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MASCULINITY OF SURABAYA NGREMO DANCE

IN THE MOTIONS OF BUSANAN AND KIDUNG
(The symbol of resistance to colonialism)

Wahyudiyanto
Dance Study Program STKW Surabaya
wahyudiyanto1965@gmail.com

Abstract
Ngremo dance is not a show just for entertainment but as an expression tool that
able to provide power of life to the performer and the audience. Commence from the
salvation rite then Ngremo turned into a propaganda tool of struggle, and crystallized as a
heroic jargon. Using the postcolonial paradigm Ngremo Dance is known as a "hybrid"
product. Hybridization occurs under conversion of motion, clothing and traditional hymn
(kidung) so that Ngremo looks masculine. Masculinity as heroic nature, Ngremo dance
became a means of struggle for the performer, became the cultural identity of the region's
culture, and used as a means of character education for the younger generation.
Keywords: Surabayan Ngremo Dance, Masculine, Resistance, Postcolonial

I. Introduction
Ngremo dance, which is defined as the vibration of the soul and emotions of a
person representing the East Java community (Wibisono, 1982: 3), next known as the
spirit struggle of East Java people (here so called ―arek‖). In Surabaya, Ngremo dance is
positioned as a cultural art symbol aligned with the identity of Surabaya as a hero city,
this prestigious position, no other because Ngremo dance is portrayed as a dance that is
worth the spirit of heroism (Nurcahyo, 2011: 19) Predicate of heroism due to historical
factors. Ngremo dance originated from the safety ritual dance (Sartono, 1982: 8), evolved
into a "knight dance"as the personification of Cakraningrat of Madura, a typical
Surabayan Ngremo dance (Nurcahyo, 2011: 20).
Heroism in a militaristic format envisioned as dauntless, assertive, and brave is a
symbol of the masculinity of Surabayan Ngremo dance. Dance masculinity symbolically
seen in aspect of musicality, motion, and fashion (Dibia, 1989: 10). Sound aspects of
resonance and reverberation, motion aspect in the power of energy, and clothing aspects
of design, color, and ornamental motifs are united in one idea to create beauty (Morris,
1977: 283, 156, 218). The beauty of masculine Ngremo dance is a hybridization product
awakened from the differences of two or more different cultures that meet. The cultural

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meeting (creolization) forms the "third" space that produces a new culture (Bhabha, 1994:
37 in Ashcroft, 2000: 118).
Two or more cultures that Bhabha says are multicultural of native culture and
colonial culture. The meeting of various cultures resulting in a form of hidden resistance
is a reflection of the critical nationalism driven by local intellectuals. The path taken is to
take the rest of each culture to shape the intellectual past as mythology used as expression
and admonition (Fanon, 1961: 154-155 in Ashcroft, 2000: 99). The heroism of Ngremo
Dance is an expression of past figures who attribute colonial and indigenous cultures to
be used as a symbol of resistance to colonialism. In this study, researchers trace the
creolization process and cultural hybridization to produce a masculine dance of Ngremo
Surabaya. The masculinity phenomenon in Ngremo dance as a product of hybridization
has not or may not be known. On the basis of this phenomenon, the statement problem is
formulated as follows:
- How masculinity Surabaya Ngremo dance formed.

This study uses postcolonial concepts. Bill Ashcroft proposes two important models
in postcolonial studies that are domination-subordination and hybridity-creolization.
These two models resulted in a critical-nationalist attitude of the local intellectuals. The
attitude of nationalism-critical by the art performers starts from experiencing process.
Experiencing in a cultural situation is an awakening consciousness, which includes
mental processes such as remembering, thinking, and imagining. Therefore experiencing
is interpreting influenced by individual and cultural factors that are collective. Edward
Bruner on the postcolonial discourse (1986: 6) in Simatupang formulates the linkage of
individual experience to the collective culture as follows: "experience is culturally
constructed, while understanding presupposes experience" (Simatupang, 2013: 74-76).
This entrepreneurial experience produces a new culture (hybridity).

Method
This study conducted during the course of qualitative research. Research location in
Surabaya and Mojokerto.Surabaya as the show area, Mojokerto as the development place
of Ngremo Ludruk dance. Data source uses written data, literature review through books,
to get information about Ngremo's concept, history and dance style. Audio visual data in
the form of Surabaya Ngremo dance recording is obtained from observation and
documentation to identify motion, fashion, and hymn. Information data was obtained
from interviews to get views on novelty elements in SurabayaNgremo.

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Data analysis is employed by emphasized on interaction analysis and interpretation

analysis. Interaction analysis was obtained by conducting in-depth interviews.
Interpretation analysis is obtained by interpreting ways of document observation by
resource person. Interpretation of resource persons observed from the Ngremo dance
document followed up by in-depth interviews to obtain accurate data. The analysis is also
guided by the Morris concept of Aesthetic Behavior, fighting behaviorand clothing
signals (Morris 1977: 283, 156, 218).

II. Discussion
a. Search history of SurabayaNgremo
To find out how Surabaya Ngremodance looks like it now requires historical
tracking. This is due to Ngremo dance not necessarily being seen today, there is growth
and development. The first time Ngremo dance is said to be a salvation rite (Sartono,
1982: 8, Sarinah No. 121, 1989: 6; Supriyanto, 1992: 11; Peacock, 2005: 34), later
developed into "Rena-rena" dance, the various dance movement taken from the
lumaksana motion, gait of the Surakarta dance style, Topeng Malang dance motion,
Beskalan, arranged into vocabulary of Ngremo dance so it looks varied and very
entertaining (Sartono, 1992: 11; Hidayat, 2001: 116). The next development of Ngremo
is capable of being a "stimulator" of the audience to be interested in Ludruk performances
(Peacock, 2005: 59), having achieved specific characters due to Ngremo's dance shift as
propaganda by independence fighters 1927-1945 (Wibisono, 1982: 10).

b. Masculinity of SurabayanNgremoDance
Motion
The specific Ngremo character, expressed by Patah as the embodiment of the
"knight" or "ke‘satriya" figure actually means the soldier. 'Satriya' in the world of
wayang, they are have smooth temperament and 'satria' (knight) with the dauntless and
robust character. Concept of 'satriya' as 'male of universe' which is pinned on Arjuna
figures has smooth character once an interpretation of Ngremo dance. But then changed
choose the "satriya" attitude as dauntless Gatutkaca. Gatutkaca figure is a reinterpretation
of heroic values that are more in line with the militaristic spirit. Therefore, the element
motion of "pencak silat" especially the "saw horses" attitude is inserted (distillation) to
get adeg tanjak attitude that has a strong and solid impression as adjustment of character
Gatutkaca. Gatutkaca in East Java was a character from Madura named Cakraningrat
(Patah, interview, 2003. February: 13; Nurcahyo, 2011: 19).

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Morris explains, the real world of art records what happens in real social life. When
the path of negotiation is deadlocked, the physical path is taken to complete it (1977:
283). As happened in the movement of Tenth November 1945, is the result of the
diplomation way by the top leadership of the country is not able to solve the problem, the
Surabayan physically move the resistance movement further known the fight of 10
November 1945. Munali Patah as Ngremo Personnel participate along with the people in
the "alap-alap" movement struggling to carry weapons during the day, and using
gongseng at night (Nurcahyo, 2011: 4). Munali'Patah‘s experience in the physical
struggle of inspiring his dancing soul. Pencak silat as a way of self-defense, repulse and
attack, then used as a dance motion of Ngremo to replace smooth Arjuna become a
handsome and an agile of Gatotkaca.
The development of Ngremo "satriya" which Munali Patah declared through the
development of the element motion of "pencak silat" is a continuation of the previous
Ngremo called Ngrema Rena-rena. Ngremo dance is portrayed as a joyous dance, various
dance movements, namely Mask dance motion, Wayang Orang dance, Ketoprak dance,
and Sandur dance. Because it is composed of various dance motions, the dance is called
"Rena-rena" dance (Sartono, 1982: 11). The Rena-rena dance is also a continuation of the
besutan rites of Ngremo, where the main pressure of its motion on gela-gelo and gedrag-
gedrug, 31 (feet stomping) by the use of gongseng 32 to present the sound effect as a
regulator of the tempo and its rhythm (Poerbokoesoemo 1960: 4;). Theme and character
of the early Ngremo dance was less obvious, except that it only displays conventionally
arranged motion (Hidajat, 2001: 115), that due to depressed economic factors
(subordinated) by dominant colonial powers causing Ngremo dance to become masculine
because of hybridization of motions due to ritual culture (rural), joy (urban), and urban
"satriya" (big culture) motion.

Clothing
The earliest Ngremo dance (between 1911-1920) was once expressed by earlier
researchers as the safety rite of the Ludruk crew. Therefore, the ritual nature, Ngremo
dance dress also describes the ritual situation. Supriyanto (1992: 8) is described as

31
Gela-gelo (Javanese = pacak gulu is motion of neck ) and gedrag-gedruk is motion of stomping to the
ground , as the birth of ludruk acronym (Supriyanto, 1992:11)
32
Gongseng or giring-giring (Poerbokoesoemo, pp. 4-5 in Peacock, 2005:52) is small bells coupled and tied to
the dancer‘s ankle like Ngremo dance as today.

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follows: Dancer wearing a pigtail red-cap, wearing black trousers, wearing no clothes but
put on a white cloth wrapped around the torso, circular in the upper leg (thigh), the front
cloth dangle longer to below the knee.
The next progress of 1920-1924 Ngremo dance got the influence of the Ludruk
story "Stambul Jawi". The play from the Middle East revolves around the "1001 night"
story. Ngremo's Dance subsequently wore a black Songkok (head cover), wearing dark
trousers, long-sleeved white shirts, long ties, put on stagen (cummerbund), wearing the
sampur on the right shoulder, and the dancers' right foot wearing the gongseng.
In the aftermath of movement (1950 - present) Ngremo dance dress undergoes a
western process. As Issatriadi (1997: 274) says as the noble‘s dress in the nineteenth
century ago complete with the sign of its greatness. Dressed in black velvet embroidered
threads and golden gems, dressed in batik cloth with folds (wiru) in the center, stagen belt
wrapped around the waist, tucked a keris, sampur draped over the right shoulder, ending
dangling to the ankle, wearing a gongseng on the right foot, wearing a typical head string
of East Java, wearing earrings in the right ear. Lombard (1996: 104-106) says the fashion
of Ngremo dance is a westernization form. Westernization of the clothing aspect was
originally worn by the Javanese upper class (priyayi).33
The priyayi class as a social group is the liaison between the king and the people.
They became regents of power and served the king who raised him. The Dutch took
advantage by fostering good relations by elevating them to loyal attendants. From here
looks a new cultural intersection. The westernization of the priyayi occurs on how to
behave, speak and dress. Especially in the manner of dressing looks once its
westernization. This situation encourages Ngremo dance to open up by adopting the
attribute of Javanese priyayi clothing, for example: the use of parang ornamental cloth,
sembagen, garuda ageng is a kind of cloth specially used by ruler, crown prince and king
consort (Giari, 2003: 25). Likewise keris, blangkon (head cap) is a typical clothing of the
Javanese priyayi. The earrings -giwang-- (suweng) commonly used by Madura ese
priyayi.
Bhabha views the "hybrid" westernization as a form of concealed resistance. That
colonialism and its culture, understood as an antithesis by the colonized, were

33
Previously priyayi class is not more ―noble‖ than aristocracy which more relationship with Java kings.
Literally priyayi or para yayi are ―young brother‖ of the king and principally the high and low of their prestige depend
on far and near their kinship to the King (Danys Lombard, 1996:104)

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transformed by local intellectuals, 34 together communally, into "hybrid" products. The

"hybrid" product (synthesis) represents the disclosing of contradiction and inconsistency
is a hidden resistance (Bhabha 1994: 38 in Ashcroft, 2000: 120).

Kidungan (Hymne)
Ngremo besutan use of the kudungan (hymn) associated with the difficulties of
daily living, poverty, and yearning for the days of freedom. "Keyong nyemplung neng
blumbang, tinimbang nyolong aluwung mbarang.– snails plunge to the pond, rather than
stole better singing beggar - (Supriyanto, 2001: 10-11). The ensuing development of the
struggle period, the phenomenal kidung sang by Cak Durasim is Bekupon omahe dara,
melok nipon tambah sengsoro (Bekupon house of pigeon, joined Nippon more suffering)
caused Cak Durasim to die at the hands of the Japanese army. Kidung of struggle keeps
echoing: Nik kaum imperialis isik ngebaki ndoya, bangsa lan negara cilik akeh sing
sengsoro, uripe dijajah nasipe kelunta-lunta, anak putu kita nggak bisa mulya. If the
imperialist still entrenched in world, this small nation and country so miserable, his life is
colonized his fate was limped out, our grandchildren cannot live gloriously (Pitono,
interview 2018: 07/03).

III. Conclusion
History has changed a number of elements in the Ngremo dance. Changes that
occur cause Ngremo dance looks masculine. Ngremo's dance masculinity is empirically
characterized by the transformation of the motion to the interests of rituals to appear to be
characterized by its unity. Modification from the dress of religious symbols to the elite
class of traditional class with fighters character. The conversion of hymn just poverty
lamentation became hymn of opposition.
The conversion of some elements to the Ngremo dance was further encouraged by
the socio-political process, namely colonial politics. The meeting of dominative
colonialist and subordinativecolonized creates tension that leads to the emergence of a
new "hybrid" culture of SurabayanNgremo dance. SurabayanNgremo dance is formed not
out of nothing but from the empirical fact of Ngremo ritual being the masculine
NgremoSatriya. Masculine as the equation of the heroic value of the militaristic model is

34
Local intellectuals, by Fanon defined as all the performer of the art who belong intellectual skills and
nationalism attitude to the nation. Art intellectual using mythology way, that is interpreting mythology figures into art
role to revive the fighting spirit of the people. (Fanon in Ashcroft, 2000:121)

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critical-nationalism but hidden in its exquisitely beautiful form.

The beauty and charm of Ngremo's dance in its time was used as a means of
earning an economy, propaganda, struggle, awakening the fighting spirit of the soldiers,
as the cultural identity of the city of Surabaya, and as an educational character for the
younger generation in Surabaya.

Daftar Referensi
Ashcroft, Bill, Post-Colonial Studies: The Key Concepts, London EC4P 4EE,
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada, 2000.
Dibia, Wayan, I The Symbols of Gender Balinese Dance, dalam UCLA Journal of Dance
Etnology, Vol 13 1989
Hidajat, Robby. ―Evolusi Remo Malang‖ dalam Bahasa dan Seni. 29.1.109.121, Malang:
(UNM) Bahasa dan Seni. 2001.
Issatriadi. DKK. Ensiklopedi Seni Musik dan Seni Tari Daerah Jawa Timur, Laporan
Penelitian dan Pencatatan Kebudayaan Daerah Jawa Timur Surabaya: Dinas P
dan K Daerah Propinsi Daerah Tingka I Jawa Timur, 1996/1997.
Lombard, Danys. Nusa Jawa: silang Budaya, Bata-batas Pembaratan, Jakarta:
Gramedia Putaka Utama. 1996.
Morris, Desmond. Man Watching A Field Guide to Human Behavior. London, Oxford, in
co-operation with Jonathan Cape Ltd, 1977.
Nurcahyo, Henri. Munali Patah Pahlawan Seni dari Sidoarjo, Sidoarjo, Dewan Kesenian
Sidoarjo, 2011.
Peacock, James, L, Ritus Modernisasi asapek Sosial & Simbolik Teater Rakyat
Indonesia. Jakarta: Desantara Utama, 2005 diterjemahkan oleh Eko Praseyo dari
Judul Asli Rites Of Modernization Symbolic and Social Aspects of Indonesian
Proletarian Drama, Chigago & London, The University of Chigago Prees, 1968.
Poerbokoesoemo, L. Ludruk dari segi Sejarah Serta Perkembangannya, Paper Seminar
Ludruk di Balai Pemuda Surabaya, Desember, 25-28, 1960.
Sartono, ―Cerita Singkat/Sinopsis Seni Ludruk‖ Makalah tidak diterbitkan, Mojokerto:
Kasi Kebudayaan Depdikbud Mojokerto, 1982.
Simatupang, Lono. Pergelaran Sebuah Mosaik Penelitian Budaya, Yogyakarya.
Jalasutra. 2002
Supriyanto, Henri, Lakon Ludruk Jawa Timur, Jakarta : Gramedia. 1992.
Wibisono, Broto, Tri, Ngrema, Proyek Pengembangan Kesenian Jawa Timur, 1981/1982
Tidak diterbitkan.

Narasumber:
1. Munali Patah (Alm)
2. Maulan Joko Pitono

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