarily due to inefficiency of the bureaucrats. Gradually the
public enterprises were bureaucratised and all the curses of bureaucracy engulfed the public
sector undertakings.
Several factors were present behind this bureaucratisation and the most prominent among
them was the role of ministers. At the head of an enterprise there was a minister. The minister
framed policies and rules of management. The corruption in a public enterprise was also
another problem. Corruption spread its tentacles almost in all branches of enterprises. This
crippled the normal functioning of many enterprises and they began to run in losses. The
government was forced to give huge amount of subsidy to these enterprises.
Paul Brass writes: “In the face of the crumbling of the entire structure of public investment
and government regulation of private investments, the old ideological debate between public
and private sector adherents emerged once again with the rise of power of Rajiv Gandhi”.
The implication is the failure of the public enterprises to fulfill the demands of states and
people practically forced the Central Government to reconsider its stand on public
enterprises. It was because the excessive reliance or emphasis on public sector enterprises
was the primary cause of the failure of economy to advance forward. Keeping this in mind
the authority at the central level formed a Committee on Public Undertakings of the Eighth
Lok Sabha. The purpose of this Committee was to study the various aspects of the working of
public enterprises. The Committee submitted its report in 1987.
The Committee investigated the two important aspects of public undertakings— the
autonomy and accountability and after thorough investigation the Committee arrived at the
conclusion that autonomy of the public sector undertakings was essential for the proper
management. The chief executive officer or the top administration of any public enterprise
must have sufficient autonomy in the management of the enterprise or organisation.
This argument of the Committee is really valuable because in private enterprise the chief
executive officers enjoy enough freedom in the day-to-day management of the enterprise. In
the government enterprises the chief executive officers and professional bureaucrats act in the
sense of Weberian bureaucracy.
Their adherence to law is perfect. In India the top officers work under the strict guidance and
authority of the minister. They have very little freedom to do anything or to take any decision
of their own accord. This type of absence of freedom stands on the way of proper and
efficient working of enterprises. It has been alleged that the government very frequently
interferes with the management of enterprises.
The reason put forward by the government is that it is responsible to the legislature for any
lapse or fault. Again, the legislature is accountable to the people for any fault or failure. This
type of argument invariably curtails the freedom of executive officers. Extending the
argument critics say that while the private enterprises are doing their business efficiently, the
state enterprises are doing unsatisfactorily.
In the light of the above analysis the observers argue with confidence that every management
of state enterprise must be allowed to act or take decision freely and it is the most important
pre-condition for the proper and efficient working of state enterprises. The Committee on
Public Enterprises or Undertakings thoroughly investigated the functioning of various state
enterprises and has arrived at the conclusion that these undertaking suffer from lack of
autonomy.
If the public enterprises were allowed to do their jobs with sufficient freedom they can show
good results. The chief executive officers and other organisations frequently allege that the
public sector enterprises badly suffer from autonomy and this condition is dwarfing their
progress. Even the architects of Five Year Plans repeat the same argument.
In order to ensure autonomy it has been suggested that the civil servants should not be
appointed to the posts of executive officers of public sector undertakings. Only professionals
are to be appointed. It means persons having special knowledge in the management of special
type or category of enterprises should be appointed and they should be given sufficient
freedom in discharging their duties. The Administrative Reforms Commission has suggested
that deputing government officers to the top posts of public undertakings should be
discontinued. It is believed that this process affects the autonomy of undertakings.
It is to be remembered that in democracy people are the supreme authority. The periodical
elections establish this accountability. If the autonomy of the public sectors undertakings
affects the public interests in a large way the ministers must give explanations to the public
on the eve of elections. If there are lapses on the part of ministry the concerned minister must
give explanation. So the ghost of periodical election or democracy forces the government to
keep an eagle’s eye on the functioning of public sector undertakings.
Autonomy and accountability must coexist and this should be the guiding principle of every
public sector undertakings. Recently a new system has been introduced to ensure
accountability. This policy is known as Memorandum of Understanding (MOU). The MOU is
signed between the public sector undertaking and the ministry of government. The subject
matter of MOU is that the public sector enterprises will have sufficient autonomy but that
must not curtail the scope of accountability.
Two concepts-autonomy and accountability have earned special attention in recent years. It
has been repeatedly argued by higher-ups of our society that the managers of public sector
undertakings do not enjoy enough freedom and because of this undertakings are not properly
discharging their responsibilities But some critics have been found to argue that lack of
autonomy is not the only cause of the improper or malfunctioning of public sector
undertakings Question arises about the efficiency of the executive officers. Their inefficient
functioning is also responsible for wrong policy and interference of politics in the field of
administration of public sector undertakings. Politics must be separated from management
and policy making affairs.
Liberalisation means:
“The introduction of internal and external checks on government power and/or shifts towards
private enterprise and the market.”
In other words, liberalisation implies domination of market economy and less and less
interference of state in the economic affairs of individuals- particularly m respect of
production of commodities and the import or export Liberalisation and neo-liberalism mean
almost the same thing. In economic affairs the role of the state will be just like a night
watchman. The term liberalisation is closely connected with the idea that in all matters
individuals can be given maximum freedom and the interference of state in individuals’ own
affairs shall be reduced to the minimum level.
Privatisation means:
“The transfer of state assets from the public to the private sector, reflecting a contraction of
the state’s responsibilities.” In all types of economic affairs the state shall be allowed to play
minimum role. The economic assets and means of production shall be transferred to private
enterprises Adam Smith m his Wealth of Nations strongly argued for the private ownership of
property and means of production and he did it on the ground of better management and
efficiency. Privatisation can conveniently be termed a transfer of ownership from the
authority of the state to the management of individuals.
Why liberalisation and privatisation? Let us put it in the following words; “The emerging
system of international governance with its strong neoliberal bias reflects to some extent the
structural changes wrought by the new technological paradigm. The survival and growth of
most productive sectors in any economy depends increasingly on competitiveness with other
nations … free markets are the best way to allocate resources and direct economic activities,
and that direct government intervention should be minimised or removed … greater
liberalisation and openness are often better ways of allocating resources in many economics”.
We thus find that there are number of arguments in favour of liberalisation. The most
important ones are: It ensures the better use and application of new and improved
technologies. The scientists and technologists are supported and encouraged by big industrial
magnates to do more and more research work and these industrialists implement new
techniques and technological devices for better and improved results. In this way the progress
of industrialisation becomes quite faster.
Above all, international institutions such as International Monetary Fund and World Bank are
playing active role in the economic activities of various states. Let me again quote an expert:
“Commitment to structural reforms an integral part of stabilisation and adjustment
programmes of the IMF and World Bank inevitably require industrial deregulation,
privatisation, trade liberalisation and financial deregulation …………. Taken together, such
rules and conditions are bound to curb the use of industrial policy, technology policy, trade
policy and financial policy as strategic forms of intervention to faster industrialisation”. The
fact is that both liberalisation and privatisation have appeared to be inevitable.
The progress and application of these two phenomena do not depend upon the willingness or
apathy of any particular nation-state. Because of the progress of liberalisation the economics
of various nations are gradually becoming dependent upon each other. India cannot be an
exception. India’s economy and technology are parts of the world economy and technological
progress of other nations and this has hastened India to adopt privatisation and liberalisation.
The public sector enterprises in India “has acquired a prominent place and has witnessed
phenomenal growth during the last fifty years. It accounts for approximately two-fifths of the
total gross investment and contributes approximately a quarter of the GDP”. Development
Politics and Administration in India.
In 1951 there were only 5 public enterprises and total investment was around 290 million
rupees. In 2000 the number of public enterprises rose to about 250 and the total amount of
investment was several thousand crores of rupees. These figures are simply rough estimates.
But what is clear from these rough estimates is that the public enterprises in India play a
crucial role in the field of economic development in general and industrial progress in
particular.
All these public enterprises are at the central level. But there are large number of public
sector undertaking of state levels. The total investment of these enterprises is more than
60,000 crores of rupees. All these are rough estimates. The mere fact is that the role of the
public-sector enterprises in gradually increasing and in future it will rise.
In 1991 the Government of India announced a new industrial policy and this policy “lays
down measures of economic reforms and public enterprises management under which the
public sector was to play its rightful role involving socio-economic scenario of the country”
This is the importance of public enterprises in India and this importance is increasing rapidly.
The new Industrial Policy of 1991 introduced radical changes in the industrial field of India.
The major change is the industrial world, except in certain cases, has been open to free
competition. This implies that the Government of India has allowed privatisation of large
number of industries. Only the industries that fall in the category of strategic and security
importance, are kept outside the privatisation. It means that all the major and minor industries
are open to free competition.
The Government of India was forced to adopt a new industrial policy in 1991. From the
beginning of 1980s the liberalisation proceeded so rapidly that the public sector enterprises
were faced with competition. But since the public enterprises were ruled and managed by
rules and procedures made by government, the chief executive officers had hardly any
freedom to take any decision on their own volition.
This situation threw the public sector undertakings into grave crisis. The stagnation in
economy came to be the prominent feature. Moreover, the public sector units failed to
compete with other private sector units. Ultimately the public sector enterprises became
chronically sick and few of them reached the stage of collapse. Both in and outside
parliament strong criticisms were made — countrywide uproar against the management of
public enterprises was found.
The principle of privatisation is to be treated in the same bracket with liberalisation. I have
already explained it. The mature capitalist economies and the multinational corporations of
these countries started to control the economies of their own countries along with the
economies of developing and undeveloped nations of the Third World.
These nations suffer from shortage of capital and technical know-how. The states of Asia and
Africa miserably depended upon the developed nations of North. This was practically a
prelude to liberalisation. The multinational corporations and other organisations came
forward with the promises of help. But they demanded the relaxation of government rules in
respect of setting up new industries.
In other words, there was a strong demand for relaxation or abolition of state control over the
management of industries. Towards the end of 1980s the Government of India realised that if
the easy flow of capital and technology into India is not allowed India’s economy as a whole
would be crippled. This situation practically inspired Government of India to announce a new
industrial policy for the resuscitation of India’s economy and rapid industrialisation.
We thus find that both privatisation and liberalisation —the twin concepts were the products
of serious thought that Government of India acquired. We know that Chinese economy is
fully state controlled. Even that country was forced by new circumstances to adopt the policy
of liberalisation. That country also relaxed government control over industries. It was felt that
only the policy of liberalisation or adoption of liberal policies can lead a nation to the path of
progress. In the case of India the adoption of liberalisation and privatisation was the product
of real situation that engulfed India in the eighties of the last century.
Unit X
Regulatory Authorities
REGULATORY AUTHORITIES
With economic liberalization, some spheres which were
exclusively reserved for public sector were thrown open to
private sectors as well. Where PSUs did not function efficiently,
they were privatised. In some areas both public and private
units are working well. ex:-Telecom, broadcasting, electricity,
insurance. While allowing private sector the govt. responsibility
is bound to increase. A new network of regulatory agencies
do this task of controlling these units. Regulatory authority is
defined as a governmental agency that regulates businesses
in the public interest.14
Independent government commission charged by the
legislature with setting and enforcing standards for specific
industries in the private sector. The concept was invented by
the U.S. government in 1887.The theory is that a commission
of experts on the industry being regulated is better equipped
to regulate it than the legislature or executive departments.
Designed to operate with a minimum of executive or legislative
supervision, agencies have executive, legislative, and judicial
functions, and their regulations have the force of law. Important
regulatory agencies include the Food and Drug Administration,
the Federal Communications Commission, and the Securities
and Exchange Commission.
A Regulatory Authority or Regulator is a government
agency that regulates an area of human activity by codifying
and enforcing rules and regulations, supervision or oversight,
for the benefit of the public at large. It is usually a part of the
executive arm of the government or has statutory authority to
perform its functions. Regulatory authorities are commonly set
up to enforce standards and safety, to oversee use of public
goods and regulate commercial activities. Examples of
regulatory agencies are the US Food and Drug Administration,
the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India.
The Regulatory process has three basic elements
1. Ensure that the exercise of regulatory power is rule based.
2. Regulated agencies have an effective means to defend
themselves against unauthorized or arbitrary requirements
or liabilities,
3. The wider interest group have a means to have their views
considered and addressed in administrative decisions
Functioning
To ensure that it does fulfill its role, a Regulatory Body uses
mechanisms such as the following
• Transparency of information and decision making
• Procedures of consultation and participation
• Requirement that administrators give reasons explaining
their actions
• Requirement that administrators follow principles that
promote non-arbitrary and responsive decisions
• Arrangements for review of administrative decisions by
courts or other bodies
Criticism
Regulatory Agencies are sometimes accused of hindering
competitive forces and/or hindering freedom of speech.
Examples :
SEBI : Securities and Exchange Board of India
Reserve Bank of India
Company Law Board
Board of Industrial and Financial Reconstruction
Pollution Control Board
20
Competition Commission - Established under the
Competition Act 2002
Features of Regulatory Authorities :
1. These are administrative agencies, they also perform
combination of legislative , quasi judicial and
administrative functions.
2. Creations of statutes.
3. They are administrative agencies are subject to govt.
control. Reg. bodies are supposed to be more
independent of the govt.
4. They protect the interest of people by ensuring fair
competition and
5. Protecting consumers from exploitation.
6. Also performs advisory functions.
In the case of Secretary, Ministry of Information and
Broadcasting v. Cricket Association of Bengal.15 Supreme
Court stressed the need for an independent, autonomous
regulatory authority to regulate the use of airwaves and that
media should be under control of a regulatory authority, as
distinguished from governmental authority.
(a) TRAI
The Telecommunications Regulatory Authority of India or
TRAI (established 1997) is the independent regulator
established by the Government of India to regulate the
telecommunications business in India.
Notwithstanding anything contained in the Indian Telegraph
Act,1885,the functions of the Authority shall be to-
(a) make recommendations, either suo motu or on a
request from the licensor, on the following matters,
namely:
15 (1995 )2 SCC 161
21
(i) need and timing for introduction of new service
provider;
(ii) terms and conditions of license to a service
provider;
(iii) revocation of license for non-compliance for
terms and conditions of license:
(iv) measures to facilitate competition and promote
efficiency in the operation of telecommunication
services so as to facilitate growth in such
services.
(v) technological improvements in the services
provided by the service providers.
(vi) type of equipment to be used by the service
providers after inspection of equipment used in
the network.
(vii) measures for the development of
telecommunication technology and any other
matter relatable to telecommunication industry
in general;
(viii) efficient management of available spectrum;
(b) discharge the following functions, namely :
(i) ensure compliance of terms and conditions of
license;
(ii) notwithstanding anything contained in the terms
and conditions of the license granted before the
commencement of the Telecom Regulatory
Authority (Amendment) Ordinance,2000, fix the
terms and conditions of inter-connectivity
between the service providers;
(iii) ensure technical compatibility and effective interconnection
between different service providers.
22
(iv) regulate arrangement amongst service
providers of sharing their revenue derived from
providing telecommunication services;
(v) lay down the standards of quality of service to
be provided by the service providers and ensure
the quality of service and conduct the periodical
survey of such service provided by the service
providers so as to protect interest of the
consumers of telecommunication services;
(vi) lay down and ensure the time period for providing
local and long distance circuits of
telecommunication between different service
providers;
(vii) maintain register of interconnect agreements
and of all such other matters as may be provided
in the regulations;
(viii) keep register maintained under clause
(viii) open for inspection to any member of public on
payment of such fee and compliance of such
other requirement as may be provided in the
regulations;
(ix) ensure effective compliance of universal service
obligations:
(c) levy fees and other charges at such rates and in
respect of such services as may be determined by
regulations.
(d) perform such other functions including such
administrative and financial functions as may be
entrusted to it by the Central Government or as may
be necessary to carry out the provisions of this Act:
23
Provided that the recommendations of the Authority
specified in the clause (a) of this sub-section shall not be
binding upon the Central Government:
Provided further that the Central Government shall seek
the recommendations of the Authority in respect of matters
specified in sub-clauses (i) and (ii) of clause (a) of this subsection
in respect of new licence to be issued to a service
provider and the Authority shall forward its recommendations
within a period of sixty days from the date on which that
Government sought the recommendations:
Provided also that the Authority may request the Central
Government to furnish such information or documents as may
be necessary for the purpose of making recommendations
under sub-clauses (i) and (ii) of clause
(a) of this sub-section and that Government shall supply
such information within a period of seven days from receipt of
such request:
Provided also that the Central Government may issue a
licence to a service provider if no recommendations are
received from the Authority within the period of specified in
the second provision or within such period as may be mutually
agreed upon between the Central Government and the
Authority.
Provided also that if the Central Government having
considered that recommendation of the Authority comes to a
prima facie conclusion that such recommendation cannot be
accepted or needs modifications, it shall, refer the
recommendations back to the Authority for its reconsideration,
and the Authority may within fifteen days from the date of receipt
of such reference, forward to the Central Government its
recommendation after considering the reference made by the
24
Government. After receipt of further recommendation, if any,
the Central Government shall take a final decision.
(b) Insurance Regulatory and Development Authority
This authority is established with a mission to protect the
interests of the policyholders, to regulate, promote and ensure
orderly growth of the insurance industry and for matters
connected therewith or incidental thereto.
(c) Competition Commission
Competition Act, 2002-Central Govt. may by notification,
establish Competition Commission of India. It is a body
corporate having perpetual succession and common seal.
Function is to prevent practices having an adverse effect
o competition, to promote and sustain competition in market ,
to ensure freedom of trade.
(d) Central Electricity Regulatory Commission-
Set up under the Electricity Regulatory Commission Act
1998.This act was replaced by Electricity Act 2003.-This law
consolidates law relating to generation, transmission,
distribution, trading and use of electricity.
Works-Rationalisation of tariff, ensuring transparent policies
regarding subsidies, supply of electricity to all areas, adjudicate
upon disputes between licencees and generating companies.,
facilitate intra State transmissions. etc.