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I. (A) Personal Details Role Name Affiliation: 1.1 Meaning of Patriarchy
I. (A) Personal Details Role Name Affiliation: 1.1 Meaning of Patriarchy
II.
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patriarchal in the sense that barring a handful of women, they are headed by
men. All religious organizations are headed by men to an extent that at some
places of worship, women are even debarred from entering.
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suited to tasks within the private. The messiness of women’s bodies was
supposed to make them incapable of the reason needed for proper political
debate and so they were actively excluded from public decision making, e.g.
they did not have the right to vote till the late nineteenth century. It was argued
that their fathers and husbands could better represent their political interests
(Benhabib 1987; Pateman 1988). Women were believed to have a low IQ due to
which they were believed to be most suited to the so called unimportant tasks of
home making and child bearing/rearing.
While tracing the rise of patriarchy with capitalism, Walby (1994) argued
that patriarchy is in connivance with capitalism and the state should be seen as
both patriarchal and capitalist. She builds her argument by saying that the state
acts to support patriarchal relations in a variety of ways which include the
limiting of women’s access to paid work, the criminalization of forms of
fertility control, support for the institution of marriage through the cohabitation
rule etc. one example of the patriarchal actions of the state is that which enabled
male workers in the First World War to ensure their re-entry into the relatively
highly paid and skilled engineering jobs that they ceded to women for the
duration of the hostilities.
During the nineteenth and early twentieth century many men began to
insist that their wives should stay at home and not take work outside. Those
who went out to work, particularly younger single women, were subject to close
supervision by fathers and male employers. In India for example, while women
in the lowest income groups have always been earning for their families,
women in higher caste and class categories generally were expected to remain at
home. Womens going out to work was considered to be a blot on the
masculinity of their men. Therefore, as various studies have shown, as soon as a
family experienced upward economic mobility, it would withdraw its women
from work. Further, women had never been participating in decision making
process within as well as outside families. The public spaces, for example the
panchayat, market places, public transport, administration etc., have all been
male spaces, in which women had no place or role to play. Thus patriarchy
continued to rule beyond home even to the workplace.
Patriarchal structures actually grew stronger with the advent of
industrialization and technological revolution. There has been a clear cut
domination of men over technological knowhow and expertise. For centuries,
barring a few women, men have been encouraged to study medicine,
engineering, astronomy, mathematics and politics; thus making the entry of men
into these spheres easier while women’s reproductive capacity was often treated
as their handicap. In text books at school levels, the father has generally been
projected as the bread winner, while mother as a housewife.
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As narrated by Rege (2003) for several decades, the standard
anthropological definitions of patriarchy and matriarchy were derived from an
essay written by Radcliffe Brown in 1924 ‘The Mother’s Brother in South
Africa.’ According to Brown, a society may be called patriarchal when descent
is patrilineal (i.e., the children belong to the group of the father), marriage is
patrilocal (i.e., the wife removes to the local group of the husband), inheritance
of property and success are in the male line, and the family is patripotestal (i.e.,
the authority over the members of the family is in the hands of the father or his
relatives). On the other hand, a society can be called matriarchal when descent,
inheritance and succession are in the female line, marriage is matrilocal (the
husband removing to the home of his wife), and when authority over children is
wielded by the mother’s relatives (Radcliffe-Brown 1952). Rege moves on to
argue that this definition clearly indicates that familial authority in either system
is expected to repose with males, the father in the one, the maternal uncle or
other male relative on mother’s side in the other. According to Radcliffe-
Brown, there are no known empirical societies where women legitimately wield
authority over men in the family and society (Gould and Kolb 1964). In other
words, as the logical inverse of patriarchy, matriarchy is a ‘myth’. On the
contrary, Kolenda (1987) found significant regional variations in measures of
what she calls ‘wifely bargaining power’.
Matrilineal kinship systems were seen to be inherently or structurally
unstable for one reason or another. It was as though they must always be
straining towards the logical consistency, if not the natural necessity and
historical inevitability of patriliny or patriarchy. Actually, conceiving of
‘patriarchal’ families as an ideal type proposition has been responsible for
subverting all other systems with mixed features, including the matriarchal
societies.
According to one source, the term matriarchy was used in the nineteenth
century to designate the hypothetical form of society in which women were the
leaders and rulers. Anthropologists now agree that there is no evidence to
substantiate the claim that any society has ever come under such control (Gould
and Kolb, 1964:416). Hence sexual asymmetry in the exercise of power has
been found to exist in the form of universal or near universal domination of men
over women.
Every society defines social roles on the basis of gender. In fact, since
birth, a child is socialized according to the sex he/she has. For instance, the
colour and type of dress is chosen on the basis of sex of the child; the toys are
also selected on the basis of sex. In India as well as in many Asian countries,
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parents and families differentiate between a male and a female child while
feeding, getting him/her vaccinated, accessing education and health etc. Right
from the beginning, gender consciousness is reinforced in the child through the
process of reward and punishment. Masculine and feminine characteristics are
distinguished in the following manner:
Masculine Feminine
Assertive Modest
Tough Tender
Rational Emotional
Aggressive Docile
Focused on material Concerned with
success quality of life
Girls from the very childhood are encouraged and rewarded for
internalizing the feminine traits, e.g. submissiveness, emotiveness, tenderness,
modesty, patience and the like, whereas boys are encouraged to be assertive,
dominating, aggressive, competitive and ambitious. Hence a boy acquires
masculinity while a girl acquires femininity in the process of socialization.
Ann Oakley (1972) a pioneer in exposing the social construction of
gender in the light of the huge cross cultural variations across the world, argues
that people learn the ‘normal’ ways to act feminine or masculine in their society
through socialization processes. She borrowed the term ‘gender’ from the 1960s
work of Robert Stoller, a psychiatrist. Oakley argues that early socialization of
children within the family is especially important in teaching people to act in
ways thought appropriate for their gender. As soon as a baby is born people
treat it differently and expect it to act differently depending on whether it is a
boy or a girl. Girls tend to be treated as more delicate and dependent, while
boys are treated as more robust and independent.
Another sociologist Jessie Bernard (1981) argues that the everyday life
especially for children under five is divided into a ‘pink world’ for girls and a
‘blue world’ for boys. The pink world encourages girls to be submissive and
emotional while the blue world expects boys to be assertive and independent.
For example the choice of dish cleaners, tea sets and dolls like real babies are
bought for girls reinforcing ideas of femininity as about being a wife and
mother who cares for others. On the other hand, trains, cars, tool sets and heroic
action figures present a masculine life centred around active work and
adventure.
Further the process of reward and punishment tend to reinforce the
notions of masculinity and femininity among the young children. For instance, a
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boy is rewarded for displaying risk taking, adventurous behaviour and
dominance, while a girl is discouraged against such behaviours and vice versa.
Are women born with femininity and men with masculinity? One could
find many girls behaving like boys, wearing a hairstyle that is considered
masculine, and dressing up like a boy. Similarly it is not uncommon to see boys
having a very delicate body, modest in their behaviour and with feminine
characteristics. Actually, a boy with feminine traits is vulnerable to ridicule and
sarcasm by his male and even female friends and relatives and the same applies
to a girl with masculine traits. Therefore, society through reward and
punishment forces boys to grow as men and girls to grow as women.
In relation to femininity it is thought that women’s traditional or natural
role is as mothers and that they should devote all or most of their attention to
this and not work. That women’s natural role means not doing paid work can be
challenged by looking at the women at the lowest end of income hierarchy. For
instance, in India, women in poor households have always worked to
supplement family income. Feminine work has primarily been thought to
include home making, child caring; mainly the domestic activities within the
private sphere. Activities in the public sphere have been considered to be
masculine. Further, women’s body has been under the lens at all times, wherein
poise, delicacy and beauty have been considered to be feminine traits while
muscles, toughness and dominance are the masculine attributes. For a long time
masculinity and femininity were treated to be biological and thus naturally
given to men and women. It was only after social anthropologists conducted
extensive empirical studies across countries, that it came to be realized that
there are many societies in which the heavy and most strenuous work is
performed by women and consequently they have muscular and hefty bodies,
which may be considered as masculine in other societies. It is thus the social
and occupational roles which give particular characteristics to the physique of
men and women and these are not natural.
However, it is a fact that despite tremendous changes in the wake of
industrialization and modernization, the notions of masculinity and femininity
have refused to weaken; rather these have been reinforced.
It is so difficult to dilute the notions of masculinity and femininity which
are reflected by the fact that despite the changed gender roles and entry of
women in male dominated professions, women’s femininity has not been
compromised. More women of all age groups are going to beauty parlours today
to maintain their femininity. In some of the South East Asian countries, it has
been reported that young girls working in corporate sector are paid by their
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employers to go overseas in order to procure “appropriate” dresses and apparels
to look attractive at their workplace. Further, young women have been
increasingly going in for surgery in which apart from flesh, the muscles of
thighs are removed to make these women look thin. After such a surgery
however, they are permanently not able to run or walk fast. Being expressive,
emotional, altruistic and patient are all considered as feminine traits which
women are expected to possess irrespective of their profession or educational
qualification. Men on the other hand are encouraged to possess masculine
characteristics such as aggressive body language, ambitious, career orientation,
competitiveness and so on.
Work and gender have always been closely associated in all societies.
There are certain tasks which are known as masculine work and others as
feminine. The sexual division of labour within families and households has a
specific literature and is well recognized. Different types of work are subject to
this division. In the English village studied by Pauline Hunt, for instance, wives
clean the insides of window panes and husbands clean the outsides (Davies
1977). It is usually recognized that the contemporary urban family household is
constituted by a division of labour that defines certain kinds of work as
domestic, unpaid and usually women’s, and other kinds of work as public, paid
and usually as men’s. Child rearing and caring, washing, cooking etc. are
considered primarily as women’s work all over the world, while work outside
home in public spaces is considered to be men’s work. There has been an
enormous change in the division of labour in the recent past so that women have
started taking up the work which earlier was men’s work, e.g. shopping for
groceries, operating bank accounts, paid work, attending parent teacher
meetings and so on. Interestingly, however, while women’s work has thus
increased manifold, it is not very common for men to take up the women’s
work, i.e. domestic work. This kind of division of labour has another dimension
too, in that societies place men’s and women’s work in a hierarchy, so that the
tasks assigned to women are unproductive in that these do not bring any money;
while men’s work is productive because it brings in money to the family.
Feminists have struggled hard to bring loads of invisible work performed by
women round the clock under recognition by societies as productive work.
The sexual division of labour has often been explained in terms of the
‘Nature-Culture’ opposition, whereby it is argued that women are closer to
Nature while men closer to Culture. Pursuing the Biological theory, it is further
argued that biologically women give birth to children, lactate and rear them.
Therefore, they have been naturally designed for the activities of childbirth and
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child care. Since women are confined to the domestic context, their main sphere
of activity becomes intra and inter-familial relations, as opposed to men, who
operate in the political and public domain of social life. Men thus become
identified with society and the public interest, while women remain associated
with family and therefore with domestic concerns only.
A high proportion of married women now go out to work, but it is still
mostly their responsibility to make adequate provision for childcare and they
continue to do most of the housework. Women’s careers are typically
interrupted, as they retreat from the labour force to care for young children, in
the very time frame in which ambitious males are taking the first key steps up a
promotion ladder. A majority of men today are not hostile towards their wives
going out to work, but in most households it is the man’s work that determines
where the couple lives and how, much of their lives are organized. In the
domain of work itself, what Connell calls “gender regimes” or in Bradley’s
phrase “gendered work cultures”, are still firmly in place. Some kinds of tasks
are considered as appropriate for women and women are debarred from various
types of occupations by informal barriers and norms.
The advent of new forms of domestic technology, household appliances
and commercially produced services, such as pre-prepared food, disposable
nappies and so on, has only partially reduced the amount of time women spend
on domestic chores. Scholars agree that women’s concern with childcare and
domestic tasks blocks their opportunities for achieving equality with men in the
workplace. Far more women in paid work are in part time employment than
men. Most part time jobs are poorly paid and have low promotion prospects.
These very factors push women back towards home, sustaining the sexual
division of labour.
References
- Benhabib, Seyla, 1987. The Generalized and the Concrete Other: The
Kohlberg-Gilligan controversy and feminist theory, in S.Benhabib, and
D. Cornell (eds.), Feminism as Critique: On the Politics of Gender,
Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press.
- Bernard Jessie. 1981. The Female World. New York, Free Press.
- Davies M.L.(ed.) 1977. Life as we have known it. London, Virago.
- Gould, Julius and William L. Kolb (eds.) 1964. A Dictionary of the Social
Sciences. London, Tavistock.
- Hartmann, Heidi. 1981. ‘The Unhappy Marriage of Marxism and
Feminism’, in Roger Dale et. al, (eds.) Education and the State: Politics,
Patriarchy and Practice, Vol.2, Sussex, The Falmer Press.
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- Hofstede, Geert. 1998. Masculinity and Femininity. New Delhi, Sage
Publications.
- Holmes, Mary. 2007. What is Gender? Sociological Approaches. New
Delhi, Sage Publications.
- Kolenda, Pauline. 1987. Regional Differences in Family Structure in
India. Jaipur, Rawat.
- Oakley, Ann. 1972. Sex, Gender and Society. London, Temple Smith.
- Pateman, C. 1988. The Sexual Contract. Stanford, Stanford University
Press.
- Radcliffe-Brown, A.R. and Daryll Forde (eds.) 1950. African Systems of
Kinship and Marriage. London, Oxford University Press.
- Rege, Sharmila (ed.) 2003. Sociology of Gender, The Challenge of
Feminist Sociological Knowledge. New Delhi, Sage Publications.
- Walby, Sylvia. 1990. Theorizing Patriarchy. Oxford, Basil Blackwell.
- _____________ 1994. Towards a Theory of Patriarchy, in The Polity
Reader in Gender Studies. Cambridge, Polity Press.
- _____________ 1996. Gender Transformation. London, Routledge.
- _____________ 2010. Structuring Patriarchal Societies, in Anthony
Giddens Philip W. Sutton, Sociology: Introductory Readings. 3rd ed.
Cambridge, Polity Press.
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