FEATURE

“Sex is sweet”: women from low-income contexts in Uganda talk

about sexual desire and pleasure
Florence Kyoheirwe Muhanguzi
Senior Lecturer, School of Women and Gender Studies, Makerere University, P.O. Box 7062, Kampala, UGANDA.
Correspondence: floramuha@yahoo.com

Abstract: In many patriarchal societies in Africa, heterosexuality is privileged as the single legitimate form of
sexual interaction; other sexualities are marginalised because they are perceived as un-African,
abnormal, sinful and are repressed. Female sexuality too is subordinated and controlled with it
being reduced to women’s conventional mothering roles that are conflated with their reproductive
capacities. However, there is evidence that women in heterosexual relations have the opportunity to
assert themselves and to define pleasurable sex. Drawing on in-depth interviews and focus group
discussions with married women in heterosexual unions the article examines the extent to which
women from low-income contexts in Uganda express their sexual agency. The findings show that
within heterosexual relations, these women are able to express their sexual desires freely and negotiate
diverse options for pleasurable sexual experiences. The evidence indicates the need for acknowledging
variations within heterosexual experiences and the possibility of positive heterosexual relationships
that resist hegemonic masculinity and subordinated femininity. © 2015 Reproductive Health Matters.
Published by Elsevier BV. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Uganda, low-income contexts, sexual pleasure, sexual desire, sexuality

Introduction subordinate positions.7 The masculine privilege

Some feminist scholars argue that sexuality is
a political struggle involving two domains: repres-
sion and danger on the one hand and exploration,
pleasure and agency on the other.1,2 Increasingly,
literature from varied contexts, developed3,4 and
developing countries, especially Africa5,6 suggests
that within heterosexual relations, female sexual
desire and pleasure are highly controlled, often
reduced to women’s conventional mothering
roles that are conflated with their reproductive
capacities.
In Africa, sexuality is constructed within a domi-
nant patriarchal context of political struggles for the
creation and preservation of gender hierarchy,5
which defines men as active and dominant and
women as passive and submissive. Such construc-
tions marginalise female sexual aspects of pleasure
and desire. According to Shakila Singh, men and
women are entrapped within gendered discourses
of romantic love that restrict them from exploring
alternative positions in marriage, and they largely
comply with existing gender regimes that perpetu-
ate gender inequalities and place women in
and expectation of female sexual passivity is
reported to increase women’s HIV vulnerability
in marriage.8,9 Bhana acknowledges that affection,
desire and intimacy are key to power dynamics
and gender relations in relationships.10 Literature
further indicates that women in poor communities
living under difficult conditions rarely have a desire
for sex and experience greater control and regula-
tion of their sexuality.11 Economic inequality is
implicated for inhibiting women’s freedom to build
loving relationships.10
While sexuality has been problematised as
a site for women’s oppression, some scholars
from the developed world12 and Africa10,13 assert
that power inequality in relationships does not
automatically exclude enjoyable and pleasurable
experiences. They argue for recognition of differ-
ences in women’s experiences and note that the
power hierarchy embedded in heterosexual rela-
tionships is not necessarily exercised uniformly
and evenly at the level of interpersonal relations
or practice, nor is its experience wholly determined
by patriarchal structures and ideologies.12,13 Some

62 Contents online: www.rhm-elsevier.com Doi: 10.1016/j.rhm.2015.11.012

 FK Muhanguzi. Reproductive Health Matters 2015;23(46):62–70
scholars assert that penetrative sex with men can be
enjoyable and that its pleasure for women is not
merely eroticised submission.14,15 Bhana agrees
with Hirsch that relations should not only be per-
ceived in terms of male power; men and women
as gendered persons express love alongside the
daily battles of power.9,10 Cognizant of women’s
subordinate positions in intimate relations, Rasool
records women’s capacity to contest and shape their
lives as they reflect on violent love;16 women are not
just victims of romantic love but find spaces to
negotiate their identity, as they navigate their eco-
nomic circumstances.17
The key question for this article is: how do
women from low-income contexts in heterosex-
ual unions assert themselves and define sexual
desire and pleasure? The article highlights
women’s sexual agency and the contradictions
that surround their active participation in sexual
encounters.
Methodological focus and context
The article is based on a study conducted from
2008-2011 in a low-income rural community of
Bushenyi district in the western region of
Uganda.* The article is part of a larger project
that aimed at exploring the linkages between
gender, poverty and sexuality. It is a revised and
abridged version of a chapter in an edited book
on “Gender, Poverty and Social Transformation:
reflections on the fractures and continuities in con-
temporary Uganda”.18
A simple random selection strategy was used
to select two counties (Mitooma and Sheema),
then one sub-county from each, then two parishes
from each, and finally two villages from each
parish.
Local leaders helped to generate lists of married
women from whom five were randomly selected in
each village to participate in the in-depth inter-
views. A total of 40 women in the study district were
selected.
Similarly, 10 women per village were randomly
selected to participate in focus group discussions
(FGDs), excluding those participating in the inter-
views. Overall eight FGDs (one FGD per village)
were conducted with a total of 71 women. The
⁎
Bushenyi district has since been split into five districts,
namely, Mitooma, Bushenyi, Rubirizi, Buhweju and Sheema.
The study was conducted in Mitooma and Sheema, which
were, at the time, counties.
number of women in the FGDs ranged from six to
ten participants. Nine women did not participate
due to family commitments.
To ensure reliability, a pre-test of the research
tools was undertaken and question items were
revised accordingly. Participation in the study was
voluntary, with informed consent being obtained
from all respondents. The interviews and FGDs were
conducted in the respondents’ homes at their
convenience, using the local language, and later
translated into English. Participants were assured
of confidentiality before the interviews and were
invited to decide on the convenient venue and time
of the interview.
Due to the sensitive nature of the topic, the
author conducted the in-depth interviews and
FGDs with the assistance of two trained married
female graduate researchers in their mid-40s.
The research team had to manage their identity,
projecting an image that would maximize the
chances of gaining access.19 This was facilitated
by the letters of introduction from the Head of
Department of Women and Gender Studies,
Makerere University. Our knowledge of the
local language (Runyankole-Rukiga), our gender
position† and my status as a university lecturer
were assets, especially in establishing rapport,
mutual trust and confidence. There were no
financial incentives to participate in the study.
The interviews took 30-45 minutes while
FGDs went on for an average of 1.5-2 hours. The
interview and FGD guide interrogated a number
of themes, including socio-economic and demo-
graphic background, sexual interaction, sensual-
ity, sexual communication and decision-making,
women’s views on poverty and sexual experiences,
among other topics.
All interviews and discussions were recorded in
audio format with the consent of the respondents,
and thereafter transcribed. Thematic analysis was
used to identify common themes and unique
experiences emerging from the different data sets.
Through identification of emerging themes and
patterns from the in-depth interviews, frequencies
and percentages were computed for specific issues,
in particular the frequency of sexual interaction and
sexual initiation. To maintain confidentiality, pseu-
donyms have been used to represent these women’s
voices.
†
Holland and Ramazanoglu argue that differences in gender
influence interaction in interviews.20
63
FK Muhanguzi. Reproductive Health Matters 2015;23(46):62–70
Women relaxing after a focus group discussion
Women’s sexual agency and expression of
sexual desire
All the women in the interviews (except one) and
in the FGDs indicated experiences of sexual desire
and enjoyment of sexual interaction with their
spouses, which they believed to be a “natural”
phenomenon: “it [sexual desire] is natural and
good even if one is old”, “sexual interest happens natu-
rally for men and women”. Women’s naturalising
sexual interest contradicts the post-structuralist
view that sexuality is socially constructed.21 The
women’s accounts are shaped by the Ugandan
historical configuration of sexuality as a relatively
naturalised aspect of life.
In both the interviews and FGDs women
expressed their sexual interest to their spouses
using non-verbal expressions to signal love, affec-
tion and intimacy through establishing physical
contact and closeness, caressing and kissing. Other
expressions of sexual desire reported by women in
the study included getting the domestic chores
done early; having meals together, being romantic
and wearing perfume (herbs). Knowledge of
the husband’s interests and what puts him in the
mood made it easy for women to express their
sexual needs. A typical view about this was
expressed thus: “you know which spot to start or
which button to push”. Women stressed the need
64
for couples to understand each other and commu-
nicate their needs and interests. These practices
indicate women’s active participation and expres-
sion of their sexual agency in sexual encounters,
suggesting fractures (fractured subordination) in
hetero-patriarchal relationships, which are known
to define women as meek and subservient objects
of male desire.22
The findings contradict the essentialist view of
most mainstream radical feminist scholarship on
sexuality that defines women’s sexuality as passive
and submissive with limited choices of sexual
expression and pleasure.12 Pereira, like many
African feminists, cautions against universalising
the suppression of women’s sexuality and their
subordination.23 Instead, she calls for considera-
tion of the different contexts in which sexualities
have been constructed, and the possibility of
change in meanings and conceptualisation. These
findings concur with that of scholars from other
parts of the world,5,6,23 who note that women
have choices of expressing their sexual desire.
While women’s agency of sexual expression is
acknowledged, overt expression of this experience
remains outlandish for many women. About 52.9%
of the women revealed that sexual initiation was
mainly done by the men, and 45.2% of women
could not express their sexual interest at all
 FK Muhanguzi. Reproductive Health Matters 2015;23(46):62–70
because of fear of being labelled outgoing and
promiscuous. Women largely use indirect means
of expression (non-verbal/signs) of their desire;
with very few who could express their sexual
desires verbally (“ask for sex”) to their partners:
“asking for sex? no. I fear what he might think of
me … he would wonder why [I] am doing that
and where I got such ideas … so I just wait for
him to ask.” (Ninah, Bushenyi)
“If I do not get satisfied, I keep quiet. If you dare ask
he might think you have been gossiping… he might
think you are a “maraaya” [prostitute] that maybe
you have started going out with other men.” (Focus
Group Discussion)
According to these women, they always wait for
their husbands to make advances, irrespective of
whether the women are in the mood. The indirect,
reticent way women use to approach sex could be
explained by an inherent heteronormative culture
characterised by deep-seated attitudes and beliefs
that value mystical, romantic sexual experience
among women. Such female compliance conforms
to the social values of submission that characterise
ideal femininity as defined in most African societies,
Uganda inclusive.
Women’s sexual agency is further illustrated by
their ability to discuss and bargain with their spouses
about whether or not to have sex, particularly when
the conditions are not favourable. More than half of
the women in the interviews revealed that they were
able to negotiate with their spouse not to have sex
on certain occasions:
“When he is drunk, I leave him and sleep alone, I put
a mattress down on the floor … I also tell him when
I am in my periods [menstruating] …he leaves me.”
(Kyomu, Bushenyi)
Similar views were echoed in the FGDs:
“If the man wants and you are not in the mood for
having sex, either because you are sick or have
monthly periods, you tell him, you discuss and
agree.... Yes, if you do not want, you can refuse
but when you want and he does not want, you have
to put him in the mood … for example, if there is
something I do not like, I tell him so.” (Focus Group
Discussion)
These excerpts reveal women’s ability to assert
themselves in sexual encounters on particular
occasions, especially in cases of sickness, or stress
related to fatigue and anger. Some women reported
that they refused to have sex with their husbands as
revenge for a husband’s refusal to respect their
sexual needs, or bad behaviour, especially relating
to unfulfilled responsibilities and lack of care. While
some spouses accepted their wives’ requests to
refrain from sex and hence stay away, rejection of
sexual advances sometimes led to sexual coercion
and violence, and verbal threats about and/or
actual engagement in extramarital liaisons. Other
studies also report that non-consensual sex is a
common experience for many women in marital
relations.11,24 Such male hostility and coercion
undermines women’s right to fulfilling and satis-
fying sex and is evidence of the taken-for-granted
perception that sexual access to women, espe-
cially in marital relations, is a male right.25,11,13
The only woman (Kaku, 46 years) who reported
lack of sexual desire attributed it to ageing
(menopause), use of contraceptives and overwork.
According to her, sexual interaction with her husband
was an obligation to fulfil her husband’s desires and
to prevent him from engaging in extramarital
relations. Other women also noted that ageing,
overwork, sickness, contraception, quarrels between
spouses, alcoholism, poverty, spouses’ lack of care
and stress negatively affected their sexual desire.
Other studies report that lack of joint leisure
time, economic hardships and drunkenness are
major causes of marital instability and inhibit
sexual desire.11,26
Marriage was noted to be a legitimate and
safe space for sexual expression and interaction.
All the women in the study believed that marriage
accords them the right and freedom to express
their sexual desires and that their spouses are
expected to respond positively to their sexual
advances:
“If it is your husband, any time you want it you
should have it.” (Kyankazi, Bushenyi)
“I tell him that I love him. You know, when [I] am in
the real mood, I tell him that I am not ok, if he
cannot give immediately, he has to create time for
me and satisfy me … because when you fear to tell
him, whom do you expect to tell your problem? He
is your husband!” (Nyabukye, Bushenyi)
Similar views were noted in FGDs as shown by
an excerpt from one of the FGDs:
“When I was growing up, I knew that a man marries
a woman for sex… it is sweet and enjoyable… sex
65
FK Muhanguzi. Reproductive Health Matters 2015;23(46):62–70
is the reason we are married… when there is no sex,
no marriage.” (Focus Group Discussion)
Women noted that, in marital unions, it is the
duty of the spouses to satisfy each other’s sexual
needs. Women perceived sexual access to their
husbands as a right and claimed that men are
expected to respect that right. In one of the focus
groups, women noted:
“Even when he is not in the mood, he does it for you
because he is your husband.” (Focus Group Discussion)
Similarly, in the interviews, one of the women
noted:
“That issue [sex] concerns both of us. If we are both
well, not sick, there is no reason why one cannot have
sex with the other. It is the reason we are married. So
it cannot be me or the man.” (Mugufu, Bushenyi)
To a local woman in this study, marriage is the
right and safe space for sexual interaction and there-
fore women feel free to express their desire to their
husbands. The findings resonate with reports about
marriage as the only legitimate space for sexual
expression in most African cultures.27,28 According
to Diallo, in Mali, married women have the right to
request and enjoy sexual intercourse in perfect har-
mony with religious and customary requirements.29
Engagement in sex outside marriage, especially for
women, is perceived negatively, commonly asso-
ciated with adultery and immorality as illustrated
by this quote:
“when she [unmarried woman] stands with any
man, talking about anything, society is suspicious
about her sexual involvement with that man, she is
seen as adulterous…”. (Focus Group Discussion)
This finding corroborates studies conducted in
Uganda and elsewhere where sexual activity
among unmarried adults is regarded as adultery
and a breach of trust.8,28 Women in this study
noted that marriage creates a sense of maturity
in society and accords them a higher social status
and respect. In Tanzania, women seek stable rela-
tionships with men as a means to protect their
respectability.27 However, despite the negative
perceptions and stigma associated with women’s
(and men’s) engagement in extramarital liaisons,
such relationships have been reported in Uganda
and other countries but are often discreet or
covert.8,9 In Tanzania, modern women are increas-
ingly choosing to remain single, to maintain inde-
pendence and avoid strict control by men.27
66
Sex as an obligation in marriage (to which many
women in the study alluded) compromises women’s
freedom of expression because they feel obliged to
have sex even when they are not ready for it, as
noted by Muraingwa:
“Even when you are tired you cannot say, ‘no, no, I
will not have it’. You know, for a man, when you
refuse, he can go somewhere else.” (Muraingwa,
Bushenyi)
Such sexual encounters could constrain women’s
sexual agency, undermine their rights to fulfilling
and pleasurable sexuality, and reinforce male
patriarchal power.
Sexual interaction and pleasure
It is evident that regular “good” and satisfying sex
is one of the prerequisites for having a successful
marriage, good relationships with a spouse as
well as good quality of life, as stressed by women
in the study. The frequency of sexual interaction,
in particular sexual intercourse, was therefore
associated with the quality of a relationship.
A large proportion of women in the interviews
reported that they had sex 3-4 times a week
(45%); 22% had sex daily, 20% had sex 1-2 times
a week; and 13% had sex 1-2 times a month.
The frequency of sex appeared to depend on
the availability of the spouse and be reduced by
sickness, drunkenness, contraception and stress
associated with quarrels, fatigue (workload), and
poverty. Most of the women noted that heavy
workload interfered with their mood for sexual
interaction and pleasure. All the women in both
the interviews and FGDs observed that creating
time for each other enhances intimacy and leads
to happy relationships. They however stressed
that the frequency of sexual interaction between
spouses does not secure happy relationships if
there is no fulfilment and pleasure.
Women in the study revealed a range of intimate
sexual practices that they employ to enhance
their pleasure and to ensure enjoyable, satisfy-
ing sexual experiences. They valued adequate
preparation as a precursor to having enjoyable
and satisfying sexual encounters through elonga-
tion of the labia minora;‡ drinking and wearing
‡
The labia contribute to sexual stimulation and pleasure
during sexual encounters and labia elongation is a
common practice among the Banyankore and other cul-
tures across Uganda.30
 FK Muhanguzi. Reproductive Health Matters 2015;23(46):62–70
of herbs§ that are known to have aphrodisiac
effects; foreplay; attending to personal hygiene
and using perfumed jelly.
The study participants reported that they
engage diverse techniques or styles, using differ-
ent positions to enjoy the encounter, including
the lying and sitting position, striking the glans
and the body of the clitoris (a sexual practice com-
monly referred to as Kacabari by the Banyankore).
A typical view of this experience is illustrated by
one of the women:
“I like him biting my fingers when we are romancing
and stroking my hair. I also enjoy his kisses … I sing
for him, I ask him to do Kacabari.” ** (Joy, Bushenyi).
According to the women in the study, lying
position (on top of the man) offers greater sexual
autonomy and safeguards women’s power.
Women detested sexual penetration from behind,
asserting that it “detaches” the woman from the
partner”: you do not feel connected” and “you
are not in control of the event”. According to
most women, varying the styles and positions
(mutually agreed upon) during sexual encounters
enhances sexual pleasure and satisfaction. Prefer-
ence and value for a variety of sexual styles in
enhancing intimacy was also reported among men
by Hirsch.9
In line with the findings of this study, Bizimana
found that women are not just passive recipients
of men’s sexual penetration but also actively
participate in the encounter by choosing the
position, forms and the intensity of the rhythm
and movement31 and setting the boundaries of
the encounter.32 In Uganda, the Baganda women
use coloured and flowered bead belts.28 These
findings contest the massive literature on the
active-passive dichotomy that has been used to
describe women’s sexuality as passive.5,12
All the women expressed the view that sex
was a valued aspect of a successful and happy
marriage. Accordingly, women noted that “sex is
sweet, when there is no sex there is no marriage”,
“it is enjoyable”, “you feel good and relaxed”.
Women associated “good” and satisfying sex with
stable relationships.
§ also eating and you get satisfied. I cannot have sex
Local herbs are inserted into the vagina a few minutes before
going to bed to facilitate lubrication.
**Participatory, pleasurable singing as distinct from groans or
cries, called okusikina, is a key manifestation of women’s
agency in the participation and control of the sexual act.
“Sex is important for our lives. You feel good. The man
needs a touch, he also feels good. The relationship
between husband and wife depends on the quality
of sex. If there is no sex, there are frequent quarrels
and fights at home, there is no peace.” (Focus Group
Discussion)
“Sex is important for production of children and
keeping your marriage. When he is not satisfied,
he will find someone who can satisfy him.” (Focus
Group Discussion)
Respondents believe that sexual interaction
enhances well-being, intimacy, promotes happy
and long-lasting relationships, and prevents extra-
marital relationships. According to some women,
greater intimacy leads to joint planning and
increased productivity. The findings resonate with
other studies which show that sexual pleasure and
satisfaction leads to fulfilment and well-being,33
reduces violence in marital relationships34 and
contributes to securing a good marriage.29
Some women in this study spoke of their experi-
ences when, in search of “happiness and enjoyment”
they had to get sex from men other than their
husbands. Other studies in Uganda, Tanzania and
Mali reveal women’s engagement in extramarital
relationships in their search for sexual fulfil-
ment.27,28 According to Diallo, a man’s impotence
is valid ground for divorce in Mali, which points to
the importance attached to women’s sexual needs.29
Arnfred and Haram provide evidence of women’s
engagement in negotiations for extramarital sexual,
romantic love involving notions of reciprocity,
equality and compatibility.5,27
The participants of this study stressed that sexual
enjoyment and satisfaction can only be attained
when the interaction is mutual and reciprocal,
done in a relaxed and stress-free environment.
Other factors that were noted to enhance sexual
pleasure and satisfaction include faithfulness,
caring for and understanding each other; adequate
communication about each other’s interests, love
and respect:
“First of all, you should love each other as a couple
because without love, sex cannot be enjoyable.
There is also need to help each other. It is the peace
of mind. Without peace, you can’t have sex. Then
when I feel hungry.” (Jane, Bushenyi)
Contrary to women’s expectations of giving and
receiving of sexual satisfaction and enjoyment as
an obligation on both spouses in marital unions,
67
FK Muhanguzi. Reproductive Health Matters 2015;23(46):62–70
men were reported to pursue their own desires
and pleasures:
“You know some men do not even care whether their
wives get satisfied, reach the climax [orgasm] or not.
But when they go out with other women, they make
sure they finish properly … a man does not care
whether a woman reaches the climax or not as long
as he has gotten satisfied.” (Focus Group Discussion)
Similar opinions were voiced in the interviews.
This perceived behaviour by men is a reflection of
the prevailing context of gender inequality, where
women’s sexuality is about giving and pleasing,
while men’s sexuality is about their own experi-
ence and power. The finding concurs with a study
done by Shakila in South Africa, where young men
presented emotionally detached explanations to
intimacy in marriage goals and women offered
idealized notions of love and romance.7
While economic stress featured as a remarkable
hindrance to intimacy in marital relations, the
rural women in this study demonstrated their abil-
ity to seek autonomy in sexual encounters through
traditional practices (as reported above) and use of
local resources to ensure enjoyable and satisfying
relationships. The women’s accounts question the
universal postulation, for instance by Maitra and
Schensul, that women in low-income communities
rarely desire sex and are not in control of their sexu-
ality.11 Such assumptions demand consideration of
context in which such experiences are reported. This
belief is supported by Haram’s study in Tanzania,
which notes that while some women are likely to ter-
minate affairs if their lovers suffer financial setbacks,
women are known to stick to their lovers even in
times of poverty.27 However, Bhana notes that inti-
mate relations are structured by gender conflicts
and social circumstances which are partly linked to
materiality and poverty.10
Conclusion
The study findings show women’s naturalisation and
normalisation of sexual desire and pleasure that are
expressed and experienced in diverse ways within
the socially regulated space - marriage. In this space,
although positioned as subordinates, women actively
express their sexual agency. Women in this study
spoke of sex not only as pleasurable but also as some-
thing that they actively pursued through diverse prac-
tices (overt and covert). These practices appeared to
offer possibilities for positive and pleasurable
68
experiences in heterosexual relationships that enable
women to be active subjects rather than passive
objects of male sexual desire and pleasure. The evi-
dence of sexual agency provided in these accounts
illustrates the fractured subordination that charac-
terises patriarchal heterosexual relationships in
contemporary Uganda.
The existence of diverse options for expressing
sexual desire and pleasure indicates the need to
appreciate differences in meaning and experiences
of sexual interaction in heterosexual relationships
while acknowledging the creative capacity of women
to subvert the structural conditions they are assumed
to be subordinated to.
Recognising positive heterosexual experiences
allows more inclusive feminist politics that could
apply to a wider group of women. Women’s empha-
sis on active involvement (mutual and reciprocal)
of both spouses in the sexual encounters reveals that
the active/passive dichotomy common in most of the
literature about gender and sexuality should not be
taken to be universally applicable to all women.
Reflecting on women from low-income contexts
and sexual desire and pleasure, the findings illus-
trate the importance of materiality in enhancing
intimacy in sexual relations. Economic stress was
referred to by women as an important factor that
inhibits sexual fulfilment in marital unions.
The paradoxes identified as surrounding women’s
sexuality in Ugandan society reveal a social context of
persistent gender inequality and resistance to change
in women’s status. Nevertheless, the findings show
the need for a discourse that acknowledges variations
within heterosexual experiences and the possibility
of positive and enjoyable heterosexual relationships
that resist hegemonic masculinity and subordinated
femininity.
Acknowledgements
Gratitude is extended to the research assistants
for their valuable support to the research process;
and all the women who participated in the study
for their willing exchange of views, experiences and
ideas.
Financial support was obtained from the
Norwegian government, under the Norwegian
Programme for Development, Research and Education
(NUFU) grant: NUFUPRO-2007/10127. This article is
a shortened version of a book chapter in an edited
book - “Gender, Poverty and Social Transformation:
reflections on the fractures and continuities in
contemporary Uganda” 18 that was published by
Fountain Publishers in 2014.
 FK Muhanguzi. Reproductive Health Matters 2015;23(46):62–70

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Résumé
Dans beaucoup de sociétés patriarcales d’Afrique,
l’hétérosexualité est privilégiée comme la seule
forme légitime d’interaction sexuelle; d’autres
sexualités sont marginalisées, car perçues
comme non africaines, anormales, coupables,
et sont réprimées. La sexualité féminine est
aussi subordonnée et contrôlée, réduite au
rôle traditionnel de mère associé aux capacités
de procréation des femmes. Néanmoins, il
semble que les femmes dans les relations
hétérosexuelles aient l’occasion de s’affirmer et
de définir des relations sexuelles agréables. Se
fondant sur des entretiens approfondis et des
discussions en groupe avec des femmes mariées
dans des relations hétérosexuelles, l’article
examine dans quelle mesure les femmes issues
d’environnements à faible revenu en Ouganda
expriment leurs préférences en matière de
sexualité. Les conclusions montrent que dans
le cadre de relations hétérosexuelles, ces
femmes sont capables d’exprimer librement
leurs désirs sexuels et de négocier plusieurs
options pour éprouver du plaisir dans les
rapports sexuels. Les faits observés soulignent
la nécessité de reconnaître les variations au
sein des expériences hétérosexuelles et la
possibilité de relations hétérosexuelles positives
qui s’opposent à la masculinité hégémonique et la
féminité subordonnée.
70
oppapers.com/ essays/benefits-of-sexual-expression/
207734. 2009.
34. Prescott JW. Prevention or therapy and the politics of
trust: Inspiring a new human agenda. Psychotherapy
and Politics International, 2005;3(3):194–211.
Resumen
En muchas sociedades patriarcales en África,
la heterosexualidad es privilegiada como la
única forma legítima de interacción sexual; otras
sexualidades son marginadas porque son percibidas
como no africanas, anormales y pecaminosas, y son
reprimidas. La sexualidad femenina está demasiado
subordinada y controlada, ya que es reducida a
los roles convencionales de maternidad, que son
fusionados con sus capacidades reproductivas. Sin
embargo, existe evidencia de que las mujeres en
relaciones heterosexuales tienen la oportunidad
de ser firmes y de definir el sexo placentero. Basado
en entrevistas a profundidad y discusiones en grupos
focales con mujeres casadas en uniones
heterosexuales, este artículo examina en qué
medida las mujeres de bajos ingresos en Uganda
expresan su agencia sexual. Los hallazgos muestran
que en relaciones heterosexuales, estas mujeres
son capaces de expresar sus deseos sexuales
libremente y negociar diversas opciones para tener
experiencias sexuales placenteras. La evidencia
indica la necesidad de reconocer variaciones en
las experiencias heterosexuales y la posibilidad
de tener relaciones heterosexuales positivas que
resistan la masculinidad hegemónica y la feminidad
subordinada.