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In Honorem 6 - Ivan Jordanov
In Honorem 6 - Ivan Jordanov
ǹȃȉǿȋǹȇǿȈȂǹȉȅȈ
ǼȆǿȈĭȇǹīǿȈǿȈ
ɘɛɢɥɟɟɧ ɫɛɨɪɧɢɤ
ɜ ɱɟɫɬ ɧɚ 70-ɝɨɞɢɲɧɢɧɚɬɚ
ɧɚ ɩɪɨɮ. ɞ.ɢ.ɧ. ɂɜɚɧ Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ
ɂɡɞɚɧɢɟɬɨ ɟ ɲɟɫɬɢ ɬɨɦ ɨɬ ɩɨɪɟɞɢɰɚɬɚ IN HONOREM ɧɚ
Ɏɚɤɭɥɬɟɬɚ ɩɨ ɯɭɦɚɧɢɬɚɪɧɢ ɧɚɭɤɢ ɧɚ ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɢɹ ɭɧɢɜɟɪɫɢɬɟɬ.
ɉɨɫɜɟɬɟɧɨ ɟ ɧɚ 70-ɝɨɞɢɲɧɢɹ ɸɛɢɥɟɣ ɧɚ ɩɪɨɮ. ɞ.ɢ.ɧ. ɂɜɚɧ Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ.
Ɋɟɞɚɤɰɢɨɧɧɚ ɤɨɥɟɝɢɹ:
Ⱦɨɰ. ɞ-ɪ Ɍɨɞɨɪ Ɍɨɞɨɪɨɜ (ɨɬɝɨɜɨɪɟɧ ɪɟɞɚɤɬɨɪ)
Ⱦɨɰ. ɞ-ɪ ɀɟɧɹ ɀɟɤɨɜɚ
Ⱦɨɰ. ɞ-ɪ Ⱦɟɫɢɫɥɚɜɚ ɂɜɚɧɨɜɚ
Ƚɥ. ɚɫ. ɞ-ɪ Ʉɚɦɟɧ Ⱥɧɞɨɧɨɜ
Ɋɟɰɟɧɡɟɧɬɢ:
Ⱦɨɰ. ɞ-ɪ Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧɨɜ
Ⱦɨɰ. ɞ-ɪ Ʉɪɚɫɢɦɢɪ Ʉɪɴɫɬɟɜ
IN HONOREM
6
ǹȃȉǿȋǹȇǿȈȂǹȉȅȈ
ǼȆǿȈĭȇǹīǿȈǿȈ
ɘɛɢɥɟɟɧ ɫɛɨɪɧɢɤ
ɜ ɱɟɫɬ ɧɚ 70-ɝɨɞɢɲɧɢɧɚɬɚ
ɧɚ ɩɪɨɮ. ɞ.ɢ.ɧ. ɂɜɚɧ Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ
ɒɍɆȿɇ
2019
KONSTANTIN PRESLAVSKY
UNIVERSITY OF SHUMEN
IN HONOREM
6
ǹȃȉǿȋǹȇǿȈȂǹȉȅȈ
ǼȆǿȈĭȇǹīǿȈǿȈ
70th anniversary
SHUMEN
2019
ɉɪɨɮ. ɞ.ɢ.ɧ. ɂɜɚɧ Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ
Doctor honoris causa ɧɚ ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɢ ɉɪɟɫɬɚɜɹɧɟ ɧɚ ɤɧɢɝɚɬɚ
ɭɧɢɜɟɪɫɢɬɟɬ „ȿɩɢɫɤɨɩ Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ ɉɪɟ- „ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɧɚ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɚɬɚ
ɫɥɚɜɫɤɢ” – 26.04.2018 ɝ. ɚɞɦɢɧɢɫɬɪɚɰɢɹ ɜ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ
Doctor honoris causa of Konstantin Preslavsky (971 – 1118)” – 16.04.2019 ɝ.
University of Shumen – 26.04.2018 – ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɢ ɭɧɢɜɟɪɫɢɬɟɬ
„ȿɩɢɫɤɨɩ Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ
ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜɫɤɢ”
CONTESTS
ɋɔɄɊȺɓȿɇɂə............................................................................................ 15
ABREVIATIONS .......................................................................................... 15
7
ɇɢɤɨɥɚɣ ȺɅȿɄɋȿȿɇɄɈ ............................................................................. 78
ɌɊɂ ɉȿɊɋɈɇȺɀȺ ȼɂɁȺɇɌɂɃɋɄɂɏ ɏɊɈɇɂɄ XI ȼ.
ɂ ɇȺɏɈȾɄɂ ɂɏ ɆɈɅɂȼȾɈȼɍɅɈȼ ȼ ȻɈɅȽȺɊɋɄɂɏ ɁȿɆɅəɏ
Nikolay ALEKSEYENKO ............................................................................. 78
THREE CHARACTERS OF ELEVENTH-CENTURY BYZANTINE
CHRONICLES AND THE MOLYBDOBOULLA THEY FOUND IN
BULGARIAN LANDS
8
Ⱦɨɱɤɚ ȼɅȺȾɂɆɂɊɈȼȺ – ȺɅȺȾɀɈȼȺ ................................................ 145
ɈɅɈȼɇɂ ɉȿɑȺɌɂ ɈɌ ȺɇɌɂɑɇȺ ɋȿɊȾɂɄȺ (ɈȻȿɄɌ “ȼȿɋɅȿɐ” 13)
Dochka VLADIMIROVA – ALADZHOVA................................................ 145
LEAD SEALS FROM ANCIENT SERDIKA (“VESLETS SITE” 13)
9
Ƚɟɨɪɝɢ ȽȿɊɈȼ ............................................................................................ 228
ɂɁɈȻɊȺɀȿɇɂȿ ɇȺ ɌȿɌɊȺɆɈɊɎ ɈɌ ɐɔɊɄȼȺɌȺ ȼ
ȾɂȼɈɌɂɇɋɄɂə ɆȺɇȺɋɌɂɊ
Georgi GEROV ............................................................................................ 228
AN IMAGE OF TETRAMORPH FROM THE CHURCH IN THE
DIVOTINIAN MONASTERY
10
ɂɥɢɹ Ƚ. ɂɅɂȿȼ .......................................................................................... 279
ɘȽɈɁȺɉȺȾɇɂɌȿ ȻɔɅȽȺɊɋɄɂ ɁȿɆɂ ȼ ɈȽɅȿȾȺɅɈɌɈ ɇȺ
NARRATIO ATHONENSIS AD ANNUM MCCXXXV
Iliya G. ILIEV.............................................................................................. 279
THE SOUTHWEST BULGARIAN LANDS IN THE MIRROR OF
NARRATIO ATHONENSIS AD ANNUM MCCXXXV
11
ɂɝɨɪ ɅȺɁȺɊȿɇɄɈ .................................................................................... 356
ɆɈɅɂȼȾɈȼɍɅɂ ɈɌ ɋɊȿȾɇɈȼȿɄɈȼɇɂə ȽɊȺȾ ɉȿɌɊɂɇ
Igor LAZARENKO ...................................................................................... 356
MOLYBDOBULLA FROM THE MEDIEVAL TOWN OF PETRIN
12
Ȼɨɪɹɧɚ ɊɍɋȿȼȺ ......................................................................................... 420
ɁȺ ɉɈɋɌɍɆɇɂɌȿ ȺɅȿɄɋȺɇȾɊɈȼɄɂ ɋɔɋ ɋɂɆȼɈɅ ɎȺɄȿɅ,
ɋȿɑȿɇɂ ȼ ɆȺɄȿȾɈɇɂə ɈɄ. 280/9 – 277/6 Ƚ. ɉɊ.ɏɊ. ɂɅɂ ɉɈ-
ɄɔɋɇɈ
Boryana RUSSEVA ..................................................................................... 420
ON ALEXANDER’S COINS WITH A TORCH CUT IN MACEDONIA
CA. 280/279 – 277/276 BC OR LATER
13
ɂɜɨ ɌɈɉȺɅɂɅɈȼ ..................................................................................... 465
ȼɔɊɏɍ ȿȾɂɇ ȺɋɉȿɄɌ ɇȺ ɌɈɉɈɋɇȺɌȺ ɅɂɌɍɊȽɂə ȼ
ɄɈɇɋɌȺɇɌɂɇɈɉɈɅ ɉɊȿɁ IV ȼȿɄ
Ivo TOPALILOV ......................................................................................... 465
ON ONE ASPECT OF THE STATIONAL LITURGY IN
CONSTANTINOPLE IN 4TH CENTURY
14
ɋɔɄɊȺɓȿɇɂə
ABREVIATIONS
16
ɋɉɂɋɔɄ ɇȺ ȺȼɌɈɊɂɌȿ
LIST OF THE CONTRIBUTORS
17
Russian Academy of Sciences,
chkhaidze.v@yandex.ru
18
ilgil@abv.bg
19
Yorka NIKOLAOU, PhD,
Numismatic Museum, Athens, Greece
yorka.nikolaou@gmail.com
21
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
ɀɟɧɹ ɀɟɤɨɜɚ
ɉɔɊȼɂɌȿ 70!
1
Ɂɚ ɩɪɨɮ. ɞ.ɢ.ɧ. ɂɜɚɧ Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ ɢ ɧɟɝɨɜɢɬɟ ɩɪɢɧɨɫɢ ɜ ɧɚɭɤɚɬɚ ɜɠ. ɀɟɤɨɜɚ, ɀ.
ɉɪɨɮ. ɞɢɧ ɂɜɚɧ Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ ɧɚ 60 ɝɨɞɢɧɢ! – ɇɭɦɢɡɦɚɬɢɤɚ, ɫɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɤɚ ɢ
ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɢɤɚ. Studia in honorem professoris Ivan Jordanov. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2009, 5, ix-xiv;
ɀɟɤɨɜɚ, ɀ. ɉɪɟɞɝɨɜɨɪ. – ȼ: Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. Ƚɪɚɞɨɜɟ, ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬɢ ɢ ɫɟɥɢɳɚ ɜ
ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ ɫɩɨɪɟɞ ɞɚɧɧɢɬɟ ɧɚ ɫɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɤɚ (ɢɡɛɪɚɧɢ ɫɬɚɬɢɢ ɢ ɫɬɭɞɢɢ).
CD. ɒɭɦɟɧ: ɍɧɢɜɟɪɫɢɬɟɬɫɤɨ ɢɡɞɚɬɟɥɫɬɜɨ „ȿɩɢɫɤɨɩ Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜɫɤɢ“, 2014,
vii-x.
22
Женя ЖЕКОВА. ПЪРВИТЕ 70!
CURRICULUM VITAE
ɇɚ ɩɪɨɮ. ɞ.ɢ.ɧ. ɂɜɚɧ Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ
24
Женя ЖЕКОВА. ПЪРВИТЕ 70!
1993 – ɭɱɚɫɬɜɚ ɜ ȱV ɦɟɠɞɭɧɚɪɨɞɟɧ ɫɢɦɩɨɡɢɭɦ ɩɨ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɧɢɫɬɢɤɚ ɢ
ɫɢɝɢɥɨɝɪɚɮɢɹ, ȼɢɟɧɚ
1993 – ɢɡɥɢɡɚ ɨɬ ɩɟɱɚɬ ɦɨɧɨɝɪɚɮɢɹɬɚ ɉɟɱɚɬɢɬɟ ɨɬ ɫɬɪɚɬɟɝɢɹɬɚ ɜ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ
1995 – 2003 – ɪɴɤɨɜɨɞɢɬɟɥ ɧɚ Ɏɢɥɢɚɥɚ ɧɚ ɇȺɂɆ ɤɴɦ ȻȺɇ ɜ ɝɪɚɞ ɒɭɦɟɧ
1996 ɝ. – ɢɡɛɪɚɧ ɟ ɡɚ ɫɬ.ɧ.ɫ. ȱ ɫɬ. ɜ ɫɢɫɬɟɦɚɬɚ ɧɚ ȻȺɇ ɢ ɫɴɨɬɜɟɬɧɨ ɩɪɨɮɟɫɨɪ ɜ
ɫɢɫɬɟɦɚɬɚ ɧɚ ɨɛɪɚɡɨɜɚɧɢɟɬɨ
1994 – 1996 – ɪɴɤɨɜɨɞɢɬɟɥ ɧɚ ɤɚɬɟɞɪɚɬɚ ɩɨ ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɢ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɹ ɤɴɦ
ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɢ ɭɧɢɜɟɪɫɢɬɟɬ „ȿɩɢɫɤɨɩ Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜɫɤɢ”
1998 – ɫɩɟɰɢɚɥɢɡɢɪɚ ɜ ɂɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ ɩɨ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɧɢɫɬɢɤɚ, ȼɢɟɧɚ
1998 – ɝɥɚɜɟɧ ɨɪɝɚɧɢɡɚɬɨɪ ɢ ɪɴɤɨɜɨɞɢɬɟɥ ɧɚ Vȱ ɦɟɠɞɭɧɚɪɨɞɟɧ ɫɢɦɩɨɡɢɭɦ ɩɨ
ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɧɢɫɬɢɤɚ ɢ ɫɢɝɢɥɨɝɪɚɮɢɹ ɜɴɜ ȼɟɥɢɤɢ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ
1998 – 2010 – ɱɥɟɧ ɧɚ ɋɩɟɰɢɚɥɢɡɢɪɚɧɢɹ ɧɚɭɱɟɧ ɫɴɜɟɬ ɩɨ ɋɬɚɪɚ ɢ
ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ, ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɹ ɢ ɟɬɧɨɝɪɚɮɢɹ ɤɴɦ ȼɢɫɲɚɬɚ ɚɬɟɫɬɚɰɢɨɧɧɚ ɤɨɦɢɫɢɹ
ɩɪɢ Ɇɋ
1999 – ɩɪɟɞɫɟɞɚɬɟɥ ɧɚ ɋɍȻ, ɤɥɨɧ ɒɭɦɟɧ
2001 – ɭɱɚɫɬɜɚ ɜ ɏɏ ɦɟɠɞɭɧɚɪɨɞɟɧ ɤɨɧɝɪɟɫ ɩɨ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɧɢɫɬɢɤɚ, ɉɚɪɢɠ
2001 – ɢɡɥɢɡɚ ɨɬ ɩɟɱɚɬ Ʉɨɪɩɭɫ ɧɚ ɩɟɱɚɬɢɬɟ ɧɚ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ
2003 – ɭɱɚɫɬɜɚ ɜ Vȱȱȱ ɦɟɠɞɭɧɚɪɨɞɟɧ ɫɢɦɩɨɡɢɭɦ ɩɨ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɧɢɫɬɢɤɚ ɢ
ɫɢɝɢɥɨɝɪɚɮɢɹ, Ȼɟɪɥɢɧ
2003 – ɢɡɥɢɡɚ ɨɬ ɩɟɱɚɬ ɩɴɪɜɢɹɬ ɬɨɦ ɨɬ Ʉɨɪɩɭɫɚ ɧɚ ɩɟɱɚɬɢɬɟ ɨɬ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ
Corpus of the Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria. Volume 1. Corpus of the Byzantine Seals with
Geographical Names
2004 – ɝɥɚɜɟɧ ɪɟɞɚɤɬɨɪ ɧɚ ɫɩɢɫɚɧɢɟ ɇɭɦɢɡɦɚɬɢɤɚ, ɫɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɤɚ ɢ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɢɤɚ
ɢɡɞɚɜɚɧɨ ɨɬ ɇȺɂɆ ɩɪɢ ȻȺɇ
2005 – ɭɱɚɫɬɜɚ ɜ Ɇɟɠɞɭɧɚɪɨɞɟɧ ɫɢɦɩɨɡɢɭɦ 40 Years On, ɩɨɫɜɟɬɟɧ ɧɚ ɩɪɨɮ.
Ɇɚɣɤɴɥ Ɇɟɬɤɚɥɮ, Ⱥɲɦɨɥɢɴɧ Ɇɸɡɢɴɦ, Ɉɤɫɮɨɪɞ
2005 – ɨɫɧɨɜɚɬɟɥ ɢ ɪɴɤɨɜɨɞɢɬɟɥ ɧɚ ɇɚɭɱɧɨɢɡɫɥɟɞɨɜɚɬɟɥɫɤɢɹ ɰɟɧɬɴɪ ɩɨ
ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɧɢɫɬɢɤɚ ɤɴɦ ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɢɹ ɭɧɢɜɟɪɫɢɬɟɬ
2006 – ɭɱɚɫɬɜɚ ɜ ɏɏȱ ɦɟɠɞɭɧɚɪɨɞɟɧ ɤɨɧɝɪɟɫ ɩɨ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɧɢɫɬɢɤɚ, Ʌɨɧɞɨɧ
2006 – ɢɡɥɢɡɚ ɨɬ ɩɟɱɚɬ ɜɬɨɪɢɹɬ ɬɨɦ ɨɬ Ʉɨɪɩɭɫ ɧɚ ɩɟɱɚɬɢɬɟ ɨɬ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ Corpus
of the Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria. Volume 2. Byzantine Seals with Family Names
2007 – ɝɥɚɜɟɧ ɨɪɝɚɧɢɡɚɬɨɪ ɢ ɪɴɤɨɜɨɞɢɬɟɥ ɧɚ Ɇɟɠɞɭɧɚɪɨɞɟɧ ɫɢɦɩɨɡɢɭɦ,
ɩɨɫɜɟɬɟɧ ɧɚ 100 ɝ. ɨɬ ɪɨɠɞɟɧɢɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɧɚɣ-ɝɨɥɟɦɢɹ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢ ɤɨɥɟɤɰɢɨɧɟɪ ɞ-ɪ ȼɚɫɢɥ
ɏɚɪɚɥɚɧɨɜ, ɒɭɦɟɧ
2008 – ɪɴɤɨɜɨɞɢɬɟɥ ɧɚ Ɇɟɠɞɭɧɚɪɨɞɧɚ ɤɨɧɮɟɪɟɧɰɢɹ ɉɴɬɭɜɚɧɢɹɬɚ ɜ
ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, ɒɭɦɟɧ
2008 – ɭɞɨɫɬɨɟɧ ɫ „ɇɚɝɪɚɞɚɬɚ ɧɚ ɒɭɦɟɧ ɡɚ ɢɡɤɭɫɬɜɨ ɢ ɤɭɥɬɭɪɚ” ɡɚ ɤɧɢɝɚɬɚ
Catalogue of Medieval Seals at the Regional Historical Museum of Shumen
2009 – ɩɨɥɭɱɚɜɚ ɡɜɚɧɢɟɬɨ ɉɨɱɟɬɟɧ ɝɪɚɠɞɚɧɢɧ ɧɚ ɝɪɚɞ ɒɭɦɟɧ
2018 – ɢɡɛɪɚɧ ɟ ɡɚ Doctor honoris causa ɧɚ ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɢ ɭɧɢɜɟɪɫɢɬɟɬ „ȿɩɢɫɤɨɩ
Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜɫɤɢ”
25
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
Zhenya Zhekova
1
About Prof. Dr. Habil Ivan ȳordanov and his contributions to science, cf.
Zhekova, Zh. Prof. Dean Ivan ȳordanov ȳordanov at 60! - Numizmatika, sfragistika i
epigrafika. Studia in honorem professoris Ivan Jordanov. Sofia, 2009, 5, ix - xiv; Zhekova,
Zh. Foreword. - In: ȳordanov, I. Gradove, kreposti i selishta v srednovekovna Bulgaria
spored dannite na sfragistika (izbrani statii i studii). Konstantin Preslavsky University Press,
Shumen, 2014, vii - x.
26
Zhenya ZHEKOVA. THE FIRST SEVENTY YEARS!
27
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
CURRICULUM VITAE
Prof. Dr. Habil Ivan Jordanov Jordanov
April 13, 1949 - born in the village of Tsar Samuil, Silistra district
1972 - graduates with a Master’s degree of History at “St. St. Cyril and Methodius"
University of Veliko Turnovo
1972 - 1974 - curator at the Museum of History - Nova Zagora
1974 - 2018 - works at the Branch of National Archaeological Institute with
Museum at Bulgarian Academy of Sciences in Shumen
1978 - defends his doctoral thesis on Coins and Circulation in Eastern Bulgaria in
the Period 1081 - 1261.
1981 - participates in the XVI International Congress of Byzantine Studies, Vienna
1984 - his first monograph Coins and Coinage in Medieval Bulgaria 1081 – 1261 is
published
1986 - participates in the 18th International Byzantine Congress, Washington
1988 - habilitation at the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences
1988 - participates in the Second International Symposium on Byzantine Studies
and Sigillography, Athens
1989, 2002, 2004, 2005, 2008 - specializes at the Center for Byzantine Studies at
Harvard University - Dumberton Oaks, Washington
1990 - 1991 - Head of the Branch of National Archaeological Institute with
Museum at Bulgarian Academy of Sciences in Shumen
1990 - 2017 - member of the Scientific Council of National Archaeological Institute
with Museum at Bulgarian Academy of Sciences in Sofia
1991 - participates in the 18th International Congress on Byzantine Studies,
Moscow
1991 - member of the International Byzantine Sphragistics Association
1992 - Doctor of History
1993 - specializes at Heberden Coin Room, Ashmolian Museum, Oxford, UK
1993 - participates in the IV International Symposium of Byzantine Studies and
Sigillography, Vienna
1993 - his monograph The Seals of the Preslav Strategy is published
1995 - 2003 - Head of the Branch of National Archaeological Institute with
Museum at Bulgarian Academy of Sciences in Shumen
28
Zhenya ZHEKOVA. THE FIRST SEVENTY YEARS!
1996 - elected as a Senior Research Associate I degree in the system of Bulgarian
Academy of Sciences and, accordingly, professor in the system of education
1994 - 1996 - Head of the Department of History and Archeology at Konstantin
Preslavsky University of Shumen
1998 - specializes at the Institute of Byzantine Studies, Vienna
1998 - chief organizer and leader of the VI International Symposium of Byzantine
Studies and Sigillography, Veliki Preslav
1998 - 2010 - member of the Specialized Scientific Council of Old and Medieval
History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Supreme Attestation Commission of the
Council of Ministers
1999 - chairman of the Union of Bulgarian Scientists, Branch Shumen
2001 - participates in the XX International Congress of Byzantine Studies, Paris
2001 – Corpus of the seals of medieval Bulgaria is published
2003 - participates in the VIII International Symposium of Byzantine Studies and
Sigillography, Berlin
2003 - the first volume of the Corpus of seals from Bulgaria is published: Corpus of
the Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria. Volume 1. Corpus of the Byzantine Seals with
Geographical Names
2004 - Editor-in-Chief of Numismatics, Sphragistics and Epigraphy journal,
published by the National Archaeological Institute with Museum at Bulgarian Academy of
Sciences
2005 - participates in the 40 Years International Symposium, dedicated to Prof.
Michael Metcalfe, Ashmolian Museum, Oxford
2005 - founder and director of the Byzantine Research Center at the University of
Shumen
2006 - participates in the 21st International Byzantine Congress, London
2006 - the second volume of the Corpus of seals from Bulgaria is published: Corpus
of the Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria. Volume 2. Byzantine Seals with Family Names
2007 - chief organizer and leader of the International Symposium dedicated to the
100th birth anniversary of the largest Bulgarian collector Dr. Vasil Haralanov, Shumen
2008 - Head of the International Conference Travels in Medieval Bulgaria, Shumen
2008 - receives the Shumen Prize for Arts and Culture for the book Catalogue of
Medieval Seals at the Regional Historical Museum of Shumen
2009 - receives the title of Honorary Citizen of Shumen
2018 - Doctor honoris causa of Konstantin Preslavsky University of Shumen
29
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
Ʉɚɦɟɧ Ⱥɧɞɨɧɨɜ
Kamen Andonov
BYZANTINE IMPERIAL SEALS FROM BULGARIA – THE
REPRESENTATIVE PART OF THE BULGARIAN SPHRAGISTIC
COLLECTION. THE CONTRIBUTION OF IVAN JORDANOV
The object of this paper, dedicated to the jubilee of Professor D.Sc. Ivan Jordanov
are Byzantine imperial seals from Bulgaria. An attempt has been made here to make a
general presentation of this collection, for which Ivan Jordanov made a significant
contribution. The exposition is divided into three parts:
1. General quantitative and qualitative characteristics – 241 byzantine imperial seals
for a most part of them has information on their find-spot.
2. Chronological and geographical disposition. In this part are formed four groups:
1. Byzantine imperial seals from the second half of the 4th to the end of the 7th century; 2.
Byzantine imperial seals from the end of the 7th to the beginning of the XIth century; 3.
Byzantine imperial seals from the beginning of the Xth to the end of the XIIth century; 4.
Byzantine imperial seals from the end of XIIth to the second half of XIVth century.
3. Table 1. Byzantine imperial seals from Bulgaria. It includes information on the
find-spot, current storage of the seals and their parallels.
1
ɉɭɛɥɢɤɚɰɢɹɬɚ ɫɟ ɪɟɚɥɢɡɢɪɚ ɜ ɪɚɦɤɢɬɟ ɧɚ ɇɚɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɚɬɚ ɧɚɭɱɧɚ ɩɪɨɝɪɚɦɚ
„Ʉɭɥɬɭɪɧɨɢɫɬɨɪɢɱɟɫɤɨ ɧɚɫɥɟɞɫɬɜɨ, ɧɚɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɚ ɩɚɦɟɬ ɢ ɨɛɳɟɫɬɜɟɧɨ ɪɚɡɜɢɬɢɟ”,
ɮɢɧɚɧɫɢɪɚɧɚ ɨɬ Ɇɢɧɢɫɬɟɪɫɬɜɨɬɨ ɧɚ ɨɛɪɚɡɨɜɚɧɢɟɬɨ ɢ ɧɚɭɤɚɬɚ.
30
Камен АНДОНОВ. ВИЗАНТИЙСКИТЕ ИМПЕРАТОРСКИ ПЕЧАТИ ОТ БЪЛГАРИЯ – ПРЕДСТАВИТЕЛНАТА ...
2
Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine seals from Bulgaria. Vol. III, Part 1-2. Sofia,
2009 (ɩɨ-ɧɚɬɚɬɴɤ ɳɟ ɫɟ ɰɢɬɢɪɚ Jordanov, I. Corpus, ȱȱȱ); ȱ. Jordanov. Corpus of Byzantine
Seals from Bulgaria, Volume 1-3, Sofia, 2003, 2006, 2009. Addenda et Corrigenda. –
ɇɭɦɢɡɦɚɬɢɤɚ, ɋɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɤɚ ɢ ȿɩɢɝɪɚɮɢɤɚ, 7, 2011, 189-191 (ɩɨ-ɧɚɬɚɬɴɤ ɳɟ ɫɟ ɰɢɬɢɪɚ
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. Addenda et Corrigenda (1)); ȱ. Jordanov. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from
Bulgaria, Volume 1-3, Sofia, 2003, 2006, 2009. Addenda et Corrigenda (2). – Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ ɜ
ɟɜɪɨɩɟɣɫɤɚɬɚ ɤɭɥɬɭɪɚ, ɧɚɭɤɚ, ɨɛɪɚɡɨɜɚɧɢɟ, ɪɟɥɢɝɢɹ. ɑɚɫɬ 1. ɒɭɦɟɧ, 2015, 223-225 (ɩɨ-
ɧɚɬɚɬɴɤ ɳɟ ɫɟ ɰɢɬɢɪɚ Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. Addenda et Corrigenda (2); ȱ. Jordanov. Corpus of
Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria, Volume 1-3, Sofia, 2003, 2006, 2009. Addenda et
Corrigenda (3). – ɉɢɫɦɟɧɨɫɬ, ɤɧɢɠɨɜɧɢɰɢ, ɤɧɢɝɢ: ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɫɥɟɞɚ ɜ ɤɭɥɬɭɪɧɚɬɚ
ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ ȿɜɪɨɩɚ, ɒɭɦɟɧ 2018, 124-126 (ɩɨ-ɧɚɬɚɬɴɤ ɳɟ ɫɟ ɰɢɬɢɪɚ Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ.
Addenda et Corrigenda (2)). ɋ ɢɡɬɴɤɜɚɧɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɛɟɡɫɩɨɪɧɢɹ ɩɪɢɧɨɫ ɧɚ ɂɜɚɧ Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ ɡɚ
ɫɟɝɚɲɧɢɹ ɨɛɥɢɤ ɧɚ ɤɨɥɟɤɰɢɹɬɚ ɨɬ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɢɦɩɟɪɚɬɨɪɫɤɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɨɬ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ ɩɨ
ɧɢɤɚɤɴɜ ɧɚɱɢɧ ɧɟ ɩɨɞɰɟɧɹɜɚɦ ɬɪɭɞɚ ɧɚ ɪɟɞɢɰɚ ɚɜɬɨɪɢ ɧɚ ɩɴɪɜɢɱɧɢ ɩɭɛɥɢɤɚɰɢɢ ɧɚ
ɨɬɞɟɥɧɢ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɢɦɩɟɪɚɬɨɪɫɤɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ. ɉɨɜɟɱɟɬɨ ɨɬ ɬɹɯ ɫɚ ɰɢɬɢɪɚɧɢ ɜ
ɩɪɢɥɨɠɟɧɚɬɚ Ɍɚɛɥɢɰɚ 1.
3
ɉɭɛɥɢɤɭɜɚɧɢɬɟ ɩɪɟɡ 1972 ɝ. ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɢɦɩɟɪɚɬɨɪɫɤɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɨɬ ɤɨɥɟɤɰɢɹɬɚ
ɧɚ Ƚɟɨɪɝɢɨɫ Ɂɚɤɨɫ ɫɚ 266 ɧɚ ɛɪɨɣ – ɜɠ. Zacos, G., A. Veglery. Byzantine Lead Seals, Vol.
I, Part 1-2. Basel, 1972, 6-127 (ɩɨ-ɧɚɬɚɬɴɤ ɳɟ ɫɟ ɰɢɬɢɪɚ Zacos, Veglery 1972). 157 ɨɬ
ɬɟɡɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɫɚ ɱɚɫɬ ɨɬ ɤɨɥɟɤɰɢɹɬɚ ɧɚ Ⱦɴɦɛɴɪɬɴɧ Ɉɭɤɫ, ɤɨɹɬɨ ɨɛɳɨ ɜɴɡɥɢɡɚ ɧɚ 397
31
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
8
Jordanov, I., Zh. Zhekova. Catalogue of Medieval seals at the Regional
Historical Museum of Shumen. Shumen, 2007.
9
Jordanov, I. The Collection of Medieval Seals from National Archaeological
Museum Sofia, Sofia, 2011.
10
ȼɠ. Tredgold, W. A History of the Byzantine State and Society. Stanford, 1997,
174-217; Louth, A. Jistinian and his legasy (500-600). – In: The Cambridge history of the
Byzantine Empire c. 500-1492, ed. by J. Shepard. Cambridge, 2008, 99-129.
11
Nesbitt 2009, ʋ13.3-4, 14.1-5, 14.7-10, 14.14
33
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
1 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪ
(ɟɞɧɨɫɬɪɚɧɟɧ ɩɟɱɚɬ
ɩɥɨɦɛɚ)
2. Ⱥɧɚɫɬɚɫɢɣ ȱ (491- Ⱦɜɚ ɨɬ ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪɢɬɟ Jordanov, I. Corpus, Zacos, Veglery
518) ɫɚ ɫ ɧɟɢɡɜɟɫɬɧɨ ȱȱȱ, nos. 1-3. 1972, ʋ1;
Dominus noster ɦɟɫɬɨɧɚɦɢɪɚɧɟ. Ɂɚ ɇɂɆ ɋɨɮɢɹ – 1 ɋɨɤɨɥɨɜɚ 2007,
Anastasios perpetuus ɬɪɟɬɢɹ ɢɧɮɨɪɦɚɰɢɹɬɚ ɟɤɡ.17; ʋ6.
Augustus ɫɨɱɢ – ɝɪ. ɉɨɦɨɪɢɟ. ɂɆ ɇɟɫɟɛɴɪ – 1
3 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪɚ ɟɤɡ.18
ɑɚɫɬɧɚ ɤɨɥɟɤɰɢɹ – 1.
3. ɘɫɬɢɧɢɚɧ ȱ ɋɟɜɟɪɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ: Jordanov, I. Corpus, Zacos, Veglery
(527-565) ɋɢɥɢɫɬɪɚ (1); ȱȱȱ, nos. 4-41; 1972, ʋ3ɚ-ɫ, 4;
Dominus noster Ɍɴɪɝɨɜɢɳɤɚ ɨɛɥɚɫɬ Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. Seibt 1978, ʋ6;
Justinianus perpetuus (1); ɫ. ɋɭɲɢɧɚ Addenda et Corri- ɋɨɤɨɥɨɜɚ 2007,
Augustus (ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɨ) (1); genda (1), ʋ44ɛ-ɠ. ʋ7-14;
48 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪɚ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ (1); Ⱦɨɥɟɧ ɊɂɆ ɒɭɦɟɧ – 18 Nesbitt 2009,
ɱɢɮɥɢɤ (ȼɚɪɧɟɧɫɤɨ) ɟɤɡ.19; ʋʋ4.2-4.12,
17
Jordanov, I. Corpus, ȱȱȱ, no. 1.
18
Ⱦɢɦɨɜɚ, ɋ. Ɋɚɧɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ (V-Vȱ ɜ.) ɨɬ ɮɨɧɞɚ ɧɚ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ
ɦɭɡɟɣ – ɇɟɫɟɛɴɪ. – Ɍɪɚɤɢɹ ɢ ɏɢɦɟɦɨɧɬ, ȱV – ɏȱV ɜ., ɬɨɦ 1, ȼɚɪɧɚ, 2007, ɨɛɪ. 1.
19
Jordanov, I., Zh. Zhekova. Catalogue of Medieval seals at the Regional
Historical Museum of Shumen. Shumen, 2007, nos. 85-99.
36
Камен АНДОНОВ. ВИЗАНТИЙСКИТЕ ИМПЕРАТОРСКИ ПЕЧАТИ ОТ БЪЛГАРИЯ – ПРЕДСТАВИТЕЛНАТА ...
(1); ɉɪɨɜɚɞɢɹ (1); ɫ. ɇȺɂɆ ɋɨɮɢɹ – 5 4.14, 5.1;
Ʉɪɚɫɟɧ (Ɋɭɫɟɧɫɤɨ) (1); ɟɤɡ.20; Cheynet,
ɋɟɜɟɪɨɢɡɬɨɱɧɚ ɂɆ ɇɟɫɟɛɴɪ – 2 GökyÕldÕrÕm,
Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ (5). ɟɤɡ.21; Bulgurlu 2012,
ɘɠɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ: ȺɆ ɉɥɨɜɞɢɜ – 3 no. 1.3.
ɉɪɢɦɨɪɫɤɨ (1); ɟɤɡ.22
ɉɨɦɨɪɢɟ (1); ɇɟɫɟɛɴɪ Ɉɫɬɚɧɚɥɢɬɟ 20 ɟɤɡ. –
(1); Ɇɟɥɧɢɰɚ (1); ɱɚɫɬɧɢ ɤɨɥɟɤɰɢɢ.
ɉɥɨɜɞɢɜ (1);
ɏɚɫɤɨɜɫɤɨ (3); ɋɬɚɪɚ
Ɂɚɝɨɪɚ (1); ɉɚɡɚɪɞɠɢɤ
(1); Ʉɪɢɱɢɦ (1); ɫ.
ɂɡɜɨɪ (Ɋɚɞɨɦɢɪɫɤɨ)
(1). Ɉɫɬɚɧɚɥɢɬɟ
ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪɢ ɫɚ ɫ
ɧɟɢɡɜɟɫɬɧɨ
ɦɟɫɬɨɧɚɦɢɪɚɧɟ.
4. ɘɫɬɢɧ ȱȱ (565- ɇɟɢɡɜɟɫɬɧɨ. Jordanov, I. Corpus, Zacos, Veglery
578) ȱȱȱ, no. 45. 1972, ʋ5;
Dominus noster ɑɚɫɬɧɚ ɤɨɥɟɤɰɢɹ. ɋɨɤɨɥɨɜɚ 2007,
Iustinus perpetuus ʋ15; Nesbitt
Augustus 2009, ʋ7.2.
1 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪ
5. Ɇɚɜɪɢɤɢɣ ɇɟɢɡɜɟɫɬɧɨ. Jordanov, I. Corpus, Zacos, Veglery
Ɍɢɛɟɪɢɣ (582-602) ȱȱȱ, nos. 46-47. 1972, ʋ7ɚ-ɟ;
Dominus noster ɊɂɆ ɒɭɦɟɧ – 1 Seibt 1978, ʋ9ɚ-
Mauricios Tiberius ɟɤɡ.; ɜ; ɋɨɤɨɥɨɜɚ
perpetuus Augustus ɑɚɫɬɧɚ ɤɨɥɟɤɰɢɹ – 1 2007, ʋ17-20;
2 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪɚ ɟɤɡ. Nesbitt 2009,
ʋ9.2, 9.4, 9.7-9.
Cheynet,
GökyÕldÕrÕm,
Bulgurlu 2012,
no. 1.6.
6. Ɏɨɤɚ (602-610) ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɨ (1); Jordanov, I. Corpus, Zacos, Veglery
Dominus noster Focas ɧɟɢɡɜɟɫɬɧɨ (1). ȱȱȱ, nos. 48-49. 1972, ʋ8ɚ-ɫ, 9ɚ-
perpetuus Augustus ɇȺɂɆ ɋɨɮɢɹ – 1 ɜ; Seibt 1978,
2 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪɚ ɟɤɡ.23; ʋ10; ɋɨɤɨɥɨɜɚ
ɇɂɆ ɋɨɮɢɹ – 1 2007, ʋ21-24;
ɟɤɡ.24 Nesbitt 2009,
ʋ10.2, 11.2;
Cheynet,
GökyÕldÕrÕm,
20
Ɇɭɲɦɨɜ, ɇ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɨɥɨɜɧɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɨɬ ɫɛɢɪɤɚɬɚ ɧɚ ɇɚɪɨɞɧɢɹ ɦɭɡɟɣ. –
ɂȻȺɂ, 8, 1934, ʋ1; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. Addenda et Corrigenda (1), ʋ44ɛ-ɠ.
21
Ⱦɢɦɨɜɚ, ɋ. Ɋɚɧɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ, ɨɛɪ. 2-3.
22
Jordanov, I. Corpus, ȱȱȱ, nos. 41-43.
23
Ɇɭɲɦɨɜ, ɇ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɨɥɨɜɧɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ, ʋ2.
24
Jordanov, I. Corpus, ȱȱȱ, no. 49.
37
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
Bulgurlu 2012,
no. 1.7.
7. ɂɪɚɤɥɢɣ ɢ ɋɨɮɢɹ (1)*26; Jordanov, I. Corpus, Zacos, Veglery
ɂɪɚɤɥɢɣ ɇɟɢɡɜɟɫɬɧɨ (1). ȱȱȱ, no. 50; 1972, ʋ11ɚ-ɜ,
Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ (616- Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. 12ɚ-ɟ, 13ɚ-ɜ;
625)25 Addenda et Corri- Seibt 1978, ʋ12;
Domini nostri genda (3), ʋ1. ɋɨɤɨɥɨɜɚ 2007,
Heraclius et Heraclius ɇȺɂɆ ɋɨɮɢɹ – 2 ʋ2-42; Nesbitt
Constantinus ɟɤɡ.27 2009, ʋ13.3-4,
2 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪɚ 14.1-5, 14.7-10,
14.14; Cheynet,
GökyÕldÕrÕm,
Bulgurlu 2012,
no. 1.7.
8. Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ ȱV, ɋɢɥɢɫɬɪɚ Jordanov, I. Corpus, ɇɹɦɚ ɬɨɱɟɧ
Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬ ȱȱ ɢ ȱȱȱ, no. 51. ɩɚɪɚɥɟɥ!
Ⱥɧɚɫɚɬɚɫɢɹ (668- ɇɂɆ Ȼɭɤɭɪɟɳ28 ɉɨɞɨɛɟɧ ɩɟɱɚɬ,
685) ɧɨ ɫ ɩɨ-ɪɚɡɥɢɱɧɚ
Êùíóôáíôqíïò, ɥɟɝɟɧɞɚ – Zacos,
Ê™íóôáíôïò êáp Veglery 1972,
<Áíáóôáóßá ʋ19ɚ-ɜ.
âáóéëåqò >Ñùìáßùí
1 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪ
9. Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ ȱV ɫ. ɐɚɪɟɜɰɢ Jordanov, I. Corpus, Zacos, Veglery
(668-685) (ȼɚɪɧɟɧɫɤɨ) ȱȱȱ, no. 52. 1972, ʋ22;
ɛɟɡ ɧɚɞɩɢɫ ɑɚɫɬɧɚ ɤɨɥɟɤɰɢɹ. ɋɨɤɨɥɨɜɚ 2007,
1 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪ ʋ57-58.
10. Ʌɟɨɧ ȱȱȱ ɢ ɂɫɬɚɧɛɭɥ (?) Jordanov, I. Corpus, Zacos, Veglery
Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ V (720- ȱȱȱ, no. 53. 1972, ʋ34bis (a-
741) ɇȺɂɆ ɋɨɮɢɹ29 b); Seibt 1978,
ËÝïí êáp ʋ15; ɋɨɤɨɥɨɜɚ
Êùíóôáíôqíïò 2007, ʋ64-65;
ðéóôïp âáóéëåqò Nesbitt 2009,
>Ñïìáßïí ʋ31.2; Cheynet,
1 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪ GökyÕldÕrÕm,
Bulgurlu 2012,
no. 1.18.
11. Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ V ɢ ɂɫɬɚɧɛɭɥ (?) Jordanov, I. Corpus, Zacos, Veglery
Ʌɟɨɧ ȱV (751-775) ȱȱȱ, no. 54. 1972, ʋ36ɚ-ɫ;
ɇȺɂɆ ɋɨɮɢɹ30 Seibt 1978, ʋ16;
25
ɉɪɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢɬɟ, ɤɨɢɬɨ ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɹɬ ɩɨɜɟɱɟ ɨɬ ɟɞɢɧ ɢɦɩɟɪɚɬɨɪ, ɟ ɨɬɛɟɥɹɡɚɧɚ
ɯɪɨɧɨɥɨɝɢɱɧɚɬɚ ɪɚɦɤɚ ɧɚ ɫɴɨɬɜɟɬɧɨɬɨ ɫɴɜɥɚɞɟɬɟɥɫɤɨ ɭɩɪɚɜɥɟɧɢɟ.
26
Ɉɬ ɬɭɤ ɧɚɬɚɬɴɤ ɫ ɬɨɡɢ ɫɢɦɜɨɥ (*) ɳɟ ɫɟ ɨɬɛɟɥɹɡɜɚɬ ɦɨɥɢɜɞɨɜɭɥɢɬɟ, ɨɬɤɪɢɬɢ
ɩɪɢ ɪɟɞɨɜɧɢ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɪɚɡɤɨɩɤɢ.
27
Jordanov, I. Corpus, ȱȱȱ, no. 50; Ⱥɥɚɞɠɨɜɚ, Ⱦ. ɉɟɱɚɬ ɧɚ ɢɦɩɟɪɚɬɨɪ ɂɪɚɤɥɢɣ
(610-641) ɨɬ ɋɟɪɞɢɤɚ. – Bulgaria Mediaevalis, 4-5/2013 – 2014, 19-23.
28
Barnea, I. Sceau de Constantine IV, empereur de Byzance, trouvé à Durostorum.
– RRH, 20, 1981, 625-628.
29
Ɇɭɲɦɨɜ, ɇ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɨɥɨɜɧɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ, ʋ8.
38
Камен АНДОНОВ. ВИЗАНТИЙСКИТЕ ИМПЕРАТОРСКИ ПЕЧАТИ ОТ БЪЛГАРИЯ – ПРЕДСТАВИТЕЛНАТА ...
Êùíóôáíôqíïò (êáp) ɋɨɤɨɥɨɜɚ 2007,
ËÝïí ðéóôïp ʋ67.
âáóéë(å)qò >Ñïìáßïí
1 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪ
12. Ʌɟɨɧ ȱV ɢ ɂɫɬɚɧɛɭɥ (?) Jordanov, I. Corpus, ɇɹɦɚ ɬɨɱɟɧ
Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ Vȱ ȱȱȱ, no. 55. ɩɚɪɚɥɟɥ.
(776-780) ɇȺɂɆ ɋɨɮɢɹ31 ɉɨɞɨɛɟɧ ɩɟɱɚɬ,
ËÝïí êáp ɧɨ ɨɬ ɞɪɭɝ
Êùíóôáíôqíïò ɛɭɥɨɬɢɪɢɨɧ – ɜɠ.
ðéóôïp âáóéëåqò Zacos, Veglery
>Ñïìáßïí 1972, ʋ37.
1 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪ
13. ɇɢɤɢɮɨɪ ȱ ɢ ɧɟɢɡɜɟɫɬɧɨ Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. Zacos, Veglery
ɋɬɚɜɪɚɤɢɣ (803- Addenda et Corri- 1972, ʋ46ɚ-ɜ.
811) genda (1), ʋ55ɚ.
Íéêçöüñïò êáp ɑɚɫɧɚ ɤɨɥɟɤɰɢɹ.
ÓôáõñÜêéïò
âáóéëåqò >Ñùìáßùí
1 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪ
14. Ɍɟɨɮɢɥ, ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɨ (1); Jordanov, I. Corpus, ɇɹɦɚ ɩɨɡɧɚɬɢ
Ɇɢɯɚɢɥ ȱȱ ɢ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ (ȼɴɬɪɟɲɟɧ ȱȱȱ, nos. 56-58. ɩɚɪɚɥɟɥɢ!
Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ (837- ɝɪɚɞ) (1)*; Ⱦɟɜɟɥɬ (1)* ɇȺɂɆ ɋɨɮɢɹ – 1
839) ɟɤɡ.32;
Èåüöéëïò âáóéëå†ò ȺɆ ȼɟɥɢɤɢ
3 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪɚ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ – 1 ɟɤɡ.33;
Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ
ɰɟɧɬɴɪ – Ⱦɟɜɟɥɬ – 1
ɟɤɡ.34
15. ȼɚɫɢɥɢɣ ȱ ɢ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ Jordanov, I. Corpus, Zacos, Veglery
Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ (868- ȱȱȱ, no.59. 1972,ʋ59b-d;
879) ɊɂɆ ɒɭɦɟɧ ɋɨɤɨɥɨɜɚ 2007,
Âáóßëåéïò êáp ʋ74-78; Nesbitt
Êùíóôáíôqíïò 2009, ʋ51.2-18.
áˆãïýóôïé
1 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪ
16. ȼɚɫɢɥɢɣ ȱ, ɧɟɢɡɜɟɫɬɧɨ Jordanov, I. Corpus, ɇɹɦɚ ɩɨɡɧɚɬɢ
Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ ɢ Ʌɟɨɧ ȱȱȱ, no.60. ɩɚɪɚɥɟɥɢ35!
30
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ, ʋ4.
31
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ, ʋ6.
32
ɘɪɭɤɨɜɚ, Ƀ. ɇɨɜ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɢɦɩɟɪɚɬɨɪɫɤɢ ɩɟɱɚɬ ɨɬ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. – ȼɟɤɨɜɟ,
4, 1978, 73-76.
33
ȼɢɬɥɹɧɨɜ, ɋɬ. Ⱦɜɚ ɢɦɩɟɪɚɬɨɪɫɤɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɚ ɨɬ ȼɟɥɢɤɢ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ. –
ɇɭɦɢɡɦɚɬɢɤɚ, 1, 1989, 32-33.
34
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢɬɟ ɧɚ ɤɨɦɟɪɤɢɚɪɢɹɬɚ Ⱦɟɜɟɥɬ. – ȼ: ɉɨɫɟɥɢɳɧɢ
ɩɪɨɭɱɜɚɧɢɹ, 1992, 2, Vȱȱ.1
35
ȼ ɤɨɥɟɤɰɢɹɬɚ ɧɚ Ⱦɴɦɛɴɪɬɴɧ Ɉɭɤɫ ɫɟ ɫɴɯɪɚɧɹɜɚ ɬɟɫɟɪɚ, ɧɚ ɱɢɹɬɨ ɥɢɰɟɜɚ
ɫɬɪɚɧɚ ɟ ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɟɧɨ ɛɸɫɬɨɜɨ ɢɡɨɛɪɚɠɟɧɢɟ ɧɚ ɫɜ. ȼɚɫɢɥɢɣ, ɚ ɧɚ ɨɩɚɤɚɬɚ ɫɴɳɨɬɨ
ɬɪɨɣɧɨ ɭɩɪɚɜɥɟɧɢɟ ɢ ɫɴɳɚɬɚ ɥɟɝɟɧɞɚ – ɜɠ. Nesbitt 2009, ʋ51.1.
39
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
Vȱ (870-879) ɑɚɫɬɧɚ ɤɨɥɟɤɰɢɹ.
ËÝïí, Âáóßëåéïò êáp
Êùíóôáíôqíïò
áˆãïýóôïé
1 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪ
7 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪɚ
19. Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ Vȱȱ ɉɚɬɥɟɣɧɚ* Jordanov, I. Corpus, Cheynet,
(919-920) ȱȱȱ, no.71. GökyÕldÕrÕm,
Êùíóôáíôqíïò ... ȺɆ ȼɟɥɢɤɢ Bulgurlu 2012,
1 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ41 no. 1.23.
20. Ɋɨɦɚɧ ȱ, ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ*(1)42; ɫ. Jordanov, I. Corpus, Zacos, Veglery
36
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɇɨɜɢ ɧɚɯɨɞɤɢ ɧɚ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ Iɏ–ɏ ɜ. ɨɬ ȼɟɥɢɤɢ
ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ – ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜɫɤɚ ɤɧɢɠɨɜɧɚ ɲɤɨɥɚ. Ɍ. 5, ɒɭɦɟɧ, 2001, ɨɛɪ. 2-4.
37
Jordanov, I., Zh. Zhekova. Catalogue, ʋ100.
38
Ɍɟɡɢ ɫɟɞɟɦ ɦɨɥɢɜɞɨɜɭɥɚ ɫɚ ɫ ɧɟɩɴɥɟɧ ɬɟɤɫɬ ɩɪɢ ɨɬɩɟɱɚɬɜɚɧɟɬɨ, ɚ ɧɹɤɨɢ ɨɬ
ɬɹɯ ɢ ɮɪɚɝɦɟɧɬɢɪɚɧɢ. ɋɴɫ ɫɢɝɭɪɧɨɫɬ ɫɟ ɪɚɡɱɢɬɚ ɢɦɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɦɥɚɞɲɢɹ ɫɴɢɦɩɟɪɚɬɨɪ
(Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ) ɢ ɬɢɬɥɚɬɚ. ȼɚɪɢɚɧɬɢɬɟ ɧɚ ɩɨɫɥɟɞɧɚɬɚ ɫɚ ɩɨɧɟ ɞɜɚ, ɤɨɟɬɨ ɫɴɫ ɫɢɝɭɪɧɨɫɬ
ɫɨɱɢ, ɱɟ ɫɬɚɜɚ ɞɭɦɚ ɡɚ ɩɨɜɟɱɟ ɨɬ ɟɞɢɧ ɛɭɥɨɬɢɪɢɨɧ. Ɂɚ ɪɚɡɥɢɱɧɢɬɟ ɜɴɡɦɨɠɧɨɫɬɢ ɡɚ
ɢɞɟɧɬɢɮɢɤɚɰɢɹ – ɜɠ. Ɍɨɞɨɪɨɜ, Ɍ. Ʉɨɧɬɚɤɬɢɬɟ ɧɚ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢɬɟ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢɢ ɫ
ɉɴɪɜɨɬɨ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɨ ɰɚɪɫɬɜɨ (680-969). ɉɪɢɧɨɫɢ ɧɚ ɫɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɤɚɬɚ. ɒɭɦɟɧ, 2012, 90-
93.
39
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɧɚ ɱɭɠɞɢ ɜɥɚɞɟɬɟɥɢ, ɧɚɦɟɪɟɧɢ ɜ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ. – ȼ: 1100
ɝɨɞɢɧɢ ȼɟɥɢɤɢ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ. Ɍ. 1. ɒɭɦɟɧ, 1995, ɨɛɪ. 2-4.
40
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɇɨɜ ɚɞɦɢɧɢɫɬɪɚɬɢɜɟɧ ɰɟɧɬɴɪ ɜ ɉɥɢɫɤɚ ɩɪɟɡ ɜɬɨɪɚɬɚ ɩɨɥɨɜɢɧɚ
ɧɚ ȱɏ ɜ. ɉɨ ɞɚɧɧɢ ɧɚ ɫɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɤɚɬɚ. – ȼ: Ɍɪɭɞɨɜɟ ɧɚ ɤɚɬɟɞɪɢɬɟ ɩɨ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɢ
ɛɨɝɨɫɥɨɜɢɟ ɤɴɦ ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɢ ɭɧɢɜɟɪɫɢɬɟɬ „ȿɩɢɫɤɨɩ Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜɫɤɢ”. Ɍ. 6,
ɒɭɦɟɧ, 2004, ʋ6; Jordanov, I., Zh. Zhekova. Catalogue, ʋ101.
41
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɧɚ ɱɭɠɞɢ ɜɥɚɞɟɬɟɥɢ, Ɉɛɪ. 5.
40
Камен АНДОНОВ. ВИЗАНТИЙСКИТЕ ИМПЕРАТОРСКИ ПЕЧАТИ ОТ БЪЛГАРИЯ – ПРЕДСТАВИТЕЛНАТА ...
ɏɪɢɫɬɨɮɨɪ ɢ ɑɟɪɟɧɱɚ (ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɨ) ȱȱȱ, nos. 76-80. 1972, ʋ66a-d;
Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ Vȱȱ (1); ɫ. ɐɚɪ Ⱥɫɟɧ ȺɆ ȼɟɥɢɤɢ Nesbitt 2009,
(924-931) (ɋɢɥɢɫɬɪɟɧɫɤɨ) (1); ɫ. ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ – 1 ɟɤɡ.; ʋ59.4.
>Ñùìáí{ò, Ɇɟɥɧɢɰɚ (ȿɥɯɨɜɫɤɨ) ɊɂɆ ɒɭɦɟɧ – 2
×ñéóôïöüñïò êS (1); ɧɟɢɡɜɟɫɬɧɨ (1) ɟɤɡ.;
Êùíóôáíôqíïò ɊɂɆ ɋɢɥɢɫɬɪɚ – 1
âáóéëåqò >Ñùìáßùí ɟɤɡ.;
5 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪɚ ɂɆ ȿɥɯɨɜɨ– 1 ɟɤɡ.
42
Ɍɨɬɟɜ, Ɍ. ɇɨɜɨɨɬɤɪɢɬɢ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɨɬ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ. – ɂɇɆȼ, 8, 1972,
287-292.
43
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ.
44
Ɍɨɱɟɧ ɩɚɪɚɥɟɥ ɧɚ ɬɨɡɢ ɬɢɩ ɦɨɥɢɜɞɨɜɭɥɢ ɧɟ ɨɬɤɪɢɯ. ɐɢɬɢɪɚɧɢɬɟ ɨɬ ɤɨɥɟɤ-
ɰɢɹɬɚ ɧɚ Ƚ. Ɂɚɤɨɫ ɢ ȿɪɦɢɬɚɠɚ ɫɚ ɛɥɢɡɤɢ ɞɨ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢɬɟ, ɧɨ ɜɫɟ ɩɚɤ ɥɟɝɟɧɞɚɬɚ ɧɚ
ɨɩɚɤɚɬɚ ɫɬɪɚɧɚ ɟ ɦɚɥɤɨ ɩɨ-ɪɚɡɥɢɱɧɚ: Êùíóôáíôqíïò áˆôïêñÜôùñ } Ðïñöõñï-
ãÝííçôïò.
45
Ɂɚ ɬɟɡɢ ɦɨɥɢɜɞɨɜɭɥɢ ɫ ɧɟɩɴɥɟɧ ɬɟɤɫɬ ɢ ɢɡɨɛɪɚɠɟɧɢɹ ɜɠ. Ɍɨɞɨɪɨɜ, Ɍ.
Ʉɨɧɬɚɤɬɢɬɟ…, 90-93.
46
Ɂɚ ɬɨɡɢ ɢɧɬɟɪɟɫɟɧ ɩɚɦɟɬɧɢɤ ɜɠ. Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. Ɉɥɨɜɟɧ ɨɬɩɟɱɚɬɴɤ ɨɬ ɦɚɬɪɢɰɚ
ɡɚ ɫɪɟɛɴɪɧɢ ɦɢɥɢɚɪɟɧɫɢɢ ɧɚ Ƀɨɚɧ I ɐɢɦɢɫɯɢɣ (969-976). – ɇɭɦɢɡɦɚɬɢɤɚ, 4, 1980, 16-
18.
41
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
47
Ɇɭɲɦɨɜ, ɇ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɨɥɨɜɧɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ, ʋ9.
48
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ., ɀ. ɀɟɤɨɜɚ. Ɉɬɩɟɱɚɬɴɰɢ ɧɚ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɦɨɧɟɬɢ ɜɴɪɯɭ
ɨɥɨɜɧɢ ɩɥɚɫɬɢɧɢ ɨɬ ɯɢɧɬɟɪɥɚɧɞɚ ɧɚ ɫɬɨɥɢɰɚɬɚ ȼɟɥɢɤɢ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ. – Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɹ, 2006, ɫ.
196, ʋ7.
49
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢɬɟ ɨɬ ɫɬɪɚɬɟɝɢɹɬɚ ɜ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ (971-1088). ɋɨɮɢɹ,
1993, ʋ2-4.
50
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ, ʋ5.
51
Jordanov, I., Zh. Zhekova. Catalogue, ʋ109-110.
52
ȼ ɤɨɥɟɤɰɢɹɬɚ ɧɚ Ƚ. Ɂɚɤɨɫ (1ɟɤɡ), ɤɨɥɟɰɢɹɬɚ ɧɚ Ⱦɴɦɛɴɪɬɴɧ Ɉɭɤɫ (1ɟɤɡ) ɢ
ɤɨɥɟɤɰɢɹɬɚ ɧɚ ȿɪɦɢɬɚɠɚ (1ɟɤɡ) ɫɟ ɫɴɯɪɚɧɹɜɚɬ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɫɴɫ ɫɯɨɞɧɚ ɢɤɨɧɨɝɪɚɮɢɹ, ɧɨ
42
Камен АНДОНОВ. ВИЗАНТИЙСКИТЕ ИМПЕРАТОРСКИ ПЕЧАТИ ОТ БЪЛГАРИЯ – ПРЕДСТАВИТЕЛНАТА ...
Ìé÷á[ë ɇɂɆ ɋɨɮɢɹ
áˆôïêñÜôùñ
1 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪ
27. Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ ȱɏ ɘɝɨɡɚɩɚɞɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ Jordanov, I. Corpus, Zacos, Veglery
Ɇɨɧɨɦɚɯ (1042- (1); ɂɫɬɚɧɛɭɥ? (1); ȱȱȱ, nos. 107-109; 1972, ʋ79ɫ-80;
1055) ɉɥɨɜɞɢɜ ɢ Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɋɨɤɨɥɨɜɚ 2007,
Êùíóôáíôqíïò ɉɥɨɜɞɢɜɫɤɨ (2) Addenda et Corri- ʋ109-115;
áˆôïêñÜôùñ genda (3), ʋ1ɚ. Nesbitt 2009,
4 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪɚ ȺɆ ɉɥɨɜɞɢɜ – 2 73.4, 73.6-10,
ɟɤɡ. 73.13.
ɇȺɂɆ ɋɨɮɢɹ – 1
ɟɤɡ.
ɑɚɫɬɧɚ ɤɨɥɟɤɰɢɹ – 1
ɟɤɡ.
28. Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ ɏ ɂɫɬɚɧɛɭɥ? (2); Jordanov, I. Corpus, Zacos, Veglery
Ⱦɭɤɚ (1059-1067) ɋɢɥɢɫɬɪɚ (1); ɫ. Ɂɥɚɬɢ ȱȱȱ, nos. 110-114. 1972, ʋ87ɚ-ɫ;
Êùíóôáíôqíïò ɜɨɣɜɨɞɚ (ɋɥɢɜɟɧɫɤɨ) ɇȺɂɆ ɋɨɮɢɹ – 2 ɋɨɤɨɥɨɜɚ 2007,
âáóéëå†ò >Ñïìáßïí (1)*; ɧɟɢɡɜɟɫɬɧɨ (1). ɟɤɡ.53; ʋ121-123; Nesbitt
} Äïýêáò ɊɂɆ ɋɥɢɜɟɧ – 1 2009, ʋ77.1-5, 77.8;
5 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪɚ (2 ɟɤɡ.; Cheynet,
ɛɭɥɨɬɢɪɢɨɧɚ – 4+1) ɊɂɆ ɒɭɦɟɧ – 1 GökyÕldÕrÕm,
ɟɤɡ.54 Bulgurlu 2012, no.
ɑɚɫɬɧɚ ɤɨɥɟɤɰɢɹ – 1 1.34.
ɟɤɡ.
29. Ɋɨɦɚɧ ȱV, ɂɫɬɚɧɛɭɥ? Jordanov, I. Corpus, Zacos, Veglery
ȿɜɞɨɤɢɹ, Ɇɢɯɚɢɥ ȱȱȱ, no.115. 1972,ʋ92.
Vȱȱ ɢ Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ ɇȺɂɆ ɋɨɮɢɹ – 1
(1068) ɟɤɡ.55
Ñùìáí{ò êáp
ňäïêßá âáóéëåqò
>Ñùìáßïí
Ìé÷á[ë,
Êùíóôáíôqíïò êáp
<Áíäñüíéêïò
1 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪ
30. Ɋɨɦɚɧ ȱV, ɂɫɬɚɧɛɭɥ? (1); Jordanov, I. Corpus, Zacos, Veglery
ȿɜɞɨɤɢɹ, Ɇɢɯɚɢɥ Ʉɚɪɥɨɜɫɤɨ (1); ȱȱȱ, nos. 116-117ɚ. 1972, ʋ93c-d;
Vȱȱ, Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ ɢ ɧɟɢɡɜɟɫɬɧɨ (1) ɇȺɂɆ ɋɨɮɢɹ – 2 Seibt 1978, ʋ24;
Ⱥɧɞɪɨɧɢɤ (1068- ɟɤɡ.56; ɋɨɤɨɥɨɜɚ 2007,
1071) ɑɚɫɬɧɚ ɤɨɥɟɤɰɢɹ (1) ʋ128-130, 135;
Ñùìáí{ò êáp Nesbitt 2009,
ňäïêßá âáóéëåqò ʋ82.12;
>Ñùìáßïí Cheynet,
ɥɟɝɟɧɞɚɬɚ ɟ Ìé÷á[ë âáóéëå†ò >Ñïìáßïí – ɜɠ. Zacos, Veglery 1972, ʋ78; ɋɨɤɨɥɨɜɚ
2007, ʋ106; Nesbitt 2009, ʋ72.2.
53
Ɇɭɲɦɨɜ, ɇ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɨɥɨɜɧɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ, ʋ11-12.
54
Jordanov, I., Zh. Zhekova. Catalogue, ʋ111.
55
Ɇɭɲɦɨɜ, ɇ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɨɥɨɜɧɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ, ʋ14.
56
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ, ʋ13.
43
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
Ìé÷á[ë, GökyÕldÕrÕm,
Êùíóôáíôqíïò êáp Bulgurlu 2012,
<Áíäñüíéêïò no. 1.38.
3 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪɚ
31. Ɇɢɯɚɢɥ Vȱȱ ɉɴɪɜɨɦɚɣ Jordanov, I. Corpus, Zacos, Veglery
Ⱦɭɤɚ (1071-1078) ȱȱȱ, no.118. 1972, ʋ95ɚ-ɟ;
Ìé÷á[ë ɑɚɫɬɧɚ ɤɨɥɟɤɰɢɹ Seibt 1978, ʋ25;
áˆôïêñÜôùñ ɋɨɤɨɥɨɜɚ 2007,
>Ñùìáßïí } Äïýêáò ʋ137-144.
1 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪ
32. Ɇɢɯɚɢɥ Vȱȱ ɂɫɬɚɧɛɭɥ? Jordanov, I. Corpus, ɇɹɦɚ ɩɨɡɧɚɬɢ
Ⱦɭɤɚ (1071-1078) ȱȱȱ, no.119. ɩɚɪɚɥɟɥɢ!
ɛɟɡ ɧɚɞɩɢɫ ɇȺɂɆ ɋɨɮɢɹ57
1 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪ
33. ɇɢɤɢɮɨɪ ȱȱȱ ɉɟɪɧɢɤ (1)* Jordanov, I. Corpus, Zacos, Veglery
ȼɨɬɚɧɢɚɬ (1078- ȱȱȱ, no.120. 1972, ʋ96-98ɚ-ɫ;
1081) ɊɂɆ ɉɟɪɧɢɤ58 Seibt 1978, ʋ26;
Íéêçöüñ¥ äåóðüôf ɋɨɤɨɥɨɜɚ 2007,
ô© ÂïôáíéÜôf ʋ145-146;
1 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪ Nesbitt 2009,
ʋ85.2-5, 85.7-11;
Cheynet,
GökyÕldÕrÕm,
Bulgurlu 2012,
no. 1.40.
34. Ⱥɥɟɤɫɢɣ ȱ ɋɟɜɟɪɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ: Jordanov, I. Corpus, Zacos, Veglery
Ʉɨɦɧɢɧ (1081-1118) ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ (ɋɬɪɚɬɟɝɢɹɬɚ) ȱȱȱ, nos. 121-192, 1972,ʋ101-102a-
<Áëåîߥ äåóðüôf ô© (2)*; ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ (1); 194; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. f; Seibt 1978,
Êïìíçí© ɋɢɥɢɫɬɪɟɧɫɤɨ (59); Addenda et Corri- ʋ27ɚ-ɫ;
78 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪɚ59 ȼɚɪɧɟɧɫɤɨ (1). genda (1), ʋ136ɛ; ɋɨɤɨɥɨɜɚ 2007,
ɘɠɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ: Addenda et Corri- ʋ147-164;
Ⱥɫɟɧɨɝɪɚɞ (2); genda (2), ʋ6-7; Nesbitt 2009,
ɇɟɫɟɛɴɪ (1); Addenda et Corri- ʋ88.1, 88.3,
ɉɥɨɜɞɢɜɫɤɨ (2). genda (3), ʋ 2. 88.5-6, 88.8-38;
ɇȺɂɆ ɋɨɮɢɹ – 5 Cheynet,
ɟɤɡ; ɊɂɆ ɒɭɦɟɧ – GökyÕldÕrÕm,
2 ɟɤɡ. Bulgurlu 2012,
ɇɂɆ ɋɨɮɢɹ – 2 no. 1.42.
ɟɤɡ.;
ȺɆ ȼɟɥɢɤɢ
ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ – 2 ɟɤɡ.;
ɂɆ Ⱥɫɟɧɨɜɝɪɚɞ – 1
ɟɤɡ.;
ȺɆ ȼɚɪɧɚ – 1 ɟɤɡ.
57
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ, ʋ15.
58
ɘɪɭɤɨɜɚ, Ƀ. ɇɭɦɢɡɦɚɬɢɱɧɢ ɢ ɫɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɱɧɢ ɩɚɦɟɬɧɢɰɢ (867-1195/1203). –
ɉɟɪɧɢɤ, 2, ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1983, ɬɚɛɥ. ȱȱ.1.
59
55 ɨɬ ɬɟɡɢ 72 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪɚ ɫɚ ɤɨɧɮɢɫɤɭɜɚɧɢ ɩɪɢ ɩɨɥɢɰɟɣɫɤɚ ɚɤɰɢɹ ɫ
ɢɧɮɨɪɦɚɰɢɹ, ɱɟ ɫɚ ɨɬɤɪɢɬɢ ɜ ɋɢɥɢɫɬɪɟɧɫɤɨ – ɜɠ. Jordanov, I. Corpus, ȱȱȱ, nos. 137-192.
44
Камен АНДОНОВ. ВИЗАНТИЙСКИТЕ ИМПЕРАТОРСКИ ПЕЧАТИ ОТ БЪЛГАРИЯ – ПРЕДСТАВИТЕЛНАТА ...
60
Ƚɟɧɨɜɚ, ȿ. Ɉɥɨɜɟɧ ɩɟɱɚɬ ɧɚ ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɢɹ ɢɦɩɟɪɚɬɨɪ Ȼɚɥɞɭɢɧ ȱȱ ɨɬ
ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚɬɚ ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬ ɉɥɟɜɟɧ. – ɇɭɦɢɡɦɚɬɢɤɚ, 3, 1985, 12-15.
61
Ʉɴɧɟɜ, ɇ., Ʉ. Ɍɨɬɟɜ. ɇɨɜɨɨɬɤɪɢɬ ɩɟɱɚɬ ɧɚ ɥɚɬɢɧɫɤɢɹ ɢɦɩɟɪɚɬɨɪ Ȼɨɞɭɟɧ ȱȱ. –
Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ ɜ ɟɜɪɨɩɟɣɫɤɚɬɚ ɤɭɥɬɭɪɚ, ɨɛɪɚɡɨɜɚɧɢɟ, ɪɟɥɢɝɢɹ. ɑ. 1. ɒɭɦɟɧ, 2015, 374-380.
46
Камен АНДОНОВ. ВИЗАНТИЙСКИТЕ ИМПЕРАТОРСКИ ПЕЧАТИ ОТ БЪЛГАРИЯ – ПРЕДСТАВИТЕЛНАТА ...
4 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪɚ (2 ɟɤɡ.; ɇȺɂɆ ɋɨɮɢɹ no. 1.48.
ɛɭɥɨɬɢɪɢɨɧɚ – 3+1) – 1 ɟɤɡ.
49. Ⱥɧɚ ɉɥɨɜɞɢɜ (1); Jordanov, I. Corpus, Zacos, Veglery
ɉɚɥɟɨɥɨɝɢɧɚ (1341- ɋɬɚɪɨɡɚɝɨɪɫɤɨ (1); ȱȱȱ, nos. 213-216. 1972, ʋ127ɚ-ɫ;
1347) Ʉɴɪɞɠɚɥɢɣɫɤɨ (1); ɊɂɆ ɒɭɦɟɧ – 2 ɋɨɤɨɥɨɜɚ 2007,
#Áííá åˆóåâåóôÜôç
áˆãïýóôá ɧɟɢɡɜɟɫɬɧɨ (1). ɟɤɡ.; ȺɆ ɉɥɨɜɞɢɜ – ʋ206.
áˆôïêñáôüñéóá 1 ɟɤɡ.; ɇȺɂɆ
>ÑïìáÝïí ^ ɋɨɮɢɹ – 1 ɟɤɡ.
Ðáëåïëïãßíá
4 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪɚ
50. ȿɥɟɧɚ ɧɟɢɡɜɟɫɬɧɨ Jordanov, I. Corpus, ɋɨɤɨɥɨɜɚ 2007,
ɉɚɥɟɨɥɨɝɢɧɚ (1354- ȱȱȱ, no.217. ʋ208.
1391) ɇȺɂɆ ɋɨɮɢɹ
>ÅëÝíç åˆóåâåóôÜôç
áˆãïýóôá
áˆôïêñáôüñéóá
>ÑïìáÝïí ^
Ðáëáéïëïãßíá
1 ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪ
47
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
Ⱦɢɦɱɨ Ɇɨɦɱɢɥɨɜ
1
Ⱦɪɚɠɟɜɚ, ɐ., ɂɜ. Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢɬɟ ɨɬ Ⱥɤɜɟ ɤɚɥɢɞɟ – Ɍɟɪɦɨɩɨɥɢɫ. – ȼ:
ɂɡɜɟɫɬɢɹ ɧɚ Ȼɭɪɝɚɫɤɢɹ ɦɭɡɟɣ. Ɍ. V. ȼ ɩɚɦɟɬ ɧɚ ɐɨɧɹ Ⱦɪɚɠɟɜɚ. Ȼɭɪɝɚɫ, 2015, ɫ. 274-
293; Iordanov, I., D. Momchilov, S. Dimova. Byzantihe Lead Seals Aqua Kalide –
Termopolis (in print); Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. Ʉɨɥɟɤɰɢɹɬɚ ɫ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɨɬ Ⱥɤɜɟ ɤɚɥɢɞɟ. – ȼ:
Ʌɸɛɢɦɢɬɟ ɛɚɧɢ ɧɚ ɢɦɩɟɪɚɬɨɪɢ, ɰɚɪɟ ɢ ɫɭɥɬɚɧɢ (The Favorite Baths Of Emperors; Tsars
And Sultans Imperatorlar, Krallar Ve Sultanlarin Sevdikleri Banyo). 2018, 115-130;
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢɬɟ ɨɬ Ⱥɤɜɟ ɤɚɥɢɞɟ – ɪɚɡɤɨɩɤɢ 2015-2016 ɝ. – ȼ: Aquae calidae. Ɍ.
1 (ɩɨɞ ɩɟɱɚɬ).
2
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. Ʉɨɪɩɭɫ ɧɚ ɩɟɱɚɬɢɬɟ ɧɚ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. ɋɨɮɢɹ:
Ⱥɝɚɬɨ, 2001, ɤɚɬ. ʋ ȱV5, ɬɚɛɥ. ɏȱȱȱ, ɫ. 179; Ⱦɪɚɠɟɜɚ, ɐ., ɂɜ. Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ.
276.
3
ɂɜɚɧɨɜ, Ƀ. ɋɬɚɪɨɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢ ɢ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɩɪɴɫɬɟɧɢ. – ɂɡɜɟɫɬɢɹ ɧɚ
Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɨɬɨ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɨ ɞɪɭɠɟɫɬɜɨ, 2, 1911, 2-4, ɤɚɬ. ʋ 1, ɬɚɛɥ. ȱ.1.
4
Ȼɨɠɢɥɨɜ, ɂɜ. Ɏɚɦɢɥɢɹɬɚ ɧɚ Ⱥɫɟɧɟɜɰɢ (1186-1460). Ƚɟɧɟɚɥɨɝɢɹ ɢ
ɩɪɨɫɨɩɨɝɪɚɮɢɹ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1985, ɫ. 98-99.
5
Ɍɨɬɟɜ, Ʉ., ɂ. ɑɨɤɨɟɜ. Ɂɥɚɬɧɢ ɢ ɫɪɟɛɴɪɧɢ ɩɪɴɫɬɟɧɢ-ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɧɚ ɬɟɪɢɬɨɪɢɹɬɚ ɧɚ
Ȼɚɥɤɚɧɫɤɢɹ ɩɨɥɭɨɫɬɪɨɜ. – ɂɡɜɟɫɬɢɹ ɧɚ ɂɫɬɨɪɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɦɭɡɟɣ Ʉɸɫɬɟɧɞɢɥ, 5, 1993, 385-
398, ɬɚɛɥ. ȱV2.
48
Димчо МОМЧИЛОВ. АКВЕ КАЛИДЕ, СРЕДНОВЕКОВНИТЕ ПЕЧАТИ И ИВАН ЙОРДАНОВ
6
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. Ʉɨɪɩɭɫ ɧɚ ɩɟɱɚɬɢɬɟ ɧɚ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, ɫ. 140, ɤɚɬ.
ʋ ȱV5; 179, ɬɚɛɥ. ɏȱȱȱ.
7
Ɍɨɬɟɜ, Ʉ. Ɂɥɚɬɧɢ ɩɪɴɫɬɟɧɢ-ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɨɬ ɜɪɟɦɟɬɨ ɧɚ ȼɬɨɪɨ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɨ
ɰɚɪɫɬɜɨ 1185 – 1396 ɝ. ȼɟɥɢɤɨ Ɍɴɪɧɨɜɨ, 2010, ɫ. 127-128.
8
Ȼɢɥɹɪɫɤɢ, ɐ. ɂɧɫɬɢɬɭɰɢɢɬɟ ɧɚ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1998, ɫ.
174.
9
Ⱦɪɚɠɟɜɚ, ɐ., ɂɜ. Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 276.
10
ɂɜɚɧɨɜ, Ƀ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 2-4.
11
Ɍɨɬɟɜ, Ʉ. Ɂɥɚɬɧɢ ɩɪɴɫɬɟɧɢ-ɩɟɱɚɬɢ, ɫ. 127-128.
12
Ⱦɪɚɠɟɜɚ, ɐ., ɂɜ. Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 276.
13
Ɇɚɧɨɥɨɜɚ-ȼɨɣɤɨɜɚ, Ɇ. ɋɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚɬɚ ɤɟɪɚɦɢɤɚ ɧɚ Ɍɟɪɦɚ. – ȼ: Aquae
calidae. Ɍ. 1 (ɩɨɞ ɩɟɱɚɬ).
14
Ⱦɨɬɤɨɜɚ, Ɇ. Ⱥɧɬɢɱɧɢ ɢ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɢ ɦɨɧɟɬɢ, ɨɬɤɪɢɬɢ ɩɪɢ ɪɚɡɤɨɩɤɢɬɟ ɧɚ
Ⱥɤɜɟ ɤɚɥɢɞɟ ɩɪɟɡ ɩɨɫɥɟɞɧɢɬɟ ɝɨɞɢɧɢ. – ȼ: Ʌɸɛɢɦɢɬɟ ɛɚɧɢ ɧɚ ɢɦɩɟɪɚɬɨɪɢ, ɰɚɪɟ ɢ
49
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
ɫɭɥɬɚɧɢ (The Favorite Baths Of Emperors; Tsars And Sultans Imperatorlar, Krallar Ve
Sultanlarin Sevdikleri Banyo). 2018, ɫ. 107-108.
15
ɂɜɚɧɨɜ, Ƀ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 11.
16
Ⱦɪɚɠɟɜɚ, ɐ., ɂɜ. Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 276-277.
17
ɂɜɚɧɨɜ, Ƀ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 12-13.
18
ȼɚɤɥɢɧɨɜɚ, Ɇ. ɉɪɴɫɬɟɧɴɬ ɧɚ ɇɢɤɢɮɨɪ ɨɬ ɏȱ ɜ. – ȼ: Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɨ
ɋɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɢɟ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1980, ɫ. 142-146.
19
Jordanov, ȱ. Corpus of the Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria. Volume 3, part one
and two. Sofia, 2009 (ɩɨ 2304).
50
Димчо МОМЧИЛОВ. АКВЕ КАЛИДЕ, СРЕДНОВЕКОВНИТЕ ПЕЧАТИ И ИВАН ЙОРДАНОВ
20
Ⱦɪɚɠɟɜɚ, ɐ., ɂɜ. Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 277.
21
Ɍɨɬɟɜ, Ʉ. Ɉɳɟ ɜɟɞɧɴɠ ɡɚ ɇɢɤɢɮɨɪɨɜɢɹ ɡɥɚɬɟɧ ɩɪɴɫɬɟɧ-ɩɟɱɚɬ ɨɬ Ȼɭɪɝɚɫɤɢɬɟ
ɦɢɧɟɪɚɥɧɢ ɛɚɧɢ. – ȼ: ɂɡɜɟɫɬɢɹ ɧɚ ɇɚɪɨɞɧɢɹ ɦɭɡɟɣ Ȼɭɪɝɚɫ. Ɍ. V. ȼ ɩɚɦɟɬ ɧɚ ɐɨɧɹ
Ⱦɪɚɠɟɜɚ. Ȼɭɪɝɚɫ, 2015, 206-208.
22
ɂɡɧɟɫɟɧɚɬɚ ɥɢɬɟɪɚɬɭɪɚ ɜ ɛɟɥ. 1.
23
Ɇɨɦɱɢɥɨɜ, Ⱦ., Ɇ. Ʉɥɚɫɧɚɤɨɜ, ə. Ɋɭɫɟɜ, Ɇ. ȼɢɱɟɜɚ. ɋɩɚɫɢɬɟɥɧɨ
ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɨ ɩɪɨɭɱɜɚɧɟ ɧɚ ɨɛɟɤɬ „ɋɟɤɬɨɪ Ɇɭɡɟɣɧɚ ɫɝɪɚɞɚ“ ɜ ɝɪɚɧɢɰɢɬɟ ɧɚ
„Ʉɴɫɧɨɚɧɬɢɱɧɚ ɢ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬ Ⱥɤɜɟ ɤɚɥɢɞɟ – Ɍɟɪɦɚ“, Ȼɭɪɝɚɫɤɢ ɦɢɧɟɪɚɥɧɢ
ɛɚɧɢ, ɤɜ. ȼɟɬɪɟɧ, ɝɪ. Ȼɭɪɝɚɫ. – ȼ: Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɨɬɤɪɢɬɢɹ ɢ ɪɚɡɤɨɩɤɢ ɩɪɟɡ 2016 ɝ.
51
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
Ʉɚɦɟɧ Ⱥɧɞɨɧɨɜ
Kamen Andonov
1973
1974
1975
1976
1977
1978
1979
Billon Trachea from the First Half of the Thirteenth Century with the
Name and Image of St. John of the Baptist. – Numismatic Chronicle, 1979, p.
213.
Ɂɥɚɬɧɢ ɦɟɞɚɥɶɨɧɢ ɧɚ ɯɚɧ Ɉɦɭɪɬɚɝ (814-831). – Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɹ, 2,
1979, 25-33 [ɜ ɫɴɚɜɬ. ɫ ɉ. ɋɥɚɜɱɟɜ].
ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɮɚɥɲɢɜɢ ɡɥɚɬɧɢ ɦɨɧɟɬɢ (VI-ɏI ɜ.). – ɇɭɦɢɡɦɚɬɢɤɚ,
4, 1979, 8-16.
1980
1981
1982
1983
55
Камен АНДОНОВ. БИБЛИОГРАФИЯ НА ИВАН ЙОРДАНОВ
1984
1985
1986
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
63
Камен АНДОНОВ. БИБЛИОГРАФИЯ НА ИВАН ЙОРДАНОВ
2005
2006
2007
2008
65
Камен АНДОНОВ. БИБЛИОГРАФИЯ НА ИВАН ЙОРДАНОВ
2009
2010
2011
67
Камен АНДОНОВ. БИБЛИОГРАФИЯ НА ИВАН ЙОРДАНОВ
2012
68
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
2013
2014
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
2015
2016
2017
2018
2019
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
ɇɚ ɂɜɚɧ Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ,
ɤɨɣɬɨ ɦɟ ɜɴɜɥɟɱɟ ɜ ɟɞɧɚ ɧɟɩɨɡɧɚɬɚ
ɡɚ ɦɟɧ ɨɛɥɚɫɬ ɧɚ ɡɧɚɧɢɟɬɨ!
ɀɢɜɤɨ Ⱥɥɚɞɠɨɜ
1
Ⱥɥɚɞɠɨɜ, ɀ. Ɋɚɡɤɨɩɤɢ ɧɚ ɨɛɟɤɬ „ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜɫɤɚ ɩɚɬɪɢɚɪɲɢɹ – ɸɝ”, ɫɟɤɬɨɪ
„ɍɥɢɰɚ”. – Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɨɬɤɪɢɬɢɹ ɢ ɪɚɡɤɨɩɤɢ ɩɪɟɡ 2013 ɝ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2014, 466-468;
Ⱥɥɚɞɠɨɜ, ɀ. ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜɫɤɚɬɚ ɉɚɬɪɢɚɪɲɢɹ – ɸɝ „ɍɥɢɰɚ”. – Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɹ 2013.
Ʉɚɬɚɥɨɝ ɤɴɦ ɢɡɥɨɠɛɚ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2014, ɫ. 27; Ⱥɥɚɞɠɨɜ, ɀ., ə. ȼɚɫɢɥɟɜ. ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜɫɤɚɬɚ
ɉɚɬɪɢɚɪɲɢɹ – ɸɝ, ɫɟɤɬɨɪ „ɍɥɢɰɚ”, ɇɂȺɊ „ȼɟɥɢɤɢ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ“. – Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ
ɨɬɤɪɢɬɢɹ ɢ ɪɚɡɤɨɩɤɢ ɩɪɟɡ 2014 ɝ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2015, 613-616; Ⱥɥɚɞɠɨɜ, ɀ. „ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜɫɤɚɬɚ
ɉɚɬɪɢɚɪɲɢɹ – ɸɝ ɍɥɢɰɚ”, ɇɂȺɊ ȼɟɥɢɤɢ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ. – Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɹ 2014.
Ʉɚɬɚɥɨɝ ɤɴɦ ɢɡɥɨɠɛɚ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2015, 41-42.
2
Ⱥɥɚɞɠɨɜ, ɀ. ɇɨɜɨɨɬɤɪɢɬ ɦɨɥɢɜɞɨɜɭɥ ɨɬ ȼɟɥɢɤɢ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ. – ȼ: ɂɡɜɟɫɬɢɹ ɧɚ
ɧɚɪɨɞɧɢɹ ɦɭɡɟɣ – Ȼɭɪɝɚɫ, V, 2015, 294-296; Ⱥɥɚɞɠɨɜ, ɀ. ɉɟɱɚɬ ɧɚ ɰɚɪ ɉɟɬɴɪ ɨɬ
ȼɟɥɢɤɢ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ (ɨɛɟɤɬ ɍɥɢɰɚ). – ɇɭɦɢɡɦɚɬɢɤɚ, ɫɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɤɚ ɢ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɢɤɚ, 13, 2017,
303-306.
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Живко АЛАДЖОВ. ОЩЕ ЕДИН ПЕЧАТ ОТ ОБЕКТ „УЛИЦА“ ВЪВ ВЕЛИКИ ПРЕСЛАВ
3
Jordanov, ȱ. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria. Sofia, Vol. IIȱ, Sofia 2009,
no. 967-991.
4
Ibid., p. 358.
5
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢɬɟ ɨɬ ɫɬɪɚɬɟɝɢɹɬɚ ɜ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1993, ɫ. 82.
6
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ.
7
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ, ɫ. 85.
8
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ.
9
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ.
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
ɋɉɂɋɔɄ ɇȺ ɈȻɊȺɁɂɌȿ:
77
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
ɇɢɤɨɥɚɣ Ⱥɥɟɤɫɟɟɧɤɨ
Nikolaj Alekseyenko
..8IKH0T [+ȃ]ȚțȒIJ
0A0bASPA0Y. Į(Ȣ) ȕ(ĮıȚȜȚțઁȢ)
TOPOTIR (ʌȡȦIJȠ)ıʌĮș(ȐȡȚȠȢ) (țĮ)
0TOGLA IJȠʌȠIJȚȡ(ȚIJȢ)
bA
IJȠ īȜĮ
ȕ઼(Ȣ)
ȃȚțȒIJĮȢ ȕĮıȚȜȚțઁȢ ʌȡȦIJȠıʌĮșȐȡȚȠȢ țĮ IJȠʌȠIJȚȡȚIJȢ IJ īȜĮȕ઼Ȣ –
ɂɦɩɟɪɚɬɨɪɫɤɢɣ ɩɪɨɬɨɫɩɚɮɚɪɢɣ ɢ ɬɨɩɨɬɢɪɢɬ ɇɢɤɢɬɚ Ƚɥɚɜɚ
Ɋɚɧɟɟ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɇɢɤɢɬɵ Ƚɥɚɜɵ ɜ ɞɨɥɠɧɨɫɬɢ ɬɨɩɨɬɢɪɢɬɚ, ɩɪɨɢɫ-
ɯɨɞɹɳɟɣ ɫ ɬɟɪɪɢɬɨɪɢɢ Ȼɨɥɝɚɪɢɢ ɢɡɜɟɫɬɧɨ ɧɟ ɛɵɥɨ. ȼ ɬɨ ɠɟ ɜɪɟɦɹ ɩɪɨɮ.
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3
Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals 2, p. 112.
4
Ioannis Scylitzae. Synopsis Historiarum. Rec. I. Thurn, Berolini et Novi Eboraci,
1973, p. 4712-4.
5
Bury, J. The Imperial Administrative System in the Ninth Century, with a revised
text of the Kletorologion of Philotheos. New York, 1958, p. 49–55; Kuhn, H.-J. Die
byzantinische Armee im 10. und 11. Jahrhundert: Studienzur Organisation der Tagmata.
Wien, 1991, S. 83–92.
6
Guilland, R. Études sur l'histoire administrative de Byzance: Le Domestique des
Scholes// Revue des etudes byzantines (REB). Paris, 1950. Vol 8. P. 13.
7
Ioannis Scylitzae. SynopsisHistoriarum, ɪ. 45850.
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8
Ʉɟɤɚɜɦɟɧ. ɋɨɜɟɬɵ ɢ ɪɚɫɫɤɚɡɵ. ɉɨɭɱɟɧɢɟ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɨɝɨ ɩɨɥɤɨɜɨɞɰɚ XI ɜɟɤɚ.
ɋɉɛ., 2003, ɫ. 181,ɩɪɢɦ. 266, 267.
9
Attaliate Michaelis. Historia / rec. I Bekker. Bonnae, 1853, p. 3812-13, 3810, 398.
10
Ioannis Scylitzae. Synopsis Historiarum, ɪ. 47240–47363.
11
Attaliate Michaelis. Historia / rec. I Bekker. Bonnae, 1853, p. 379–3915.
12
Ioannis Scylitzae. Synopsis Historiarum, ɪ. 4761-2; cf. Skylitzes John. Synopsis
of Byzantine History 811 – 1057 / trans. J. Wortley with Intr. J.-Cl. Cheynet and B. Flusin
and Note J.-Cl. Cheynet. Cambridge, 2010, p. 443.
13
Skylitzes John. Synopsis of Byzantine History,p. 439, note 197; Cf. Ataliates
Miguel. Historia / ed. Pérez Martín. // Nueva Roma. Madrid, 2002. Vol. 15, p. 30–33.
14
Ioannis Scylitzae. Synopsis Historiarum, ɪ. 441–442;
15
Cheynet, J.-Cl. Pouvoir et contestations à Byzance (963–1210) // Byzantina
Sorbonnensja. Paris, 1990. Vol. 9, p. 60.
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Mordtmann, A. Sur les sceaux et plombs byzantins, conférence tenue dans la
Société Littéraire grecque // EPHS. Constantinople, 1872–1873. Vol. 7, p. 48, nr. 23.
17
Wassiliu, A.-K., Seibt, W. Die Byzantinischen Bleisiegel in Österreich. Wien,
2004.T. II, S. 283, 284, nr. 296.
18
Schlumberger, G. Sigillographie de l’empire byzantin. Paris, 1884, ɪ. 667.
19
Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria 2, p. 112, nr. 145.
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Oikonomidès, N. Les listes préséance Byzantines des IXe et Xe siècle. Paris.
1972, p. 26313-22.
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21
Ɇɨɯɨɜ, Ⱥ.ɋ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɚɹ ɚɪɦɢɹ ɜ ɫɟɪɟɞɢɧɟ – ɜɬɨɪɨɣ ɩɨɥɨɜɢɧɟ XIɜ. ɉɨ
ɞɚɧɧɵɦ ɫɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɤɢ // ȾȺɂɋ (Ⱦɨɤɭɦɟɧɬ. Ⱥɪɯɢɜ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ. ɋɨɜɪɟɦɟɧɧɨɫɬɶ).
ȿɤɚɬɟɪɢɧɛɭɪɝ, 2005. ȼɵɩ. 8, ɫ. 213–215.
22
Oikonomidès, N. Les listes préséance Byzantines des IXe et Xe siècle, p. 26335.
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Oikonomides, N. L’organisation de la frontier orientale de Byzance aux X–XIe
siècles et le Taktikon de l’Escorial // Actes du XIVe Congrés international des Études
byzantines. Bucarest, 1974. Vol. 1, 83, 84.
24
Ɇɨɯɨɜ, Ⱥ.ɋ. ȼɨɟɧɧɵɟ ɩɪɟɨɛɪɚɡɨɜɚɧɢɹ ɜ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɨɣ ɢɦɩɟɪɢɢ ɜɨ ɜɬɨɪɨɣ
ɩɨɥɨɜɢɧɟ ɏ – ɧɚɱɚɥɟ XI ɜ. // ɂɡɜɟɫɬɢɹ ɍɪɚɥɶɫɤɨɝɨ ɝɨɫɭɞɚɪɫɬɜɟɧɧɨɝɨ ɭɧɢɜɟɪɫɢɬɟɬɚ.
ɋɟɪɢɹ: Ƚɭɦɚɧɢɬɚɪɧɵɟ ɧɚɭɤɢ. ȿɤɚɬɟɪɢɧɛɭɪɝ, 2004. ʋ 31, ɫ. 29; Ɇɨɯɨɜ, Ⱥ.ɋ. Ʉ ɜɨɩɪɨɫɭ
ɨ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɨɣ ɜɨɟɧɧɨɣ ɨɪɝɚɧɢɡɚɰɢɢ ɜ ɩɟɪɢɨɞ ɜɨɣɧɵ ɫ ɩɟɱɟɧɟɝɚɦɢ 1046—1053 ɝɝ. //
ɂɡɜɟɫɬɢɹ ɍɪɚɥɶɫɤɨɝɨ ɝɨɫɭɞɚɪɫɬɜɟɧɧɨɝɨ ɭɧɢɜɟɪɫɢɬɟɬɚ. ɋɟɪɢɹ: Ƚɭɦɚɧɢɬɚɪɧɵɟɧɚɭɤɢ. –
ȿɤɚɬɟɪɢɧɛɭɪɝ, 2005. ʋ 39, ɫ. 19, 23.
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ɫɦ.: Glykatzi-Ahrweiler, H. Recherches sur l’administration de l’empire
byzantin aux IX-XIe siecles // Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique. Athens; Paris, 1960.
T. 84, p. 64–67; Cheynet, J.-Cl. Du stratege de theme au duc: chronologie de l’evolution au
cours du XIe siècle // Travaux et memoires. Paris, 1985. Vol. 9, ɪ. 181, 182.
26
Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria 2, p. 113.
27
Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria3, p. 159, 202, 227, 228,
nr. 381, 509–513, 608–611.
28
Ibidem, p. 496, nr. 1494.
29
Ibidem, p. 235, nr. 629, 630.
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bOHYEI ȕȠȒșİȚ
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Ɋɟɜɟɪɫ. ȼ ɠɟɦɱɭɠɧɨɦ ɨɛɨɞɤɟ ɩɹɬɢɫɬɪɨɱɧɚɹ ɧɚɞɩɢɫɶ:
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30
Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria 3, p. 155, 156ɛ, nr. 229–
236; Schlumberger, G. Sigillographie de l’empire byzantin, ɪ. 707, nr. 1; Laurent, V.
Documents de sigillographie byzantine. La collection C. Orghidan. Paris, 1952, p. 236, 237,
nr. 471.
31
Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria 2, p. 156.
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ȈȣȞȑİȚĮ IJોȢȤ ȡȠȞȠȖȡĮijȓĮȢ IJȠ૨ ȦȞȞȠȣ ȈțȣȜȓIJȗȘ / ed. E.T. ȉıȠȜĮțȢૈ.
ĭİııĮȜȠȞȓțȘ, 1968, p. 17321-22; Attaliate Michaelis. Historia, p. 3811-20.
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Schlumberger, G. Sceaux byzantins inédits. Seconde série// Revue des Études
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ȀȦȞıIJĮȞIJȠʌȠȣȜȠȢ, Ȁ.Ȃ. ǺȣȗĮȞIJȚĮț ޟȝȠȜȣȕįȩȕȠȣȜȜĮ IJȠࠎ Ȟ ݃șȘȞĮȚȢ ݑșȞȚțȠࠎ
ȃȠȝȚıȝĮIJȚțȠࠎ ȂȠȣıİȓȠȣ. ǹșȒȞĮ, 1917, p. 124, nr. 462; Stavrakos, Chr. Die byzantinischen
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Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria 2, p. 155, nr. 228;
Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria 3, p. 189, 190, nr. 476A.
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ɒɚɧɞɪɨɜɫɤɚɹ, ȼ.ɋ. ɋɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɤɚ. // ɂɫɤɭɫɫɬɜɨ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɢ ɜ ɫɨɛɪɚɧɢɹɯ
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SFRA ȈijȡĮ
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38
Jordanov, I. Les sceaux de deux chefs militaries byzantins touvés à Preslav: Le
magistros Leon Melissenos et le Patrice Theodorokanos // ByzantinoBulgarica. – Sofia,
1986, p. 187–189.
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of the Black Sea, p. 123, 44. Adrianopolis.
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Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria 2, p. 309;
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Laurent, V. Les sceaux byzantins du Médaillier Vatican. Cité du Vatican, 1962,
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Seibt, W.Die Byzantinischen Bleisiegel in Österreich. Wien, 1978. T. I, S. 225–
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Ʉɨɦɧɢɧɚ Ⱥɧɧɚ. Ⱥɥɟɤɫɢɚɞɚ. Ɇ., 1965, c. 245; Dölger, F. Regesten der
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Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria 2, p. 309, nr. 524;
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ɉɈȾɉɂɋɂ Ʉ ɊɂɋɍɇɄȺɆ:
1 2
90
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
Ƚɟɨɪɝɢ Ⱥɬɚɧɚɫɨɜ
Georgi Atanasov
6
Dalton, O. Byzantine art and archaeology. New York, 1961, p. 73, fig. 42
7
Leclercq, H. Anges. – DACL, 2. 1. Col. 2080-2081, not. 1.
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Hubert, J., J. Porche, W. Volbach. L’Empire carolingies. Paris, 1968, p. 223,
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ɋɩɟɰɢɚɥɟɧ ɤɨɦɟɧɬɚɪ ɧɚ ɬɟɡɢ ɩɚɦɟɬɧɢɰɢ ɜɠ: Ⱥɬɚɧɚɫɨɜ, Ƚ. ɋɜɟɬɢ Ƚɟɨɪɝɢ
ɉɨɛɟɞɨɧɨɫɟɰ. Ʉɭɥɬ ɢ ɨɛɪɚɡ ɜ ɩɪɚɜɨɫɥɚɜɧɢɹ ɢɡɬɨɤ ɩɪɟɡ ɋɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɢɟɬɨ. ȼɚɪɧɚ –
ȼɟɥɢɤɨ Ɍɴɪɧɨɜɨ, 2001, ɫ. 153, 162, ɨɛɪ. 164.
10
Ƚɢɛɟɥɢƫ, ɋ. ɐɢɤɥɭɫ Ⱥɪɯɚɧɝɟɥɚ ɭ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢjɫɤɨj ɭɦɟɬɧɨɫɬɢ. Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ, 1991, ɫ.
73-81, ɐɪɬ. 38-40, 50-52, 89-91, 105-109, ɰɪɬ. 1, 4.
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Ȼɚɥɚɛɚɧɨɜ, Ʉ. Ɍɟɪɚɤɨɬɧɢ ɢɤɨɧɤɢ ɨɞ ȼɢɧɢɰɚ. ɋɤɨɩjɟ, 1991, 14-17, ʋ 42, 43,
50-54, 74-76; Dimitrova, E. The Terracotta Relief Plaques from Vinica. – ɋɬɚɪɢɧɚɪ, XLIII
– XLIV, 1992-1993, p. 55, fig. 1, pp. 63-65, fig. 11-12; 53-70.
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Ȼɚɥɚɛɚɧɨɜ, Ʉ. ɐɢɬ., ɫɴɱ, 15-16, ʋ 55-58; Dimitrova, E. Op. cit., pp. 62-63,
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Omont, H. Miniatures des plus anciens manuscrits grecs de la Bibliotheque
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Restle, M. Op. ɫit. I, S. 63-64, 129-130, II, S. 218-244.
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Ƚɢɛɟɥɢƫ, ɋ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., 73-81, 36-42, 73-82.
18
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ, 36-41, ɫ. 71, 84.
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Wessel, Kl. Die byzantinische Emailkunst. Reculinghausen, 1967, Nr. 30, S. 94-
97; Der Schatz von San Marco in Venedig. Köln, 1984, Nr. 15, S. 179-182.
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Parani, M. Reconstructing the Reality of Images Byzantine Material Culture and
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21
Mirror of the Medieval World. The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Wixom,
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Laurent, V. La collection C. Orghidan. Paris, 1962, p. 296, Nr. 654; Laurent, V.
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at Art. Vol. III. Washington, 1991, p. 174, Nr. 96.6, Vol. IV, p. 110, Nr. 40. 10; Jordanov, Iv.
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ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢɬɟ ɡɟɦɢ, ɜɤɥɸɱɜɚɳɚ ɧɚɞ 3200 ɩɟɱɚɬɚ, 112 ɫɚ ɫ ɩɨɪɬɪɟɬɢ ɧɚ ɚɪɯɚɧɝɟɥ Ɇɢɯɚɢɥ,
ɨɬ ɤɨɢɬɨ 80 ɫɚ ɛɸɫɬɨɜɢ ɢɡɨɛɪɚɠɟɧɢɹ, ɫɪɟɞ ɤɨɢɬɨ ɧɢɬɨ ɟɞɧɨ ɫ ɜɨɢɧɫɤɢ ɤɨɫɬɸɦ ɢ
ɨɪɴɠɢɹ. 32 ɩɟɱɚɬɚ ɫɚ ɢɡɨɛɪɚɠɟɧɢɹ ɧɚ ɚɪɯɚɧɝɟɥ Ɇɢɯɚɢɥ ɜ ɰɹɥ ɪɴɫɬ, ɫɪɟɞ ɤɨɢɬɨ ɫɚɦɨ 5 ɫ
ɜɨɢɧɫɤɢ ɤɨɫɬɸɦ ɢ ɦɟɱ.
23
Kalavrezou – Maxeiner, I. Byzantine Icons in Steatite. Wien, 1985, ɪ. 186, ʋ
105.
24
Ⱥɬɚɧɚɫɨɜ, Ƚ. Ɉɬ ɟɩɢɫɤɨɩɢɹ ɤɴɦ ɩɚɬɪɢɚɪɲɢɹ, 125-126.
25
Ⱥɧɝɟɥɨɜɚ, ɋɬ. Ʉɴɦ ɬɨɩɨɝɪɚɮɢɹɬɚ ɧɚ ɋɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɢɹ Ⱦɪɴɫɬɴɪ ɩɪɟɡ ɏȱȱ ɜ. –
ȼ: ɉɪɢɧɨɫɢ ɤɴɦ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɹ, ȱȱ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1993, 52-57; Ⱥɬɚɧɚɫɨɜ, Ƚ. ɉɨɝɥɟɞ
ɤɴɦ ɞɨɛɪɭɞɠɚɧɫɤɢɹ ɞɭɧɚɜɫɤɢ ɛɪɹɝ ɨɬ ɏȱ ɞɨ ɏV ɜ. – ɂɉɪ, 8-9, 1992, 27-30.
26
Jordanov, Iv. Op. cit., No. 94-96, 111, 226, 231, 249, 256, 259, 162, 318, 378,
378, 386, 411, 444, 457, 464, 475, 481, 486, 488, 507, 521, 544, 551; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ.
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31
Godschmidt, A., K. Weitsmann. Die byzantinisvhe Elfenbeinskulpturen des X –
XIII Jahrhunders. Berlin, 1934, Nr. 32; Kalavrezou – Maxeiner, I. Op. cit., pp. 95-98, Taf.
3.3.
32
ȼɢɠ ɬɭɤ ɛɟɥ. ʋ 22.
33
Walter, Cr. The Warrior Saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition. Ashgate, 2003,
pp. 40-65, 76-80, 90-93, 95-100, 123-134; Ⱥɬɚɧɚɫɨɜ, Ƚ. ɋɜɟɬɢ Ƚɟɨɪɝɢ ɉɨɛɟɞɨɧɨɫɟɰ, ɫ.
100 ɢ ɫɥ.
34
Schlumberger, G. Sigillographie de L’Empire byzantine. Paris, 1884, p. 21.
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Diaconu, P. Les Coumans au Bas-Danube aux XI-e et XII-e siècles. Bucureúti,
1978, 62-77; Mãnucu-Adameútesnu, G. Istoria Dobrogei in perioada 969 - 1204.
ContribuĠii arheologice úi numismatice. Bucureúti, 2001, 55-56.
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Ʉɢɪɩɢɱɧɢɤɨɜ, Ⱥ. ɂ. Ɋɭɫɫɤɢɟ ɤɧɹɠɟɫɤɢɟ ɲɥɟɦɵ ɏ - ɏȱȱȱ ɜ. – ɋɨɜɟɬɫɤɚɹ
ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɹ, 4, 1958, 64-65, ɪɢɫ. 8. 3.
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ɋɉɂɋɔɄ ɇȺ ɈȻɊȺɁɂɌȿ:
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2
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3 3а 4
5 6 7
8 9 10
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
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14 15 16
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1
Cotsonis, J. The Contribution of Byzantine Lead Seals to the Study of the Cult of
the Saints (Sixth-Twelfth Century) – Byzantion, LXXV, (2005) 383-497. – An dieser Stelle
möchten wir Bishof Ioakeim (John Cotsonis) unseren besonderen Dank für Informationen
zur Frequenz von Darstellungsweisen einzelner Heiligen aus seiner Datenbank zur
Ikonographie der Heiligen auf byzantinischen Siegeln aussprechen.
2
Basileiou (Wassiliou), A.-K. ȞĮ ĮȟȚȠʌȡંıİțIJȠ ȝȠȜȣȕįંȕȠȣȜȜȠ IJȘȢ ıȣȜȜȠȖȢ
Zarnitz: ȅ İʌıțȠʌȠȢ ǾȡĮțȜİȚȠȣʌંȜİȦȢ ǻȠȝIJȚȠȢ țĮȚ Ƞ ȖȚȠȢ ǹșȘȞȠȖȞȘȢ – Hellenika, 55/2,
(2005) 239-248; Seibt, W. Ein Blick in die byzantinische Gesellschaft. Die Bleisiegel im
Museum August Kestner. Rahden/Westfalen, 2011, 35-37, Nr. 6.
3
Laurent, V. Le Corpus des sceaux de l߫empire byzantin. V/2. L߫église. Paris, 1965,
Nr. 1134 und 1615bis; Mayerhofer, W. Die Ikonographie der männlichen Heiligen auf
byzantinischen Bleisiegeln. Wien, 2007 (Diplomarbeit) 82, Nr. 94.
4
Seibt, W. ਝȡıĮțįȘȢ/Aršakuni – Armenische Aristokraten in byzantinischen
Diensten. Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik, 44, (1994) 352f., Nr. 3 (Arsakides
Apnelgariphes ਕȞșʌĮIJȠȢ ʌĮIJȡțȚȠȢ ȕıIJȘȢ țĮ ıIJȡĮIJȘȖઁȢ ȈİȜİȣțİĮȢ).
5
Cheynet, J.-Cl. – Wassiliou-Seibt, A.-K. Adelige aus dem „Westen“ in
Staatsapparat und Gesellschaft des byzantinischen Reiches. Das Vermächtnis der Siegel, in:
Daim, F. u. a. (eds.), Menschen, Bilder, Sprache, Dinge. Wege zur Kommunikation zwischen
Byzanz und dem Westen 2: Menschen und Worte. Mainz, 2018, 221, mit A. 67.
108
Gert BOERSEMA und Alexandra-Kyriaki WASSILIOU-SEIBT. SELTENE HEILIGE UND EINE BIBLISCHE SZENE ...
I. HEILIGE
Akakios
Siegelinhaber: Leon protospatharios, protonotarios tes sakelles kai
anagrapheus Thrakes (vor Mitte 11. Jh.) (Fig. 1)
Aus Auktion Gorny & Mosch 208, 16.-17.10.2012, Nr. 2598 (Legende nicht
gelesen. Datiert auf 11.-12. Jh.).
Allgemein gut erhaltenes Siegel, mit einem Ausbruch an der unteren
Kanalmündung. Av.-Feld links teils plattgedrückt, Rv.-Feld leicht nach links dezentriert,
minimale Feldverluste, rechts unten teils eingedrückt. Kein Parallelstück bekannt. Beige
Patina. Unediert.
Gewicht: 12,87 gr. Durchmesser: 23 mm (tot.), 20 mm (F.).
Av. Büste des hl. Akakios, mit einem Märtyrerkreuz vor der Brust.
Die Ränder seines Maphorion sind mit Perlen verziert. Der Heilige trägt eine
kurze gepflegte Frisur, die die Ohren nicht bedeckt. Ebenfalls gepflegt ist
sein kurzer Bart. Vom linken Teil der Begleitbeischrift sind die Buchstaben +
und O sichtbar, der rechte Teil hingegen ist vollständig erhalten: [ ਚ]ȖȚ[Ƞ(Ȣ)]
// ਝțțȚȠ(Ȣ).
Es handelt sich wohl um jenen Akakios aus Kappadokien, der gemäß
der legendären Überlieferung als Soldat (ıIJȡĮIJȚઆIJȘȢ IJȠ૨ ਕȡȚșȝȠ૨) der
römischen Armee wegen seines christlichen Glaubens verhaftet und zum
Statthalter von Herakleia/Thrakien geführt wurde, wo er zunächst auf
6
Wassiliou-Seibt, A.-K. Die Neffen des Patriarchen Michael I. Kerullarios (1043-
1058) und ihre Siegel. Ikonographie als Ausdrucksmittel der Verwandtschaft. Bulgaria
Mediaevalis, 2 (2011), 107-119. – Speziell zur Karriereleiter Konstantins, des älteren Neffen
des Patriarchen, s. jetzt detaillierter Wassiliou-Seibt, A.-K. Nochmals zum cursus honorum
des Konstantinos, des Neffen des Patriarchen Michael I. (Kerullarios). Zbornik radova
Vizantološkog instituta, 55 (2018), 65-80 (Korrekturen zu Jeffreys, M. Constantine, Nephew
of the Patriarch Keroularios, and His Good Friend Michael Psellos, in Jeffreys, M –
Lauxtermann, M. The Letters of Psellos: Cultural Networks and Historical Realities.
Oxford, 2016, 59-88).
109
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
7
Vita des hl. Akakios. Patrologia Graeca 115, 218-240. Cf. ĬȡȘıțİȣIJȚț ޣțĮޥ
ݟșȚțݑ ޣȖțȣțȜȠʌĮަįİȚĮ, 1, (1962) 1166-1167, in Hinkunft ĬǾǼ, (G. I. Mantzarides).
8
Janin, R. La géographie ecclésiastique de l߫empire byzantin. Ièrèpartie. Le siège
de Constantinople et le patriarcat oecuménique. III. Les églises et les monastères. Paris,
1969,13-15.
9
Schlumberger, G. Sigillographie de l߫empire byzantin. Paris, 1884, (Nachdruck
Turin 1963), 444, Nr. 2, auf 11.-12. Jh. datiert, und 532, Nr. 5, auf 12.-13. Jh. datiert
(Faksimile). Der Autor edierte zweimal dasselbe Stück und identifizierte zunächst den
Heiligen richtig, danach jedoch dachte er an Pharnakios. Ähnliches betrifft auch die Inschrift
auf dem Rv. Cf. dazu Laurent, V. Le Corpus des sceaux de l߫empire byzantin. II.
L߫administration centrale. Paris, 1981, Nr. 169 [1. Hälfte 11. Jh.], ohne Abbildung. Am
Beginn der Rv.-Legende wiederum las Schlumberger, a. O. JQ=, was Père Laurent auch
übernahm. Es ist jedoch an KE zu denken.
110
Gert BOERSEMA und Alexandra-Kyriaki WASSILIOU-SEIBT. SELTENE HEILIGE UND EINE BIBLISCHE SZENE ...
Av. Büste des hl. Ephraim (des Syrers), mit großem Nimbus, der
sein Haupt umgibt. Der Mantel des reifen und als Mönch dargestellten
Heiligen wird vorne mit einer Fibel zusammengehalten. Ephraim ist hier als
älterer Mann, mit dichten Augenbrauen dargestellt; seine kurze Frisur besteht
aus wenigen Locken, die in der Form eines Halbkreises angeordnet sind und
die Stirn frei lassen. Er hat eine längliche Nase und trägt einen gepflegten
mittellangen spitzen Vollbart, dessen Rand lockig ist. In der rechten Hand
hält Ephraim ein Kreuz, in der linken eine Schriftrolle (rotulus).
Beischrift: ù|=| // |P|= (kein Kürzungsstrich erkennbar): ਚ(ȖȚȠȢ)
Ǽijȡ(Į)[ȝ].
Trotz der bedeutenden Persönlichkeit Ephräm des Syrers (* um 306 in
Nisibis – † 373 in Edessa) als Kirchenlehrer, Schriftsteller zahlreicher
Hymnen und exegetischer Schriften (Originale in syrischer Sprache) wurde er
auf byzantinischen Siegeln kaum abgebildet10. Seine Verehrung war am
engsten mit dem syrischen Raum gekoppelt, eben weil letzterer sein Geburts-
und Wirkungsbereich war. Auf byzantinischem Reichsterritorium dürfte sein
Kult keine größere Verbreitung erfahren haben. Für die Hauptstadt selbst
samt näherer Umgebung sind weder Kirchen noch Klöster registriert, die
diesem Heiligen gewidmet waren. Jedoch fehlen Darstellungen dieses
Heiligen nicht in byzantinischen Kirchen und Klöstern, selbst wenn sie
seltener vorkommen. Herausgegriffen sei in etwa das Fresko dieses Heiligen
in der Kirche Panagia Asinou (12. Jh., Zypern). Mönchsheilige werden des
öfteren mit dem Kreuz in der Hand abgebildet, auch wenn sie kein Martyrium
erlitten haben, weil das Kreuz in ihrem Fall als Symbol für die Härte des
mönchischen Lebens allgemein fungiert und der damit verbundenen
Versuchungen.
In der Kunst gibt es verschiedene Darstellungsweisen dieses Heiligen.
Wenn er nicht mit schütterem Haar erscheint, trägt er eine Mönchsmütze
bzw. –kapuze. Ebenso abwechslungsreich können seine Attribute sein:
Weihrauchgefäß, offenes Buch oder Schriftrolle11.
10
Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche, 3, (1995), 708-710 (W. Kramer); ĬǾǼ, 5,
(1964), 1160-1164 (S. G. Papadopulos). – Zu den Vitae des Ephraim s. Halkin, Fr.
Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca. Tome I. Aaron-Ioannes Baptista (Subsidia
Hagiographica 8a). Bruxelles, 1957, 179.
11
Cf. Lexikon der Christlichen Ikonographie (in Hinkunft LCI), 6, (1974), 151-153
(J. Myslivec).
111
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
Die Wahl des hl. Ephraim für die Av. Seite des obigen Siegels
erfolgte, weil letzterer der Namensheilige des Sieglers war. Ephraim ist in
Byzanz eher für Kleriker bzw. Mönche bezeugt. Da obiger Siegler keine
näheren Hinweise zu seiner Person gibt, können wir nicht eruieren, ob es sich
um einen Laien oder einen Geistlichen handelt.
Konon
Siegelinhaber: Zacharias, Erzbischof (von Leontopolis) (680/692)
(Fig. 3).
Aus Auktion Numismatik Naumann 45, 03.07.2016, Nr. 1049 (undefiniert). Sehr
gut erhaltenes und ästhetisches, mittel- bis dunkelbraunes Siegel, beide Seiten leicht nach
oben dezentriert. Av. untere Kanalmündung ausgebrochen, leichter Bleifraß im oberen
Bereich.
Gewicht: 14,54 gr.; Durchmesser: 28 mm (tot.), 21 mm (F.). Unediert.
Ein ähnliches Exemplar, allerdings von einem anderen Stempel, wurde in der
Auktion Numismatik Naumann 55, 02.07.2017, Nr. 801 angeboten.
12
Belke, K. – Restle, M. Galatien und Lykaonien. Tabula Imperii Byzantini, 4.
Wien, 1984, 144; 180-181.
112
Gert BOERSEMA und Alexandra-Kyriaki WASSILIOU-SEIBT. SELTENE HEILIGE UND EINE BIBLISCHE SZENE ...
schloss sie in Tonkrüge ein. Zwei davon wurden nach seinem Tod voll mit
Goldmünzen aufgefunden13.
Ungefähr aus der gleichen Zeit stammt das Siegel des anderweitig
nicht bezeugten Stephanos, Bischof (von Leontopolis), mit der gleichen
Darstellungsweise des hl. Konon auf dem Avers14. Hingegen zeigt ihn die
Bleibulle eines anonymen Erzbischofes von Leontopolis (2. Hälfte 11. Jh.)
als bärtigen Greis in Zivilkleidung. Das Stück zählte zur ehem. Sammlung
Zacos (Foto in Wien). Auf dem Av. findet sich eine Büste des Erzengels
Michael (Rückgriff auf die Vita des Heiligen) mit entsprechender Beischrift
MX für Ȃ(Ț)Ȥ(ĮȜ). Darüber die Umschrift Tý APXIEwOCKOw[O]V – IJȠ૨
ਕȡȤȚİʌȚıțંʌȠȣ. Auf dem Rv. eine Büste des hl. Konon. Beischrift: v- +O- v,
(Buchstaben kreuzförmig angeordnet) |Qv- d- d- ਚȖȚȠ(Ȣ) ȀંȞȦȞ.
Darüber die Umschrift: ȁ[İȠ]ȞIJȠʌંȜİȦȢ. Weitere Darstellungen des hl.
Konon von Leontopolis auf Siegeln konnten wir nicht belegen. Die
Divergenz in der Darstellungsweise zwischen den beiden frühen Exemplaren
und jenem des 11. Jh. zeigt, dass es keine standardisierte Art der Darstellung
für diesen Heiligen gab, was wiederum zu dessen Gleichsetzung bzw.
Verwechslung mit Konon dem Gärtner (Hortulanus)15 führen konnte.
Leontopolis (zuvor Isaura Palaia) wurde zum wichtigsten
Kultzentrum des hl. Konon im 5. Jh., vielleicht unter Leon I. (457–474) oder
Leon II. (474), jedoch erfolgte die Erhebung zu einem Erzbistum erst im 7.
Jh.; davor gehörte es zum Bistum von Isauropolis16. In den narrativen
Quellen ist Zacharias der erste namentlich bezeugte (Erz)bischof von
Leontopolis (ਥʌıțȠʌȠȢ ȁİȠȞIJȠʌંȜİȦȢ). Er zählte zu den Teilnehmern des 5.
Ökumenischen Konzils (680/681) und des Quinisextum/ȆİȞșޢțIJȘ
(691/692)17. Ihm ist auch obiges Bleisiegel zuzuweisen, auf welchem sein
Zuständigkeits- und Wirkungsbereich aus der Darstellung des Av. zu
entnehmen ist. Der oben erwähnte Stephanos war entweder ein Vorgänger
oder ein Nachfolger des Zacharias.
Markellos
Siegelinhaber: Serbandos (?) (ca. 2. Hälfte 7. Jh.) (Fig. 4)
13
Trautmann, R. – Klostermann, R. Drei griechische Texte zum Codex
Suprasliensis, II. Das Martyrium von Konon dem Isaurier. Zeitschrift für slavische
Philologie, 11, (1934), 299–324. Cf. Halkin, F. Publications récentes de textes
hagiographiques grecs. Analecta Bollandiana, 53, (1935), 369-374.
14
Auktion Münz Zentrum 78, 07.-09.09.1994, 792.
15
LCI, 7, (1974), 332 (G. Kastner).
16
Chrysos, E. Zur Entstehung der Institution der autokephalen Erzbistümer.
Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 62, (1969), 268-269; cf. Belke – Restle 198-200.
17
Lilie, R.-J. u. a., Prosopographie der mittelbyzantinischen Zeit. 1. Abteilung
(641-867). 5. Band. Berlin, 2001, Nr. 8602.
113
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
Erworben im Handel. Mittelgraues Siegel mit Resten einer rotbraunen Patina. Grob
punktierter Rand. Av. leicht nach oben dezentriert, mit einem größeren Ausbruch an der
oberen Kanalmündung, teilweise plattgedrückt. Rv. nach oben und links dezentriert, beide
Kanalmündungen ausgebrochen. Feld im unteren Bereich teils plattgedrückt. Allgemein
mittelmäßig bis gut erhalten. Unediert.
Gewicht 8,99 gr.; Durchmesser: 22 mm (tot), 18 mm (F.)
18
Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche, 6, (1997), 1304 (J. Lössl); Lexikon der Päpste
und des Papsttums, ed. B. Steiner. Freiburg, 2001, 247-248 (J. Lössl);
https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marcellus_von_Tanger
114
Gert BOERSEMA und Alexandra-Kyriaki WASSILIOU-SEIBT. SELTENE HEILIGE UND EINE BIBLISCHE SZENE ...
Onuphrios
Siegelinhaber: Myron asekretis (ca. letztes Drittel 11. Jh.) (Fig. 5).
Aus Auktion Roma Numismatics 44, 02.03.2018, lot 973 (unvollständig, teilweise
abgebildet). Mittelbraunes Siegel. Av. nach oben dezentriert, mit unbedeutenden
Feldverlusten, partiell plattgedrückt. Rv. nach rechts dezentriert, minimale Feldverluste.
Allgemein gut erhalten. Unediert.
Gewicht: 7,51 gr. Durchmesser: 21 mm (tot.), 17 mm (F.).
Priscus
Siegelinhaber: Iohannes, Bischof (wahrscheinlich von Capua) (frühes
8. Jh.) (Fig. 6)
Aus Auktion Pecunem 35, 06.09.2015, Nr. 912 (ohne Lesung und Datierung).
Mittelgraues Siegel, mit vereinzelten Spuren einer rotbraunen Patina. Unterer
rechter Teil abgebrochen, Einkerbung an der oberen Kanalmündung, partiell vom Bleifraß
befallen. Allgemein gut erhalten. Unediert.
Gewicht: 9,28 gr.; Durchmesser: 24 mm (tot.), 19 mm (F.)
116
Gert BOERSEMA und Alexandra-Kyriaki WASSILIOU-SEIBT. SELTENE HEILIGE UND EINE BIBLISCHE SZENE ...
dass Iohannes ebenfalls Bischof von Capua war. Die Wahl des Priscus für die
Av.-Seite seines Siegels entspricht somit seinem Wirkungsbereich. Ein
Oberhaupt der Kirche von Capua namens Johannes konnten wir jedoch
anderweitig nicht belegen. Der Überlieferung gemäß soll Priscus ein Schüler
Jesu Christi gewesen sein und den Apostel Petrus nach Italien begleitet
haben24. Für Capua ist allerdings auch ein zweiter, ebenfalls
heiliggesprochener Bischof namens Priscus bekannt, der entweder im 4. oder
5. Jh. dieses Amt innehatte25. Capua war zur Zeit des obigen Siegels schon
nicht mehr Teil des Reichsterritoriums, zumal es bereits 594 von den
Langobarden eingenommen worden war. Kirchlich war es dem Papst in Rom
unterstellt.
24
LCI, 8, 225 (L. Schütz).
25
LThK, 8, (1999), 601-602 (A. Merkt).
26
Cf. Wasner, L. – Zahlhas, G. Rom und Byzanz. Archäologische Kostbarkeiten
aus Bayern. I. München, 1997, 211, Nr. 309; Wassiliou, A.-K. – Harrauer, H. Siegel und
Papyri. Das Siegelwesen in Ägypten von römischer bis in frühbyzantinische Zeit. Wien,
1999, 42, Nr. 37; Boersema, G. A Dutch Collection of Late Antique and Early Christian
Lead Seals. Studies in Byzantine Sigillography, 13, (2019), Nr. 17, 24-25 (mit Vergleichs
material und Literatur).
117
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
27
Nesbitt, J. W. Apotropaic devices on Byzantine lead seals and tokens in the
Collections of Dumbarton Oaks and in the Fogg Museum of Art, in: Entwistle, Ch. (ed.),
Through a Glass Brightly. Studies in Byzantine and Medieval Art and Archaeology
Presented to David Buckton. Oxford, 2003, 109, fig. 13.6. Jedoch würden wir von einer
apotropäischen Funktion des Siegels Abstand halten. – Zur Typologie des berittenen
Heiligen (bisweilen als König Salomon) s. Walter, Ch. The Intaglio of Solomon in the
Benaki Museum and the Origins of the Iconography of Warrior Saints. ǻİȜIJȠȞ ȋȡȚıIJȚĮȞȚțȢ
ǹȡȤĮȚȠȜȠȖȚțȢ ǼIJĮȚȡİĮȢ, 15, (1989-1990), ʌİȡ. ǻ. Athen, 1999, 33-42, Abb. 5 und 6. Cf.
dens. Some unpublished Intaglios of Solomon in the British Museum, London, in: ĬȣȝަĮȝĮ
ıIJ ޣȝȞޤȝȘ IJ߱Ȣ ȁĮıțĮȡަȞĮȢ ȂʌȠުȡĮ. Athen, 1994, I, 365-368 und II, 205-206 (Abbildungen).
28
Martindale, J. R. The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire.Volume III. A.
D. 525-641 (in Hinkunft PLRE). Cambridge, 1992, Areobindus 4.
29
Reichert, H. Lexikon der altgermanischen Namen. I. Wien, 1987, 62.
30
PLRE III, Areobindus 1, 2, 3 und 5.
118
Gert BOERSEMA und Alexandra-Kyriaki WASSILIOU-SEIBT. SELTENE HEILIGE UND EINE BIBLISCHE SZENE ...
(Frühchristliche) Kreuzigung
Siegelinhaber: Paulos (7. Jh.) (Fig. 8)
die G. Vikan insbesondere mit der Grabeskirche verbindet34, und findet sich
sehr häufig mit der Auferstehung und der Himmelfahrt des Herrn
kombiniert35; vereinzelt ist sie auch auf Tesserae anzutreffen36. Es ist wohl
anzunehmen, dass die Wahl der frühchristlichen Kreuzigung auf den Siegeln
von Paulos und Elpidios aus ihrem Besuch im Heiligen Land (speziell der
Grabeskirche) resultiert. Biblische Szenen werden überhaupt selten auf
Siegeln dargestellt37. Ähnliches betrifft Persönlichkeiten des Alten
Testaments38.
TAFEL
2
1
1 2
3 4
3 4
34
Vikan, G. Early Byzantine Pilgrimage Art. Washington, 1982, 18-19; 40-41.
35
S. einschlägig Grabar, A. Ampoules de Terre Sainte (Monza-Bobbio). Paris,
1958.
36
Vikan, G. Two Unpublished Pilgrim Tokens in the Benaki Museum and the
Group to Which They Belong, in: ĬȣȝަĮȝĮ ǿǿ (wie A. 27), 197, Abb. 2.
37
Cotsonis, J. Narrative Scenes on Byzantine Lead Seals (Sixth-Twelfth
Centuries): Freguency, Iconography, and Clientele. Gesta, 48/1, (2009), 59; ders.Cult of the
Saints, (wie A. 1), 414.
38
Wassiliou-Seibt, A.-K. Biblische Reminiszenzen in Bild und Text auf byzan-
tinischen Bleisiegeln, in: Rapp, Cl. – Külzer, A. (eds.), The Bible in Byzantium.
Appropriation, Adaptation, Interpretation. Göttingen, 2019, 128.
120
Gert BOERSEMA und Alexandra-Kyriaki WASSILIOU-SEIBT. SELTENE HEILIGE UND EINE BIBLISCHE SZENE ...
5 6
7 8
121
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
ɇɚɞɟɠɞɚ Ȼɨɬɟɜɚ
Nadezhda Boteva
In 2016 two inscriptions found on a limestone wall from the Early Byzantine and
Medieval fortress near the town of Sevlievo were read and interpreted. When it was
discovered in 1980, it was found to have played the role of an altar table at church No. 3 in
the medieval town of Hotalich. One inscription is in Latin and has a commemorative
character.
The other inscription is in Greek. The inscription is secondary, and it is executed in
IV c or later. It is oriented opposite to the Latin inscription. Estimated as: A / C (?) ঃ / Ҽ (?)
I? [.?] Y. Most likely, it is about ਝȖȠȣȡİȓȞȠȣ, that is, phonetic spelling instead of
ǹȖȠȣȡȓȞȠȣ = the Latin name Augurinus. After reading the name ਝȖȠȣȡİȓȞȠȣ = ǹȖȠȣȡȓȞȠȣ
= Augurinus, our attention was attracted by the work of Procopius Caesariyski and the
hundreds of castles that are found in Thrace. Among them is the ǹıȖȓȗȠȣȢ Fortress
(Agrizinus by Al-Idrisi). We have already said that the Greek inscription found on Hotalic is
not quite clear, but the coincidence of letters is still great.
According to our assumptions, if Agrinsinus is the fortress near Sevlievo, the
information given by Al Idrisi only confirms the hypothesis we made. Notwithstanding the
various inconsistencies and conventions, the composition of the Arabian traveler al-Idrissi,
and in particular the name ǹıȖȓȗȠȣȢ / Agrizinus, which we find there, is largely an argument
in support of our assumption of the name of the Early Byzantine fortress discovered by the
town of Sevlievo. The discovery of the similarly sounding name from the Greek inscription
on the limestone wall, which served as an altar of church No. 3 of the medieval fortress
Hotalich, allows us to think in that direction.
122
Надежда БОТЕВА. ОПИТ ЗА ИДЕНТИФИЦИРАНЕ НА ИМЕТО НА РАННО-ВИЗАНТИЙСКАТА ...
1
Ɉɬɤɪɢɜɚɬɟɥɹɬ ɢ ɞɴɥɝɨɝɨɞɢɲɟɧ ɩɪɨɭɱɜɚɬɟɥ ɧɚ ɬɨɡɢ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɨɛɟɤɬ ɋ.
ɋɢɦɟɨɧɨɜ ɨɛɨɫɧɨɜɚ ɢ ɧɚɥɨɠɢ ɦɧɟɧɢɟɬɨ, ɱɟ ɬɨɜɚ ɟ ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬɬɚ ɏɨɬɚɥɢɱ, ɤɨɹɬɨ ɫɟ
ɫɩɨɦɟɧɚɜɚ ɜ ɨɫɦɚɧɫɤɢɬɟ ɞɚɧɴɱɧɢ ɪɟɝɢɫɬɪɢ ɨɬ ɏV ɞɨ ɏVȱȱ ɜ. Ⱦɧɟɫ ɬɚɡɢ ɢɞɟɧɬɢɮɢɤɚɰɢɹ,
ɤɨɹɬɨ ɢɦɚ ɢ ɩɪɨɬɢɜɧɢɰɢ, ɫɟ ɩɪɢɟ ɤɚɤɬɨ ɜ ɧɚɭɱɧɢɬɟ ɫɪɟɞɢ, ɬɚɤɚ ɢ ɜ ɩɭɛɥɢɱɧɨɬɨ
ɩɪɨɫɬɪɚɧɫɬɜɨ.
2
ɋɩɨɪɟɞ ɇ. ɒɚɪɚɧɤɨɜ ɝɪɴɰɤɢɹɬ ɧɚɞɩɢɫ ɟ ɨɬ ȱV ɜ. ɢɥɢ ɟ ɩɨ-ɤɴɫɟɧ.
3
ɇɚɛɥɸɞɟɧɢɹɬɚ ɢ ɚɧɚɥɢɡɚ ɧɚ ɞɭɦɚɬɚ ɟ ɧɚ ɇ. ɒɚɪɚɧɤɨɜ. Ɍɨɣ ɞɚɜɚ ɩɨɞɨɛɟɧ
ɩɪɢɦɟɪ ɫ ɢɡɩɢɫɜɚɧɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɢɦɟɬɨ ਡȖȠȣıIJȠȢ ɜɦ. ǹȖȠȣıIJȠȢ. Ɍɨɜɚ ɢɡɩɚɞɚɧɟ ɧɚ ɛɭɤɜɚɬɚ „ȣ”
ɟ ɯɚɪɚɤɬɟɪɧɨ ɡɚ ɤɴɫɧɨɚɧɬɢɱɧɢɬɟ ɝɪɴɰɤɢ ɧɚɞɩɢɫɢ.
4
Ȼɨɬɟɜɚ, ɇ. Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɩɪɨɭɱɜɚɧɢɹ ɧɚ ɨɛɟɤɬ „Ɋɚɧɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɚ ɢ
ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬ ɏɨɬɚɥɢɱ” ɤɪɚɣ ɝɪ. ɋɟɜɥɢɟɜɨ. – ȺɈɊ ɩɪɟɡ 2014, ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2015,
695-698; Ȼɨɬɟɜɚ, ɇ. Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɩɪɨɭɱɜɚɧɢɹ ɧɚ ɨɛɟɤɬ „Ɋɚɧɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɚ ɢ
ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬ ɏɨɬɚɥɢɱ” ɤɪɚɣ ɝɪ. ɋɟɜɥɢɟɜɨ. – ȺɈɊ ɩɪɟɡ 2015, ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2016,
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7
ɇɟɞɤɨɜ, Ȼ. Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ ɢ ɫɴɫɟɞɧɢɬɟ ɢ ɡɟɦɢ ɩɪɟɡ ɏȱȱ ɜ. ɫɩɨɪɟɞ ɂɞɪɢɫɢ. ɋɨɮɢɹ,
1960.
8
Ʉɟɧɞɟɪɨɜɚ, ɋɬ., Ȼ. Ȼɟɲɟɜɥɢɟɜ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 134; ɇɟɞɤɨɜ. Ȼ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ.
140.
9
Ʉɟɧɞɟɪɨɜ, Ȼɟɲɟɜɥɢɟɜ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 144.
10
ɇɟɞɤɨɜ, Ȼ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 83.
11
Ʉɟɧɞɟɪɨɜɚ, ɋɬ., Ȼ. Ȼɟɲɟɜɥɢɟɜ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 72.
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Ʉɨɧɚɤɥɢɟɜ, Ⱥ. ɇɟɩɨɡɧɚɬɢɹɬ Ɇɢɫɢɨɧɢɫ. – ȼ: ɉɴɬɭɜɚɧɢɹɬɚ ɜ ɋɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ
Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. ɉɴɪɜɚ ɧɚɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɚ ɤɨɧɮɟɪɟɧɰɢɹ „ɉɴɬɭɜɚɧɟ ɤɴɦ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. ɉɴɬɭɜɚɧɢɹɬɚ ɜ
ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ ɢ ɫɴɜɪɟɦɟɧɧɢɹɬ ɬɭɪɢɡɴɦ“. ɒɭɦɟɧ, 8-11.05.2008, Ⱥɛɚɝɚɪ,
2008, 239-245.
13
ɇɟɞɤɨɜ, Ȼ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 139.
14
Tomaschek, W. Zur Kunde der Hamus-Halbinsel, II, Die Handelswege im 12.
Jahrhundert nach den Erkundigungen des Arabers Idrisi. SBAW, Phil-hist. CI., 113 (1887)
285-373.
15
„Ɉɱɟɜɢɞɧɨ ɚɪɚɛɫɤɨɬɨ „Ⱥɝɪɢɡɢɧɭɫ“ ɧɚ ɂɞɪɢɫɢ ɧɹɦɚ ɧɢɳɨ ɨɛɳɨ ɫ ɢɦɟɬɨ
ɏɪɚɡɝɪɚɞ ɢɥɢ Ɋɚɡɝɪɚɞ. ɇɢɟ ɧɟ ɛɢɯɦɟ ɦɨɝɥɢ ɫ ɩɨɥɨɠɢɬɟɥɧɨɫɬ ɞɚ ɬɜɴɪɞɢɦ ɞɚɥɢ ɫ ɬɨɜɚ
ɢɦɟ ɂɞɪɢɫɢ ɜɢɡɢɪɚ ɢɦɟɧɧɨ ɞɧɟɲɧɢɹ Ɋɚɡɝɪɚɞ. Ʉɚɬɨ ɫɟ ɢɦɚ ɩɪɟɞɜɢɞ, ɱɟ ɡɚ ɧɚɲɢɬɟ ɡɟɦɢ ɟ
ɱɟɪɩɢɥ ɫɜɟɞɟɧɢɟ ɨɬ ɩɨ-ɫɬɚɪɚ ɥɢɬɟɪɚɬɭɪɚ ɢ ɩɴɬɟɲɟɫɬɜɟɧɢɰɢ, ɧɢɟ ɧɟ ɢɡɤɥɸɱɜɚɦɟ
ɜɴɡɦɨɠɧɨɫɬɬɚ ɬɨɣ ɞɚ ɞɚɜɚ ɧɚ ɬɨɜɚ ɦɹɫɬɨ ɢɦɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɚɧɬɢɱɧɚ ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬ.” – ɜɠ. ɇɟɞɤɨɜ, Ȼ.
ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 140.
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ɋɉɂɋɔɄ ɇȺ ɈȻɊȺɁɂɌȿ:
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Vera Bulgurlu
Introduction
The collection was formed in Samsun and consists of over 200 lead
seals. Thanks are due to Mr. Adnan AcÕ for preserving and allowing the
publication of these seals which are an important source of information
regarding the history of the Eastern themes1. Armeniakon was one of the four
original big themes of Asia Minor, comprising Eastern Anatolia from the
Pontus, across Cappadocia and down to the Euphrates. The capital was
Amaseia (today Amasya). It was of strategic military importance because of
its location on the Eastern border of the Empire where it was vital for
Byzantines to control the area and defend it against neighboring enemy
invasions. The first strategos is attested in 667 2 . It was also an area of
economic importance because of the Trebizond trading harbours and the
Asian trade on the Silk Road. In the ninth century, the theme was divided
into three smaller themes, Armeniakon, Charsianon and Cappadocia, later
Koloneia, and in the tenth century Chaldia and Sebasteia also became
separate themes.
Apart from the eighth century seal of Dometios, episkopos Herak-
leioupolis, (no.8) one seal dated ninth – tenth century (no.1), another tenth
(no.2), and a tenth – eleventh century seal (no.7); eight seals date from the
last half of the eleventh century (nos.3, 4, 5, 6, 9 and 11). The owners include
high level military, civil and religious officials, such as strategos,
kouropalates, krites epi tou Hippodromou, vestarchos, protonotarios,
episkopos, metropolite. The seals are witness of a strong civil administration,
1
I also thank Werner Seibt and Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt at the Institut
für Byzansforschung der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften for their
encouragement, assistance and permission to use their private archive and library; my niece
Esra (Bobbie) Geelmuyden Pertan for taking and filing the photographs; and Firuzan Melike
Sümertaú for her help with the computer.
2
Oikonomides, N. Les Listes De Préséance Byzantines des Ie et Xe Siècles:
Introd., Texte, Traduction, Et Commentaire. Paris, 1972, 345-368; McGeer, E., J. Nesbitt
and N. Oikonomides. Catalogue of Byzantine Seals at Dumbarton Oaks and in the Fogg
Museum of Art, vol. 4: The East, Washington, D. C., 2001, 54-55.
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necessary for dealing with the presence of many Armenians who settled in
the territories of Sebasteia after their King Senekerim Artsruni was expelled
from the Kingdom of Vaspurakanin 1021. In 1045 King Gagik II of Ani, the
last King of the Bagratuni dynasty, was also forced to abdicate and exiled to
lands near Caeserea (Kayseri) which were awarded to him in return for his
abdication. A seal of Senekerim’s youngest son, Abusahl Senekerim, has
been included in this selection, witness to these historical events (no.11).
After the defeat of the Byzantines by the Seljuks at Manzikert in 1071
and by the beginning of the twelfth century, a series of administrative
reforms took place, and in a detailed article, this period is named by W.Seibt
as “Armenikå Y°mata als terminus technicus der byzantinischen
Verwaltungsgesichte des 11. Jahrhunderts”3.
Noteworthy images on the obverse of the seals are the soldier saints
St. Demetrios and St. Theodoros looking up at the image of Christ in a
medallion between them on the seal of Aposachles Senakerim, kouropalatis
(no.11); St. Athogenes on the seal of Dometios, episkopos Heraklioupolis
(no.8) and the beautiful peacock on the seal of Leonti, strategoston
Armeniakon (no.1).
The names Leon and Leonti, especially Leon, are often encountered
on seals as officials of the Armeniakon, but no parallel could be found. In the
ninth century, around the time of our seal, Leonti, the strategosof the
Armeniakon would have had 17 fortresses and 9000 troops under his
command and a salary of 40 pounds of gold5.
obverse is also a cruciform monogram. Our seal must be either very end of
the ninth or the beginning of the tenth century, when the cross on steps
became popular on seals. The same type of cross on steps, on the obverse,
appears on the seal where Arsavir is basilikos spatharokandidatos kai
strategos Chersonos 10 . Arsavir as basilikos spatharios and strategos
Sebasteias is not included in the article on the name Arsavir in PMBZ. No
parallel could be found.
Sebasteia (today Sivas) is a city in the northeast of Cappadocia. It was
a metropolis of Armenia I in the early fifth century. It first became a
kleisoura under Leo VI. (886-912) and a separate theme between Tephrike
and Melitene in 91111. By this time, more Armenians had immigrated to the
city. In 986, Sebasteia became an Armenian bishopric. In 1019, Sebasteia
was given to the ex-king of Vaspurakan, Senakerim Arcruni and it was
administered by this family as vassels of the Byzantine Emperor.After
Manzikert, Sebasteia became independent (1074) and was ruled by the
Armenians until the city was taken by the Turks, ca. 109012.
tenth and twelfth centuries, especially in the eleventh. The Hexamilites were
mostly in juridical positions, also in the capital, Constantinople. Some were
judges of themes, especially in Asia Minor, as in our seal. Also in the later
eleventh century, some members of the family appear in various civil
administration offices in the capital. A central figure of the family is Sergios
Hexamilites, who rose to logothetis ton sekreton at the end of his career19.
On an eleventh century seal, an N.Hexamilites is krite epi tou Vilou
kai tou Charsianou20.
According to Wassiliou –Seibt, a Georgios Hexamilites was mentio-
ned in a letter as having a legal function (Kodex Patm. 706, 10th ct.)21. A
second Georgios Hexamilites, spatharokandidatos, protonotarios and krites
Seleukeias, (seal 7a), is dated by Wassiliou-Seibt to 1040 – 1060. The same
Georgios becomes judge of the Armenikon Themes (seal 7b). Our seal is
parallel to seal 7b but with different alignment. In the published list of the
judges in the civil administration of the Armenika Themata, probably
published under Basil II (975-1025), Georgios Hexamilites is not mentioned.
According to Wassiliou-Seibt, he must have followed Michael as
protospatharios, krite epi tou Hippodromou kai ton ArmeniakonThematon22.
YKEb|TVSVDw|LEONT2ANYU|PAT266PR6IEjA|KTORKRITH|EPIT2IP
PDR2|9Mw..9dE|-N2-
Y(eotÒ)ke b(oÆyei) t“ s“ doÊlƒ L°ont(i) ényupãt(ƒ)
p(at)r(ik)iƒ, §jãktvr(i), kritª §p‹ IJȠ૨ ੂʌʌȠįȡ(ȩ)ȝȠȣ (țĮ) Dİ(ȡȗȘ)Ȟ(ȘȢ).
The last two lines are difficult. A seal of Leon anthypatos, patrikios,
exactor, krite epi touhippodromou kai tou Armeniakou, eleventh century, is
very similar, also double struck. The legend is differently aligned but the
same except for the geographical name. The seal is larger, (42mm.) and only
half. It was first published by Nesbitt and then in DOSeals23. On our seal the
last two lines are also not very clear. Derzene seems a more possible
interpretation. Perhaps Leon first officiated in Derzene and later in the
Armeniakon.
Derzene (Tercan) 24 in Eastern Anatolia lies 100 km. away from
Erzincan, on the road to Erzerum. The area was constantly contested by
Persians, Sasanians, Arabs and Seljuks. The theme Derzene is attested from
the second half of the tenth to the eleventh century, when it fell under the
rule of the Daniúmendid Turkish tribe25. Legends on other eleventh century
Derzene seals indicate that the civic officials of Derzene often came from the
larger theme of Chaldia26.
23
Nesbitt, J. Overstruck seals in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection: reused or
counterstamped? – SBS 2, (1999), 86-87; McGeer, E., J. Nesbitt and N. Oikonomides.
Catalogue of Byzantine Seals at Dumbarton Oaks and in the Fogg Museum of Art, vol. 4,
22.16.
24
A beautiful though ruined nineteenth century monastic church Abrenk outside the
city of Tercan is witness to the Armenian heritage of the area.
25
Beihammer, A. D. Byzantium and the Emergence of Muslim-Turkish Anatolia,
ca. 1040-1130. London; New York, 2017, 376-379
26
See McGeer, E., J. Nesbitt and N. Oikonomides. Catalogue of Byzantine Seals
at Dumbarton Oaks and in the Fogg Museum of Art, vol. 4, nos. 61-66.
27
ɉɚɧɱɟɧɤɨ, Ȼ. Ⱥ. Ʉɨɥɟɤɰɢɢ Ɋɭɫɤɨɝɨ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɤɨɝɨ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ ɜ
Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧɨɩɨɥɟ. Ʉɚɬɚɥɨɝ ɦɨɥɢɜɞɨɜɭɥɨɜ. – ɂɊȺɂɄ, 9, 1904, 341-396, no. 142;
Wassiliou-Seibt, A.-K. Corpus Der Byzantinischen Siegel Mit Metrischen Legenden. Wien,
2011, no. 287 (Abb.12), with full bibliography.
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28
Hild, F., M. Restle. Kappadokien: Kappadokia, Charsianon, Sebasteia Und
Lykandos. Wien, 1981, p.76.
29
See seal no. 11.
30
The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, p. 415; McGeer, E., J. Nesbitt and N.
Oikonomides. Catalogue of Byzantine Seals at Dumbarton Oaks and in the Fogg Museum
of Art, vol. 4, p. 107.
31
Prosopographie Der Mittelbyzantinischen Zeit. Berlin,1998, no. 26973.
32
Cheynet, J-Cl., T. GökyÕldÕrÕm, V. Bulgurlu. Les sceaux, no. 6.92.
136
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
33
Oikonomides, N. A Collection of Dated Byzantine Lead Seals. Washington,
D.C., 1986, nos. 60-61.
34
Hild, F., M. Restle. Kappadokien, p. 87.
35
The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, p. 1138; Oikonomides, N. Les Listes, p.
349.
36
Darrouzès, J. Notitiae Episcopatuum Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae. Paris,
1981, 4; 7; 9-11; 14-15; Metropolis without suffragen 8; 10; 11-19. Koloneia of
Kappadocia: 1-4; 7; 9-10; 13. Koloneia is on the Lequien episcopal list, ‘OC’ col., 429-432.
37
Laurent, V. Le Corpus des sceaux de l'empire byzantin. Tome V: L'eglise, p.1,
Paris, 1963, no. 630 la métropole de Colonée (Armenie première) seal of Thomas,
metropolete Koloneias, dated beginning of the eleventh century.
38
Bryer, A., D. Winfield. The Byzantine Monuments and Topography of the
Pontos. Washington, D.C., 1985, 145-151,148 .
39
Wassiliou-Seibt, A.-K. ȞĮ ĮȟȚȠʌȡંıİțIJȠ ȝȠȜȣȕįંȕȠȣȜȜȠ, 239–248.
40
Seibt, W. Ein Blick in die byzantinische Gesselschaft; die Bleisiegel im Museum
August Kestner, Rahden/Westf. Leidorf, 2011, no. 6.
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Vera BULGURLU. A SELECTION OF UNPUBLISHED BYZANTINE LEAD SEALS FROM THE ADNAN ACI...
41
Seibt, W. Ein Blick, no. 6, p. 35 McGeer, E., J. Nesbitt and N. Oikonomides.
Catalogue of Byzantine Seals at Dumbarton Oaks and in the Fogg Museum of Art, vol. 4,
68.2, p.158. There is a bust of St. Athenogenes holding the martyrs cross on the obverse of a
seal of Myron(?) spatharokandidatos, krites epi tou Hippodromou Melitenes kai kourator
(11th c.). Melitene already became a bishopric in the third century and a metropolis of
Armenia I in the fifth. The choice of St. Athenogenes on this seal indicates the Saint was still
worshipped in this area in the eleventh century.
42
Seibt, W. Ein Blick, p. 36; The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, 883-884.
Ševþenko gives this date as 614.
43
A seventh century seal of a Johannes or Michael (unclear which), archbishop of
Pedachthoe, is published by Laurent: Laurent, V. Le Corpus, n. 851, p. 661.
Pedachtoe/Hierakleioupoleos is listed in Darrouzès as suffragen of Armenia II in Notitiae 1-
5, 7-8, 11-12, 14-16 and 18.
44
There is an interesting fable about Athenogenes and a fawn. When Athenogenes
returned from Sebasteia to his monastery in Pedachtoe, where he had asked to be martyred,
he blessed a deer which belonged to the monastery. He prayed that future fawns should not
be killed by hunters, but that a deer should bring a single fawn as an offering to the church.
Thereafter, on the feast day of St. Athenogenes, July 16th, a deer would come to the church,
leave one of its fawns and depart. To this day, the deer is still considered a sacred symbol
by the Alevites in the east.
45
Fedalto, G. Hierarchia Ecclesiastica Orientalis: Series Episcoporum Ecclesia-
rum Christianarum Orientalium. Padova, 1988, 1 6.3.3 under Heracliopolis. Athenogenes is
138
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recorded as bishop of Pedachthoe; Wassiliou-Seibt, A.-K. ȞĮ ĮȟȚȠʌȡંıİțIJȠ ȝȠȜȣȕįં-
ȕȠȣȜȜȠ, p. 248.
46
Laurent, V. Le Corpus, 403.
47
The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, p. 1120; McGeer, E., J. Nesbitt and N.
Oikonomides. Catalogue of Byzantine Seals at Dumbarton Oaks and in the Fogg Museum
of Art, vol. 4, p.156; Oikonomides, N. Les Listes, p. 358.
Darrouzès, J. Notitiae, 8.60; 10.702 714; 11.57.
49
The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, p. 1120.
50
Darrouzès, J. Notitiae, 7.661.
51
Hild, F., M. Restle. Kappadokien, p. 101.
52
Ibid., p. 105.
139
Vera BULGURLU. A SELECTION OF UNPUBLISHED BYZANTINE LEAD SEALS FROM THE ADNAN ACI...
53
Oikonomides, N. Les Listes, p. 269.
54
Hild, F., H. Hellenkemper. Tabula Imperii Byzantini: Kilikien Und
Isaurien. Wien, 1990, 245-248.
55
Hild, F., H. Hellenkemper. Tabula Imperii Byzantini, p. 145; Darrouzès, J.
Notitiae, 3,7,10,13. Listed as a suffrage of the metropolis Seleukia in Pamphylia.
140
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56
Seibt, W. The Sons of Senekerim Yovhannes, the Last King of Vaspurakan, as
Byzantine Aristocrats. – REArm 37 (2016-2017), p. 123, figure 4.
57
Ibid.
58
Cheynet, J-Cl., T. GökyÕldÕrÕm, V. Bulgurlu. Les sceaux, no. 7.70; Jordanov,
I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria,Volume 2, Seals with Family Names, Sofia,
2006, nos. 379-383. Seals of the Kourtikios family including a seal of Konstantinos
Kourtikios (no.383).
59
Cheynet, J-Cl. The Byzantine Aristocracy and Its Military Function. Aldershot
[England], 2006, p. 222, reproduced by Seibt, W. The Sons, fig. no. 3.
60
Seibt, W. The Sons, fig 4A.
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MAP 1
1
2
3
6
7
143
Vera BULGURLU. A SELECTION OF UNPUBLISHED BYZANTINE LEAD SEALS FROM THE ADNAN ACI...
8 9
10
11
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1
Ɉɛɟɤɬɴɬ ɫɟ ɧɚɦɢɪɚ ɜ ɛɥɢɡɨɫɬ ɞɨ ɫɟɜɟɪɨɢɡɬɨɱɧɚɬɚ ɤɪɴɝɥɚ ɤɭɥɚ ɧɚ ɚɧɬɢɱɧɚɬɚ
ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬɧɚ ɫɬɟɧɚ ɧɚ ɋɟɪɞɢɤɚ.
2
ȼɟɥɢɱɤɨɜ, ɀ. ɋɩɚɫɢɬɟɥɧɢ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɪɚɡɤɨɩɤɢ ɜ ɍɉɂ IX – 11 ɨɬ ɤɜ. 16,
ɡɨɧɚ Ƚ – 14, ɰɟɧɬɴɪ ɩɨ ɩɥɚɧɚ ɧɚ ɝɪ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, ɭɥɢɰɚ „ȼɟɫɥɟɰ“ 13. – Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ
ɨɬɤɪɢɬɢɹ ɢ ɪɚɡɤɨɩɤɢ ɩɪɟɡ 2013 ɝ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2014, 370-371.
3
ɉɨɞɪɨɛɧɨ ɡɚ ɨɬɪɢɬɢɬɟ ɦɚɬɟɪɢɚɥɢ ɜɠ. ȼɥɚɞɢɦɢɪɨɜɚ-Ⱥɥɚɞɠɨɜɚ, Ⱦ.
ɇɭɦɢɡɦɚɬɢɱɧɢ ɞɚɧɧɢ ɡɚ ɠɢɜɨɬɚ ɜ ɋɟɪɞɢɤɚ ɩɪɟɡ II-III ɜ. (Ɉɛɟɤɬ ȼɟɫɥɟɰ 13). – ɂɡɜɟɫɬɢɹ
ɧɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɱɟɫɤɢɹ ɦɭɡɟɣ ɒɭɦɟɧ. ɒɭɦɟɧ, 2014, 16, 339-346.
4
Bulgurlu, V., A. Ilash. Seals from the Museum of Afyon (Turkey). – Studies in
Byzantine Sigillography, 8, K.G. Saur München – Leipzig, 2003, 132, no. 1; Seibt, W. Die
Byzantinischen Bleisiegel in Österreich. 1 Tail. Wien, 1978, no. 63.
145
Дочка ВЛАДИМИРОВА – АЛАДЖОВА. ОЛОВНИ ПЕЧАТИ ОТ АНТИЧНА СЕРДИКА (ОБЕКТ “ВЕСЛЕЦ” 13)
5
Laurent, V. Documents de sigillographie byzantine. La collection C. Orghidan
(Bibliotheque byzantine – Documents, 1). Paris, 1952, ʋ 598.
6
Zacos, G., Ⱥ. Veglery. Byzantine Lead Seals. I. Basel, 1972, no. 1193.
7
Kazhdan, D. P. (ed.) The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium. Oxford University
Press, 1991, p. 1600. ɋɴɩɪɭɝɢɬɟ ɧɚ ɩɚɬɪɢɰɢɢɬɟ ɧɨɫɢɥɢ ɬɢɬɥɚɬɚ ɩɚɬɪɢɰɢɹ.
8
<http://www.doaks.org/resources/seals/byzantine-seals#b_start=15&c4=6th&c15-
operator=or&c15=Patrikios (status 12.11.2019)>. ȼ ɫɛɢɪɤɚɬɚ ɧɟ ɟ ɩɭɛɥɢɤɭɜɚɧ ɩɟɱɚɬ ɧɚ ɉɟɬɴɪ
ɉɚɬɪɢɤɢɣ.
9
Zacos, G., Ⱥ. Veglery. Byzantine Lead Seals. I. Basel, 1972, Pl. 239, no. no. 360-
370.
10
Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals fr om Bulgaria III. Sofia, 2009, ʋ 469-
470.
11
Barnea I. Sigilii byzantine din colec܊ia Muzeului de istorie al Republicii
Socialiste Rom۲nia. – Studii Юirceta Юi cercetИri de NumismaticИ, VIII, 100, no. 5, 11, 12.
12
Ȼɥɚɝɨɞɚɪɹ ɧɚ ɇɢɤɨɥɚɣ ɒɚɪɚɧɤɨɜ ɨɬ ɋɍ ɡɚ ɤɨɥɟɝɢɚɥɧɨɬɨ ɨɬɧɨɲɟɧɢɟ ɢ
ɫɩɨɞɟɥɟɧɨɬɨ ɦɧɟɧɢɟ.
13
Ȼɟɡɫɩɨɪɧɨ ɪɚɡɧɨɨɛɪɚɡɢɟɬɨ ɜ ɦɨɧɨɝɪɚɦɢɬɟ, ɤɨɢɬɨ ɫɟ ɪɚɡɱɢɬɚɬ ɩɨ ɟɞɢɧ ɢ ɫɴɳɢ
ɧɚɱɢɧ, ɜɟɪɨɹɬɧɨ ɫɟ ɞɴɥɠɢ ɧɚ ɩɨɩɭɥɹɪɧɨɫɬɬɚ ɧɚ ɢɦɟɬɨ ɜ ɩɟɪɢɨɞɚ ɧɚ ɪɚɧɧɚɬɚ
ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɚ ɢɦɩɟɪɢɹ. Ɉɬɧɨɫɧɨ ɬɢɬɥɚɬɚ ɩɚɬɪɢɤɢɣ ɜ ɬɨɡɢ ɩɟɪɢɨɞ ɩɭɛɥɢɤɭɜɚɧɢɬɟ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ
ɩɨɞɫɤɚɡɜɚɬ ɜɟɪɨɹɬɧɨɫɬɬɚ ɬɹ ɞɚ ɟ ɩɪɟɠɢɜɹɥɚ ɧɹɤɚɤɜɨ ɜɴɡɪɚɠɞɚɧɟ.
146
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
14
Martindale, J. The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire A. D. 527-641.
Cambridge, 1992, III-ȼ, pp. 971-972.
15
ɋotsonis, J. The Contribution of Byzantine Lead Seals to the Study of the Cult of
the Saints (Sixth-Twelfth Century). – Byzantion, 75, 2005, 383-497.
16
Cheynet, J.-Cl., B. Caseau. Sealing Practices in the Byzantine Administration. –
In: Regulski, I., K. Duistermaat, P. Verkinderen (ed.). Seals and Sealing Practices In the
near East Developments in Administration and magic from Prehistory to the Islamic Period.
Leuven-Paris-Walpole, MA, 2012, p. 134, 133-148.
17
Seibt, W. The Use of Monograms on Byzantine Seals in the early Middle-Ages
(6th to 9th centuries). – Parekbolai, 6, 2016, 2 <http://ejournals.lib.auth.gr/parekbolai (status
13.12.2019)>. Ɏɚɤɬɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɩɪɟɡ ɩɟɬɢ ɜɟɤ, ɩɨ ɜɪɟɦɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɢɦɩɟɪɚɬɨɪ Ɍɟɨɞɨɫɢɣ II (408-
450) ɢ ɧɟɝɨɜɢɬɟ ɧɚɫɥɟɞɧɢɰɢ ɫɟ ɩɨɹɜɹɜɚɬ ɤɜɚɞɪɚɬɧɢ ɦɨɧɨɝɪɚɦɢ ɜɴɪɯɭ ɬɟɯɧɢɬɟ ɦɨɧɟɬɢ –
ɜɠ. Carson, R. A. G., J. P. C. Kent, A. M. Burnett. The Roman Imperial Coinage. The
divided empire and the fall of the western parts A. D. 395-491. ɏ, London, 1994, p. 277, ʋ
462-465; p. 282, ʋ 535-570 (Ɇɚɪɰɢɚɧ); pp. 293-295, ʋ 681-719 (Ʌɴɜ I).
147
Дочка ВЛАДИМИРОВА – АЛАДЖОВА. ОЛОВНИ ПЕЧАТИ ОТ АНТИЧНА СЕРДИКА (ОБЕКТ “ВЕСЛЕЦ” 13)
ɋɉɂɋɔɄ ɇȺ ɈȻɊȺɁɂɌȿ:
18
Seibt, W. Op. cit., 2.
19
ɋɬɟɩɚɧɨɜɚ, ȿ. ȼ. Ʉ ɷɜɨɥɸɰɢɢ ɦɨɧɨɝɪɚɦɦ ɧɚ ɪɚɧɧɟɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢɯ ɩɟɱɚɬɹɯ. –
ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢɣ ɜɪɟɦɟɧɧɢɤ, 59 (84), 2000, ɫ. 233.
20
Ⱥɥɚɞɠɨɜ, ɀ. Ʉɪɴɫɬɨɜɢɞɟɧ ɦɨɧɨɝɪɚɦ ɜɴɪɯɭ ɪɚɧɧɨɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɚ ɚɩɥɢɤɚɰɢɹ. –
ɇɭɦɢɡɦɚɬɢɤɚ, ɫɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɤɚ ɢ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɢɤɚ. 11, 2015, 179-183.
21
ɋɬɟɩɚɧɨɜɚ, ȿ. ȼ. Ʉ ɷɜɨɥɸɰɢɢ ɦɨɧɨɝɪɚɦɦ ɧɚ ɪɚɧɧɟɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢɯ ɩɟɱɚɬɹɯ. –
ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢɣ ɜɪɟɦɟɧɧɢɤ, 59 (84), Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ, 2000, ɫ. 234.
148
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1 2
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Pantelis Charalampakis
*
I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Dr. George Kakavas, Director of
the Athens Epigraphic and Numismatic Museum, for granting me permission to study and
publish the seal. Many thanks go to Ms. Yorka Nikolaou, of the same Museum, always
helpful and collaborative. The Athens Epigraphic and Numismatic Museum has the rights on
the photos, which were taken by the author. Also, I would like to thank Ms. Ioanna Ninou,
who provided me with information about the acquisition of the specimen by the
Archaeological Society in Athens, as well as Mr. Jani Oravisjärvi for providing me – for
study purposes – with high quality photos of Otto and Theophano’s medallion kept at The
National Museum of Finland in Helsinki. Last, special gratitude goes to Prof. Jean-Claude
Cheynet, Dr. Olga Karagiorgou and Prof. Claudia Sode, for reading various versions of the
manuscript and making useful comments.
1
Schlumberger, G. Sceaux byzantins inedits – Revue des Etudes Grecques, 4
(1891), 139 (no. 91); ȀȦȞıIJĮȞIJȩʌȠȣȜȠȢ, Ȁ. ǺȣȗĮȞIJȚĮț ȝȠȜȣȕįȩȕȠȣȜȜĮ ਥȞ IJ ਫșȞȚț
ȃȠȝȚıȝĮIJȚț ȂȠȣıİȓ ਝșȘȞȫȞ – Journal International d’Archéologie Numismatique, 8-9
(1905-1906), 100 (no. 1043); Idem. ǺȣȗĮȞIJȚĮț ޟȝȠȜȣȕįȩȕȠȣȜȜĮ IJȠࠎ Ȟ ݃șȒȞĮȚȢ ݑșȞȚțȠࠎ
ȃȠȝȚıȝĮIJȚțȠࠎ ȂȠȣıİȓȠȣ. Athens, 1917, 248 (no. 1043). The specimen was described as being
in excellent condition at that time. See also the entries in Winkelmann, F. et al.
Prosopographie der mittelbyzantinischen Zeit. Berlin – New York, 1998-2013, no. 4167
(Kunissa, 9th-10th c.) and the Prosopography of the Byzantine Empire, I, Kounissa 1, 9th-10th
c. (http://www.pbe.kcl.ac.uk/person/p4736, accessed on March 1, 2018).
150
Pantelis CHARALAMPAKIS. KOVNICCA: A HAPAX TENTH-CENTURY IMPERIAL TITLE
ȉĮȡȦȞȓIJȘȢ)6, which means that the name should have been *ȀȠȣȞȓIJȚııĮ <
*ȀȠȣȞȓIJȘȢ (the combination ȀȠȪȞȚııĮ < *ȀȠȪȞȘȢ seems rather unlikely
because of the non-existent or non-attested male form). However, the form of
the name on the seal looks correct, because the syllables are well arranged
around the cross, without leaving the impression that there are letters missing.
The only example of a first (baptismal) name ending in -ȚııĮ is, to my
knowledge, ȋȦȞȚȐIJȚııĮ (daughter of Ioannes Makros, in Chalkidike), but it
derived from the family name7. Another interesting case is the family name
૮ȐʌIJȘȢ – ૮ȐʌIJȚııĮ, because it derived from a common noun stating the
profession8.
One should not exclude the option, then, that the word ȀȠȪȞȚııĮ is
not a name, but a noun.
It is very likely that this is a composite word. The first part9 is related
to the German König (sovereign, ruler, the first among many, the supreme
leader, king) < Old High German kuning (8th century), Middle High German
künic, künec, Old Saxon kuning, Old English cyning / cyng / cing, English
king, Old Norwegian konungr, Swedish konung, Old Danish kunung /
konung, Danish konge etc. < Old Germanic *kuningaz (king, although
actually meaning someone of a noble kin, yet always speaking about the
king), from which evolved also the Finnish kuningas (same meaning).
Moreover, we know of the abbreviated form *kuni- in Old High German
(cyne- in Old English), that was used as first component in the formation of
other words, such as the Old High German kunirƯhhi and Old English
6
Cheynet has collected several female names from Byzantine times. See Cheynet,
J.-Cl. Le rôle des femmes de l’aristocratie d’après les sceaux, in Idem. La société byzantine.
L’apport des sceaux. I. Paris, 2008, 179-181, 184-185. For ȀĮȞȓIJȚııĮ, see PmbZ no. 23669.
There are a very few exceptions to this rule, such as ȃİıIJİȖȖȩȞȚııĮ (ȃȠıIJȩȖȖȚııĮ and other
variations): Campagnolo-Pothitou, M., Cheynet, J.-Cl. Sceaux de la collection George
Zacos au Musée d’Art et d’Histoire de Genève. Geneva, 2016, no. 357, with comments, as
well as ȀĮIJĮțĮȜȫȞȚııĮ: Laurent, V. Bulletin de sigillographie byzantine – Byzantion, 6
(1930), 780.
7
Lefort, J. et al. Actes d’Iviron. IV. Paris, 1995, 72 (no. 86, ll. 314-315 – April
1341). See also ȁĮȧȠȣ-ĬȦȝĮįȐțȘ, ǹ. Ǿ ĮȖȡȠIJȚțȒ țȠȚȞȦȞȓĮ ıIJȘȞ ȪıIJİȡȘ ȕȣȗĮȞIJȚȞȒ İʌȠȤȒ.
Athens, 2001, 154-155.
8
Mentioned in a document of the year 1201 from Messina: Guillou, A. Les actes
grecs de S. Maria de Messina. Palermo, 1963, 151 (no. 19, l. 48). Although ǺĮȖȚĮțȐțȠȢ, ǻ.
ȈȤİįȓĮıȝĮ ʌİȡȓ IJȦȞ IJȠʌȦȞȣȝȚțȫȞ țĮȚ ĮȞșȡȦʌȦȞȣȝȚțȫȞ ıʌȠȣįȫȞ İȞ ǼȜȜȐįȚ, 1833-1962.
Athens, 2005, 165, has enlisted this name among surnames formed by female first names,
૮ȐʌIJȘ(Ț)ııĮ, either as the wife of a certain ૮ȐʌIJȘȢ (family name) or the wife of a tailor
(profession), seems to be a surname not related to any first name. Moreover, the context in
such documents does not imply that the word should be conceived as a common noun (i.e.,
hypothetically, “Ioannes, the son of the seamstress”).
9
See Pfeifer, W. Etymological Dictionary, online: https://www.dwds.de
/wb/K%C3%B6nig, accessed on March 16, 2018, as well as Schweizer-Sidler, H.,
Schwyzer, E. Tacitus’ Germania. Halle, 1902, 16, note 7/1 for the type kunis.
152
Pantelis CHARALAMPAKIS. KOVNICCA: A HAPAX TENTH-CENTURY IMPERIAL TITLE
cynerƯce (kingdom). In any case, the original meaning of the stem, which is
passing to all the derivatives, shows a person of noble or exceptional descent
and the word’s first meaning for the supreme leader contains a geographic
concept. Later, after the establishment and prevalence of the Merovingians,
the term acquired a meaning referring to the exercise of power over the whole
State. The noble or exceptional descent of the supreme leader is also evident
in the Old High German *kunjam, Old Saxon kunni, Middle High German
künne, Middle Dutch conne / cunne, Dutch kunne, Gothic kuni, all related to
the Latin gens and genus and the Greek ȖȑȞȠȢ (and ȖİȞȞȫ etc.) < IE stem
*gen- (to give birth, to reproduce). Similarly, the female in German is
Königin, Old High German kuningin, Middle High German küniginne /
küneginne and so on10.
The second part, the ending, is of Greek origin and it was inspired by
words – common nouns – of similar context, which were in use at that time,
such as ૧ȒȖȚııĮ (from Latin regis < rex for regina; also ૧ȒȖĮȚȞĮ), ȕĮıȓȜȚııĮ
(also ȕĮıȚȜȓȢ), ĮIJȠțȡĮIJȩȡȚııĮ, ਕȡȤȩȞIJȚııĮ, țĮȚıȐȡȚııĮ (țĮȓıĮȡ < Lat.
caesar), but also the more archaic ȐȞĮııĮ, all of them meaning queen and/or
empress11. This rule applied to foreign terms as well, for example to the
Arabic-Greek ਕȝȒȡȚııĮ (< ਕȝȚȡȐȢ < Arab. amir, the wife of an emir of the
Arabs or, later, the Ottomans)12. The ending -(Ț)ııĮ was also used – already
in the 6th-7th century yet even more often in the 9th-10th – for inferior titles,
such as ਫ਼ʌȐIJȚııĮ, țĮȞįȚįȐIJȚııĮ and ਕȞșȣʌȐIJȚııĮ, as well as for the
formation of the female version of an office, such as įȠȪțȚııĮ,
IJȠȣȡȝȐȡȤȚııĮ, ıIJȡĮIJȒȖȚııĮ, and ʌȡİıȕȣIJȑȡȚııĮ13.
10
On kuni- (clan) see also: Schramm, G. Namenschatz und Dichtersprache. Studien
zu den zweigliedrigen Personennamen der Germanen. Göttingen, 1957, 98-99.
11
Also: ʌȡȚȖțȒ(ȓ)ʌȚııĮ and other nouns (ȝȐȖȠȢ – ȝȐȖȚııĮ, ʌȑȞȘȢ – ʌȑȞȘ(Ț)ııĮ,
ȝȐȞIJȚȢ – ȝȐȞIJȚııĮ etc. See also: īȡĮȝȝĮIJȚțȒ ĮʌȜȠİȜȜȘȞȚțȒ. Vienna, 1806, 67-68. It should be
noted that the form “imperatrissa” used in Provence dialect is not directly related to the
Greek ending. For the titles used in Byzantium see also Bensammar, E. La titulature de
l’impératrice et sa signification – Byzantion, 46 (1976), 243-291.
12
It must be noted, though, that in other similar cases – that is a noun coming from a
foreign language and meaning the supreme female ruler – the Byzantines were using endings
much closer to the original. See: ȂĮȡȖȐȡȠȣ, Ǽ. ȉȓIJȜȠȚ țĮȚ İʌĮȖȖİȜȝĮIJȚțȐ ȠȞȩȝĮIJĮ ȖȣȞĮȚțȫȞ
ıIJȠ ǺȣȗȐȞIJȚȠ. ȈȣȝȕȠȜȒ ıIJȘ ȝİȜȑIJȘ ȖȚĮ IJȘ șȑıȘ IJȘȢ ȖȣȞĮȓțĮȢ ıIJȘ ȕȣȗĮȞIJȚȞȒ țȠȚȞȦȞȓĮ.
Thessaloniki, 2000, 23 (ਕȝȒȡȚııĮ), 60-61 (țȞȑȖȚȞĮ < Serb. kneginja), 69-70 (țȡȐȜĮȚȞĮ <
Slav. kralj – originally of Germanic etymology).
13
Schlumberger, G. Sigillographie de l’empire byzantin. Paris, 1884, 483 (=
Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum. IV, pars XL. Berlin, 1877, 415 (no. 9008); Du Cange, C.
D. F. Glossarium mediae et infimae latinitatis. III. Paris, 1844, 1275); Theodori Studitae.
Epistulae. Rec. G. Fatouros. I. Berolini et Novi Eboraci, 1992, no. 539; ȀȦȞıIJĮȞIJȩʌȠȣȜȠȢ.
ǺȣȗĮȞIJȚĮț ޟȝȠȜȣȕįȩȕȠȣȜȜĮ IJȠࠎ Ȟ ݃șȒȞĮȚȢ ݑșȞȚțȠࠎ ȃȠȝȚıȝĮIJȚțȠࠎ ȂȠȣıİȓȠȣ, 248-249 (nos.
1042, 1046); inscription from the Crimea, Odessa Archaeological Museum 50449
(http://iospe.kcl.ac.uk/ 5.228.html, accessed on April 25, 2018); Ɇɨɯɨɜ, Ⱥ. ɋ.,
153
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
seal with such a title for herself. The same applies to Gisela (757-810),
daughter of Pepin the Short and Bertrada, sister of Charlemagne, who was
supposed to marry Constantine V’s son, Leon, the future emperor Leon IV.
This time the plan did not advance at all. Kunigunde (975-1040), empress of
the Holy Roman Empire, on the other hand, had nothing to do with
Byzantium and, despite her name coming from *kunjam, kunni, kuni etc. (see
above), it is unlikely that she issued the seal presented in this paper.
The last possible candidate is the Byzantine princess Theophano (955-
991), niece15 of emperor Ioannes I Tzimiskes, who successfully married Otto
I the Great’s son, Otto II (955-983) in Rome, in 972 and, therefore,
immediately became empress of the Holy Roman Empire. Theophano (known
in German literature as Theophanu) was Greek speaking, she managed to
become a queen / empress, and she kept a friendly attitude towards
Byzantium. This attitude did not change after her husband’s death and during
her regency on behalf of their son, Otto III (980-1002), who had deep feelings
about Byzantium and, according to some rumours, was supposed to marry a
Byzantine princess, daughter of Constantine VIII, but his sudden, premature
death put an end to this match16.
15
Although the Latin sources usually credit her as niece of the emperor (see,
however, the Chronica Regia Coloniensis – MGH SS. XVII. Hannover, 1861, 750 (year 975),
where the term filia is used to show her relation to Tzimiskes), there are several theories
regarding her family or her relationship to Tzimiskes. Jenkins, Byzantium, 324 wrote that she
was indeed a Byzantine princess from the side of Basil I and that her son, Otto III, was a first
cousin of Zoe, daughter of Basil II, which seems unlikely. Engels, O. Theophano, the
western empress from the East – Davids, A. (ed) The Empress Theophano: Byzantium and
the West at the Turn of the First Millennium. Cambridge, 1995, 32, suggested that she was
Tzimiskes’ niece, related through her mother to the former emperor Nikephoros II Phokas.
Davids, A. Marriage negotiations between Byzantium and the West and the name of
Theophano in Byzantium (eighth to tenth centuries) – Idem. The Empress Theophano, 120,
believes that, since her name does not appear in the sources before her wedding to Otto II,
she must had changed it when she got married. On the question of her origin in general with
references to the sources, see Leyser, K. Theophanu divina imperatrix augusta – Davids. The
Empress Theophano, 17-18; Wolf, G. Wer war Theophanu? – Von Euw, A., Schreiner, P.
(eds) Kaiserin Theophanu. II. Koln, 1991, 385-396; Kresten, O. Byzantinistiche
Epilegomena zur Frage: Wer war Theophano? – ibidem, 403-410, as well as the table in 424.
See also the entry in PmbZ no. 28127, Theophano / Theophanu and ȆĮȞĮȖȠʌȠȪȜȠȣ, ǹ. ȅȚ
įȚʌȜȦȝĮIJȚțȠȓ ȖȐȝȠȚ ıIJȠ ǺȣȗȐȞIJȚȠ (6ȠȢ-12ȠȢ ĮȚȫȞĮȢ). Athens, 2006, 152-155.
16
Lounghis. Les ambassades, 217, 221-222.
155
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
the 10th century. Yet the style of some letters does not match the early period.
In the K, for example, the lower oblique bar is slightly curved, a feature more
common in the 10th century than in the 7th when in general both oblique bars
are rather straight and very rarely curved. Moreover, the upper oblique bar
does not end with a vertical line but with a diagonal one, which is also
commonly attested in the 10th c., along with the vertical line. The V in the 7th
c. is usually presented with lines clearly forming something which looks like
a saddleback-roof. This style does not appear either in the 10th c. seals or in
the one presented in this paper. As for the letter’s lower part, it seems that the
V is standing on a base which does not seems to have sharp endings like those
attested in the early period, although the poor condition of the surface in this
part cannot be of much help. [Figs. 3-4: Lettering comparison to specimens
from the Dumbarton Oaks and the Harvard Art Museums collections – all
available online in: https://www.doaks.org/resources/seals/byzantine-
seals#b_start=0]
The lion on the obverse rather points to the second half of the 10th
century, when the pattern of animals – the lion included – was widespread
throughout the Byzantine Empire17. The lion was used in earlier times as
well, being quite popular in the 6th-7th centuries and rarely attested in the 9th,
yet the type described here does not resemble the early representations in
seals from Turkey (the lion’s head pointing up) and Cyprus (if these are
indeed lions), or those presented in auctions (the mane and hair clearly
visible). A little closer, but still not matching, is another early representation
in a seal from Jerusalem (the mane is visible though).18 Even closer are the
9th-10th century seal from Athens and a 9th century specimen from the ex
Zacos collection, while another one (same collection) from the 10th century
looks more elaborated, imitating similar early depictions of the mane. The
head of the lion presented here is very similar to that of Dionysios’ seal from
Dumbarton Oaks, the body posture though is different19.
17
ȆȑȞȞĮ, Ǻ. ȂȘ șȡȘıțİȣIJȚțȑȢ ʌĮȡĮıIJȐıİȚȢ ıİ ȕȣȗĮȞIJȚȞȑȢ ȝȠȜȪȕįȚȞİȢ ıijȡĮȖȓįİȢ
(10ȠȢ ĮȚȫȞĮȢ): țĮIJĮȕȠȜȑȢ țĮȚ İȡȝȘȞİȣIJȚțȑȢ ʌȡȠıİȖȖȓıİȚȢ – ȄĮȞșȐțȘ-ȀĮȡĮȝȐȞȠȣ, ī. (ed) Ǿ
ʌȡȩıȜȘȥȘ IJȘȢ ǹȡȤĮȚȩIJȘIJĮȢ ıIJȠ ǺȣȗȐȞIJȚȠ, țȣȡȓȦȢ țĮIJȐ IJȠȣȢ ȆĮȜĮȚȠȜȩȖİȚȠȣȢ ȤȡȩȞȠȣȢ,
ȆȡĮțIJȚțȐ ǻȚİșȞȠȪȢ ȈȣȞİįȡȓȠȣ (ȈʌȐȡIJȘ 3-5 ȃȠİȝȕȡȓȠȣ 2012). Athens, 2014, 275-303.
18
Turkey: Cheynet, J.-Cl., Erdo÷an, E., Prigent, V. Sceaux des Musées de la
Turquie Orientale: Karaman, Nevúehir, Malatya, Maraú – REB, 74 (2016), 321-322 (no. 28);
Cyprus: Metcalf, D. Byzantine Lead Seals from Cyprus. Nicosia, 2004, 186, 213 (nos. 58,
121); auctions: Pecunem – Gitbud & Naumann 30 [5 April 2015], no. 654 and 32 [7 June
2015], no. 698; Jerusalem: Manns, F. Les sceaux byzantins du Musée de la Flagellation.
Jerusalem, 1976, no. 43;
19
Athens: ȀȠȜIJıȓįĮ-ȂĮțȡȒ, ǿ. ǺȣȗĮȞIJȚȞȐ ȂȠȜȣȕįȩȕȠȣȜȜĮ ȈȣȜȜȠȖȒȢ ȅȡijĮȞȓįȘ-
ȃȚțȠȜĮȧįȘ ȃȠȝȚıȝĮIJȚțȠȪ ȂȠȣıİȓȠȣ ǹșȘȞȫȞ. Athens, 1996, no. 39; ex Zacos collection:
Zacos, G. Byzantine Lead Seals, ed. Nesbitt, J. Berne, 1984, nos. 919, 933; Dumbarton
Oaks: BZS.1958.106.339 and 441 (available online at: https://www.doaks.org/resources/
156
Pantelis CHARALAMPAKIS. KOVNICCA: A HAPAX TENTH-CENTURY IMPERIAL TITLE
Apart from being a common decoration motive, the lion is also the
symbol of power, recognizable by both the Holy Roman and the Byzantine
Empire and, thus, it seems that the owner of the boulloterion carefully chose
what to put on the seal which looks very simple at first glance (a lion, a cross,
one word), but the symbolism transmitted through these three objects is very
strong. It is true that Theophano has been described in Western sources as a
woman fond of luxury and excess20, something which does not fit this
unadorned seal, but, perhaps, she was following the Central and Western
European standards (unadorned, simple motives). Besides, the (non-
invocational / monogram) cross consisted of four pellets21 at the centre of the
disc is not typical for Byzantine seals (or coins either), reminding us of the
Western European coins of that time, with the big cross at the centre and the
inscription around it. Yet, no similar cross formed by pellets was in use,
either in Byzantium or in the West at that time, with the exception of the tiny
crosses on the upper or/and lower part of Byzantine seals’ inscriptions (that is
above and below the text)22. In Byzantium, it was common to put names
(especially in the eighth century) and even more common to put invocational
inscriptions in the quarters of a cross. In the West, on the contrary, the
predominant motif consisted of a cross in the middle and the name (or a
longer inscription) running circularly around it. The general style of this seal,
thus, points to a Byzantine and not to a Western European craftsman or rather
to a mixture of the two styles. Carolingian and Ottonian seals were much
different from the one presented in this paper, and so was the lead medallion
23
About the medallion from Helsinki, as well as a second one from a private
collection in Russia, see Diederich, T. Die Siegel der Kölner Erzbischöfe von Bruno I. bis zu
Hermann II. – Von Euw, Schreiner. Kaiserin Theophanu. I, 105; Gussone, N. Trauung und
Krönung – ibidem. II, 168, 172-173; Wolf, G. Die bildlichen Darstellungen der Kaiserin
Theophanu (ca. 959-991) – Bösel, R., Kresten, O. (eds) Römische Historische Mitteilungen.
Vienna, 1999, 426-427, figs. 5-6; Schramm, P. Die deutschen Kaiser und Könige in Bildern
ihrer Zeit, 751-1190. Munich, 1983, 194-195. Also, see Dölger, F. – Byzantinische
Zeitschrift, 47 (1954), 273, about the reading of the long inscription.
24
It was used, for example, on the coins issued by Heinrich der Löwe (the Lion)
from 1142 to 1195, by Mieszko III the Old, duke of Poland, between 1138 and 1202
(bracteate), by Otto II von Berg, bishop of Freising from 1184 to 1220, by Ekbert von
Andechs, bishop of Bamberg from 1203 to 1237 and his brother Otto I of Andechs, duke of
Merania (1204-1234), by Heinrich I von Schmiedefeld, bishop of Bamberg from 1242 to
1258, by Friedrich II, Holy Roman Emperor, between 1220 and 1250 (bracteate) etc.
25
See e.g. Matthes, D., Deeters, W. Die Heiratsurkunde der Kaiserin Theophanu,
972 April 14, Rom. Eine Ausstellung des Niedersächsischen Staatsarchivs in Wolfenbüttel.
Göttingen, 1972; Georgi, W. Ottonianum und Heiratsurkunde 962/972 – Von Euw,
Schreiner. Kaiserin Theophanu, 135-160; Von Euw, A. Ikonologie der Heiratsurkunde der
Kaiserin Theophanu – ibidem, 175-191; Schulze, H. K. Die Heiratsurkunde der Kaiserin
Theophanu. Die griechische Kaiserin und das römisch-deutsche Reich 972-991. Hannover,
2007. The charter’s text in: MGH, Diplomatum Regum et Imperatorum Germaniae, tomi II.
pars prior. Ottonis II. diplomata. Hannover, 1888, 28-30 (no. 21).
158
Pantelis CHARALAMPAKIS. KOVNICCA: A HAPAX TENTH-CENTURY IMPERIAL TITLE
26
See e.g. Lafontaine-Dosogne, J. Die byzantinische Kunst nach dem
Ikonoklasmus bis zur Mitte des 11. Jahrhunderts – Von Euw, Schreiner. Kaiserin
Theophanu, 81-83, with images 15-16; Galliker, J. Middle Byzantine silk in context:
Integrating the textual and material evidence (Doctoral Thesis). University of Birmingham,
2014, 8; Muthesius, A. Silk, power and diplomacy in Byzantium – Textile Society of
America Symposium Proceedings, 1992, 102; Eadem. Silk, culture and being in Byzantium –
ǻİȜIJȓȠȞ IJȘȢ ȋȡȚıIJȚĮȞȚțȒȢ ǹȡȤĮȚȠȜȠȖȚțȒȢ ǼIJĮȚȡİȓĮȢ, 36 (2015), 353-354, with fig. 6; Dawson,
D., Sumner, T. By the Emperor’s Hand. Barnsley, 2015, 25, fig. 21; Byzantium: An
Oecumenical Empire (Byzantine Hours. Works and Days in Byzantium). Athens, 2002, 158-
161 (no. 68); Wentzel, H. Das byzantinische Erbe der ottonischen Kaiser. Hypothesen über
den Brautschatz der Theophano – Aachener Kunstblätter, 43 (1972), 21, 25-26, 28, figs. 18,
26-27. Note that the Siegburg fabric is not any more in Schloss-Köpenick, Berlin, but it was
returned to the church of St. Servatius. About the griffins-silk in Brussels and Florence, see
Evans, H. C., Wixom, W. D. (eds) The Glory of Byzantium. Art and Culture of the Middle
Byzantine Era A.D. 843-1261. New York, 1997, no. 148 and Wentzel. Erbe, 36-37, fig. 39.
27
Brett, G. The Automata in the Byzantine “Throne of Solomon” – Speculum, 29.3
(Jul. 1954), 477-478, 485-487.
28
Squatriti, P. The Complete Works of Liudprand of Cremona. Washington D.C.,
2007, 5-6; ȆĮȞĮȖȠʌȠȪȜȠȣ. ǻȚʌȜȦȝĮIJȚțȠȓ ȖȐȝȠȚ, 155, fn. 204; Leyser. Theophanu divina
imperatrix augusta – Davids, The Empress Theophano, 17, 19.
29
The very interesting term Coimperatrix Augusta is to be found, e.g., in MGH,
ibidem, 92 (no. 76). See also ȆĮȞĮȖȠʌȠȪȜȠȣ. ǻȚʌȜȦȝĮIJȚțȠȓ ȖȐȝȠȚ, 159-160 (with fn. 237),
162 (with fn. 251) and Maclean, S. Ottonian Queenship. Oxford, 2017, 162-166.
30
On the terms used by and for Theophano in general, see Erkens, F. R. Die Frau
als Herrscherin in ottonisch-frühsalischer Zeit – Von Euw, Schreiner. Kaiserin Theophanu,
245-259; Laudage, J. Das Problem der Vormundschaft über Otto III. – idibem, 270-275;
ȆĮȞĮȖȠʌȠȪȜȠȣ. ǻȚʌȜȦȝĮIJȚțȠȓ ȖȐȝȠȚ, 161-162.
159
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And she was familiar with Byzantine customs: her capacity as an active ruler
(because women in Western Europe were not exercising real power at that
time, although some of them had some considerable influence in decision
making), her male imperial title, and the style of the seal presented here are
all somehow connected to Byzantium. Moreover, we know of Otto and
Theophano’s imitations of Byzantine representations of rulers: the famous
ivory plaque from Elfenbein (today in the Cluny Museum, in Paris), is
directly following the type of Romanos and Eudokia’s ivory plaque (today
kept at the Bibliothèque nationale de France, in Paris)31. In this plaque from
Elfenbein, Otto is presented as “Imperator Romanorum Augustus”. But the
question is: when addressing to her fellow-patriots, would Theophano make
use of her imperial title?
At the time when she was marrying Otto II, his State was already in
clash with the Byzantines over the use of terms such as “emperor” or
“emperor of the Romans”32. And her husband was not simply “emperor”, but
“Imperator Romanorum Augustus”, a title certainly unaccepted by the
Byzantines. How exactly Theophano herself was signing documents
addressed to the palace in Constantinople it is not known. In some opinion,
she had no contacts with the Byzantine ruler at all33, which is hard to believe,
because she was reigning practically alone from late 983 until 991, when her
underaged son was not yet able to take decisions. The term țȠȪȞȚııĮ depicted
on the seal is a hapax, a hybrid of German and Greek, which, however,
encompasses the meaning of the supreme ruler and at the same time does not
offend the Byzantine supreme ruler or the Byzantine political interests in
general (because she is neither Imperatrix nor Augusta despite the fact that
herself she was co-exercising imperial authority in the powerful Holy Roman
Empire), thus making the choice (or rather the invention) of this term a great
diplomatic move. Additionally, as the ruler of a Germanic-speaking Empire,
Theophano would not use a Greek-Byzantine term such as ȕĮıȓȜȚııĮ: it
would have been useless or unaccepted within her State, and certainly
unaccepted to be used alone in her correspondence with Byzantium.
There is one last question which remains to be answered and it is
connected to the evidence presented above. If the hypothesis expressed in this
study is correct and the seal was indeed issued by Theophano, to whom was
the accompanied letter addressed? In my opinion, this cannot have been an
official imperial sealing, because Theophano was co-reigning but not reigning
the State. Any official high-level diplomatic contact with Byzantium would
have required a different type of sealing, including the image, the name or
31
Schramm. Bildern, 193-194; Byzantium: An Oecumenical Empire, 66-67, fig. 17;
Wolf. Darstellungen, 427-428, fig. 8.
32
Nicol, D. The Byzantine View of Western Europe – GRBS, 8.4 (1967), 318-323.
33
Maclean. Ottonian Queenship, 152.
160
Pantelis CHARALAMPAKIS. KOVNICCA: A HAPAX TENTH-CENTURY IMPERIAL TITLE
some insignia of either Otto II or Otto III (either alone or together with that of
Theophano). This bulla seems to be a private one which Theophano was
using in her correspondence with individuals inside the Byzantine Empire.
The recipient may have been anyone, from a family member to a court
official and from an intellectual to a craftsman/artist. Let us not forget that the
location where the seal was found is unknown and that the Lampros family
was acquiring objects not only from Athens, but from other areas too.
Collectors and dealers at that time were getting items from Constantinople as
well. It is not impossible that the seal could have been found anywhere. Was
Theophano inviting someone? Was she writing to family? Was she
negotiating for yet another Byzantine princess, this time destined for her son,
Otto III? We know that shortly after her death (991), in 995, Otto sent one of
his trusted men, the archbishop Ioannes Philagathos34, to Constantinople to
look for a suitable wife. Perhaps Theophano had already started her own
research as her son was growing.
Although the interpretation of the word and the identification of the
sender may be well regarded as mere hypothesis, one should keep in mind
that a) no suggestion has been previously published on this seal and b) the
Arabic-Greek word ਕȝȒȡȚııĮ shows that such hybrid terms did exist. If the
proposed interpretation of the word KOVNICCA, as well as the identification
of Theophano as the sender are correct, then the term should be labelled as a
hapax and the seal presented here turns out to be an important contribution to
the study of an exceptional ruler.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS:
34
PmbZ no. 23486.
161
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1 2
4
162
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
Jean-Claude Cheynet
1
Seibt, W., M.-L. Zarnitz. Das byzantinische Bleisiegel als Kunstwerk: Katalog
zur Austellung, Vienne, 1997, p. 150.
2
Cheynet, J.-Cl. Le culte de saint Jean Baptiste en Cilicie et en Syrie, dans
Byzance et ses périphéries (Mondes grec, balkanique et musulman). Hommage à Alain
Ducellier, éd. B. Doumerc et Ch. Picard, Toulouse, 2004, 57-66 ; Id. Le contrôle de la Syrie
du Nord à la fin de la seconde occupation byzantine (seconde moitié du XIe siècle), dans
Bisanzio e le periferie dell’impero, éd. R. Gentile, Catane, 2012, 45-46.
163
Jean-Claude CHEYNET. SAUVÉS DE L’OUBLI PAR LEURS BULLES: LES MARCHAPSABOI
3
Cheynet, J.-Cl., D. Theodoridis. Sceaux byzantins de la collection D.
Theodoridis. Les sceaux patronymiques (Monographies 33), Paris, 2010 (désormais Cheynet
– Theodoridis. Sceaux patronymiques), no 133.
4
Cheynet – Theodoridis. Sceaux patronymiques, no 134 (le second exemplaire
vient de la vente Schulten (18-20 octobre 1989) et no 1223.
5
Cheynet, J.-Cl., E. Erdogan, V. Prigent. Les sceaux byzantins d’AdÕyaman, SBS
12, (2016), 123-124. Un second exemplaire de l’ancienne collection Zarnitz est aujourd’hui
conservé au musée Kestner (Al.-K. Wassiliou et W. Seibt. Der byzantinische Mensch in
seinem Umfeld: weitere Bleisiegel der Sammlung Zarnitz im Museum August Kestner,
Hanovre, 2015, no 58).
164
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
semble bien que cette bulle doive aussi être attribué au syncelle Jean. La
dévotion accordée à saint Syméon le Jeune confirme la foi chalcédonienne du
sigillant. Les deux plombs sont datables de la seconde moitié du XIe siècle,
sans doute des années 1060-1080.
Le titre de syncelle accordé à un simple moine suppose une
dévaluation de cette dignité. La bulle daterait donc des deux décennies qui
précèdent la réforme de ce titre ecclésiastique sous Alexis Comnène. On ne
sait si Jean est à identifier avec le protospathaire qui partage sa dévotion
envers le Prodrome. Ce dernier aurait alors fini sa vie dans un monastère,
attitude très répandue chez les aristocrates byzantins. L’attribution de la
dignité de syncelle suppose une proximité avec les autorités constantino-
politaines.
Théodore Marchapsabos
Le représentant le plus remarquable de la lignée s’appelait Théodore.
Il nous a laissé un nombre exceptionnel de bulles, soit bilatérales, soit au
motif de la Vierge.
12
Munich, Staatliche Münzsammlung, fonds Zarnitz, inv. 145 ; vente Triton XI
(janvier 2008), no 1180 (ex collection Hecht) ; coll. Theodoridis, inv. 861 et 1170; Zacos
(BnF) 964, inédit ; TatÕú, inv. 2897; coll. Kofopoulos, inv. 1630; vente Naumann 64 (avril
2018) no 627.
13
Seibt – Zarnitz, Bleisiegel, no 4.1.2 (comme n. 1); Nesbitt, J., Al.-K. Wassiliou-
Seibt, W. Seibt. Highlights from the Robert Hecht, Jr. Collection of Byzantine Seals,
(Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Byzantine Research Centre), Thessalonique, 2009,
Hecht Collection, no 18; Cheynet – Theodoridis. Sceaux patronymiques, nos 136 a et b;
Cheynet. Collection TatÕú, no 2.77.
14
Sode, Cl. Byzantinische Bleisiegel in Berlin. 2 (ȆȠȚțȜĮ ǺȣȗĮȞIJȚȞ 14), Bonn, 1997,
o
n 385.
168
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
ͳͷColl. Theodoridis, inv. 934 ; vente Gorny 208 (octobre 2012), no 2574; TatÕú, inv.
4. 53.5.
ͳͺDOSeals
19
Wassiliou-Seibt, ǹl.-K. ȆĮȡĮIJȘȡıİȚȢ ıȤİIJȚț ȝİ IJȠȣȢ ıIJȡĮIJȚȦIJȚțȠȢ
ȜİȚIJȠȣȡȖȠȢ IJȘȢ ȀʌȡȠȣ țĮIJ IJȘ ȝİıȠȕȣȗĮȞIJȚȞ ʌİȡȠįȠ țȣȡȦȢ ȕıİȚ ıijȡĮȖȚıIJȚțઆȞ
įİįȠȝȞȦȞ, ȀȣʌȡȚĮțĮȚ ȈʌȠȣįĮȚ ȅī (2009), Leucosie, 2011, 86-87, no 6 et pl. 31, no 4.
20
Liste dans Cheynet – Theodoridis. Sceaux patronymiques, 12-13.
170
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
ʹͳChronicle of Matthiew of Edessa. Translated from the Original Armenian
26
Vente Munz Zentrum 156 (septembre 2010), no 919. La légende doit se
lire 9YEOFU|9LA9KT5ASP2 |9Y2R2=STR2T2G2|AD2NAS=MA|M2ST2TvSA|R29NIT2, comme l’a
conjecturé Werner Seibt [SBS 12, (2016), 183]. On notera l’omission de la plupart des
voyelles, sauf dans le nom.
27
Cheynet. Antioche et Tarse, no 55. La bulle est conservée au musée de Hatay.
28
Cheynet, J.-Cl. Sceaux byzantins de la collection Khoury, Revue numismatique
159, 2003, no 5.
29
Schlumberger, G. Sigillographie de l’Empire byzantin, Paris 1884, p. 272. La
lecture est commentée dans Seibt, W. Die byzantinischen Bleisiegel in Österreich,
vol. 1. Kaiserhof (Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für Byzantinistik 2/1), Vienne, 1978,
261.
30
La liste des stratèges ne s’est pas allongée depuis que je l’ai publiée, à l’exception
de notre Théodore (Cheynet J.-Cl. Sceaux de la collection Zacos (Bibliothèque nationale de
France) se rapportant aux provinces orientales de l’Empire byzantin, Paris, 2001, 16), mais
le nombre d’exemplaires découverts a augmenté.
31
Sceau IFEB 1127, inédit. Le prénom Théognoste, assez peu porté, évoque les
familles Bourtzès et Mélissènos, qui étaient liées par des mariages.
32
Zacos, G. Byzantine Lead Seals, Compiled by J. W. Nesbitt, Berne, 1985, no 737
[aujourd’hui Zacos (BnF) 1754] et connu par deux autres exemplaires : BnF (Toul.) 71 ;
vente Naumann Numismatik 56 (6-8-2017), no 806. Au droit saint Théodore Stratèlatès en
pied, et non saint Nicétas comme dans l’édition du sceau.
33
Wassiliou Al.-K., W. Seibt. Die byzantinischen Bleisiegel in Österreich, vol. 2.
Zentral und Provinzialverwaltung (Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für Byzantinistik
172
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
2/1), Vienne, 2004, no 300. Il existe un second exemplaire du plomb dans la collection
Zacos.
34
Musée d’Adana, inv. 1187, inédit (sceau bilatéral).
35
Dernière édition avec les références antérieures: Cheynet, J.-Cl., E. Erdogan, V.
Prigent. Les sceaux byzantins d’AdÕyaman (comme n. 4), ɪ. 110.
36
Le sceau est connu en deux exemplaires: coll. TatÕú, inv. 2895, éd. Cheynet.
Collection TatÕú, no 5.78; anc. coll. Utpadel (je remercie Werner Seibt de m’avoir fait
connaître cet exemplaire).
173
Jean-Claude CHEYNET. SAUVÉS DE L’OUBLI PAR LEURS BULLES: LES MARCHAPSABOI
Au droit, dans cercle de perles inséré entre deux lignes de fin grènetis,
Vierge en pied, debout sur un souppédion rectangulaire, portant sur le bras
droit l’Enfant dont on ne voit que les jambes. Dans le champ, subsiste le
sigle, 69Y59U
Au revers, légende accentuée sur six lignes dont la première a disparu
totalement:
.. ..|.. 9Y..|FUL29A...|MARX...|bvTv..|OIKE..
[ĬİȠIJંțİ ȕȠșİȚ] Ĭ[İȠ]ijȜ()[(ȝȠȞ)ĮȤ()] ȂĮȡȤ[ĮȥĮ]ȕ IJ [ı]
Ƞੁț[IJૉ]
ou [ĬİȠIJંțİ ȕȠșİȚ] Ĭ[İȠ]ijȣȜ[țIJ] ȂĮȡȤ[ĮȥĮ]ȕ IJ [ı]
Ƞੁț[IJૉȘ].
Seconde moitié du XIe siècle. La reconstruction du début de la légende
est conjecturale. La première hypothèse suppose que le signe placé en
décalage sur le Uest en fait une marque d’abréviation d’un mot de la ligne
supérieure. Le nom présumé pourrait être Théophylacte et il s’agirait d’un
nouveau membre de la lignée sur lequel nous n’avons pas d’information
puisque cette bulle ne donne ni titre, ni fonction. La seconde hypothèse
s’appuie sur la présence d’un accent sur le U et, semble-t-il, un signe
d’abréviation après le L, mais suppose pour le nom un ȣau lieu d’un Ț, ce qui
est tout à fait possible, mais singulier. Si cette hypothèse est juste, alors il
s’agit peut-être du sceau de moine de Théodore stratège d’Anazarbe, adepte
de la formule IJ ı ȠੁțIJૉ.
38
Théodore Marchapsabos (fig. 16)
Au droit, buste de la Vierge, orante, le médaillon posé sur la poitrine.
De part et d’autre, les sigles,5 M - 6Y5U: Ȃ(IJȘȡ) Ĭ(İȠ)૨.
bulle est amputée de la partie supérieure du flan, ce qui a laissé hors champ le début de la
légende.
38
Cheynet – Theodoridis. Sceaux patronymiques, no 138. Un second exemplaire
est conservé au Barber Institute à Birmingham et un troisième a été proposé à la vente Münz
Zentrum 154 (janvier 2010) no 690 et le même, à nouveau, à la vente Kölner Münzkabinett
n° 111 (4-5-2019), no 390 et vente no 112 (19-10-2019), no 459. Publication sans image dans
Wassiliou-Seibt. Metrische Legenden I, no 441.
174
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
39
Seibt – Zarnitz. Bleisiegel (comme note 1), ɪ.150.
40
Stavrakos, Ch. Die Byzantinischen Bleisiegel der Sammlung Savvas
Kophopoulos. Eine Siegelsammlung auf der Insel Lesbos. I (ǺȣȗȐȞIJȚȠȢ. Studies in Byzantine
History and Civilization 1), Turnhout, 2010, no 4.1.4. La collection comprend deux
exemplaires.
41
Vente Ares no 7 (21-2-2020) no 836.
42
Cheynet – Theodoridis. Sceaux patronymiques, no 137. La bulle n’est conservée
qu’en un seul exemplaire. J’avais hésité à lire ostiaire, mais Al. Wassiliou-Seibt, dans son
compte rendu concernant ce volume, considère aussi que c’est la bonne lecture [BZ 104/2,
(2011), 749].
175
Jean-Claude CHEYNET. SAUVÉS DE L’OUBLI PAR LEURS BULLES: LES MARCHAPSABOI
+6K5Eb25Y2|YEDO5R9OQIA.|.MAX2CA|-b9v-
+Ȁ(ȡȚ)İ ȕ(Ƞ)ș(İȚ) Ĭİ(Ƞ)įંȡ() ੑıIJȚĮ[ȡ() IJ] ȂĮ(ȡ)Ȥ(Į)ȥȕ.
Compte tenu de la qualité médiocre de la gravure, la datation est
délicate, mais on peut opter pour la seconde moitié du XIe siècle. Ce Théodore
serait contemporain du stratège homonyme, mais il en est distinct puisqu’il
s’est confié à la protection de saint Théodore. La dignité d’ostiaire, plus
rarement octroyée à cette date, semble-t-il, n’est sans doute plus réservée aux
eunuques, comme d’autres dignités qui leur étaient jadis exclusivement
affectées.
46
Cheynet. Mélanges Ducellier (comme n. 2).
47
Cheynet, J.-Cl., J.-Fr. Vannier. Études prosopographiques (Byzantina
Sorbonensia 5), Paris, 1986, 59-60 et 63, repris dans Cheynet, J.-Cl. La société byzantine:
l’apport des sceaux (Bilans de recherche 3), Paris, 2008, 379-381 et 384-386. Skylitzès
rapporte que, lors des troubles à Antioche en 1034, le patrice Elpidios, l’un des plus brillants
notables de la ville, fut arrêté (Ioannis Scylitzae Synopsis historiarum, rec. I. Thurn (CFHB.
Series Berolinensis 5), Berlin – New York, 1973, ɪ. 395). C’était peut-être un Brachamios.
48
La qualité de la gravure de plusieurs de ses bulles suggère qu’elles sont issues
d’ateliers de Constantinople.
177
Jean-Claude CHEYNET. SAUVÉS DE L’OUBLI PAR LEURS BULLES: LES MARCHAPSABOI
1 2
178
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
3 4
5 6
7 8
9 10
179
Jean-Claude CHEYNET. SAUVÉS DE L’OUBLI PAR LEURS BULLES: LES MARCHAPSABOI
11 12
13 14
15 16
17 18
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19 20
181
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1045, until shortly after 1074 it was restored to the Georgian king Giorgi II
(1072 –1089)4. The appearance of an 11th-century Byzantine seal in
Anakopia should be linked to the period of the theme, because afterwards the
fortress lost its political importance and was not mentioned in the sources for
a long time.
In A. Argun’s publication, the word Ι(ϡ)Х “son” (dat.) is omitted, and
the seal is attributed to the exousiokrator of Alania named Konstantinos, that
caused an erroneous historical interpretation of the find by the publisher. Let
us turn to the persons named on the seal: “the protoproedros and
exousiokrator of all Alania” and his son Konstantinos.
Konstantinos of Alania. John Skylitzes mentions in 1045 the
commander of the Byzantine troops at Dvin, the magistros
Konstantinos Alanos 5; in 1047 he was the strategos of the troops stationed
in Iberia6. Apparently, this is the same proedros Konstantinos Alanos whose
name is engraved in a circular inscription († ̍(ϾΕ)Ή ΆΓφΌΉ
̍ΝΑΗΘ΅ΑΘϟΑУ ΔΕΓνΈΕУ ΘХ ̄Ώ΅ΑХ) on the bottom of the 11th c. silver
bowl from the treasure in Tatar Pazardzhik (Bulgaria) 7. A personal seal
of Konstantinos Alanos, without any title (from the 2nd half of the 11th
century), originates from the fortress of Petrich (modern Asenovgrad in
Bulgaria)8. Furthermore, in the Dumbarton Oaks collection there is another
personal seal of Konstantinos Alanos, without a title, and a seal of a proedros
from the family of Alanoi: both molybdoboulla are dated to the 2nd quarter of
the 11th century9.
4
The Georgian Chronicles of Kartlis Tskhovreba (A History of Georgia). Ed. by R.
Metreveli. Tbilisi, 2014. 154.29–35, 156.5–8, 163.29–30; Ȼɟɥɟɰɤɢɣ, Ⱦ. ȼ., Ⱥ. ɘ,
ȼɢɧɨɝɪɚɞɨɜ. ɏɪɚɦɨɜɚɹ ɚɪɯɢɬɟɤɬɭɪɚ Ⱥɧɚɤɨɩɢɣɫɤɨɣ ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬɢ. – ȼ: ɂɫɤɭɫɫɬɜɨ
Ⱥɛɯɚɡɫɤɨɝɨ ɰɚɪɫɬɜɚ VIII–XI ɜɟɤɨɜ. ɏɪɢɫɬɢɚɧɫɤɢɟ ɩɚɦɹɬɧɢɤɢ Ⱥɧɚɤɨɩɢɣɫɤɨɣ ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬɢ.
ɋɉɛ., 2011, 82–84; Seibt, W. The Byzantine Thema of Soteriupolis–Anakopia in the 11th
century. – Bulletin of the Georgian National Academy of Scienes, 6, ʋ 2, 2012, 174–176.
5
Ioannis Scylitzae. Synopsis Historiarum. Editio Princeps. Rec. I. Thurn [Corpus
Fontium Historiae Byzantinae. Vol. V]. Berlin, 1973. 437.37-38, 439.59; cf.: Ɇɚɥɚɯɨɜ, ɋ.
ɇ. Ⱥɥɚɧɢɹ ɢ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɹ. ɂɫɬɨɱɧɢɤɨɜɟɞɱɟɫɤɢɟ ɚɫɩɟɤɬɵ ɩɨɥɢɬɢɱɟɫɤɢɯ ɢ ɰɟɪɤɨɜɧɵɯ
ɫɜɹɡɟɣ. Ɇ., 2015, ɫ. 158.
6
Regesten der Kaiserurkunden Oströmisches Reiches von 563–1453. 2. Teil. Bearb.
von F. Dölger. 2 Aufl. München: C.H. Beck, 1995. ʋ 882.
7
Ballian, A., A. Drandaki. A Middle Byzantine silver treasure. – ̏ΓΙΗΉϟΓΙ
̏ΔΉΑΣΎ. ̖ϲΐ 3. ̄ΌφΑ΅, 2003. p. 65. Fig. 22.
8
Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria. Volume 1–3, Sofia, 2003,
2006, 2009; Addenda et Corrigenda (2). – ȼ: Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ ɜ ɟɜɪɨɩɟɣɫɤɚɬɚ ɤɭɥɬɭɪɚ, ɧɚɭɤɚ,
ɨɛɪɚɡɨɜɚɧɢɟ, ɪɟɥɢɝɢɹ. ɑɚɫɬ 1. ɒɭɦɟɧ, 2015, 261–262. ʋ 96 (1811ɚ). Ɉɛɪ. 96
9
Seibt, W. Metropoliten und Herrscher der Alanen auf byzantinischen Siegeln des
10.–12 Jahrhunderts. – ȼ: ɋɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɤɚ ɢ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɤɭɥɶɬɭɪɵ. ɋɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɧɚɭɱɧɵɯ ɬɪɭɞɨɜ,
ɩɨɫɜɹɳɟɧɧɵɣ ɸɛɢɥɟɸ ȼ.ɋ. ɒɚɧɞɪɨɜɫɤɨɣ. ɋɉɛ., 2004, S. 56, notes 48–49; Jordanov, I.
183
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̐ΎνΘ΅Α ΘϲΑ ̝Ώ΅ΑϲΑ – Niketas Alanos (2nd half of the 11th c.)12;
̆Ε·ΓΕϟУ ΘХ ̝ΏΣΑХ – Gregorios Alanos (2nd half of the 11th c.),
whose cursus honorum was as follows: patrikios and strategos13, anthypatos
and katepano14, protoproedros and dux15;
̐ΎΚϱΕУ ΘХ ̝ΏΣΑХ – Nikephoros Alanos, vestarchos and
katepano of Cherson and Chazaria (2nd half of the 11th c.)16;
̎ΉΓΑΘϟУ ΘΓІ ̝Ώ΅ΑΓІ – Leontios Alanos, protospatharios and
hypatos (3rd quarter of the 11th c.)17;
̆ΉΝΕ·ϱΙУ ΘХ ̝Ώ΅ΑХ – Georgios Alanos (last quarter of the 11th
c.)18.
Although the above-mentioned Alanoi or their ancestors were, of
course, of Alanic origin, their large number makes it unlikely that they all
were the children of the Alanian exousiokrator. Therefore, the fact that the
Byzantine military commander Konstantinos Alanos and the son of the
exousiokrator of Alania have the same common name Konstantinos can be a
Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria. Volume 1 – 3, Sofia, 2003, 2006, 2009. Addenda
et Corrigenda (2), ɫ. 262.
10
Jordanov, I. Corpus Of Byzantine Seals From Bulgaria. Vol. 3. Sofia, 2009. pp.
602–603. ʋ 1811.
11
Campagnolo-Pothitou, M., J.-C. Cheynet. Sceaux de la collection George
Zacos au Musée d’art et d’histoire de Genève. Milan, 2016. p. 218. ʋ 193.
12
Jordanov. I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria. Volume 1–3; Addenda et
Corrigenda (2), ɫ. 262. ʋ 97 (1812ɜ). Ɉɛɪ. 97.
13
Jordanov, I. Corpus Of Byzantine Seals From Bulgaria. Vol. 2. Byzantine Seals
with Family Names. Sofia, 2006, pp. 46–47. ʋʋ 21–22.
14
Campagnolo-Pothitou, M., J.-C. Cheynet. Sceaux de la collection George
Zacos, p. 102. ʋ 84.
15
Seibt, W. Metropoliten und Herrscher der Alanen, S. 56. Note 47.
16
Ⱥɥɟɤɫɟɟɧɤɨ, ɇ. Ⱥ., ɘ. Ⱥ. ɐɟɩɤɨɜ. Ʉɚɬɟɩɚɧɚɬ ɜ Ɍɚɜɪɢɤɟ: ɥɟɝɟɧɞɚɪɧɵɟ
ɫɜɢɞɟɬɟɥɶɫɬɜɚ ɢɥɢ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɱɟɫɤɢɟ ɪɟɚɥɢɢ. – ȼ: ɏɟɪɫɨɧɟɫɫɤɢɣ ɫɛɨɪɧɢɤ, XVII, 2012, 8–10.
Ɋɢɫ. 1
17
Campagnolo-Pothitou, M., J.-C. Cheynet. Sceaux de la collection George
Zacos, p. 214. ʋ 189.
18
Seibt, W. Metropoliten und Herrscher der Alanen, S. 56. Note 50.
184
Viktor CHKHAIDZE and Andrey VINOGRADOV. THE SEAL OF KONSTANTINOS, THE SON OF THE...
coincidence. Also noteworthy is the fact that the latter bore not an Alanic, but
a Christian name: something which is also attested for two of the Alan
exousiokratores: David and Gabriel (see below). The fact that the owner of
the Greek seal is only called a son of the exousiokrator, without a Byzantine
title or rank of his own, shows that he was not in the service of the Empire,
like the Alanian exousiokratores themselves, and presented himself on the
molybdoboullon as a son and possibly an heir of an Alanian ruler
independent of the Byzantine Empire.
“Son of …”. An indication that the owner of the seal was a “son of
...” (ΙϡΓІ ΘΓІ ...; ΘХ ΙϡХ …) on the Byzantine seals is not very common;
however, it occurs, as in our case, in the abbreviated form without iota19.
There are also seals where the owners give no indication of their titles and
positions, but specify their family connections instead; most representative
are the seals of the Komnenoi family20. Particularly noteworthy is the seal of
Ioannes Komnenos, the son of the sebastokrator, dated to 1081–1091 and
originating from Simeiz in Crimea: ̍(ϾΕ)Ή ΆΓφΌ(Ή) ΘХ ΗХ Έ(ΓϾ)ΏУ
͑Ν(ΣΑΑϙ) ̍ΓΐΑΑХ ΘХ Ι(ϡ)У ΘΓІ ΗΉΆ΅ΗΘΓΎΕΣΘΓΕΓΖ21; the owner of the
seal is Ioannes Komnenos (1073 – before 1136), a son of protoproedros and
later sebastokrator Isaak Komnenos and Irene of Alania (see below), and a
nephew of the Emperor Alexios I Komnenos (1081–1118)22.
The closest parallel to our molybdoboullon is the seal of Irene the
protoproedrissa, a daughter of the exousiokrator of Alania, found in Antioch
(̋(ΉΓΘϱ)ΎΉ Ά(Γφ)Ό(Ή) ΘϜ ΗϜ ΈΓϾΏϙ ̼ΕφΑϙ (ΔΕΝΘΓ)ΔΕΓΉΈΕϟ(Η)Ηθ, ΘϜ
ΌΙ·΅ΘΕϠ ΘΓІ πΒΓΙΗΓΎΕΣΘΓΕ(ΓΖ) ̝ΏΏ΅Αϟ΅Ζ). The seal is dated to
1072–1077, because during this time Irene’s husband Isaak Komnenos had
the title of protoproedros and was sent as dux to Antioch. Irene’s seal was
used for a joint letter (second imprint) together with the kouropalates
19
Zacos, G., A. Veglery. Byzantine Lead Seals. Vol. I. Basel, 1972, p. 1504. ʋ
2713; Zacos, G. Byzantine Lead Seals. Vol. II. Berne, 1984, p. 442. ʋ 1002; Stavrakos,
Ch. Die byzantinische Bleisiegel mit Familiennamen aus der Sammlung des Numismatschen
Museums Athen. Wiesbaden, 2000, p. 405; Wassiliou, A-K., W. Seibt. Die byzantinische
Bleisiegel in Österreich. 2. Teil. Zentral- und Provinzialverwaltung. Wien, 2004, S. 98, ʋ
73; Wassiliou-Seibt, A-K. Corpus der byzantinischen Siegel mit metrischen Legenden. Teil
1. Einleitung, Siegellegenden von Alpha bis inclusive My. Wien, 2011, S. 614, ʋ 1462.
20
ɒɚɧɞɪɨɜɫɤɚɹ, ȼ. ɋ. Ɋɨɞɫɬɜɟɧɧɵɟ ɫɜɹɡɢ ɩɨ ɞɚɧɧɵɦ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢɯ ɩɟɱɚɬɟɣ –
ȼ: ȂȅɋȋȅǺǿǹ. ɉɪɨɛɥɟɦɵ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɨɣ ɢ ɤɥɚɫɫɢɱɟɫɤɨɣ ɮɢɥɨɥɨɝɢɢ. Ʉ 60-ɥɟɬɢɸ Ȼ. Ʌ.
Ɏɨɧɤɢɱɚ. Ɇ, 2001, 474–478.
21
Ⱥɥɟɤɫɟɟɧɤɨ, ɇ. Ⱥ. ɉɟɱɚɬɶ ɚɪɢɫɬɨɤɪɚɬɚ ɂɨɚɧɧɚ Ʉɨɦɧɢɧɚ ɫ ɘɠɧɨɝɨ ɛɟɪɟɝɚ
Ʉɪɵɦɚ: ɧɨɜɵɟ ɞɚɧɧɵɟ ɤ ɫɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɱɟɫɤɨɣ ɤɚɪɬɟ. – ȼ: Ɇɚɬɟɪɢɚɥɵ ɩɨ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɢ,
ɢɫɬɨɪɢɢ ɢ ɷɬɧɨɝɪɚɮɢɢ Ɍɚɜɪɢɢ. Ɍɨɦ XVIII. ɋɢɦɮɟɪɨɩɨɥɶ; Ʉɟɪɱɶ, 2013, 405–410. Ɋɢɫ. 1.
22
See: ǺĮȡȗȩȢ, Ȁ. ݠȖİȞİĮȜȠȖȓĮ IJࠛȞ ȀȠȝȞȘȞࠛȞ. ȉȩȝȠȢ I-II. ĬİııĮȜȠȞȓțȘ, 1984. Ȉ.
68–71, 174–176.
185
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
23
Theodoridis, D. Ein byzantinisches Bleisiegel mit zwei Prägungen aud dem 11.
Jahrhundert – SBS, 2, 1990, 61–65; Cheynet, J.-C., D. Theodoridis. Sceaux byzantins de la
collection D. Theodoridis. Les sceaux patronymiques. Paris, 2010. pp. 210–211. ʋ 201;
ɒɚɧɞɪɨɜɫɤɚɹ, ȼ. ɋ. ɉɟɱɚɬɶ ɚɥɚɧɫɤɨɣ ɩɪɢɧɰɟɫɫɵ. – ȼ: Spiclegium Byzantino-Rossicum.
ɋɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɫɬɚɬɟɣ ɤ 80-ɥɟɬɢɸ ɱɥɟɧɚ-ɤɨɪɪɟɫɩɨɧɞɟɧɬɚ ɊȺɇ ɂ.ɉ. Ɇɟɞɜɟɞɟɜɚ. Ɇ.; ɋɉɛ.,
2015, ɫ. 339, 342–343. ɂɥ. 2. In the collection of the Fogg Museum of Art, there is one more
seal, made by another pair of matrices, of Irene the protoproedrissa, the daughter of the
exousiokrator [of Alania] (McGeer, E., Nesbitt, J., N. Oikonomides. Catalogue of
Byzantine Seals at Dumbarton Oaks and in the Fogg Museum of Art. Vol. 5. The East
(continued), Constantinople and Environs, Unknown Locations, Addenda, Uncertain
Readings. Washington, 2005, pp. 151–152. ʋ 116.1).
24
Nicéphore Bryennios. Histoire. Introduction, texte, traduction et notes par P.
Gautier [Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae. Vol. IX]. Bruxelles: Byzantion, 1975. 143.9–
12, 183.5–14.
25
Irene cannot be her niece (this is another meaning of the word πΒ΅ΈΉΏΚφ),
because Maria’s brother and Bagrat’s son could hardly have become a ruler of the Alans.
Even less probable is such a title for the Georgian king Giorgi II (countrary to
Prosopography of the Byzantine world, Georgios 63); against this assumption speaks also the
marriages of Irene and Maria that took place in the same year. It is also unclear on what basis
W. Seibt (Seibt, W. Metropoliten und Herrscher der Alanen, S. 54) identifies her with the
Alan sebaste, the mistress of Ȁonstantinos IX Monomachos (1042 – 1055) (on her see:
Ɇɚɥɚɯɨɜ, ɋ. ɇ. Ⱥɥɚɧɢɹ ɢ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɹ. ɂɫɬɨɱɧɢɤɨɜɟɞɱɟɫɤɢɟ ɚɫɩɟɤɬɵ ɩɨɥɢɬɢɱɟɫɤɢɯ ɢ
ɰɟɪɤɨɜɧɵɯ ɫɜɹɡɟɣ. Ɇ., 2015, 149–153), because seventeen years passed between the latter’s
death and 1072; according to the chronology she is more likely to be a daughter of the
exousiokrator Gabriel.
26
Her seal, dated to 1071 – 1081, is known: ̏΅Εϟ΅ ΉЁΗΉ[Ά΅ΗΘΣΘ ΅Ё·ΓϾΗΘ΅]
(Seibt, W. Zukunftsperspektiven der byzantinischen Siegelkunde – Auf welchen Gebieten
sind die bedeutendsten Wissenszuwächse zu erwarten? // ̀ΔΉΕϱΑΈΉ. Proceedings of the
10th International Symposium of Byzantine Sigillography (Ioannina, 1.–3. October 2009).
Ioannia, 2011. S. 30. Abb. 8).
27
Their joint seal, dated to 1071–1078, is known (Cheynet, J.-C., T. GökyÕldÕrim,
V. Bulgurlu. Les sceaux byzantins du Musée Archéologique d’Istanbul. østanbul, 2012, 64–
65. ʋ 1.39).
28
On her see: ɇɨɞɢɹ, ɂ. Ɇ. Ƚɪɭɡɢɧɫɤɢɟ ɦɚɬɟɪɢɚɥɵ ɨ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɨɣ
ɢɦɩɟɪɚɬɪɢɰɟ Ɇɚɪɮɟ–Ɇɚɪɢɢ. – ȼ: ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɧɨɜɟɞɱɟɫɤɢɟ ɷɬɸɞɵ. Ɍɛɢɥɢɫɢ, 1978, 146–
155; ɐɭɥɚɹ, Ƚ. ȼ. Ⱥɛɯɚɡɢɹ ɢ ɚɛɯɚɡɵ ɜ ɤɨɧɬɟɤɫɬɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɢ Ƚɪɭɡɢɢ. (Ⱦɨɦɨɧɝɨɥɶɫɤɢɣ
ɩɟɪɢɨɞ). Ɇ., 1995, 129–130; Garland, L., S. Ripp. Mary of “Alania”: woman and empress
between two worlds. – In: Byzantine women: varieties of experience 800 – 1200. London,
2006, pp. 91–124.
29
The Georgian Chronicles of Kartlis Tskhovreba (A History of Georgia), 154.27–
28, 161.37–40.
186
Viktor CHKHAIDZE and Andrey VINOGRADOV. THE SEAL OF KONSTANTINOS, THE SON OF THE...
30
Ȼɟɥɟɰɤɢɣ, Ⱦ. ȼ., Ⱥ. ɘ. ȼɢɧɨɝɪɚɞɨɜ. ɇɢɠɧɢɣ Ⱥɪɯɵɡ ɢ ɋɟɧɬɵ – ɞɪɟɜɧɟɣɲɢɟ
ɯɪɚɦɵ Ɋɨɫɫɢɢ. ɉɪɨɛɥɟɦɵ ɯɪɢɫɬɢɚɧɫɤɨɝɨ ɢɫɤɭɫɫɬɜɚ Ⱥɥɚɧɢɢ ɢ Ʉɚɜɤɚɡɚ. Ɇ., 2011, ɫ. 56;
cf.: Ɇɚɥɚɯɨɜ, ɋ. ɇ. Ⱥɥɚɧɢɹ ɢ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɹ, ɫ. 82.
31
Konstantinos Porphyrogenitus. De administrando imperio. Ed. G. Moravcsik.
2nd edn. [Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae. Vol. I = Dumbarton Oaks Texts. Vol. 1].
Washington (D.C.), 1967. 10, 11; Konstantinos VII Porphyrogenete. Le Livre des
ceremonies. (Ch. 1–92). Edited A Vogt. Tome 1–2. Paris, 1935–1939. 48; Ɇɚɥɚɯɨɜ, ɋ. ɇ.
ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢɣ ɬɢɬɭɥ ɩɪɚɜɢɬɟɥɹ Ⱥɥɚɧɢɢ. – ȼ: ɋɥɚɜɹɧɟ ɢ ɢɯ ɫɨɫɟɞɢ. ɂɦɩɟɪɫɤɚɹ ɢɞɟɹ ɜ
ɫɬɪɚɧɚɯ ɐɟɧɬɪɚɥɶɧɨɣ, ȼɨɫɬɨɱɧɨɣ ɢ ɘɝɨ-ȼɨɫɬɨɱɧɨɣ ȿɜɪɨɩɵ. Ɍɟɡɢɫɵ XIV
ɤɨɧɮɟɪɟɧɰɢɢ. Ɇ., 1995, 19–20.
32
Ȼɟɥɟɰɤɢɣ, Ⱦ. ȼ., Ⱥ. ɘ. ȼɢɧɨɝɪɚɞɨɜ. ɇɢɠɧɢɣ Ⱥɪɯɵɡ ɢ ɋɟɧɬɵ, ɫ. 44, 241–
245.
33
Schlumberger, G. Sigillographie de l’Empire Byzantin. Paris., 1884, pp. 429–
431; Ʌɢɯɚɱɟɜ, ɇ. ɉ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɱɟɫɤɨɟ ɡɧɚɱɟɧɢɟ ɢɬɚɥɨ-ɝɪɟɱɟɫɤɨɣ ɢɤɨɧɨɩɢɫɢ.
ɂɡɨɛɪɚɠɟɧɢɹ Ȼɨɝɨɦɚɬɟɪɢ ɜ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɟɞɟɧɢɹɯ ɢɬɚɥɨ-ɝɪɟɱɟɫɤɢɯ ɢɤɨɧɨɩɢɫɰɟɜ ɢ ɢɯ ɜɥɢɹɧɢɟ
ɧɚ ɤɨɦɩɨɡɢɰɢɢ ɧɟɤɨɬɨɪɵɯ ɩɪɚɜɨɫɥɚɜɧɵɯ ɪɭɫɫɤɢɯ ɢɤɨɧ. ɋɉɛ., 1911, ɫ. 77. Ɋɢɫ. 162;
Seibt, W. Metropoliten und Herrscher der Alanen, S. 54, Abb. 3; ɒɚɧɞɪɨɜɫɤɚɹ, ȼ. ɋ.
ɉɟɱɚɬɶ ɚɥɚɧɫɤɨɣ ɩɪɢɧɰɟɫɫɵ. – ȼ: Spiclegium Byzantino-Rossicum. ɋɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɫɬɚɬɟɣ ɤ 80-
ɥɟɬɢɸ ɱɥɟɧɚ-ɤɨɪɪɟɫɩɨɧɞɟɧɬɚ ɊȺɇ ɂ. ɉ. Ɇɟɞɜɟɞɟɜɚ. Ɇ.; ɋɉɛ., 2015, 339–340. ɂɥ. 3.
34
Ȼɟɥɟɰɤɢɣ, Ⱦ.ȼ., Ⱥ. ɘ. ȼɢɧɨɝɪɚɞɨɜ. ɇɢɠɧɢɣ Ⱥɪɯɵɡ ɢ ɋɟɧɬɵ, 54–55.
187
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
35
Annae Comnenae. Alexias. Editio Princeps. Recensuerunt D.R. Reinch et A.
Kambylis [Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae. Vol. XL]. Berlin, 2001. 400.41, 53.
36
Seibt, W. Die byzantinischen Bleisiegel in Österreich. 1. Teil. Kaiserhof. Wien,
1978. S. 311–312. ʋ 170; Idem. Metropoliten und Herrscher der Alanen, S. 54–55. Abb. 4;
Seibt, W., M.-L. Zarnitz. Das byzantinischen Bleisiegel als Kunstwerk. Katalog zur
Ausstelung. Wien, 1997. S. 133–135. ʋ 3.2.11.
37
Ȼɟɥɟɰɤɢɣ, Ⱦ. ȼ., Ⱥ. ɘ. ȼɢɧɨɝɪɚɞɨɜ. ɇɢɠɧɢɣ Ⱥɪɯɵɡ ɢ ɋɟɧɬɵ, 56–57;
Ɇɚɥɚɯɨɜ, ɋ. ɇ. Ⱥɥɚɧɢɹ ɢ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɹ, ɫ. 77.
38
Seibt, W. Metropoliten und Herrscher der Alanen, S. 55, Abb. 5.
39
The Georgian Chronicles of Kartlis Tskhovreba (A History of Georgia), 228.22–
23.
40
Ȼɟɥɟɰɤɢɣ, Ⱦ. ȼ., Ⱥ. ɘ ȼɢɧɨɝɪɚɞɨɜ. ɇɢɠɧɢɣ Ⱥɪɯɵɡ ɢ ɋɟɧɬɵ, 59–60;
Ɇɚɥɚɯɨɜ, ɋ. ɇ. Ⱥɥɚɧɢɹ ɢ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɹ, ɫ. 145.
41
ɑɯɚɢɞɡɟ, ȼ. ɇ. «ɏɚɡɚɪɢɹ» XI ɜɟɤɚ: ɤ ɜɨɩɪɨɫɭ ɨ ɥɨɤɚɥɢɡɚɰɢɢ (ɩɨ ɞɚɧɧɵɦ
ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢɯ ɦɨɥɢɜɞɨɜɭɥɨɜ). Ɇ., 2016, 17–20.
188
Viktor CHKHAIDZE and Andrey VINOGRADOV. THE SEAL OF KONSTANTINOS, THE SON OF THE...
On the other hand, outside the Empire the use of this epithet may
vary. So, the Metropolitan title ΔΣΗΖ ̒Ё··ΕΓΆΏ΅Λϟ΅Ζ42 simply points to
the power of its bearer over the entire newly established Ugrovalachian
Metropolitan see. On the contrary, the title ΔΣΗΖ ͦΝΗϟ΅Ζ appears on the
seal of the Prince Vsevolod Yaroslavich probably after the collapse of the
“triumvirate of Yaroslav’s sons” and consolidation of his power in Kiev in
107643, and on the seals of the Metropolitans of Kiev from Konstantinos II
(1167–1169), who finally resolved the split of the Russian Church provoked
by the “non-canonical” election of Klim Smolyatich44. In this context, we
should assume that the title of “the exousiokrator of all Alania” indicates a
previous division of Alania at least in two parts, which is indeed visible in
the 12th c.45. The problem, however, is that both before and after the 2nd half
of the 11th c., to which the seal from Anakopia belongs, all Alanian rulers
were titled in their inscriptions and on their seals (until the mid-12th c.)
simply “the exousiokrator of Alania”, without adding the word “all”: David
and Gabriel before it, Rosmikes and Ioannes Chotesitanes after it, and Irene's
father during the same time.
This situation is complicated by two more circumstances. Firstly, in
the acts of the Council of Constantinople of 1347 there is such a signature of
the Metropolitan of Alania: ͟ Θ΅ΔΉΑϲΖ ΐΘΕΓΔΓΏϟΘΖ ΔΣΗΖ ̝Ώ΅Αϟ΅Ζ
Ύ΅Ϡ ̕ΝΘΕΓΙΔϱΏΉΝΖ Ύ΅Ϡ ЀΔνΕΘΐΓΖ ̎΅ΙΕνΑΘΓΖ “The humble
Metropolitan of all Alania and Soterioupolis and hypertimos Laurentios”46.
42
Das Register des Patriarchats von Konstantinopel. 3. Teil. Edition und
Übersetzung der Urkunden aus den Jahren 1350–1363. Hrsg. von J. Koder, M. Hiterberger,
O. Kresten [Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae. Vol. XIX/3]. Wien: Österreichische
Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2001. 414.59, 416.80.
43
Zacos, G., A. Veglery. Byzantine Lead Seals. Vol. I. Basel, 1972, p. 1474. ʋ
2694; Nesbitt, J., N. Oikonomides. Catalogue of Byzantine Seals at Dumbarton Oaks and
in the Fogg Museum of Art. Vol. 1. Italy, North of the Balkans, North of the Black Sea.
Washington, 1991, p. 192. ʋ 85.1; əɧɢɧ, ȼ. Ʌ., ɉ. Ƚ. Ƚɚɣɞɭɤɨɜ. Ⱥɤɬɨɜɵɟ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ
Ⱦɪɟɜɧɟɣ Ɋɭɫɢ X – XV ɜɜ. Ɍɨɦ III. ɉɟɱɚɬɢ, ɡɚɪɟɝɢɫɬɪɢɪɨɜɚɧɧɵɟ ɜ 1970 – 1996 ɝɝ. Ɇ.,
1998, 20–21, 114. ʋ 22ɚ.
44
Laurent, V. Le Corpus des sceaux de l’Empire Byzantin. Tome V: Lǯéglise. Paris,
1963, 606–607. ʋ 790; əɧɢɧ, ȼ. Ʌ. Ⱥɤɬɨɜɵɟ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ Ⱦɪɟɜɧɟɣ Ɋɭɫɢ X–XV ɜɜ. Ɍɨɦ I.
ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɏ – ɧɚɱɚɥɚ XIII ɜ. Ɇ., 1970, 49–52, 175–176. ʋ 51.1-3; əɧɢɧ, ȼ. Ʌ., ɉ. Ƚ.
Ƚɚɣɞɭɤɨɜ. Ⱦɪɟɜɧɟɪɭɫɫɤɢɟ ɜɢɫɥɵɟ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ, ɡɚɪɟɝɢɫɬɪɢɪɨɜɚɧɧɵɟ ɜ 2000 ɝ. – ɇɨɜɝɨɪɨɞ ɢ
ɇɨɜɝɨɪɨɞɫɤɚɹ ɡɟɦɥɹ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɢ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɹ. 15, 2001, ɫ. 182, ʋ 51.4; Idem.
Ⱦɪɟɜɧɟɪɭɫɫɤɢɟ ɜɢɫɥɵɟ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ, ɡɚɪɟɝɢɫɬɪɢɪɨɜɚɧɧɵɟ ɜ 2002 ɝ. – ɇɨɜɝɨɪɨɞ ɢ
ɇɨɜɝɨɪɨɞɫɤɚɹ ɡɟɦɥɹ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɢ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɹ. 17, 2003, ɫ. 354. ʋ 51.5; cf.: Ʉɭɩɪɚɧɢɫ, Ⱥ.
Ⱥ. Ⱦɚɬɢɪɨɜɚɧɧɵɟ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɢɟɪɚɪɯɨɜ Ɋɭɫɫɤɨɣ ɰɟɪɤɜɢ (ɞɨɦɨɧɝɨɥɶɫɤɢɣ ɩɟɪɢɨɞ) –
ɐɟɪɤɨɜɧɚɹ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɹ. 4, 1998, ɫ. 155.
45
Ȼɟɥɟɰɤɢɣ, Ⱦ. ȼ., Ⱥ. ɘ. ȼɢɧɨɝɪɚɞɨɜ. ɇɢɠɧɢɣ Ⱥɪɯɵɡ ɢ ɋɟɧɬɵ, 58–62.
46
Das Register des Patriarchats von Konstantinopel. 2. Teil. Edition und
Übersetzung der Urkunden aus den Jahren 1337–1350. Hrsg. von H. Hunger, O. Kresten, E.
189
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
However, a continuity from the secular title of the 11th c. is highly doubtful
here; rather than that, the reason for the appearance of a similar titling was
the separation of the Metropolitan see of Kaukasia in 1317, which could be
reattached back exactly in 134747, for in other contemporary acts only “the
Metropolitan of Alania” is mentioned.
Secondly, in the list of the Metropolitans of Bulgaria the mother of
Ioannes-Adrianos Komnenos, the above mentioned Irene, is called IJોȢ
ΌΙ·΅ΘΕϲΖ ΘΓІ Δ΅ΑΉΙ·ΉΑΉΗΘΣΘΓΙ πΒΓΙΗΓΎΕΣΘΓΕΓΖ ΔΣΗΖ ̝Ώ΅Αϟ΅Ζ
“daughter of the most noble exousiokrator of all Alania”48. This unique
naming shows that Irene and Konstantinos were children of the same
exousiokrator of Alania, and the word “all” was omitted on her seal of 1072–
1077 due to some reasons (probably because it was not relevant outside the
Caucasian context). M.V. Bibikov49 believes that in this title “Alania is
represented as a large state entity, perhaps even a political union of various
social units”. S.N. Malakhov50, on the contrary, interprets it in the sense of
the full power of the exousiokrator, but for some reason presupposes the
influence of the church title on the secular, although the first one, as we have
seen, appears only in 134751.
It is important that the unique title of “the exousiokrator of all Alania”
is applied, even twice, only to Dorgholel, and therefore cannot be a
coincidence; it is obvious that he did actually use it. We can only guess what
exactly made Dorgholel accept this title abandoned very soon afterwards
(already in Rosmikes’ time). In any case, through this title Dorgholel and,
after him, Konstantinos were emphasizing the high status of the Alan
exousiokrator and his actual (in the case of Konstantinos – would-be) power
over all Alania complementing it with a high Byzantine title of
protoproedros.
Protoproedros. The title of protoproedros appears in the late 50’s –
early 60’s of the 11th c., and up to the 80’s of that century retains the status of
a very high honorary title, which was assigned to a small number of persons,
mostly close relatives of the emperor, as well as the most high-ranking
dignitaries of the Empire. From the 1080’s, due to Alexios’ reform of the
Byzantine rank hierarchy, the title of protoproedros was gradually
devalued52.
The combination of a Byzantine honorary title with a designation of a
foreign ruler (protoproedros and exousiokrator) on the seal from Anakopia
can be compared with the late 11th century molybdoboullon of Konstantinos,
the protosebastos and exousiastes of Diokleia and Serbia53.
Conclusions. According to palaeography, the seal is to be dated to the
2nd half of the 11th c., but the historical context of its appearance in Anakopia
(the period of the theme) allows us to narrow this dating to the third quarter
of the 11th century. Moreover, the appearance of the title of protoproedros
only in the late 1050’s and its subsequent award to a foreign ruler narrow the
date of the seal to between 1065–1075. Considering the close political and
dynastic ties of the Alanian exousiokratores with both Byzantium and
Georgia, the seal of the son of “the exousiokrator of all Alania” in Anakopia
of 1065–1075 can be cautiously linked to the Byzantine-Georgian conflict
over this city: it may be traced back either to negotiations on returning to the
Georgian king the fortress blocked by him, which the Byzantines found
difficult to hold, especially after catastrophic defeat at Manzikert in 1071 and
the loss of a large part of Asia Minor, or to a desperate attempt of the Empire
to preserve, with the help of the Alans, its key outpost in the Eastern Pontic
region. However, the first option seems to be more plausible due to the
person of this “exousiokrator of all Alania”.
Formally, Konstantinos’ father could be either of the two known
Alanian exousiokratores of the 11th century: Gabriel (mentioned in the 30’s –
early 40’s) and Dorgholel (mentioned in 1068), but the narrow chronology of
the seal speaks rather in favour of the second option, at the same time
excluding the possibility of identifying this Konstantinos with Konstantinos
Alanos (mentioned in 1045–1047). In this case, this Konstantinos probably
appears to be a brother of Irene, the wife of the protoproedros Isaak
Komnenos, and the award of the same high title to his father in 1065–1075
(cf. a similar award of the higher title of sebastos to the Georgian king Bagrat
IV in 1060), turns out to be connected with a certain Byzantine-Alan alliance.
The fruits of this union were obviously the marriage of the Alan
exousiokrator’s daughter Irene with Isaak Komnenos in 1072 and the
participation of 6,000 Alanian horsemen in suppressing the Roussel de
52
Ʉɴɧɟɜ, ɇ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɧɨɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢ ɫɬɭɞɢɢ. ȼɟɥɢɤɨ Ɍɴɪɧɨɜɨ, 2013, 169–199.
53
Cheynet, J.-C. La Place de la Serbie dans la Diplomatie Byzantine à la fin du XIe
siècle – ɁɊȼɂ, XLV, 2008, 90–96; Cheynet, J.-C., T. GökyÕldÕrim, V. Bulgurlu. Les
sceaux byzantins du Musée Archéologique d’Istanbul. østanbul, 2012, 292–293, ʋ 3.54.
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS:
54
Ȼɟɥɟɰɤɢɣ, Ⱦ. ȼ., Ⱥ. ɘ. ȼɢɧɨɝɪɚɞɨɜ. ɇɢɠɧɢɣ Ⱥɪɯɵɡ ɢ ɋɟɧɬɵ, 54–55;
Ɇɚɥɚɯɨɜ, ɋ. ɇ. Ⱥɥɚɧɢɹ ɢ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɹ, ɫ. 93, 161.
55
Ʉɚɩɚɧɚɞɡɟ, Ⱦ. Ƚ. Ƚɪɭɡɢɧɫɤɚɹ ɧɭɦɢɡɦɚɬɢɤɚ. Ɇ., 1955, ɫ. 56. Ɍɚɛɥ. III, 45.
56
Seibt, W. Byzantine Imperialism against Georgia in the later 10th and 11th
centuries? – Georgian Diplomacy, 16, 2013, 112–113.
57
After the preparation of this work for print, a new article by S.N. Malakhov was
published (Ɇɚɥɚɯɨɜ, ɋ. ɇ. ɉɟɱɚɬɶ ɩɪɨɬɨɩɪɨɟɞɪɚ ɢ ɷɤɫɭɫɢɨɤɪɚɬɨɪɚ ɜɫɟɣ Ⱥɥɚɧɢɢ
Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧɚ: ɩɪɨɛɥɟɦɵ ɚɬɪɢɛɭɰɢɢ ɢ ɞɚɬɢɪɨɜɤɢ. – ȼ: Ⱥɥɚɧɫɤɨɟ ɩɪɚɜɨɫɥɚɜɢɟ: ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɢ
ɤɭɥɶɬɭɪɚ: ɫɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɦɚɬɟɪɢɚɥɨɜ VI ɋɜɹɬɨ-Ƚɟɨɪɝɢɟɜɫɤɢɯ ɱɬɟɧɢɣ «ɉɪɚɜɨɫɥɚɜɢɟ. ɗɬɧɨɫ.
Ʉɭɥɶɬɭɪɚ». ȼɥɚɞɢɤɚɜɤɚɡ, 2017, 103–113). The researcher comes to similar conclusions
about the date of the seal (1068–1078), the non-identity of its owner with Konstantinos
Alanos and the meaning of the title “of all Alania”. However, following the editio princeps –
as earlier in the case of the seal of the bishop Theodoros “from Alania” (see: Ɇɚɥɚɯɨɜ, ɋ.
ɇ. Ɇɨɥɢɜɞɨɜɭɥ ɟɩɢɫɤɨɩɚ Ɏɟɨɞɨɪɚ ɢɡ Ⱥɥɚɧɢɢ. – ȼ: ̖̖̔̄̊̆̒̕̕. ɋɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɫɬɚɬɟɣ ɜ
ɱɟɫɬɶ ȼɥɚɞɢɦɢɪɚ ȼɚɫɢɥɶɟɜɢɱɚ Ʉɭɱɦɵ. Ⱥɪɦɚɜɢɪ, 2008, 187–190) — he erroneously refers
the name of Konstantinos to the protoproedros and exousiokrator of all Alania himself, and
not to his son, that completely disavows his historical conclusions about the place of this
exousiokrator among the rulers of Alania.
192
Viktor CHKHAIDZE and Andrey VINOGRADOV. THE SEAL OF KONSTANTINOS, THE SON OF THE...
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Ʉɪɚɫɢɦɢɪ ȼɟɥɤɨɜ
Krasimir Velkov
In this publication are presented late antique and medieval coins, found in the
fortress Verditsa-Tvardica and the surrounding area. The fortress is situated 1.5 km north-
east of the contemporary town of Tvarditsa, close to the south exit of the Tvarditsa – Elena
passage. This is one of the shortest ways between the medieval Bulgarian capital Tarnovo
and Constantinople.
The coins date back to the end of IV and beginning of VII century. They belong to
the rule of emperor Arcadius (383-408 AD) and the emperor Focas (602-610). The coin
circulation of the fortress resumed during the rule of Comnenus. The evidence is the
treasures with bilon coins of the emperors Manuel I Comneus and Alexius III Angelus
Comnenus ,found within the fortress, as well as the second in size with golden coins of
today’s Bulgarian territory from the times of Comnenus. The treasure is kept in the museum
of the town of Sliven. The number of the Bulgarian and Latin imitations, cut and serrated,
found during the research in the period 2013-2015. They represent over 80 % of the
medieval coins that have been found so far.
During the research 2013-2015 were found coins of Bulgarian rulers. In a
chronological order the coins belong to: tsar Constantine Asen (1257-1277)-one; tsar Ivan
Alexander and Mihail Asen (1355-1360)-one; three copper coins of tsar Ivan Shishman
(1371-1393). One mangar, from the rule of sultan Murad (1359-1389) was found, as well.
Despite the limited territory of the research within the frame of the fortress an
intensive lifestyle in XIII century was discovered. Judging by the observations and the coins
from XIV the medieval town, we can assume that the medieval town kept its presence, not
with the intensity during XIII, though.
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Красимир ВЕЛКОВ. КЪСНОАНТИЧНИ И СРЕДНОВЕКОВНИ МОНЕТИ ОТ СРЕДНОВЕКОВНИЯ ГРАД ...
1
Ʌɨɩɚɪɟɜ, ɏɪ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢɣ ɩɨɷɬ Ɇɚɧɭɢɥ Ɏɢɥ. Ʉ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɢ Ȼɨɥɝɚɪɢɢ ɜ ɏIII –
ɏIV ɜɟɤɟ. ɋɚɧɤɬ ɉɟɬɟɪɛɭɪɝ, 1891, ɫ. 52.
2
ɂɪɟɱɟɤ, Ʉ. Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢɬɟ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɟ ɭ Ɇɚɧɭɢɥ Ɏɢɥ. – ɉɟɪɢɨɞɢɱɧɨ ɫɩɢɫɚɧɢɟ,
1898, ɤɧ. 55-56, 259.
3
Ɂɥɚɬɚɪɫɤɢ, ȼ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɞɴɪɠɚɜɚ ɩɪɟɡ ɫɪɟɞɧɢɬɟ ɜɟɤɨɜɟ. Ɍ.
ȱȱȱ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1940, ɫ. 563.
4
ɂɧɮɨɪɦɚɰɢɹɬɚ ɞɴɥɠɚ ɧɚ ɤɨɥɟɝɚɬɚ Ⱦɢɦɢɬɴɪ əɧɤɨɜ ɨɬ ɝɪ. ɋɬɚɪɚ Ɂɚɝɨɪɚ.
ɉɨɥɡɜɚɦ ɫɟ ɨɬ ɜɴɡɦɨɠɧɨɫɬɬɚ ɞɚ ɦɭ ɛɥɚɝɨɞɚɪɹ.
5
ɉɨɩɨɜ, Ⱥ. Ʉɪɟɩɨɫɬɧɢ ɢ ɭɤɪɟɩɢɬɟɥɧɢ ɫɴɨɪɴɠɟɧɢɹ ɜ Ʉɪɴɧɫɤɚɬɚ
ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ ɨɛɥɚɫɬ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1982, 32-40.
6
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ, ɫ. 40.
7
Ȼɚɰɨɜɚ, ȿ. Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɧɚɯɨɞɤɢ ɨɬ ɋɥɢɜɟɧɫɤɨ. – Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɹ, 1960, 2, 48-
49.
8
ȼɟɥɤɨɜ, Ʉɪ., ɇ. Ƚɨɫɩɨɞɢɧɨɜ. Ɋɟɞɨɜɧɢ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɩɪɨɭɱɜɚɧɢɹ ɧɚ
ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬ ɜ ɦ. Ƚɪɚɞɢɳɟɬɨ, ɫɟɜɟɪɨɢɡɬɨɱɧɨ ɨɬ ɝɪ. Ɍɜɴɪɞɢɰɚ. – ȺɈɊ ɡɚ 2014, ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2015,
694-695.
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
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ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ.
10
Ȼɥɚɝɨɞɚɪɹ ɧɚ ɞɨɰ. ɞ-ɪ ɀɟɧɹ ɀɟɤɨɜɚ ɨɬ ɊɂɆ ɒɭɦɟɧ ɡɚ ɩɨɦɨɳɬɚ ɩɪɢ
ɨɛɪɚɛɨɬɤɚɬɚ ɧɚ ɦɨɧɟɬɢɬɟ.
11
Ȼɥɚɝɨɞɚɪɹ ɡɚ ɢɧɮɨɪɦɚɰɢɹɬɚ ɢ ɨɬɡɢɜɱɢɜɨɫɬɬɚ ɧɚ ɤɨɥɟɝɢɬɟ ɑɚɜɞɚɪ Ɍɨɞɨɪɨɜ -
ɊɂɆ ɋɥɢɜɟɧ; ɞ-ɪ Ɇɚɪɢɹɧɚ Ɇɢɧɤɨɜɚ – ɊɂɆ ɋɬɚɪɚ Ɂɚɝɨɪɚ.
12
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. Ɇɨɧɟɬɢ ɢ ɦɨɧɟɬɧɨ ɨɛɪɴɳɟɧɢɟ ɜ ɋɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ
1081 – 1261. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1984, ɫ. 102.
13
Ɋɟɞɨɜɧɢ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɩɪɨɭɱɜɚɧɢɹ ɧɚ ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬ ɜ ɦ. Ƚɪɚɞɢɳɟɬɨ,
ɫɟɜɟɪɨɢɡɬɨɱɧɨ ɨɬ ɝɪ. Ɍɜɴɪɞɢɰɚ. – ȺɈɊ ɡɚ 2014, ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2015, ɫ. 694.
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Красимир ВЕЛКОВ. КЪСНОАНТИЧНИ И СРЕДНОВЕКОВНИ МОНЕТИ ОТ СРЕДНОВЕКОВНИЯ ГРАД ...
14
ɉɨɩɨɜ, Ⱥ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 40.
15
ɂɧɜ. ʋ 2645.
16
ɂɧɜ. ʋ, ʋ 3790, 3791.
17
ɂɧɜ. ʋ 3792
18
ɉɨɩɨɜ, Ⱥ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 40.
19
ɓɟɪɟɜɚ, ɂ., Ʉ. ȼɚɱɟɜɚ, Ⱦ. ȼɥɚɞɢɦɢɪɨɜɚ-Ⱥɥɚɞɠɨɜɚ. Ɍɭɢɞɚ – ɋɥɢɜɟɧ I.
ɋɨɮɢɹ: Ƚɚɥ-ɂɤɨ, 2001, ɫ. 93.
20
Ɇɢɧɤɨɜɚ, Ɇ. Ɂɚ ɩɪɟɤɴɫɜɚɧɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɦɨɧɟɬɧɨɬɨ ɨɛɪɴɳɟɧɢɟ ɜ Ȼɟɪɨɟ ɜ ɧɚɱɚɥɨɬɨ
ɧɚ VII ɜ. – ɇɭɦɢɡɦɚɬɢɤɚ, ɫɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɤɚ ɢ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɢɤɚ, 2009, 5, 124.
21
ɓɟɪɟɜɚ, ɂ., Ʉ. ȼɚɱɟɜɚ, Ⱦ. ȼɥɚɞɢɦɢɪɨɜɚ-Ⱥɥɚɞɠɨɜɚ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ, ɫ. 93.
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
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ɉɨɩɨɜ, Ⱥ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 40.
23
ɇɚɦɟɪɟɧɢ ɨɬ ɋɬɟɮɚɧ ɇɢɤɨɥɨɜ ɉɨɩɨɜ (ɩɨ Ⱥɬɚɧɚɫ ɉɨɩɨɜ).
24
ɂɧɜ. ʋ, ʋ 1845-1847.
25
ɉɨɩɨɜ, Ⱥ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 40.
26
Ƚɟɪɚɫɢɦɨɜ, Ɍ. ɋɴɤɪɨɜɢɳɚ ɫ ɦɨɧɟɬɢ ɧɚɦɟɪɟɧɢ ɜ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ ɩɪɟɡ 1967 ɝ. –
ɂɡɜɟɫɬɢɹ ɧɚ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢɹ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬ, ɏɏɏI, ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1969, ɫ. 234.
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Красимир ВЕЛКОВ. КЪСНОАНТИЧНИ И СРЕДНОВЕКОВНИ МОНЕТИ ОТ СРЕДНОВЕКОВНИЯ ГРАД ...
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Ȼɚɰɨɜɚ – Ʉɨɫɬɨɜɚ, ȿ. ɇɨɜɢ ɦɨɧɟɬɧɢ ɧɚɯɨɞɤɢ ɨɬ ɋɥɢɜɟɧɫɤɢ ɨɤɪɴɝ. – Ɇɭɡɟɢ ɢ
ɩɚɦɟɬɧɢɰɢ ɧɚ ɤɭɥɬɭɪɚɬɚ, 1973, 2, 13-14.
28
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. Ɇɨɧɟɬɢ ɢ ɦɨɧɟɬɧɨ ɨɛɪɴɳɟɧɢɟ ɜ ɋɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ
1081 – 1261. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1984, 74-76.
29
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ, ɫ. 76.
30
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. ɋɴɤɪɨɜɢɳɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɡɥɚɬɧɢ ɦɨɧɟɬɢ ɨɬ Ɍɜɴɪɞɢɰɚ ɢ ɩɟɪɩɟɪɢɬɟ ɧɚ
ɰɚɪ Ʉɚɥɨɹɧ. – Ƚɨɞɢɲɧɢɤ ɧɚ Ɋɟɝɢɨɧɚɥɟɧ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɦɭɡɟɣ – ɋɥɢɜɟɧ. Ɍ. ȱ. ɋɥɢɜɟɧ,
2008, ɫ. 125, 132.
31
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ, ɫ. 133.
32
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. Ɇɨɧɟɬɢ ɢ ɦɨɧɟɬɧɨ ɨɛɪɴɳɟɧɢɟ ɜ ɋɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, ɫ.
174.
33
Ʉɨɣɱɟɜ, ɇ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ ɇɨɜɚ Ɂɚɝɨɪɚ. ɇɨɜɨɡɚɝɨɪɫɤɨ ɩɪɟɡ ɜɟɤɨɜɟɬɟ. ɋɬɚɪɚ
Ɂɚɝɨɪɚ, 1997, ɫ. 387.
199
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
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ɋɬɨɹɧɨɜ, Ɍ. Ɍɜɴɪɞɢɰɚ ɜ ɦɢɧɚɥɨɬɨ. Ɍɜɴɪɞɢɰɚ, 2007, ɫ. 41.
35
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ.
36
Hendy, Ɇ. Coinage and Money in the Byzantine Empire 1081 – 1261.
Dumbarton Oaks Studies, Washington, 1969, pp. 199-218; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. Ɇɨɧɟɬɢ ɢ
ɦɨɧɟɬɧɨ ɨɛɪɴɳɟɧɢɟ ɜ ɋɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, 213-214.
37
ɉɨɪɚɞɢ ɧɚɫɬɴɩɢɥɢɬɟ ɚɞɦɢɧɢɫɬɪɚɬɢɜɧɢɬɟ ɩɪɨɦɟɧɢ ɜ ɂɆ ɇɨɜɚ Ɂɚɝɨɪɚ ɤɴɦ
ɧɚɫɬɨɹɳɢɹ ɦɨɦɟɧɬ ɧɹɦɚɦ ɞɨɫɬɴɩ ɞɨ ɦɨɧɟɬɢɬɟ ɨɬ ɩɪɨɭɱɜɚɧɢɹɬɚ ɩɪɟɡ 2014 ɝ.
ɂɧɮɨɪɦɚɰɢɹɬɚ ɡɚ ɬɹɯ ɟ ɨɛɳɚ ɨɬ ȺɈɊ ɡɚ 2014 ɝ.
38
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. Ɇɨɧɟɬɢ ɢ ɦɨɧɟɬɧɨ ɨɛɪɴɳɟɧɢɟ ɜ ɋɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, ɫ.
52, 59-66.
39
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ, ɫ. 96.
40
ɉɟɧɱɟɜ, ȼ. ɋɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɢ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢ ɦɨɧɟɬɢ. – ȼ: Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɢ
ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɢ ɦɨɧɟɬɢ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1990, ɫ. 92.
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Красимир ВЕЛКОВ. КЪСНОАНТИЧНИ И СРЕДНОВЕКОВНИ МОНЕТИ ОТ СРЕДНОВЕКОВНИЯ ГРАД ...
41
Ⱦɨɱɟɜ, Ʉ. ɏɪɨɧɨɥɨɝɢɹ ɧɚ ɦɨɧɟɬɨɫɟɱɟɧɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɰɚɪ Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ Ⱥɫɟɧ (1257 –
1277). – ɇɭɦɢɡɦɚɬɢɤɚ, 1982, 2, 10.
42
ɉɟɧɱɟɜ, ȼ. ɋɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɢ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢ ɦɨɧɟɬɢ, ɫ. 90.
43
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ, ɫ. 88.
44
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ, 147-148.
45
Ɍɚɛɥɨ I, 7-8.
46
Ⱦɨɱɟɜ, Ʉ. ɏɪɨɧɨɥɨɝɢɹ ɧɚ ɦɨɧɟɬɨɫɟɱɟɧɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɰɚɪ Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ Ⱥɫɟɧ, 40-41.
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ɂɧɜ. ʋ, ʋ 721, 722.
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Красимир ВЕЛКОВ. КЪСНОАНТИЧНИ И СРЕДНОВЕКОВНИ МОНЕТИ ОТ СРЕДНОВЕКОВНИЯ ГРАД ...
Ɉɩ. Ʌɢɩɫɜɚ ɧɚɞɩɢɫ. ɂɦɩ. ɩɪɚɜ ɧɚɫɪɟɳɚ ɫɴɫ ɫɬɟɦɚ, ɞɢɜɢɬɢɫɢɨɧ. Ʌɢɱɢ ɞ.
ɪɴɤɚ. ȼ ɞɨɥɧɚɬɚ ɫɢ ɱɚɫɬ ɨɛɪɚɡɴɬ ɧɟ ɥɢɱɢ. ȼɞɹɫɧɨ ɨɬ ɢɦɩ. ɫɥɚɛɢ ɫɥɟɞɢ ɨɬ
ɢɡɨɛɪɚɠɟɧɢɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɫɜ. Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ.
Ɋɚɡɦɟɪɢ: ɞɢɚɦ. - 22-24 ɦɦ; ɬɟɝɥɨ - 2,07 ɝɪ. Ȼɢɥɨɧ, ɩɟɪɢɮɟɪɢɹɬɚ ɫɩɭɤɚɧɚ,
ɩɨɥ. ɢɧɜ. ʋ 95. Ɉɛɪ. 3.
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
1 2
3 4
5 6
7 8
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ɉɚɜɟɥ Ƚɟɨɪɝɢɟɜ
Pavel Georgiev
The monument has been known for a long time but the interpretation is still
unsatisfactory. The Cyrilic character of his letter and the date to and after the end of the 10th
c. contradicts his previous reading as a combination between the personal name Ostro and
the Turkic (?) title bagain, documented before the middle of the same century.
The author suggests to think about it as a Protobulgarian text: îñòðî(ã) áîãî¶í, i. e.
(Ƚòɫɩɨɞɭɜ ɜɪɴɯ (height with fortification of God) and he date sit to the middle or second half
of the 10th century.
The representative and possibly two-tone layout of the inscription, as well as a
number of other peculiarities of it, are the starting point for seeking to consider the
epigraphic combination as the semantic equivalent of the one used by al-Idrissi (1154) an
indication of the Shumen plateau and the city and river located there as MaúƯynjnus.The
author considers this name to be a sacred toponym with the meaning: altitude (= mountain)
Massis, i. e. the place, which God designated the first wharf of Noah's ark after the Biblical
Flood, which religious communities multiply and situate in different places in the world.
However, it does not exclude the possibility that the term bogoin is indirectly related
to the similar Bulgarian title bagain, but as a remnant in the language of local emigrants from
the Middle East from the 9th or 10th c. This is due to testimony by Arab authors that non-
Muslim expatriates from Khorosan in the Abbasid Caliphate under the rule of al-Mansour
(754-775) were called al-Baghain. They were later displaced along the border with
Byzantium, including in Mopsuestia, whose Arabic name al-MaúƯúah is at the root of the
name used by al-Idrisi in the Shumen Plateau and Shumen. In such a case, the inscription
found at the foot of his fortress could also bear the hypothetical meaning Ostrog, i. e.
fortification of the bogains (see note 48 and 71).
Thus considered, the inscription can be perceived as a new and valuable source for
the history of medieval Shumen and the region before the middle of the 12th c.
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Павел ГЕОРГИЕВ. НАДПИСЪТ ОСТРО БОГОIN ЗА ИСТОРИЯТА НА СРЕДНОВЕКОВНИЯ ШУМЕН
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ɒɤɨɪɩɢɥ, Ʉ. ɉɚɦɹɬɧɢɤɢ ɜ ɨɤɪɟɫɬɧɨɫɬɹɯ Ⱥɛɨɛɫɤɨɣ ɪɚɜɧɢɧɵ. – ɂɊȺɂɄ, ɏ,
1905, 439-440, ɬɚɛɥ. ɏɋVȱȱ, 8.
2
Ⱥɧɬɨɧɨɜɚ, ȼ. ɒɭɦɟɧ ɢ ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɚɬɚ ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬ. ɒɭɦɟɧ, 1995, ɫ. 28. Ɂɚ ɬɨɜɚ
ɜɠ. ɨɳɟ Ƚɟɨɪɝɢɟɜɚ, Ⱦ. ɇɟɩɨɡɧɚɬɢɹɬ ɒɭɦɟɧ. Ƚɪɚɞɴɬ ɒɭɦɟɧ ɞɨ ɡɚɜɥɚɞɹɜɚɧɟɬɨ ɦɭ ɨɬ
ɬɭɪɰɢɬɟ. ȼɟɥɢɤɨ Ɍɴɪɧɨɜɨ, 2011, ɫ. 91.
3
Ɇɚɣɫɬɨɪɫɤɢ, Ƚ. Ɉɬɧɨɜɨ ɡɚ ɫɬɚɪɨɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢɹ ɤɢɪɢɥɫɤɢ ɧɚɞɩɢɫ „ɈɋɌɊɈ
ȻɈȽɈIN”. – ȼ: Ƚɪɚɞɴɬ ɜ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢɬɟ ɡɟɦɢ (ɩɨ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɞɚɧɧɢ). Ɇɚɬɟɪɢɚɥɢ ɨɬ
ɇɚɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɚ ɧɚɭɱɧɚ ɤɨɧɮɟɪɟɧɰɢɹ ɩɨɫɜɟɬɟɧɚ ɧɚ ɠɢɜɨɬɚ ɢ ɞɟɥɨɬɨ ɧɚ ȼɟɪɚ Ⱥɧɬɨɧɨɜɚ.
ɒɭɦɟɧ 2013 ɝ. ɒɭɦɟɧ, 2014, 328-332.
4
ɉɨɫɥɟɞɧɨ: Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧɨɜɚ, ȼ. ɋɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɢ ɧɚɞɩɢɫɢ ɨɬ ɒɭɦɟɧ (ɏȱȱ-ɏV
ɜ.). – ɋɬɚɪɨɛɴɥɝɚɪɢɫɬɢɤɚ, Vȱȱ, 1983, 3, ɫ. 73; ɋɦɹɞɨɜɫɤɢ, ɋɬ. Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚ ɤɢɪɢɥɫɤɚ
ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɢɤɚ ȱɏ-ɏȱV ɜɟɤ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1993, ɫ. 207 ɢ 70 ɢ ɫɥ.
5
Ⱦɟɪɦɟɧɞɠɢɟɜ, ȿ. Ȼɚɧɹ ɜ ɩɨɞɝɪɚɞɢɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɢɹ ɒɭɦɟɧ. – ɂɡɜɟɫɬɢɹ
ɧɚ ɂɫɬɨɪɢɱɟɫɤɢɹ ɦɭɡɟɣ ɜ ɒɭɦɟɧ, 17, 2017, 77-108.
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Ƚɟɨɪɝɢɟɜɚ, Ⱦ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 89 ɢ ɫɥ.; ɋɴɳɚɬɚ. ɉɨɞɝɪɚɞɢɟ ɢɥɢ ɦɚɧɚɫɬɢɪ ɧɚ
ɸɝɨɢɡɬɨɱɧɢɹ ɫɤɥɨɧ ɧɚ ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɚɬɚ ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬ. – ɂɡɜɟɫɬɢɹ ɧɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɱɟɫɤɢɹ ɦɭɡɟɣ ɜ
ɒɭɦɟɧ, ɏIV, 2008, 116-119.
7
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ, ɫ. 118, ɛɟɥ. 21.
8
Ⱦɪɟɦɫɢɡɨɜɚ, ɐɜ., ȼ. Ⱥɧɬɨɧɨɜɚ. ɉɪɢɧɨɫ ɤɴɦ ɧɚɣ-ɫɬɚɪɚɬɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ ɒɭɦɟɧ
ɢ ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɨɬɨ ɩɥɚɬɨ. – ȼ: ɒɭɦɟɧ – Ʉɨɥɚɪɨɜɝɪɚɞ, ȱ, 1960, 22-25.
9
ȼɚɱɟɜ, ɏ. Ɋɟɡɢɞɟɧɰɢɢ, ɰɴɪɤɜɢ ɢ ɦɚɧɚɫɬɢɪɢ ɜ Ɍɴɪɧɨɜɫɤɚɬɚ ɦɢɬɪɨɩɨɥɢɹ ɩɪɟɡ
ɏV-ɏVȱȱȱ ɜɟɤ. ȼɟɥɢɤɨ Ɍɴɪɧɨɜɨ, 2012, 83-84.
10
Ɂɚ ɰɹɥɨɫɬɧɨ ɨɰɜɟɬɹɜɚɧɟ ɧɚ ɧɚɞɩɢɫɧɨɬɨ ɩɨɥɟ ɫɜɢɞɟɬɟɥɫɬɜɚɬ ɨɳɟ ɧɹɤɨɥɤɨ
ɦɚɥɤɢ ɩɟɬɧɚ ɨɬ ɫɢɧɶɨɡɟɥɟɧɚ ɛɨɹ ɢ ɜ ɥɹɜɚɬɚ ɦɭ ɩɨɥɨɜɢɧɚ. Ɉɫɜɟɧ ɬɨɜɚ ɧɚɥɢɱɢɟɬɨ ɧɚ
ɝɨɥɟɦɢ ɬɴɦɧɢ ɩɟɬɧɚ ɩɨ ɩɨɜɴɪɯɧɨɫɬɬɚ ɫɴɡɞɚɜɚɬ ɜɩɟɱɚɬɥɟɧɢɟ, ɱɟ ɫɟ ɞɴɥɠɚɬ ɧɚ
ɩɪɨɧɢɤɜɚɧɟ ɧɚ ɛɨɹɬɚ ɜ ɡɚɦɚɡɤɚɬɚ ɢɥɢ ɤɚɦɴɤɚ.
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ɉɨɩɤɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧɨɜ, Ʉ., ȼ. Ⱥɧɬɨɧɨɜɚ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 354.
16
Ɇɚɣɫɬɨɪɫɤɢ, Ƚ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 330.
17
Ɋɚɛɨɜɹɧɨɜ, Ⱦ. ɂɡɜɴɧɫɬɨɥɢɱɧɢɬɟ ɤɚɦɟɧɧɢ ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬɢ ɧɚ ɉɴɪɜɨɬɨ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɨ
ɰɚɪɫɬɜɨ (IX - ɧɚɱɚɥɨɬɨ ɧɚ XI ɜɟɤ) (Ⱦɢɫɟɪɬɚɰɢɢ 5). ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2011, 36, 184-185; Ƚɟɨɪɝɢɟɜ,
ɉ. „ɉɥɸɫɤɚ ɝɪɚɞ” ɢ „ɝɪɚɞ ɒɭɦɟɧ” – ɟɡɢɤɨɜɨ ɬɴɠɞɟɫɬɜɨ ɢ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɱɟɫɤɚ ɢɞɟɧɬɢɱɧɨɫɬ (ɩɨ
ɫɥɟɞɢɬɟ ɧɚ ɢɦɟɬɨ „ɒɭɦɟɧ”). – ȼ: Ƚɪɚɞɴɬ ɜ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢɬɟ ɡɟɦɢ (ɩɨ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ
ɞɚɧɧɢ). Ɇɚɬɟɪɢɚɥɢ ɨɬ ɇɚɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɚ ɧɚɭɱɧɚ ɤɨɧɮɟɪɟɧɰɢɹ ɩɨɫɜɟɬɟɧɚ ɧɚ ɠɢɜɨɬɚ ɢ
ɞɟɥɨɬɨ ɧɚ ȼɟɪɚ Ⱥɧɬɨɧɨɜɚ, ɒɭɦɟɧ 2013 ɝ. ɒɭɦɟɧ, 2014, 484-486.
18
Ɇɟɞɵɧɰɟɜɚ, Ⱥ., Ʉ. ɉɨɩɤɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧɨɜ. ɇɚɞɩɢɫɢ ɢɡ Ʉɪɭɝɥɨɣ ɰɟɪɤɜɢ ɜ
ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜɟ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1984, ɬɚɛɥ. ɏVȱȱȱ, 1 ɢ 2. Ȼɥɢɡɴɤ ɩɚɪɚɥɟɥ ɡɚ ɧɚɱɟɪɬɚɧɢɟɬɨ ɧɚ „Ȼ” ɨɬ
ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɢɹ ɧɚɞɩɢɫ ɩɪɟɞɥɚɝɚ ɧɟɩɭɛɥɢɤɭɜɚɧɢɹɬ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɟɧ ɧɚɞɩɢɫ ɧɚ Ɇɚɪɢɧɚ ɨɬ
ɰɴɪɤɜɚɬɚ ɩɪɢ ɫ. ɑɟɪɧɨɝɥɚɜɰɢ, ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɨ, ɞɚɬɢɪɚɧ ɜ 959 ɝ.
19
Popkonstantinov, K., O. Kronsteiner. Altbulgarischen Inschriften 2. Salzburg,
1997, S. 147, 166, 179, 181, 183, 189.
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ɉɪɢ ɪɚɧɧɢɬɟ ɩɢɫɦɟɧɢ ɩɚɦɟɬɧɢɰɢ ɧɚɱɟɪɬɚɧɢɟɬɨ ɫɟ ɯɚɪɚɤɬɟɪɢɡɢɪɚ ɫ
ɩɪɢɛɥɢɡɢɬɟɥɧɨ ɟɞɧɚɤɜɚ ɞɴɥɠɢɧɚ ɧɚ ɫɬɴɥɛɱɟɬɨ ɢ ɯɨɪɢɡɨɧɬɚɥɧɚɬɚ ɱɟɪɬɚ, ɞɨɤɚɬɨ ɡɚ
ɫɪɟɞɧɨɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢɬɟ ɩɚɦɟɬɧɢɰɢ ɟ ɯɚɪɚɤɬɟɪɧɨ „ɭɞɴɥɠɚɜɚɧɟ ɧɚ ɝɨɪɧɚɬɚ ɥɢɧɢɹ, ɤɨɹɬɨ ɜ
ɦɧɨɝɨ ɩɚɦɟɬɧɢɰɢ ɢɡɥɢɡɚ ɢɡɜɴɧ ɞɨɥɧɨɬɨ ɨɱɟɪɬɚɧɢɟ ɧɚ ɛɭɤɜɚɬɚ ...”. (ȼɟɥɱɟɜɚ, Ȼ., ɉ.
ɂɥɱɟɜ. Ȼɭɤɢ. – ȼ: Ʉɢɪɢɥɨ-Ɇɟɬɨɞɢɟɜɫɤɚ ɟɧɰɢɤɥɨɩɟɞɢɹ. Ɍ. 1. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1985, ɫ. 144).
21
ȼɠ. ɩɚɥɟɨɝɪɚɮɫɤɚɬɚ ɬɚɛɥɢɰɚ ɧɚ Ɍ. ɋɥɚɜɨɜɚ ɢ ɂɜ. Ⱦɨɛɪɟɜ ɜ Ʉɢɪɢɥɨ-
ɦɟɬɨɞɢɟɜɫɤɚ ɟɧɰɢɤɥɨɩɟɞɢɹ. Ɍ. 1. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1985, ɫ. 663.
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Ʉɚɪɫɤɢɣ, ȿ. Ɏ. ɋɥɚɜɹɧɫɤɚɹ ɤɢɪɢɥɥɨɜɫɤɚɹ ɩɚɥɟɨɝɪɚɮɢɹ. Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ, 1979, ɫ. 193.
23
Ɋɚɧɟɧ ɩɪɢɦɟɪ ɡɚ ɨɬɩɚɞɚɧɟ ɧɚ ɤɪɚɟɫɥɨɜɟɧ ɟɪ ɟ ɡɚɫɜɢɞɟɬɟɥɫɬɜɚɧ ɜ ɧɚɞɝɪɨɛɧɢɹ
ɧɚɞɩɢɫ ɨɬ ɦɚɧɚɫɬɢɪɫɤɢɹ ɧɟɤɪɨɩɨɥ ɩɪɢ Ƚɨɥɹɦɚɬɚ ɛɚɡɢɥɢɤɚ ɜ ɉɥɢɫɤɚ, ɤɨɣɬɨ ɫɟ ɞɚɬɢɪɚ ɜ
ɤɪɚɹ ɧɚ ȱɏ ɢɥɢ ɧɚɱɚɥɨɬɨ ɧɚ ɏ ɜ. ȼɠ. Georgiev, P. Eine Zweisprachige Grabinschrift aus
Pliska. – Palaeobulgarica, 1978, 3, 32-43; ɋɭɩɪɚɫɴɥɫɤɢ ɢɥɢ Ɋɟɬɤɨɜ ɫɛɨɪɧɢɤ. Ɍ. 1. ɍɜɨɞ ɢ
ɤɨɦɟɧɬɚɪ ɧɚ ɫɬɚɪɨɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢɹ ɬɟɤɫɬ ɨɬ Ƀ. Ɂɚɢɦɨɜ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1982, ɫ. 6. Ɂɚ ɞɪɭɝɢ ɩɪɢɦɟɪɢ
ɜɠ. ɋɦɹɞɨɜɫɤɢ, ɋɬ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., 84-85. Ɍɟ ɫɚ ɨɬ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ ɢ ɞɚɬɢɪɚɬ ɨɬ ɏ ɜ., ɤɚɬɨ ɟɞɢɧɢɹɬ
ɨɬ ɬɹɯ – Ëîëèí ïðñëåíú ɟ ɜɚɠɧɚ ɭɫɩɨɪɟɞɢɰɚ, ɬɴɣ ɤɚɬɨ ɟɪɨɜɢɹɬ ɡɧɚɤ ɟ ɢɡɩɚɞɧɚɥ ɫɥɟɞ
ɩɪɢɬɟɠɚɬɟɥɧɚɬɚ ɮɨɪɦɚ ɧɚ ɢɦɟɬɨ Ʌɨɥɚ ɫɴɫ ɫɭɮɢɤɫ –èí. ɋɩɨɪɟɞ ȼ. ɂɜɚɧɨɜɚ ɧɚɞɩɢɫɴɬ
ɬɪɹɛɜɚ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɱɟɬɟ: ïðñëåíú Ëîëèí (ɂɜɚɧɨɜɚ-Ɇɚɜɪɨɞɢɧɨɜɚ, ȼ. ɇɚɞɩɢɫɴɬ ɧɚ ɱɴɪɝɭɛɢɥɹ
Ɇɨɫɬɢɱ ɢ ɩɪɟɫɥɚɜɫɤɢɹɬ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɢ ɦɚɬɟɪɢɚɥ. – ȼ: ɇɚɞɩɢɫɴɬ ɧɚ ɱɴɪɝɭɛɢɥɹ Ɇɨɫɬɢɱ.
ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1955, ɫ. 80, ɨɛɪ. 21).
24
Ȼɟɲɟɜɥɢɟɜ, ȼ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 37, 223-225, ɨɛɪ. 163-164.
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Popkonstantinov, K., O. Kronsteiner. Op. cit., S. 195, 203.
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ɂɡɜɟɫɬɧɚ „ɣɟɪɚɪɯɢɹ” ɢ „ɚɤɰɟɧɬ” ɜ ɝɨɥɟɦɢɧɚɬɚ ɩɪɢ ɢɡɩɢɫɜɚɧɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɛɭɤɜɢɬɟ,
ɫɩɨɪɟɞ ɡɧɚɱɢɦɨɫɬɬɚ ɧɚ ɬɟɤɫɬɚ, ɟ ɨɬɛɟɥɹɡɚɧɚ ɡɚ ɧɚɞɩɢɫ ɨɬ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ, ɤɨɣɬɨ ɫɟ ɞɚɬɢɪɚ
ɨɤɨɥɨ ɫɪɟɞɚɬɚ ɧɚ ɏ ɜ. (ɉɨɩɤɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧɨɜ, Ʉ, Ɋ. Ʉɨɫɬɨɜɚ. Ɇɚɧɚɫɬɢɪɴɬ ɧɚ Ƚɟɨɪɝɢ,
ɫɢɧɤɟɥ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢ ɜ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ: ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹɬɚ ɧɚ ɟɞɧɚ ɚɪɢɫɬɨɤɪɚɬɢɱɧɚ ɮɚɦɢɥɢɹ ɨɬ ɏ ɜɟɤ. –
ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ, 7, 2013, ɫ. 49, ɛɟɥ. 12, ɨɛɪ. 5).
27
Ƚɟɨɪɝɢɟɜ, ɉ. Ʉɪɢɩɬɨɝɪɚɦɚɬɚ ɨɬ ɉɥɢɫɤɚ ɢ ɩɢɫɦɟɧɢɬɟ ɩɪɚɤɬɢɤɢ ɜ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ
ɩɪɟɡ ȱɏ-ɏ ɜ. – ɇɭɦɢɡɦɚɬɢɤɚ, ɫɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɤɚ ɢ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɢɤɚ, 3/2, 2007, 125-140.
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Diaconu, P. Une Inscription de Păcuiul lui Soare. – SCIVA, 58, 2007, 1-2, 161-
163; Petolescu, C. C. Une Inscription de Păcuiul lui Soare. – In: ÖÉËÉÁÓ ×ÁÑÉÍ- Mélanges
à Mémoire de Nikolae Conovici. Călăraši, 2008, 173-175. ɇɚɞɩɢɫɴɬ ɛɟɲɟ ɫɴɩɨɫɬɚɜɟɧ ɫ
ɪɚɡɝɥɟɠɞɚɧɢɹ ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɢ ɧɚɞɩɢɫ ɧɚɣ-ɧɚɩɪɟɞ ɨɬ ɏɪɢɫɢɦɨɜ, ɇ. ɇɟɢɡɜɟɫɬɧɢ ɢ ɫɥɚɛɨ
ɩɨɡɧɚɬɢ ɧɚɞɩɢɫɢ ɨɬ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɨɬɨ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɢɟ. – ȿɩɨɯɢ, ɏɏIII, 2015, 2, 371-372.
29
Ⱥɬɚɧɚɫɨɜ, Ƚ. ɏɪɢɫɬɢɹɧɫɤɢɹɬ Ⱦɭɪɨɫɬɨɪɭɦ – Ⱦɪɴɫɬɴɪ. ȼɚɪɧɚ, 2007, ɫ. 176,
ɨɛɪ. 22.
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ɂɜɚɧɨɜɚ-Ɇɚɜɪɨɞɢɧɨɜɚ, ȼ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 89 ɢ ɫɥ. ȼ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜɫɤɢɬɟ „ɟɬɢɤɟɬɢ”
ɢɦɟɧɚɬɚ ɫɚ ɜ ɢɦ. ɢ ɪɨɞ. ɩɚɞɟɠ, ɤɚɤɬɨ ɫɚ ɦɨɠɟ ɛɢ ɬɟɡɢ ɜ ɧɚɞɩɢɫɚ ɨɬ ɞɭɧɚɜɫɤɢɹ ɨɫɬɪɨɜ,
ɦɚɤɚɪ ɱɟ ɬɚɦ ɢɦɚɦɟ ɡɚɩɚɡɟɧɨ ɨɤɨɧɱɚɧɢɟ ɫɚɦɨ ɩɪɢ ɩɴɪɜɨɬɨ ɢɦɟ ɢ ɬɨ, ɚɤɨ ɟ ɤɢɪɢɥɫɤɢ
„ɨɭɤɴ”, ɛɢ ɬɪɹɛɜɚɥɨ ɞɚ ɟ ɜ ɞɚɬ. ɩɚɞɟɠ.
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Georgiev, P. The Bronze Rozette from Pliska. On decoding the runic Inscriptions
in Bulgaria. – In: ÓÔÅÖÁÍÏÓ- Studia byzantina ac slavica Vl. VavĜinek (=Byzantinoslavica
LVI (1995), 547-555; Ƚɟɨɪɝɢɟɜ, ɉ. Ɂɚ ɯɚɪɚɤɬɟɪɚ ɧɚ ɪɭɧɢɱɟɫɤɨɬɨ ɩɢɫɦɨ ɜ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ
Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. – ɉɪɨɛɥɟɦɢ ɧɚ ɩɪɚɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɢ ɤɭɥɬɭɪɚ, 3, 1997, 96-109.
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ɇɟɩɭɛɥɢɤɭɜɚɧɨ ɪɚɡɱɢɬɚɧɟ ɧɚ ɝɪɚɮɢɬɚ „ɉɢɫɚ ɗY”, ɜ ɤɨɣɬɨ ɫɚ ɜɤɥɸɱɟɧɢ ɞɜɟ
„ɪɭɧɢɱɟɫɤɢ” ɛɭɤɜɢ, ɢɡɝɥɟɠɞɚ ɁȺ(ɯɚɪɢ), ɬɴɣ ɤɚɬɨ ɧɚ ɞɨɥɧɢɹ ɪɟɞ ɢɦɟɬɨ ɟ ɢɡɩɢɫɚɧɨ ɫ
ɤɢɪɢɥɫɤɢ ɛɭɤɜɢ ɢɡɰɹɥɨ. ȼɬɨɪɚɬɚ ɟ „ɢɩɫɢɥɨɧ” ɫɴɫ ɡɜɭɤɨɜɚ ɫɬɨɣɧɨɫɬ „Ⱥ” (ɱɚɫɬɢɱɧɨ
ɢɡɞɚɧɢɟ ɭ: ɉɨɩɤɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧɨɜ, Ʉ. Ɋɭɧɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɧɚɞɩɢɫɢ ɢ ɡɧɚɰɢ ɨɬ ɦɚɧɚɫɬɢɪɚ ɩɪɢ Ɋɚɜɧɚ,
ɉɪɨɜɚɞɢɣɫɤɨ ɢ ɬɟɯɧɢɬɟ ɚɧɚɥɨɡɢ. – ȼ: ɉɪɨɛɥɟɦɢ ɧɚ ɩɪɚɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɢ
ɤɭɥɬɭɪɚ, 3, 1997, 111-112, ʋ 3). ȼ ɬɚɤɴɜ ɫɥɭɱɚɣ ɩɴɪɜɨɬɨ ɢɦɟ ɨɬ ɧɚɞɩɢɫɚ ɨɬ ɞɭɧɚɜɫɤɢɹ
ɨɫɬɪɨɜ ɫɥɟɞɜɚ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɱɟɬɟ ɋȺȼȺ, ɜɠ. ɬɭɤ ɛɟɥ. 31.
33
Ɇɢɯɚɣɥɨɜ, Ƚ. ɉɪɟɩɢɫ ɧɚ ɧɚɞɩɢɫɢɬɟ ɨɤɨɥɨ Ɇɚɞɚɪɫɤɢɹ ɤɨɧɧɢɤ. – ȼ:
Ɇɚɞɚɪɫɤɢɹɬ ɤɨɧɧɢɤ (ɩɪɨɭɱɜɚɧɢɹ ɧɚ ɧɚɞɩɢɫɢɬɟ ɢ ɪɟɥɟɮɚ). ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1956, ɫ. 38;
Ȼɟɲɟɜɥɢɟɜ, ȼ. ɇɚɞɩɢɫɢɬɟ ɨɤɨɥɨ Ɇɚɞɚɪɫɤɢɹ ɤɨɧɧɢɤ. – ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ, 51-52; Ƚɟɪɚɫɢɦɨɜ, Ɍ.
ɉɪɨɭɱɜɚɧɟ ɜɴɪɯɭ Ɇɚɞɚɪɫɤɢɹ ɫɤɚɥɟɧ ɪɟɥɟɮ. – ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ, ɫ. 123, ɛɟɥ. 1. Ɂɚ ɱɟɪɜɟɧɨ
ɨɰɜɟɬɹɜɚɧɟ ɧɚ Ɇɚɞɚɪɫɤɢɹ ɫɤɚɥɟɧ ɪɟɥɟɮ ɫɩɨɦɟɧɚɜɚɬ ɜ ɫɜɨɢɬɟ ɢɡɫɥɟɞɜɚɧɢɹ ɨɳɟ Ƚ. Ɏɟɯɟɪ
ɢ Ʉɪ. Ɇɢɹɬɟɜ, ɜɠ. Ɇɢɹɬɟɜ, Ʉɪ. Ɇɚɞɚɪɫɤɢɹɬ ɤɨɧɧɢɤ. – ɂɡɜɟɫɬɢɹ ɧɚ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢɹ
ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬ, V, 1928/1929, ɫ. 90, ɛɟɥ. 1 ɢ 2. Ⱦɪɭɝɢ ɚɜɬɨɪɢ ɞɨɩɭɫɤɚɬ
ɨɰɜɟɬɹɜɚɧɟ ɜ ɞɪɭɝɢ ɰɜɟɬɨɜɟ. ɋɪɜ. ɇɟɞɤɨɜɚ, ȼ. Ɂɚɝɚɞɤɚɬɚ ɧɚ Ɇɚɞɚɪɫɤɢɹ ɪɟɥɟɮ. – ȼ:
Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɹ ɢ Ⱥɪɬɛɨɪɫɚ, 20. 07. 1996 ɝ. Ɂɚ ɫɴɫɬɚɜɚ ɧɚ „ɱɟɪɜɟɧɚɬɚ ɫɦɟɫ ɧɚ ɧɹɤɨɢ ɦɟɫɬɚ ɫ
ɜɢɨɥɟɬɨɜ ɨɬɬɟɧɴɤ” ɜ ɠɥɟɛɨɜɟɬɟ ɧɚ ɛɭɤɜɢɬɟ ɢ ɬɹɯɧɚɬɚ ɪɨɥɹ ɞɚ ɝɢ ɨɬɤɪɨɹɜɚ ɢ ɩɪɟɞɩɚɡɜɚ
ɨɬ ɪɚɡɪɭɲɚɜɚɧɟ, ɜɠ. Beševliev, V. Les inscription du relief de Madara (nouvelle lecture,
complémɟnts et interpretation). – Byzantinoslavica, XVI, 2, 1955, p. 212, n. 1: ɫɩɨɪɟɞ
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Ƚɟɨɪɝɢɟɜ, ɉ. Ʉɪɢɩɬɨɝɪɚɦɚɬɚ ɨɬ ɉɥɢɫɤɚ, 125-140.
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Ȼɟɲɟɜɥɢɟɜ, ȼ. ɇɨɜɢ ɨɬɤɴɫɥɟɰɢ, 283-285; Ƚɟɨɪɝɢɟɜ, ɉ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 125 ɢ
ɫɥ.; Ƚɟɨɪɝɢɟɜ, ɉ. Ʉɨɹ ɟ Ɇɢɪɢɧɚ/ Ɇɚɪɢɧɚ ɜ ɞɜɭɟɡɢɱɟɧ ɧɚɞɩɢɫ ɨɬ ɦɚɧɚɫɬɢɪɚ ɩɪɢ Ɋɚɜɧɚ.
– ȼ: Quadrivium. ɘɛɢɥɟɟɧ ɫɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɜ ɱɟɫɬ ɧɚ 60-ɝɨɞɢɲɧɢɧɚɬɚ ɧɚ ɩɪɨɮ. ɞ-ɪ ȼ.
ɉɚɧɚɣɨɬɨɜ. (=In honorem 3) ɒɭɦɟɧ, 2016, 139-155; ɋɴɳɢɹɬ. Ɉɬɧɨɜɨ ɡɚ ɤɟɪɚɦɢɱɧɢɹ
ɰɢɥɢɧɞɴɪ ɩɟɱɚɬ ɨɬ ɉɥɢɫɤɚ. – ɂɡɜɟɫɬɢɹ ɧɚ ɇɚɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɢɹ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬ,
XL, 2012 (=In honorem prof. Ⱦɢɦɢɬɴɪ Ɉɜɱɚɪɨɜ). ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2012, 205-214 ɢ ɨɳɟ: Georgiev,
P. Pliska – Das Christliche Zentrum Bulgariens im 9. Jahrundert. – In: Glanz des Ostens.
Christliche Kunst aus Bulgarien. Sofia, 2016, 57-58; ɋɬɟɮɚɧɨɜ, ɉ. Ʉɭɥɬɭɪɧɢ ɢ ɰɴɪɤɨɜɧɢ
ɜɪɴɡɤɢ ɦɟɠɞɭ ɋɢɪɢɹ (Ⱥɧɬɢɨɯɢɹ) ɢ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. – ȼ: Àêû áú÷åëà ëþáîäýëüíà. ɘɛɢɥɟɟɧ
ɫɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɜ ɱɟɫɬ ɧɚ 60-ɝɨɞɢɲɧɢɧɢɬɟ ɧɚ ɐɜ. əɧɚɤɢɟɜɚ, ɉ. Ƚɟɨɪɝɢɟɜ ɢ ȼ. Ʉɭɥɟɜ. ɒɭɦɟɧ,
2010, 272 ɢ ɫɥ.; Ɍɨɬɟɜ, Ɍ. ȿɞɧɚ ɫɢɪɢɣɫɤɚ ɥɟɝɟɧɞɚ ɢ ɩɪɟɫɥɚɜɫɤɚɬɚ ɤɟɪɚɦɢɱɧɚ ɢɤɨɧɚ. – ȼ:
ɂɧɬɟɪɤɭɥɬɭɪɧɢ ɜɡɚɢɦɨɞɟɣɫɬɜɢɹ. ɒɭɦɟɧ, 1997, 40-49; ɋɴɳɢɹɬ. Ɂɚ ɟɞɢɧ ɪɹɞɴɤ ɤɪɴɫɬ-
ɟɧɤɨɥɩɢɨɧ ɨɬ ȼɟɥɢɤɢ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ. – ȼ: Ɍɪɭɞɨɜɟ ɧɚ ɤɚɬɟɞɪɢɬɟ ɩɨ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɢ ɛɨɝɨɫɥɨɜɢɟ
ɩɪɢ ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɢɹ ɭɧɢɜɟɪɫɢɬɟɬ. 6, 2004, 118-120. Ɂɚ ɬ. ɧɚɪ. „ɫɢɪɢɣɫɤɢ ɟɧɤɨɥɩɢɨɧɢ” ɜɠ.
ɨɳɟ Ⱦɨɧɱɟɜɚ-ɉɟɬɤɨɜɚ, Ʌ. ɋɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɢ ɤɪɴɫɬɨɜɟ-ɟɧɤɨɥɩɢɨɧɢ ɨɬ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ (IX-XIV
ɜ.). ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2011, 76 ɢ ɫɥ. ȼɠ. ɨɳɟ Ɂɚɥɟɫɫɤɚɹ, ȼ. ɇ. ɋɜɹɡɢ ɫɪɟɞɧɟɜɟɤɨɜɨɝɨ ɏɟɪɫɨɧɟɫɫɚ ɫ
ɋɢɪɢɟɣ ɢ Ɇɚɥɨɣ Ⱥɡɢɟɣ ɜ ɏ-ɏI ɜɜ. – ȼɴɜ: ȼɨɫɬɨɱɧɨɟ ɋɪɟɞɢɡɟɦɧɨɦɨɪɶɟ ɢ Ʉɚɜɤɚɡ IV-XVI
ɜɜ. Ʌɟɧɢɧɝɪɚɞ, 1988, 93-104.
41
Georgiev, P. The Shoumen Plate – A Monument of Medieval Christian
Gnosticism. – Archaeologia bulgarica, 2001, 3, 45-55; ɋɴɳɢɹɬ. ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɚɬɚ ɩɥɨɱɤɚ:
Ⱥɞɚɦ ɨɬ ɋɴɬɜɨɪɟɧɢɟɬɨ. – ȼ: Ɂɥɚɬɨɫɬɪɭɣ. Ʌɢɬɟɪɚɬɭɪɟɧ ɚɥɦɚɧɚɯ, 8. ɒɭɦɟɧ, 2004, 35-
41. ɋɴɦɧɟɧɢɹɬɚ, ɱɟ ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɚɬɚ ɩɥɨɱɤɚ ɟ ɦɨɞɟɪɟɧ ɮɚɥɲɢɮɢɤɚɬ – ɜɢɠ. Ɇɚɪɤɨɜ, ɇ.
ɋɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ ɥɢ ɟ ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɚɬɚ ɩɥɨɱɤɚ? – ȼ: ɋɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɢɹɬ ɱɨɜɟɤ ɢ ɧɟɝɨɜɢɹɬ
ɫɜɹɬ. ɋɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɜ ɱɟɫɬ ɧɚ 70-ɬɚ ɝɨɞɢɲɧɢɧɚ ɧɚ ɩɪɨɮ. Ʉ. ɉɨɩɤɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧɨɜ. ɋɨɮɢɹ,
2014, 407-412, ɫɚ ɧɟɨɛɨɫɧɨɜɚɧɢ. ɉɪɢɜɟɞɟɧɢɬɟ ɨɬ ɚɜɬɨɪɚ ɩɪɢɦɟɪɢ ɞɨɤɚɡɜɚɬ ɫɚɦɨ
ɜɟɤɨɜɧɚɬɚ ɩɪɨɞɴɥɠɢɬɟɥɧɨɫɬ ɜ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɨɞɫɬɜɨɬɨ ɧɚ ɢɦɢɬɚɰɢɢ ɧɚ ɪɟɥɢɤɜɢ ɨɬ ɤɴɫɧɚɬɚ
ɚɧɬɢɱɧɨɫɬ ɢ ɪɚɧɧɨɬɨ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɢɟ.
214
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
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ɋɪɜ. Voicu, S. J. D`Alexandrie aux Balkans: Le nom d`Ⱥdam dans le livre des
secrets d`Hénoch (Charles 31=Vaillant 11). – In: Ƚɨɞɢɲɧɢɤ ɧɚ ɋɨɮɢɣɫɤɢɹ ɭɧɢɜɟɪɫɢɬɟɬ.
ɐɟɧɬɴɪ ɡɚ ɫɥɚɜɹɧɨ-ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɩɪɨɭɱɜɚɧɢɹ „ɂɜɚɧ Ⱦɭɣɱɟɜ” , 97, 16, 2007. ɋɨɮɢɹ,
2011, 11-25 ɢ ɫɩɟɰ. p. 12 (ɜ ɫɥɚɜ. Ʉɧɢɝɚ ɡɚ ȿɧɨɯ: ïëúò åãî wò çåìë ...).
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Saliby, N. Die Katakomben von Emesa (Hims). – In: Syria. Von den Aposteln zu
den Kalifen. Ed. E. Ruprechtsberger. Linz, 1993, S. 267, Abb. 10; Daim, F. et al.
Byzantinische Archäologie. – In: Jährbuch das Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums.
Mainz, 2011, 3, S. 96.
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Ⱦɠɭɪɨɜɚ, Ⱥ. 1000 ɝɨɞɢɧɢ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚ ɪɴɤɨɩɢɫɧɚ ɤɧɢɝɚ. Ɉɪɧɚɦɟɧɬ ɢ
ɦɢɧɢɚɬɸɪɚ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1981, 69-70.
45
Ʉɚɪɫɤɢɣ, ȿ. Ɏ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 131. ɉɭɪɩɭɪɧɢɹɬ ɰɜɹɬ ɜɨɞɢ ɫɜɨɟɬɨ ɧɚɡɜɚɧɢɟ ɨɬ
ɬɨɜɚ ɡɚ ɦɨɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɦɢɞɚ – |óôñå(é)ïí, ostrum, ɨɬ ɤɨɹɬɨ ɫɟ ɢɡɜɥɢɱɚ (Ɇɟɳɟɪɫɤɚɹ, ȿ. ɂ.
Ʌɟɝɟɧɞɚ ɨɛ Ⱥɜɝɚɪɟ. Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ, 1984, ɫ. 58 ɢ ɫɥ.). ɋɬɚɪɨɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢɹɬ ɩɢɫɚɬɟɥ ɨɬ ɧɚɱɚɥɨɬɨ
ɧɚ ɏ ɜ. Ƀɨɚɧ ȿɤɡɚɪɯ ɩɪɟɜɟɠɞɚ ɩɨɧɹɬɢɟɬɨ ɤɚɬɨ î“ñòðå¬âû“ (Ʉɨɱɟɜ, ɇ. Ƀɨɚɧ ȿɤɡɚɪɯ.
ɒɟɫɬɨɞɧɟɜ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1981, ɫ. 201, ɛɟɥ. 55). Ɇɪɚɦɨɪɴɬ ɫ ɱɟɪɜɟɧ ɢɥɢ ɪɨɡɨɜɨ-ɜɢɨɥɟɬɨɜ
ɰɜɹɬ ɨɬ ɪɚɣɨɧɚ ɧɚ ɪ. ɋɚɧɝɚɪɢɨɫ ɜɴɜ ȼɢɬɢɧɢɹ, Ɇɚɥɚ Ⱥɡɢɹ, ɫɟ ɤɜɚɥɢɮɢɰɢɪɚ ɜ Ʉɧɢɝɚ ɡɚ
ɰɟɪɟɦɨɧɢɢɬɟ ɤɚɬɨ ɰɜɹɬ ɧɚ ɤɪɴɜɬɚ ɢɥɢ ɧɚ ɱɨɜɟɲɤɢɹ ɛɹɥ ɞɪɨɛ ɢ ɫɟ ɭɩɨɞɨɛɹɜɚ ɫ ɬ. ɧɚɪ.
Ostrite (ɨɬ ostrum). ɋɪɜ. Guillande, R. Le Phiales des Factions. – In: Guillande, R. Études
de Topographie de Constantinople byzantine I. Amsterdam, Berlin, 1969, 214-215.
ɉɭɪɩɭɪɴɬ ɢ ɢɡɨɛɳɨ ɱɟɪɜɟɧɢɹɬ ɰɜɹɬ ɟ „ɰɚɪɫɤɢɹɬ”, ɚ ɢ ɧɚ ɫɚɦɢɹ ɏɪɢɫɬɨɫ Ⱥɧɬɪɚɤɫ
(=Ɉɝɧɟɧɢɹɬ), ɞɨɤɚɬɨ ɡɟɥɟɧɢɹɬ ɟ ɧɚ ɫɜɟɳɟɧɫɬɜɨɬɨ (Ʉɨɱɟɜ, ɇ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., 282-283).
215
Павел ГЕОРГИЕВ. НАДПИСЪТ ОСТРО БОГОIN ЗА ИСТОРИЯТА НА СРЕДНОВЕКОВНИЯ ШУМЕН
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ɋɬɨɹɧɨɜ, ȼ. Ⱦɢɩɥɨɦɚɬɢɤɚ ɧɚ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɢɬɟ ɢɡɜɨɪɢ (ȼɥɚɞɟɬɟɥɫɤɢ
ɞɨɤɭɦɟɧɬɢ). ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1991, 74-75, 96.
47
ɋɢɦɟɨɧɨɜ, Ȼ. ɉɪɚɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚ ɨɧɨɦɚɫɬɢɤɚ. ɉɥɨɜɞɢɜ, 2008, ɫ. 189.
48
ȼ ɫɬɪɭɤɬɭɪɧɨ ɨɬɧɨɲɟɧɢɟ ɫɴɱɟɬɚɧɢɟɬɨ „ɨɫɬɪɨ-ɛɨɝɨɢɧ” ɫɥɟɞɜɚ ɞɚ ɟ
ɚɧɚɥɨɝɢɱɧɨ ɧɚ ɛɟɡɫɩɨɪɧɨ (ɩɪɚ)ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢɬɟ: „ɸɤ-ɛɚɝɚɢɧ”, „ɢɱɢɪɝɭ-ɛɚɝɚɢɧ”, „ɫɟɬɢɬ-
ɛɚɝɚɢɧ”, „ɛɢɪɢ-ɛɚɝɚɢɧ”, „ɛɚɝɚɬɭɪ-ɛɚɝɚɢɧ”, ɱɢɹɬɨ ɩɴɪɜɚ ɫɴɫɬɚɜɤɚ ɟ ɩɪɢɥɚɝɚɬɟɥɧɨ, ɤɨɟɬɨ
ɩɨɹɫɧɹɜɚ „ɪɚɧɝɚ ɢɥɢ ɜɢɞɚ ɧɚ ɛɚɝɚɢɧɚ” (Ȼɟɲɟɜɥɢɟɜ, ȼ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., 59-60). ȼ
ɪɚɡɝɥɟɠɞɚɧɢɹ ɧɚɞɩɢɫ áîãî¶í ɦɨɠɟ ɞɚ ɟ ɫɥɚɜɹɧɨɟɡɢɱɧɨ ɩɪɨɢɡɧɨɲɟɧɢɟ ɧɚ ɬɸɪɤɨ-
ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɨɬɨ baãainɴ ɫɚɦɨ ɚɤɨ ɢɡɩɢɫɚɧɨɬɨ ɩɪɟɞ ɧɟɝɨ îñòðî- ɟ ɫɴɳɨ ɬɢɬɥɚ, ɚ ɧɟ ɫɨɛɫɬɜɟɧɨ
ɢɦɟ, ɬɴɣ ɤɚɬɨ ɩɪɢ ɜɫɢɱɤɢ ɢɡɜɟɫɬɧɢ ɫɥɭɱɚɢ „ɛɚɝɚɢɧ” ɧɟ ɟ ɫɴɩɪɨɜɨɞɟɧɨ ɫ ɥɢɱɧɨ ɢɦɟ, ɚ ɢ
ɜ ɬɸɪɤɨɟɡɢɱɧɚɬɚ ɬɢɬɭɥɚɬɭɪɚ ɧɟ ɟ ɩɨɡɧɚɬɨ ɩɨɧɹɬɢɟɬɨ „ɨɫɬɪɨ” (ȼɠ. ɋɥɚɜɨɜɚ, Ɍ. ɐɢɬ.
ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 58). Ɉɛɨɫɧɨɜɚɧɨɬɨ ɞɚɬɢɪɚɧɟ ɧɚ ɧɚɞɩɢɫɚ ɤɴɦ ɢɥɢ ɫɥɟɞ ɤɪɚɹ ɧɚ ɏ ɜ. ɫɴɳɨ ɧɟ
ɩɨɡɜɨɥɹɜɚ ɜɴɡɩɪɢɟɦɚɧɟɬɨ ɧɚ ȻɈȽɈIN ɡɚɞɴɥɠɢɬɟɥɧɨ ɤɚɬɨ (ɩɪɚ)ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɬɢɬɥɚ
„ɛɚɝɚɢɧ”, ɡɚɫɜɢɞɟɬɟɥɫɬɜɚɧɚ ɧɚɣ-ɤɴɫɧɨ ɩɪɢ ɭɩɪɚɜɥɟɧɢɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɯɚɧ Ɇɚɥɚɦɢɪ (831-836).
Ɍɨɜɚ ɧɟ ɢɡɤɥɸɱɜɚ ɨɛɚɱɟ ɜɴɡɦɨɠɧɨɫɬɬɚ ɩɨɧɹɬɢɟɬɨ ɜ ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɢɹ ɧɚɞɩɢɫ ɞɚ ɟ ɧɟɣɧɚ
ɪɟɦɢɧɢɫɰɟɧɰɢɹ ɜɟɤ ɢɥɢ ɩɨɜɟɱɟ ɩɨ-ɤɴɫɧɨ. ȼɠ. ɡɚ ɬɨɜɚ ɛɟɥ. 71.
49
ɋɪɜ. ɫɴɫ ɫɴɞɴɪɠɚɧɢɟɬɨ ɢɦ ɭ ɋɦɹɞɨɜɫɤɢ, ɋɬ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., 48-61.
50
Moravcsik, G. Byzantinoturcica, II. Berlin, 1958, S. 83; Ȼɟɲɟɜɥɢɟɜ, ȼ. ɐɢɬ.
ɫɴɱ., 59-60; ɋɥɚɜɨɜɚ, Ɍ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 53.
51
ȽɂȻɂ, Vȱȱ, 1968, ɫ. 12, ɛɟɥ. 3; Miklošic, Fr. Lexikon palaeoslovenico-graeco-
latinum. Vindobonae, 1866, sub verbum.
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Ⱦɟɥɟɜɚ, Ⱥ., ɐɜ. ɋɬɟɩɚɧɨɜ. Protobulgarica. – ɋɬɚɪɨɛɴɥɝɚɪɢɫɬɢɤɚ, 1998, 4,
95-96; ɋɥɚɜɨɜɚ, Ɍ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., 53-54.
53
Ƚɪɚɦɚɬɢɤɚ ɧɚ ɫɬɚɪɨɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢɹ ɟɡɢɤ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1991, ɫ. 180.
54
ɐɟɣɬɥɢɧ, Ɋ. Ɇ. Ʌɟɤɫɢɤɚ ɫɬɚɪɨɫɥɚɜɹɧɫɤɨɝɨ ɹɡɵɤɚ. Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ, 1977, 134-135 ɢ
38–39. ȼɠ. ɩɪɢɥɚɝɚɬɟɥɧɨɬɨ ãîñïîæäèíú (äüíú), ɬ. ɟ. „ɜ ɞɟɧɹ ɧɚ Ȼɨɝɨɪɨɞɢɰɚ” (=ɍɫɩɟɧɢɟ)
ɜ ɧɚɞɩɢɫɚ ɨɬ ɐɚɪ Ⱥɫɟɧ (ɏ ɜ.) ɢ ɩɪɢɦɟɪɢ ɫɥɟɞ ɏII ɜ. ɭ: ɋɦɹɞɨɜɫɤɢ, ɋɬ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ.
176.
55
Ƚɪɚɦɚɬɢɤɚ ɧɚ ɫɬɚɪɨɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢɹ ɟɡɢɤ, ɫ. 158.
56
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ, ɫ. 140, ɤɴɞɟɬɨ ɫɟ ɩɨɫɨɱɜɚ, ɱɟ áîãú ɜ ɞɚɬ. ɩɚɞ. ɢɦɚ ɞɜɟ ɮɨɪɦɢ: áîã¹
ɢ áîãîâè, ɤɚɬɨ ɩɪɢ ɬɹɯɧɨɬɨ ɪɚɡɝɪɚɧɢɱɚɜɚɧɟ ɜɬɨɪɚɬɚ „ɫɟ ɭɩɨɬɪɟɛɹɜɚ ɫɚɦɨ ɩɪɢ
ɫɴɳɟɫɬɜɢɬɟɥɧɢ, ɨɡɧɚɱɚɜɚɳɢ ɥɢɰɚ (ɨɞɭɲɟɜɟɧɢ ɩɪɟɞɦɟɬɢ)…”, ɤɚɤɬɨ ɧɚɩɪɢɦɟɪ: Àäàìîâè
ɨɬ Àäàìú.
57
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ, 214-215. ȼɠ. ɩɪɢɜɟɞɟɧɢɹ ɜ ɛɟɥ. 23 ɬɭɤ ɩɪɢɦɟɪ ɫ Ëîëèí ïðñëåíú.
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Павел ГЕОРГИЕВ. НАДПИСЪТ ОСТРО БОГОIN ЗА ИСТОРИЯТА НА СРЕДНОВЕКОВНИЯ ШУМЕН
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ɋɩɚɫɨɜɚ, Ɇ. ȿɡɢɤɨɜɢ ɨɫɨɛɟɧɨɫɬɢ ɧɚ „ɋɤɚɡɚɧɢɟ ɡɚ ɠɟɥɟɡɧɢɹ ɤɪɴɫɬ”. – ȼ:
„ɋɤɚɡɚɧɢɟ ɡɚ ɠɟɥɟɡɧɢɹ ɤɪɴɫɬ” ɢ ɟɩɨɯɚɬɚ ɧɚ ɰɚɪ ɋɢɦɟɨɧ. ȼɟɥɢɤɨ Ɍɴɪɧɨɜɨ, 2007, 128-
129, 183.
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ɉɟɧɤɨɜɚ, ɉ. ɋɜ. Ⱥɬɚɧɚɫɢɣ Ⱥɥɟɤɫɚɧɞɪɢɣɫɤɢ (ȼɟɥɢɤɢ). Ɍɪɟɬɨ ɫɥɨɜɨ ɩɪɨɬɢɜ
ɚɪɢɚɧɢɬɟ. ɂɡɫɥɟɞɜɚɧɟ ɢ ɢɡɞɚɧɢɟ ɧɚ ɬɟɤɫɬɚ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2016, ɜɠ. ɢɧɞɟɤɫ ɧɚ ɫ. 452.
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ɂɜɚɧɨɜ, Ƀ. Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢ ɫɬɚɪɢɧɢ ɢɡ Ɇɚɤɟɞɨɧɢɹ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1970, ɫ. 312.
61
ȼɠ. ɢɦɟɧɚɬɚ ɜ Ʉɨɤɚɥɹɧɫɤɢɹ ɩɨɦɟɧɧɢɤ: Áîãîÿ ɢ ɧɟɝɨɜɢɹ ɫɢɧ – Ìèõî Áîãîÿíú
(ÁîãîJà), Áîãå, Áîæà ɭ: ɐɢɛɪɚɧɫɤɚ-Ʉɨɫɬɨɜɚ, Ɇ. Ʉɨɤɚɥɹɧɫɤɢɹɬ ɩɨɦɟɧɧɢɤ (ɢɡɞɚɧɢɟ ɧɚ
ɬɟɤɫɬɚ ɢ ɢɡɫɥɟɞɜɚɧɟ). – ɋɬɚɪɨɛɴɥɝɚɪɢɫɬɢɤɚ, ɏɏɏȱɏ, 2015, 4, ɫ. 38, 53, ɥ. 24ɛ.
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Ɂɚ ɟɬɢɦɨɥɨɝɢɹɬɚ ɧɚ ɩɨɧɹɬɢɟɬɨ ɜ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢɹ ɟɡɢɤ ɜɠ. Moravcsik, G. Op. cit.,
S. 92; Ⱦɭɣɱɟɜ, ɂɜ. ɇɹɤɨɥɤɨ ɛɟɥɟɠɤɢ ɤɴɦ Ʉɟɤɚɜɦɟɧ. – ȼ: ɉɪɨɭɱɜɚɧɢɹ ɜɴɪɯɭ
ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɨɬɨ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɢɟ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1981, 193-202. ȼɠ. ɨɳɟ ɗɬɢɦɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢɣ ɫɥɨɜɚɪɶ
ɫɥɚɜɹɧɫɤɢɯ ɹɡɵɤɨɜ, ɜɵɩ. 2. Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ, 1975, 159-161: *bogovc(jɴ), ɫɴɪɛɨɯɴɪɜɚɬ. ɛòɝɨɜ,
ɫɥɚɜɹɧ. *bogodanɴ, ɤɨɟɬɨ ɫɟ ɢɡɜɟɠɞɚ ɨɬ ɢɪɚɧ. Baga-dƗta `ɛɥɚɝɨɞɚɬɟɧ, ɞɚɞɟɧ ɨɬ Ȼɨɝɚ`.
Ƚɟɪɨɜ, ɇ. Ɋɟɱɧɢɤ ɧɚ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢɹ ɟɡɢɤ, 1. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1975, ɫ. 53: ɛóɝɨɜɟɰɶ (ɜ ɧɚɪ. ɩɟɫɧɢ) ɡɚ
ɞɟɬɟ `ɞɚɞɟɧɨ ɨɬ Ȼɨɝɚ`, ɚ ɩɪɢɥɚɝɚɬɟɥɧɨɬɨ Ȼóɝɨɜɵɣ, ɜɴ, ɜɚ, ɜɨ, ɬ. ɟ. `Ƚòɫɩɨɞɨɜ`. ȼɠ. ɨɳɟ:
äàæü Áîãîâè (ɞɚɠɛɚ Ȼɨɝɭ) ɭ Ʉɚɥɨɹɧɨɜ, Ⱥ. ɉɨɫɥɚɧɢɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɚɪɯɢɟɩɢɫɤɨɩ Ƚɟɨɪɝɢ ɞɨ
ɡɧɚɬɟɧ ɞɭɯɨɜɟɧ ɫɢɧ. – ȼ: ɏɪɢɫɬɢɹɧɫɤɚɬɚ ɤɭɥɬɭɪɚ ɜ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. ȼɟɥɢɤɨ
Ɍɴɪɧɨɜɨ, 2008, ɫ. 123. ɋɴɳɨɬɨ ɡɧɚɱɟɧɢɟ ɫɟ ɫɴɞɴɪɠɚ ɢ ɜ ɥɢɱɧɨɬɨ ɢɦɟ Ȼɨɝóɣ ɢ Ȼɨɝóÿ.
ɂɧɬɟɪɟɫɟɧ ɩɪɢɦɟɪ ɨɬ ɝɪɴɰɤɨ-ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɨɬɨ ɞɜɭɟɡɢɱɢɟ ɜ ɪɚɣɨɧɚ ɧɚ ɋɟɪɟɫ ɟ ɢɦɟɬɨ
Bogologos (ɚ ɧɟ Théologos) ɜ ɞɨɤɭɦɟɧɬ ɨɬ 1339-1342 ɝ. ɋɪɜ. Lefort, J. Toponymie et
antroponymie: Le contact entre Grécs et les Slaves en Macédoine. – In: Castrum 4. Frontière
et peuplement dans le Monde Méditerannéen au Moyen âge. Actes de Colloque en Italie.
1988, éd. par J. M. Poisson. Roma-Madrid, 1992, p. 170. Ɂɚ ɥɢɱɧɨɬɨ ɢɦɟ Ȼɨɝɨɫɥɚɜ ɜɠ.
Ȼɢɥɹɪɫɤɢ, ɂɜ. ɉɨɝɚɧɨɜɫɤɢɹɬ ɩɨɦɟɧɧɢɤ. – Ƚɨɞɢɲɧɢɤ ɧɚ ɋɨɮɢɣɫɤɢɹ ɭɧɢɜɟɪɫɢɬɟɬ,
ɐɟɧɬɴɪ ɡɚ ɫɥɚɜɹɧɨ-ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɩɪɨɭɱɜɚɧɢɹ „ɂɜ. Ⱦɭɣɱɟɜ”, 84-85, 4, 1990-1991, ɫ. 69.
Ⱥɜɬɨɪɴɬ ɫɟ ɤɨɥɟɛɚɟ ɞɚɥɢ „Ȼɨɝɨɫɥɨɜ” ɟ ɩɪɨɡɜɢɳɟ, ɢɥɢ „ɫɜɨɟɨɛɪɚɡɧɨ” ɥɢɱɧɨ ɢɦɟ.
218
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
63
Ƚɪɚɦɚɬɢɤɚ ɧɚ ɫɬɚɪɨɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢɹ ɟɡɢɤ, ɫ. 180.
64
ɋɪɟɡɧɟɜɫɤɢɣ, ɂ. ɂ. Ɇɚɬɟɪɢɚɥɵ ɞɥɹ ɫɥɨɜɚɪɹ ɞɪɟɜɧɟɪɭɫɫɤɨɝɨ ɹɡɵɤɚ ɩɨ
ɩɢɫɦɟɧɧɧɵɦɢ ɩɚɦɹɬɧɢɤɢ. Ɍ. ȱȱ, Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ, 1902, ɤɨɥ. 744-745; Ɏɚɫɦɟɪ, Ɇ.
ɗɬɢɦɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢɣ ɫɥɨɜɚɪɶ ɪɭɫɫɤɨɝɨ ɹɡɵɤɚ. Ɍ. ȱȱȱ, Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ, 1987, ɫ. 166.
65
ɇɟɪɨɡɧɚɤ, ȼ. ɉ. ɇɚɡɜɚɧɢɹ ɞɪɟɜɧɟɪɭɫɫɤɢɯ ɝɨɪɨɞɨɜ. Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ, 1983, ɫ. 194 (ɝɪɚɞ
Ɉɫɬɪɨ ɧɚ ɪɟɤɚ Ƚɨɪɢɧɹ ɨɬ ȼɨɥɢɧɫɤɢɬɟ ɡɟɦɢ ɜ ɬ. ɧɚɪ. ɋɩɢɫɴɤ ɧɚ ɪɭɫɤɢɬɟ ɝɪɚɞɨɜɟ, ɤɪɚɹ ɧɚ
ɏIV-XV ɜ. ɋɪɜ. ɉɨɞɨɫɢɧɨɜ, Ⱥ. ȼ. Ɉ ɩɪɢɧɰɢɩɚɯ ɩɨɫɬɪɨɟɧɢɹ ɢ ɦɟɫɬɟ ɫɨɡɞɚɧɢɹ „ɋɩɢɫɤɚ
ɪɭɫɫɤɢɯ ɝɨɪɨɞɨɜ ɞɚɥɶɧɵɯ ɢ ɛɥɢɠɧɢɯ”. – ȼ: ȼɨɫɬɨɱɧɚɹ ȿɜɪɨɩɚ ɜ ɞɪɟɜɧɨɫɬɢ ɢ
ɫɪɟɞɧɟɜɟɤɨɜɶɹ. ɋɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɫɬɚɬɟɣ. Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ, 1978, 40-48.
66
Ɂɚ ɬɨɜɚ ɭ: Ɇɭɪɡɚɟɜ, ɗ. Ɇ. ɋɥɨɜɚɪɶ ɧɚɪɨɞɧɵɯ ɝɟɨɝɪɚɮɢɱɟɫɤɢɯ ɬɟɪɦɢɧɨɜ.
Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ, 1984, ɫ. 420 (ɰɢɬɢɪɚɧɨ ɟ ɦɧɟɧɢɟ ɧɚ Ƚɪɢɝɨɪɹɧ, ɗ. Ⱥ. ɋɥɨɜɚɪɶ ɦɟɫɬɧɵɯ
ɝɟɨɝɪɚɮɢɱɟɫɤɢɯ ɬɟɪɦɢɧɨɜ ɛɨɥɝɚɪɫɤɨɝɨ ɢ ɦɚɤɟɞɨɧɫɤɨɝɨ ɹɡɵɤɨɜ. ȿɪɟɜɚɧ, 1975, ɤɨɟɬɨ ɧɢ
ɛɟɲɟ ɧɟɞɨɫɬɴɩɧɨ ɡɚ ɩɨɥɡɜɚɧɟ).
67
Ȼɚɥɚɛɚɧɨɜ, Ɍ. Ɂɚ ɫɦɢɫɴɥɚ ɧɚ ɟɞɢɧ ɝɪɴɰɤɢ ɧɚɞɩɢɫ ɨɬ ɦɚɧɚɫɬɢɪɚ ɩɪɢ ɫ.
ɑɟɪɧɨɝɥɚɜɰɢ, ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɨ. – ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜɫɤɚ ɤɧɢɠɨɜɧɚ ɲɤɨɥɚ. Ɍ. 5, 2001 (ɂɡɫɥɟɞɜɚɧɢɹ ɜ
ɱɟɫɬ ɧɚ Ɍɨɬɸ Ɍɨɬɟɜ), 107-112. Ɍɨɱɟɧ ɩɪɨɱɢɬ ɧɚ ɇ. ɒɚɪɚɧɤɨɜ ɭ: Ⱦɨɧɱɟɜɚ-ɉɟɬɤɨɜɚ,
Ʌ., ɇ. ɒɚɪɚɧɤɨɜ. Ʉɚɦɴɤ ɫ ɤɪɴɫɬɨɜɟ ɢ ɧɚɞɩɢɫɢ ɨɬ Ⱦɜɨɪɰɨɜɚɬɚ ɛɚɡɢɥɢɤɚ ɜ ɉɥɢɫɤɚ. –
ɉɥɢɫɤɚ-ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ, 11, 2014, ɫ. 247, ɛɟɥ. 22). ȼɚɠɧɨ ɟ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɩɨɫɨɱɢ, ɱɟ ɒɚɪɚɧɤɨɜ ɜɢɠɞɚ ɜ
ɧɚɞɩɢɫɚ ɨɬ ɑɟɪɧɨɝɥɚɜɰɢ ɫɬɢɯɨɬɜɨɪɟɧ ɝɪɴɰɤɢ ɬɟɤɫɬ. Ʉɚɬɨ ɬɚɤɴɜ ɬɨɣ ɨɰɟɧɹɜɚ ɫɴɳɨ ɢ
ɧɚɦɟɪɟɧɢɹ ɡɚɟɞɧɨ ɫ ɪɚɡɝɥɟɠɞɚɧɢɹ ɧɚɞɩɢɫ ɨɬ ɒɭɦɟɧ (ɩɚɤ ɬɚɦ, ɛɟɥ. 23), ɤɨɝɨɬɨ ȼ.
Ȼɟɲɟɜɥɢɟɜ ɱɟɬɟ: Êùíóôáí(ôßíïõ) ðüíçìá ôï‡ ÔæåâñéíÞïõ („Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧɨɜɨ
ɬɜɨɪɟɧɢɟ ɧɚ ɑɟɛɪɢɧ”) ɢ ɝɨ ɞɚɬɢɪɚ ɜ ɏ ɜ., ɚ ɢɦɟɬɨ ɑɟɛɪɢɧ ɩɪɢɟɦɚ ɡɚ ɮɚɦɢɥɧɨ, ɚ ɧɟ ɢɦɟ
ɧɚ ɝɪɚɞ ɑɟɪɜɟɧ, ɤɚɤɬɨ ɝɨ ɨɫɦɢɫɥɹ Ɏ. ɍɫɩɟɧɫɤɢ (ɜɠ. Bešèvliev, V. Spätgriechische und
spätlateinische Inschriften aus Bulgarien. Berlin, 1964, Nr. 57, Abb. 55).
219
Павел ГЕОРГИЕВ. НАДПИСЪТ ОСТРО БОГОIN ЗА ИСТОРИЯТА НА СРЕДНОВЕКОВНИЯ ШУМЕН
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Ⱦɨɛɪɟɜ, ɂɜ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 305; Ƚɟɨɪɝɢɟɜ, ɉ. Ʉɪɢɩɬɨɝɪɚɦɚɬɚ, ɫ. 134.
ȼɦɴɤɧɚɬɨɬɨ ɢ ɫ ɩɨ-ɝɨɥɟɦɢ ɪɚɡɦɟɪɢ ɢ ɫ ɩɨ-ɨɫɨɛɟɧɨ ɨɮɨɪɦɥɟɧɢɟ „Ɍ” ɧɚɩɨɦɧɹ ɡɚ
ɩɨɞɨɛɧɢ ɢɡɨɛɪɚɠɟɧɢɹ ɧɚ ɤɪɴɫɬɚ ɧɚ ɯɪɢɫɬɢɹɧɫɤɨɬɨ ɫɩɚɫɟɧɢɟ ɨɳɟ ɜ ɝɪɚɮɢɬɢ ɨɬ
ɪɚɧɧɨɯɪɢɫɬɢɹɧɫɤɢ ɤɚɬɚɤɨɦɛɢ – ɜɠ. Sulzberger, M. Le Symbole de la Croix et le
Monogrammes de Jésus chèz les premier Chrétiens. – Byzantion, II, 1925, p. 374, 384. ɍ ɧɚɫ
ɫ ɟɥɟɦɟɧɬɢ ɧɚ ɭɤɪɚɫɚ ɤɚɬɨ ɤɪɴɫɬ ɟ ɫɚɦɨɫɬɨɹɬɟɥɧɨ ɢɡɩɢɫɚɧɚ „Ɍ” (ɬɚɭ) ɜ ɝɪɴɰɤɢ ɧɚɞɩɢɫɢ
ɝɪɚɮɢɬɢ ɨɬ IX-X ɜ. ɜ ɉɥɢɫɤɚ, ɜɠ. Ⱦɨɧɱɟɜɚ-ɉɟɬɤɨɜɚ, Ʌ., ɇ. ɒɚɪɚɧɤɨɜ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ.
241-242, ɨɛɪ. 3. ȼɠ. ɢ ɛɟɥ. 76 ɬɭɤ.
69
Ɇɨɪɝɭɧɨɜ, ɘ. ɘ. Ⱦɪɟɜɨ-ɡɟɦɥɹɧɧɵɟ ɭɤɪɟɩɥɟɧɢɹ ɘɠɧɨɣ Ɋɭɫɢ ɏ-ɏȱȱȱ ɜɜ.
Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ, 2009, ɫ. 232 ɢ ɫɥ.
70
ɂɧɬɟɪɟɫ ɜ ɬɨɜɚ ɨɬɧɨɲɟɧɢɟ ɩɪɟɞɢɡɜɢɤɜɚ ɞɨɤɭɦɟɧɬɢɪɚɧɢɹɬ ɜ ɧɚɱɚɥɨɬɨ ɧɚ ɏɏ
ɜ. ɬɨɩɨɧɢɦ „ɏɨɪɢɹ(ɬ) ɤɚɩɭɫɭ”, ɤɨɣɬɨ ɩɪɨɢɡɥɢɡɚ ɨɬ ɧɚɡɜɚɧɢɟ ɧɚ ɤɚɦɟɧɧɚ ɩɨɪɬɚ, ɱɪɟɡ
ɤɨɹɬɨ ɟ ɛɢɥ ɤɨɧɬɪɨɥɢɪɚɧ ɞɨɫɬɴɩɴɬ ɨɬ ɩɥɚɬɨɬɨ ɤɴɦ ɸɝɨɢɡɬɨɱɧɨɬɨ ɩɨɞɝɪɚɞɢɟ ɧɚ
ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɚ ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬ, ɜ ɦ. „ɏɚɪɚɱɢ ɛɨɚɡ”. ɋɪɜ. Ƚɟɨɪɝɢɟɜɚ, Ⱦ. ɉɨɞɝɪɚɞɢɟ ɢɥɢ ɦɚɧɚɫɬɢɪ,
121-122. Ƚɪɴɤɨɟɡɢɱɧɨɬɨ ɨɡɧɚɱɟɧɢɟ ɜ ɬɨɩɨɧɢɦɚ ɩɨɤɚɡɜɚ, ɱɟ ɬɚɡɢ ɩɨɪɬɚ ɦɨɠɟ ɞɚ ɟ ɨɬ
ɩɪɟɞɨɫɦɚɧɫɤɨ ɜɪɟɦɟ ɢ ɩɨɫɬɚɜɹ ɜɴɩɪɨɫɚ ɞɚɥɢ ɧɟ ɟ ɱɚɫɬ ɨɬ ɡɚɳɢɬɧɚ ɩɪɟɝɪɚɞɚ ɨɬ ɬɢɩɚ
„ɨɫɬɪɨɝ” ɧɚ ɩɨɞɝɪɚɞɢɟɬɨ ɜ „ɏɚɪɚɱɢ ɛɨɚɡ”, ɢɥɢ ɧɚ ɱɚɫɬ ɨɬ ɧɟɝɨ. ȼɴɩɪɨɫɴɬ ɨɛɚɱɟ ɢɡɢɫɤɜɚ
ɩɨ-ɡɚɞɴɥɛɨɱɟɧɨ ɪɚɡɝɥɟɠɞɚɧɟ, ɬɴɣ ɤɚɬɨ ȼɟɧɰɟɥ Ȼɪɨɧɢɹɪ ɨɡɧɚɱɚɜɚ ɩɪɟɡ 1786 ɝ.
220
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
75
ɒɤɨɪɩɢɥ, Ʉ. ɉɨɫɬɪɨɣɤɢ, ɫ. 429, ɬɚɛɥ. XCII, 3,1.
76
Ɉɛɜɴɪɡɜɚɧɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɩɨɧɹɬɢɟɬɨ ɡɚ ɜɪɴɯ (ɩɥɚɧɢɧɚ ɢɥɢ ɜɢɫɨɱɢɧɚ) ɫ Ȼɨɝɚ ɥɢɱɢ ɨɬ
ɧɚɱɟɪɬɚɧɢɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɰɟɧɬɪɚɥɧɚɬɚ ɛɭɤɜɚ ɜ ɧɟɝɨ – „Ɍ”. ȼ ɯɪɢɫɬɢɹɧɫɤɚɬɚ ɫɢɦɜɨɥɢɤɚ ɝɪɴɰɤɚɬɚ
„ɬɚɭ” ɟ ɜɢɞ ɤɪɴɫɬ (ɜɠ. ɛɟɥ. 68 ɬɭɤ), ɧɨ ɢ ɜ ɋɬɚɪɢɹ Ɂɚɜɟɬ ɟ ɡɧɚɤ ɡɚ ɛɨɝɨɢɡɛɪɚɧɨɫɬ (ɂɡɯɨɞ,
9: 4). ɋɪɜ. Rahner, H. Antenna crucis. „Das mystische Tau”. – In: Zeitschrift für
katholische Theologie, 75, 1953, 386-410 (386-387); DACL I. Paris, 1907, col. 933, fig.
225; Sulzberger, M. Op. cit., p. 427; Vérdier, Ph. Notes sur trios bijoux d`ɨr byzantins de
Walters art Gallery. – Cahièrs archéologiques, XI, 1960, p. 124. ɋ ɬɨɡɢ ɡɧɚɤ ɩɪɨɪɨɤ
Ƀɟɡɟɤɢɥ ɨɡɧɚɱɢɥ ɧɚɫɪɟɞ Ƀɟɪɭɫɚɥɢɦ ɱɟɥɚɬɚ ɧɚ ɫɤɴɪɛɹɳɢɬɟ ɢ ɫɬɪɚɞɚɳɢɬɟ ɢ ɩɨ ɬɚɡɢ
ɩɪɢɱɢɧɚ ɬɨɣ ɫɟ ɩɪɢɟɦɚ ɢ ɡɚ ɫɩɚɫɢɬɟɥɟɧ. Ɂɚɩɚɞɧɢ ɯɪɢɫɬɢɹɧɫɤɢ ɬɟɨɥɨɡɢ ɜɴɡɩɪɢɟɦɚɬ
ɝɪɴɰɤɚɬɚ „ɬɚɭ” ɨɳɟ ɤɚɬɨ ɫɢɦɜɨɥ ɧɚ ɤɨɪɚɛɚ ɧɚ ɇɨɣ ɤɚɬɨ ɩɪɟɩɨɪɴɱɚɧɨ ɨɬ ɫɚɦɢɹ Ȼɨɝ
ɫɩɚɫɢɬɟɥɧɨ ɫɪɟɞɫɬɜɨ ɡɚ ɱɨɜɟɱɟɫɬɜɨɬɨ (arca Noe qua salvator mundus et miseria) Cf.
Rahner, H. Op. cit., S. 410 (ɜɠ. ɬɭɤ ɩɨ-ɞɨɥɭ) ȼ ɬɨɡɢ ɫɦɢɫɴɥ ɡɧɚɱɟɧɢɟɬɨ ɧɚ
ɫɥɨɜɨɫɴɱɟɬɚɧɢɟɬɨ ɜ ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɢɹ ɧɚɞɩɢɫ ɦɨɠɟ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɨɫɦɢɫɥɢ ɢ ɤɚɬɨ „ɩɨɫɜɟɬɟɧɢɹɬ Ȼɨɝɭ
ɜɪɴɯ (ɜɢɫɨɱɢɧɚ) ɧɚ ɫɩɚɫɟɧɢɟɬɨ”.
77
Ƚɟɨɪɝɢɟɜ, ɉ. „ɋɢɦɟɨɧɨɜɢɹɬ ɜɪɴɯ” ɤɪɚɣ ɉɥɢɫɤɚ ɢ ɧɟɝɨɜɚɬɚ ɢɞɟɧɬɢɮɢɤɚɰɢɹ ɫ
Ɇɚɞɚɪɚ-Ɇɭɧɞɪɚɝɚ. – ȼ: Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ ɜ ɫɜɟɬɨɜɧɨɬɨ ɤɭɥɬɭɪɧɨ ɧɚɫɥɟɞɫɬɜɨ. Ɇɚɬɟɪɢɚɥɢ ɨɬ
ȱȱȱ ɇɚɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɚ ɤɨɧɮɟɪɟɧɰɢɹ, ɒɭɦɟɧ, 2012. ɒɭɦɟɧ, 2014, 519-520. ȼɠ. ɨɳɟ Ƚɟɨɪɝɢɟɜ,
ɉ. ɉɥɢɫɤɚ – ɟɡɢɱɟɫɤɨɬɨ ɫɪɟɞɢɳɟ ɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ ɩɪɟɡ Iɏ ɜɟɤ. – ɉɥɢɫɤɚ–ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ, 13 (ȼ
ɩɚɦɟɬ ɧɚ ɩɪɨɮ. Ɍɨɬɸ Ɍɨɬɟɜ). ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2018, 45-46.
222
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
78
ɇɟɞɤɨɜ, Ȼ. Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ ɢ ɫɴɫɟɞɧɢɬɟ װɡɟɦɢ ɩɪɟɡ ɏII ɜɟɤ ɫɩɨɪɟɞ ɂɞɪɢɫɢ. ɋɨɮɢɹ,
1960, ɫ. 69,75, 83, ɛɟɥ. 221 (ɫ. 130 ɢ 136 (ɤɴɦ ɛɟɥ. 256).
79
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ, ɫ. 61, ɛɟɥ. 183 (ɫ. 126.)
80
ɇɨɜɨɫɟɥɶɰɟɜ, Ⱥ. ɉ. Ɉ ɦɟɫɬɨɧɚɯɨɠɞɟɧɢɢ ɛɢɛɥɟɣɫɤɨɣ „ɝɨɪɵ Ⱥɪɚɪɚɬ”. – ȼ:
ȼɨɫɬɨɱɧɚɹ ȿɜɪɨɩɚ ɜ ɞɪɟɜɧɨɫɬɢ ɢ ɫɪɟɞɧɟɜɟɤɨɜɶɹ. ɋɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɫɬɚɬɟɣ. Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ, 1984, 61-
66.
81
Ƚɪɚɛɚɪ, Ⱥ. Ȼɢɛɥɟɣɫɤɢɬɟ ɢɡɨɛɪɚɠɟɧɢɹ ɜ Ⱥɩɚɦɟɹ ɢ ɫɬɟɧɨɩɢɫɢɬɟ ɜ ɫɢɧɚɝɨɝɚɬɚ
ɜ Ⱦɭɪɚ. – ȼ: Ⱥ. Ƚɪɚɛɚɪ. ɂɡɛɪɚɧɢ ɫɴɱɢɧɟɧɢɹ, 2. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1983, 70-71 ɢ ɰɢɬ. ɬɚɦ
ɢɡɫɥɟɞɜɚɧɢɹ.
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Ⱥɜɪɚɦɨɜ, ȼ. ɘɛɢɥɟɟɧ ɫɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɉɥɢɫɤɚ-ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ. Ɍ. I. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1929, 51-52,
235-240; ɬ. III, 162-163 ɫ ɩɪɢɥɨɠɟɧɢɟ ɤɚɪɬɚ. Ⱥɜɬɨɪɴɬ ɜɴɡɩɪɢɟɦɚ ɬɟɡɚɬɚ ɧɚ ȼ. Ɍɨɦɚɲɟɤ
ɡɚ ɬɴɠɞɟɫɬɜɨ ɧɚ ɫɩɨɦɟɧɚɬɢɹ ɨɬ Ⱥɧɧɚ Ʉɨɦɧɢɧɚ „ɋɢɦɟɨɧɨɜ ɜɪɴɯ” ɫ ɒɭɦɟɧ. Ɇɟɪɨɞɚɜɧɚ
ɡɚ ɥɨɤɚɥɢɡɚɰɢɹɬɚ ɧɚ ɩɨɫɥɟɞɧɢɹ ɨɛɚɱɟ ɧɟ ɟ ɫɨɛɫɬɜɟɧɨɬɨ ɢɦɟ „ɋɢɦɟɨɧɨɫ” (=ɒɢɦɟɨɧɨɫ),
ɜɴɩɪɟɤɢ ɧɟɝɨɜɚɬɚ ɛɥɢɡɨɫɬ ɞɨ ɡɚɫɜɢɞɟɬɟɥɫɬɜɚɧɢɹ ɩɪɟɡ ɏIV ɜ. ɢ ɡɚɩɚɡɟɧ ɞɨ ɞɧɟɫ
ɨɣɤɨɧɢɦ, ɚ ɡɚɫɜɢɞɟɬɟɥɫɬɜɚɧɚɬɚ ɩɪɟɡ XI-XII ɜ. ɜ ɫɟɜɟɪɨɢɡɬɨɱɧɢɬɟ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢ ɝɨɜɨɪɢ
ɝɪɴɰɤɚ ɞɭɦɚ –âïõíüò, ɡɚ „ɜɪɴɯ, ɦɨɝɢɥɚ, ɜɢɫɨɱɢɧɚ”, ɤɨɹɬɨ Ⱥɥ-ɂɞɪɢɫɢ ɟ ɞɨɤɭɦɟɧɬɢɪɚɥ
ɫɴɳɨ, ɦɚɤɚɪ ɢ ɜ ɚɪɚɛɢɡɢɪɚɧɚ ɮɨɪɦɚ –ynjnus (ɨɬ MaúƯynjnus).
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Павел ГЕОРГИЕВ. НАДПИСЪТ ОСТРО БОГОIN ЗА ИСТОРИЯТА НА СРЕДНОВЕКОВНИЯ ШУМЕН
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ɬɟ . ȼ ɞɨɫɟɝɚɲɧɢɬɟ ɪɚɡɢɫɤɜɚɧɢɹ ɨɛɚɱɟ ɫɟ ɩɨɞɰɟɧɹɜɚ ɜɨɞɟɳɨɬɨ ɡɧɚɱɟɧɢɟ
ɧɚ ɨɪɨɧɢɦɚ, ɨɬɛɟɥɹɡɚɧ ɢɡɪɢɱɧɨ ɤɚɬɨ ɬɚɤɴɜ ɜ ɤɚɪɬɚɬɚ ɤɴɦ ɧɚɣ-ɪɚɧɧɢɹ
(ɉɚɪɢɠɤɢ) ɪɴɤɨɩɢɫ ɨɬ ɏIII ɜ. ɫɴɫ ɫɴɱɢɧɟɧɢɟɬɨ ɧɚ Ⱥɥ-ɂɞɪɢɫɢ84.
ɋɥɟɞɨɜɚɬɟɥɧɨ ɢɦɟɬɨ Ɇɚɫɢɣɭɧɭɫ ɟ ɪɟɡɭɥɬɚɬ ɨɬ ɚɪɚɛɢɡɢɪɚɧɨ
ɩɪɨɢɡɧɨɲɟɧɢɟ85 ɧɚ ɝɪɴɤɨɟɡɢɱɧɨ, ɧɚɣ-ɜɟɪɨɹɬɧɨ ɦɟɫɬɧɨ, ɫɥɨɜɨɫɴɱɟɬɚɧɢɟ
*Masibounos/ Masivounos ɫɴɫ ɡɧɚɱɟɧɢɟ „ɜɢɫɨɱɢɧɚɬɚ (ɯɴɥɦɴɬ) Ɇɚɫɢɫ”86.
Ɉɬ Ⱥɧɧɚ Ʉɨɦɧɢɧɚ ɡɧɚɟɦ, ɱɟ ɧɚɦɢɪɚɳɚɬɚ ɫɟ ɧɚ ɨɤɨɥɨ ɞɜɚɞɟɫɟɬɢɧɚ
ɤɢɥɨɦɟɬɪɚ ɨɬ ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɨɬɨ ɩɥɚɬɨ Ɇɚɞɚɪɫɤɚ ɜɢɫɨɱɢɧɚ (ɫɴɳɨ ɩɥɚɬɨ) ɟ
ɛɢɥɚ ɨɩɪɟɞɟɥɹɧɚ ɨɬ ɦɟɫɬɧɢ ɠɢɬɟɥɢ ɜ ɤɪɚɹ ɧɚ ɏȱ ɜ. ɤɚɬɨ „ɚɤɪɨɥɨɮɢɹ
(=ɤɪɚɟɯɴɥɦɢɟ) ɧɚ ɧɹɤɨɣ ɫɢ ɋɢɦɟɨɧ”87. Ɍɚɤɚ ɡɚɩɢɫɚɧ, ɬɨɩɨɧɢɦɴɬ ɤɪɢɟ
ɨɡɧɚɱɟɧɢɟ ɧɚ ɞɪɭɝɢɹ ɢɡɜɟɫɬɟɧ ɛɢɛɥɟɣɫɤɢ ɨɪɢɟɧɬɢɪ ɨɬ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹɬɚ ɫ
ɉɨɬɨɩɚ – „ɜɴɪɯɴɬ ɧɚ ɋɢɦ” (ɩɴɪɜɨɪɨɞɧɢɹɬ ɇɨɟɜ ɫɢɧ), ɨɬ ɱɢɣɬɨ ɫɢɧ Ɂɢɟɡɢ
ɚɜɬɨɪɴɬ ɧɚ Ⱥɧɨɧɢɦɧɢɹ ɪɢɦɫɤɢ ɯɪɨɧɨɝɪɚɮ ɨɬ 354 ɝ. (ɧɨ ɜ ɪɟɞɚɤɰɢɹ ɨɬ V
ɢɥɢ VI ɜ.) ɢɡɜɟɠɞɚ ɩɨɬɟɤɥɨɬɨ ɧɚ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɢɬɟ. ȼɡɟɬɢ ɡɚɟɞɧɨ, ɞɜɚɬɚ ɫɴɫɟɞɧɢ
83
ɇɟɞɤɨɜ, Ȼ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 69, 75, 83, ɛɟɥ. 221 (=ɫ. 130 ɢ 136 (ɤɴɦ ɛɟɥ. 256) (ɫ
ɥɨɤɚɥɢɡɚɰɢɹ ɫ ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬɬɚ ɧɚɞ ɒɭɦɟɧ) ɢ Ʉɨɧɚɤɥɢɟɜ, Ⱥ. ɇɟɩɨɡɧɚɬɢɹɬ Ɇɢɫɢɨɧɢɫ. – ȼ:
ɉɴɬɭɜɚɧɢɹɬɚ ɜ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. Ɇɚɬɟɪɢɚɥɢ ɨɬ ɇɚɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɚ ɤɨɧɮɟɪɟɧɰɢɹ,
ɒɭɦɟɧ, 2008. ȼɟɥɢɤɨ Ɍɴɪɧɨɜɨ, 2009, 239-245, ɫ ɥɨɤɚɥɢɡɚɰɢɹ ɫ ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬɬɚ ɧɚɞ
Ɍɴɪɝɨɜɢɳɟ. Ɂɚ ɪɚɡɥɢɤɚ ɨɬ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɰɢ ɢ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɡɢ, ɮɢɥɨɥɨɡɢɬɟ ɚɪɚɛɢɫɬɢ ɫɚ ɟɞɢɧɧɢ ɜ
ɨɬɴɠɞɟɫɬɜɹɜɚɧɟɬɨ ɧɚ Ɇɚɫɢɣɭɧɭɫ ɫ ɒɭɦɟɧ. ȼɠ. ɡɚ ɬɨɜɚ ɭ: Ʉɨɧɨɜɚɥɨɜɚ, ɂ. Ƚ. Ⱥɥ-
ɂɞɪɢɫɢ ɨ ɫɬɪɚɧɚɯ ɢ ɧɚɪɨɞɚɯ ȼɨɫɬɨɱɧɨɣ ȿɜɪɨɩɵ. Ɍɟɤɫɬ, ɩɟɪɟɜɨɞ ɢ ɤɨɦɦɟɧɬɚɪɢɣ.
Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ, 2006, ɫ. 157, ɛɟɥ. 23 ɢ ɰɢɬ. ɬɚɦ ɢɡɫɥɟɞɜɚɧɢɹ. Ʉɴɦ ɬɹɯ ɫɟ ɩɪɢɞɴɪɠɚɬ ɢ ɧɹɤɨɢ
ɫɴɜɪɟɦɟɧɧɢ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɡɢ (Ɋɚɛɨɜɹɧɨɜ, Ⱦ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 30). Ⱦɪɭɝɢ ɫɟ ɤɨɥɟɛɚɹɬ ɨɬɧɨɫɧɨ
ɥɨɤɚɥɢɡɚɰɢɹɬɚ: ɩɪɢ Ɍɴɪɝɨɜɢɳɟ ɢɥɢ ɒɭɦɟɧ (ɉɥɟɬɧɶɨɜ, ȼ. Ʉɪɟɩɨɫɬɬɚ ȼɚɪɧɚ ɫɩɨɪɟɞ
ɩɢɫɦɟɧɢɬɟ ɢɡɜɨɪɢ ɨɬ Iɏ-ɏII ɜ. – ȼ: Ⱦɨɛɪɭɞɠɚ, 30, 2015, (ɜ ɱɟɫɬ ɧɚ ȼɚɥɟɪɢ Ƀɨɬɨɜ), 215-
216).
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Ʉɟɧɞɟɪɨɜɚ, ɋɬ., Ȼ. Ȼɟɲɟɜɥɢɟɜ. Ȼɚɥɤɚɧɫɤɢɹɬ ɩɨɥɭɨɫɬɪɨɜ ɜɴɪɯɭ ɨɛɪɚɡɢ ɜ
ɤɚɪɬɢɬɟ ɧɚ ɚɥ-ɂɞɪɢɫɢ. ɉɚɥɟɨɝɪɚɮɫɤɨ-ɝɟɨɝɪɚɮɫɤɨ ɢɡɫɥɟɞɜɚɧɟ. I. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1990, 75-76.
85
Ʉɟɧɞɟɪɨɜɚ, ɋɬ. ɉɚɥɟɨɝɪɚɮɫɤɢ ɨɫɨɛɟɧɨɫɬɢ ɩɪɢ ɢɡɩɢɫɜɚɧɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɛɚɥɤɚɧɫɤɢɬɟ
ɬɨɩɨɧɢɦɢ ɜ „Ƚɟɨɝɪɚɮɢɹɬɚ” ɧɚ Ⱥɥ-ɂɞɪɢɫɢ (XII ɜ.). – ȼ: Ƚɨɞɢɲɧɢɤ ɧɚ ɋɨɮɢɣɫɤɢɹ
ɭɧɢɜɟɪɫɢɬɟɬ. ɐɟɧɬɴɪ ɡɚ ɫɥɚɜɹɧɨ-ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɩɪɨɭɱɜɚɧɢɹ „ɂɜ. Ⱦɭɣɱɟɜ”, 95, 14, 2006.
ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2010, 119-122.
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Ɂɚ Ɇɚɫɢɫ (Ɇɚɫɢɮɚ) ɢ ɛɨɠɟɫɬɜɟɧɢɹ ɤɢɜɨɬ ɜɠ. ɧɚɩɪɢɦɟɪ ɢɡɪɚɡɚ ɜ ɫɥɚɜɹɧɫɤɚɬɚ
ɜɟɪɫɢɹ ɧɚ ɯɪɨɧɢɤɚɬɚ ɧɚ Ƚɟɨɪɝɢ ɋɢɧɤɟɥ: wíè æå ñúáðàâ`øåñ âú Ìàñèô¹. Èäå‘ æå á‘øå
êèâîòú ázæè (420ɚ16); è ñúáðàâú âú Ìàñèô¹ íàðîD ìî‘ëøå çà í Áãzú (421ɜ1), ɩɨ:
Ɍɨɬɨɦɚɧɨɜɚ, Ⱥ-Ɇ. ɋɥɚɜɹɧɫɤɚɬɚ ɜɟɪɫɢɹ ɧɚ ɯɪɨɧɢɤɚɬɚ ɧɚ Ƚɟɨɪɝɢ ɋɢɧɤɟɥ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2008,
ɫ. 61 ɢ 64. ɉɨɞɪɨɛɧɨ ɜɴɩɪɨɫɴɬ ɡɚ ɢɦɟɬɨ Ɇɚɫɢɫ (Ɇɚɫɢɮ) ɜ ɨɫɧɨɜɚɬɚ ɧɚ ɢɦɟɬɨ
Ɇɚɫɢɣɭɧɭɫ ɭ ɂɞɪɢɫɢ ɳɟ ɛɴɞɟ ɪɚɡɝɥɟɞɚɧ ɜ ɨɬɞɟɥɧɚ ɩɭɛɥɢɤɚɰɢɹ.
87
ȽɂȻɂ, VIII, 1971, ɫ. 61; Ƚɟɨɪɝɢɟɜ, ɉ. ɉɥɢɫɤɚ – ɟɡɢɱɟɫɤɨɬɨ ɫɪɟɞɢɳɟ, ɫ. 65.
ɍɩɨɬɪɟɛɟɧɨɬɨ ɨɬ Ⱥɧɧɚ Ʉɨɦɧɢɧɚ ɩɨɧɹɬɢɟ „ɚɤɪɨɥɨɮɢɹ” (ɜɠ. ɡɚ ɧɟɝɨ ɤɚɬɨ ɝɨɪɧɚ ɱɚɫɬ ɨɬ
ɯɴɥɦ (lófos, bounós), Suidas Lexikon, ex recognatione Imm. Bekkeri. Berolini, 1854, p. 57)
ɡɚ ɜɴɩɪɨɫɧɚɬɚ ɜɢɫɨɱɢɧɚ, ȼ. Ɂɥɚɬɚɪɫɤɢ ɩɪɟɜɟɞɟ ɫɩɨɥɭɱɥɢɜɨ ɫ „ɤɪɚɟɯɴɥɦɢɟ”, ɤɨɟɬɨ
ɨɬɝɨɜɚɪɹ ɩɨ ɫɦɢɫɴɥ ɧɚ îñòðîã `ɨɫɬɴɪ, ɫɬɪɴɦɟɧ ɤɪɚɣ ɧɚ ɯɴɥɦ ɫ ɭɤɪɟɩɥɟɧɢɟ`. ȼɠ. ɛɟɥ. 77
ɬɭɤ.
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
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Ɉɩɪɟɞɟɥɟɧɢɟɬɨ „Ƚòɫɩɨɞɭɜ”, ɫɢɪɟɱ „ɩɨɫɜɟɬɟɧɢɹɬ Ȼɨɝɭ” ɦɨɠɟ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɚɫɨɰɢɢɪɚ
ɫɴɫ ɫɬɚɪɨɡɚɜɟɬɧɢɹ ɬɟɨɧɢɦ El šaddaj (=ȼɫɟɦɨɝɴɳɢɹɬ Ȼɨɝ). ȿɩɢɬɟɬɴɬ ɜ ɧɟɝɨ ɫɟ ɢɡɜɟɠɞɚ
ɨɬ ɚɤɚɞɫɤɨɬɨ ɩɨɧɹɬɢɟ šadû ɢ ɟɜɪɟɣɫɤɚɬɚ ɞɭɦɚ šaddaj, ɤɨɢɬɨ ɧɨɫɹɬ ɡɧɚɱɟɧɢɟɬɨ „ɩɥɚɧɢɧɚ”
(ɧɚɣ-ɜɟɱɟ ɡɚ ɤɭɥɬɨɜɢ ɞɟɣɫɬɜɢɹ). ɋɪɜ. ɒɢɜɚɪɨɜ, ɇ. ɂɡɨɛɪɚɠɟɧɢɟɬɨ „Ȼɨɝ ȼɫɟɞɴɪɠɢɬɟɥ”
(ɉɨɹɜɚ ɢ ɪɚɡɜɢɬɢɟ ɧɚ ɢɞɟɹɬɚ ɜ ɛɢɛɥɟɣɫɤɢɹ ɬɟɤɫɬ. ɍɫɜɨɹɜɚɧɟ ɜ ɢɡɨɛɪɚɡɢɬɟɥɧɨɬɨ
ɢɡɤɭɫɬɜɨ). – Ƚɨɞɢɲɧɢɤ ɧɚ ɋɨɮɢɣɫɤɢɹ ɭɧɢɜɟɪɫɢɬɟɬ. ɐɟɧɬɴɪ ɡɚ ɫɥɚɜɹɧɨ-ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ
ɩɪɨɭɱɜɚɧɢɹ „ɂɜɚɧ Ⱦɭɣɱɟɜ”, 97 16, 2007. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2011, 139-141.
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Ɍɨɜɚ ɫɟ ɞɨɥɚɜɹ, ɦɚɤɚɪ ɢ ɫɦɴɬɧɨ, ɜɴɜ ɜɴɡɩɪɢɟɦɚɧɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɪɟɥɟɮɚ ɨɬ Ɇɚɞɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ
ɫɤɚɥɚ ɩɪɟɡ XIII ɢ XIV ɜ. ɤɚɬɨ ɢɡɨɛɪɚɠɟɧɢɟ ɧɚ ɪɨɞɨɧɚɱɚɥɧɢɤɚ ɧɚ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɢɬɟ ɋɢɦ/ ɒɟɦ,
ɧɨ ɨɳɟ ɢ ɤɚɬɨ ɜɥɚɞɟɬɟɥ – ɨɫɧɨɜɚɬɟɥ ɧɚ ɬɹɯɧɚɬɚ ɞɴɪɠɚɜɚ, ɢɦɟɧɭɜɚɧ ɜ ɉɨɦɟɧɢɰɢɬɟ ɧɚ
ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢɬɟ ɰɚɪɟ ɤɚɬɨ ɒɟɦɝɨɧ/ ɒɟɝɦɨɧ, ɧɨ ɫɴɳɨ ɢ ɤɚɬɨ ɋɢɦɟɨɧ. ȼɠ. ɡɚ ɬɨɜɚ ɧɚɲɚɬɚ
ɪɚɛɨɬɚ: Ƚɟɨɪɝɢɟɜ, ɉ. ɋɴɳɟɫɬɜɭɜɚɥ ɥɢ ɟ ɬɴɪɧɨɜɫɤɢ ɰɚɪ ɩɨɞ ɢɦɟɬɨ Ⱥɫɩɚɪɭɯ? (ɤɴɦ
ɭɩɪɚɜɥɟɧɢɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɂɜɚɢɥ I ɒɟɦɝɨɧ (1277-1279). – ȼ: ȼɥɚɞɟɬɟɥ, ɞɴɪɠɚɜɚ ɢ ɰɴɪɤɜɚ ɜ
ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɢɬɟ Ȼɚɥɤɚɧɢ. ȼ ɱɟɫɬ ɧɚ 60-ɝɨɞɢɲɧɢɧɚɬɚ ɧɚ ɩɪɨɮ. ɉɥ. ɉɚɜɥɨɜ. Ɍɨɦ 2,
ȼɟɥɢɤɨ Ɍɴɪɧɨɜɨ, 2020, 426-449. ȼɠ. ɨɳɟ ɛɟɥ. 77 ɬɭɤ.
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ɋɉɂɋɔɄ ɇȺ ɈȻɊȺɁɂɌȿ:
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ɂɡɤɭɫɢɬɟɥɧɨ ɟ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɩɪɢɟɦɟ, ɱɟ ɪɚɡɝɥɟɠɞɚɧɢɹɬ ɤɚɦɴɤ ɫ ɧɚɞɩɢɫ ɟ ɨɬ ɝɨɪɧɨ
ɫɬɴɩɚɥɨ ɨɬ ɨɮɨɪɦɟɧ ɩɨ ɦɨɞɟɥɚ ɧɚ ɨɥɬɚɪɚ ɜ ɬ. ɧɚɪ. ɫɜɟɳɟɧɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɞɜɨɪ ɧɚ ɋɨɥɨɦɨɧɨɜɢɹ
ɯɪɚɦ ɜ Ƀɟɪɭɫɚɥɢɦ, ɧɚɪɢɱɚɧ ɢɦɟɧɧɨ „Ȼɨɠɢɹ ɩɥɚɧɢɧɚ”, ɞɨɤɚɬɨ ɧɚɣ-ɞɨɥɧɨɬɨ ɫɬɴɩɚɥɨ ɟ
ɨɩɪɟɞɟɥɹɧɨ ɤɚɬɨ „ɡɟɦɧɢ ɩɨɥɢ”. ɋɪɜ. ɒɢɜɚɪɨɜ, ɇ. Ȼɢɛɥɟɣɫɤɚ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɹ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1992,
ɫ. 418. Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢɹɬ ɟɡɢɤ ɢ ɩɢɫɦɨ ɧɚ ɧɚɞɩɢɫɚ ɢɡɤɥɸɱɜɚɬ ɜɴɡɦɨɠɧɨɫɬɬɚ ɬɨɣ ɞɚ ɟ ɨɫɬɚɧɤɚ
ɨɬ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ ɫɢɧɚɝɨɝɚ. Ɍɨɣ ɩɨ-ɫɤɨɪɨ ɟ ɦɚɬɟɪɢɚɥɧɨ ɫɜɢɞɟɬɟɥɫɬɜɨ ɡɚ ɩɪɟɤɥɨɧɟɧɢɟɬɨ
ɧɚ ɯɪɢɫɬɢɹɧɫɤɚ ɨɛɳɧɨɫɬ ɫ ɛɥɢɡɤɨɢɡɬɨɱɧɢ ɤɨɪɟɧɢ ɧɚ ɫɜɨɢɬɟ ɪɟɥɢɝɢɨɡɧɢ ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɢ ɩɪɟɞ
Ȼɨɝ-Ɉɬɟɰ. Ɉɬ ɬɚɡɢ ɝɥɟɞɧɚ ɬɨɱɤɚ ɧɚɞɩɢɫɴɬ ɢɡɝɥɟɠɞɚ ɞɚ ɟ ɨɩɢɬ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɩɪɟɬɜɨɪɢ ɜ ɪɟɚɥɧɨɫɬ
ɡɚɩɢɫɚɧɨɬɨ ɜ Ʉɧɢɝɚ ɧɚ ɩɪɨɪɨɤ ɂɫɚɣɚ: „Ɂɚɬɨɜɚ ɬɴɣ ɤɚɡɜɚ Ƚɨɫɩɨɞ Ȼɨɝ: ɟɬɨ, Ⱥɡ ɩɨɥɚɝɚɦ
ɧɚ ɋɢɨɧ ɜ ɨɫɧɨɜɚɬɚ ɤɚɦɴɤ – ɤɚɦɴɤ ɢɡɩɢɬɚɧ, ɤɪɚɣɴɝɴɥɟɧ ɢ ɞɪɚɝɨɰɟɧɟɧ, ɡɞɪɚɜɨ
ɭɬɜɴɪɞɟɧ: ɤɨɣɬɨ ɜɹɪɜɚ ɜ ɧɟɝɨ, ɧɹɦɚ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɩɨɫɪɚɦɢ” (28: 16). ȼ ɫɴɝɥɚɫɢɟ ɫ ɬɨɜɚ ɢɦɟɧɧɨ
ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɢɹɬ ɧɚɞɩɢɫ ɢɡɝɥɟɠɞɚ ɞɚ ɟ ɛɢɥ ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɟɧ ɜ ɞɜɚ ɰɜɹɬɚ: ɫ ɱɟɪɜɟɧɢ ɛɭɤɜɢ,
ɢɡɩɴɤɜɚɳɢ ɧɚ ɬɴɦɧɨɡɟɥɟɧ (ɫɢɧɶɨɡɟɥɟɧ) ɮɨɧ. ɉɭɪɩɭɪɴɬ, ɚ ɢ ɱɟɪɜɟɧɢɹɬ ɰɜɹɬ ɢɡɨɛɳɨ, ɟ
ɧɟ ɫɚɦɨ „ɰɚɪɫɤɢ”, ɧɨ ɢ ɧɚ ɏɪɢɫɬɨɫ Ⱥɧɬɪɚɤɫ, ɞɨɤɚɬɨ ɡɟɥɟɧɢɹɬ ɰɜɹɬ ɟ ɧɚ ɫɜɟɳɟɧɫɬɜɨɬɨ.
ɋɪɜ. Ʉɨɱɟɜ, ɇ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., 282-283. Ɍɨɜɚ ɫɴɡɞɚɜɚ ɜɩɟɱɚɬɥɟɧɢɟ, ɱɟ ɩɨɫɪɟɞɫɬɜɨɦ
ɫɴɱɟɬɚɧɢɟɬɨ îñòðî áîãî¶í ɚɜɬɨɪɴɬ ɧɚ ɧɚɞɩɢɫɚ ɟ ɫɪɚɜɧɢɥ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɢɹ ɒɭɦɟɧ ɫɴɫ
„ɫɜɟɬɢɹ” ɢ ɢɫɬɢɧɫɤɢ Ȼɨɠɟɫɬɜɟɧɢɹ ɝɪɚɞ Ƀɟɪɭɫɚɥɢɦ, ɡɚ ɤɨɝɨɬɨ ɫɟ ɨɬɧɚɫɹɬ ɫɥɟɞɧɢɬɟ ɞɭɦɢ
ɧɚ ɩɪɨɪɨɤ ɂɫɚɣɚ: „ȿɬɨ Ⱥɡ ɳɟ ɩɨɥɨɠɚ ɬɜɨɢɬɟ ɤɚɦɴɧɢ ɜɴɪɯɭ ɪɭɛɢɧ ɢ ɳɟ ɧɚɩɪɚɜɹ
ɬɜɨɢɬɟ ɨɫɧɨɜɢ ɨɬ ɫɚɩɮɢɪɢ …” (54:11).
Ɍɚɛɟɥɢ, ɩɨɧɹɤɨɝɚ ɜɴɜ ɮɨɪɦɚ ɧɚ tabula ansata ɢ ɫ ɬ. ɧɚɪ. ɯɪɢɫɬɢɹɧɫɤɨ
Anzufungen (ɨɛɪɴɳɟɧɢɟ, ɩɪɢɡɢɜ) ɤɴɦ Ȼɨɝɚ, ɭɤɪɚɫɹɜɚɧɢ ɫ ɯɪɢɡɦɚ ɢɥɢ ɲɟɫɬɨɥɴɱɟɜɚ
ɪɨɡɟɬɚ, ɫɚ ɫɥɭɠɟɥɢ ɡɚ ɚɩɨɬɪɨɩɟɢ ɧɚɞ ɜɯɨɞɚ ɧɚ ɩɪɢɟɦɧɢ ɩɨɦɟɳɟɧɢɹ ɢɥɢ ɧɚ ɠɢɥɢɳɧɢ
ɞɨɦɨɜɟ ɜ ɪɚɧɧɨɯɪɢɫɬɢɹɧɫɤɚ ɋɢɪɢɹ. ɋɪɜ. Villeneuve, Fr. Wohn- und Siedlungsstrukturen
zur Zeit des Frühen Christentums in Südsyrien. – In: Syria. Von den Aposteln zu den
Khalifen. Ed. E. Ruprechtsberger. Linz, 1993, S. 106-108, Abb. 4. Ɍɟ ɫɚ ɩɪɨɞɴɥɠɟɧɢɟ ɧɚ
ɟɜɪɟɣɫɤɢɬɟ ɚɩɨɬɪɨɩɟɢɱɧɢ ɬɚɥɢɫɦɚɧɢ (ɦɟɡɭɡɨɬ).
ȼ ɬɨɡɢ ɫɦɢɫɴɥ ɧɚɞɩɢɫɴɬ „ɈɋɌɊɈ ȻɈȽɈIN” ɛɢ ɦɨɝɴɥ ɞɚ ɟ ɫ ɪɨɥɹ ɧɚ
„ɨɛɳɟɫɬɜɟɧ ɚɦɭɥɟɬ-ɚɩɨɬɪɨɩɟɣ”. ɇɟɝɨɜɨɬɨ ɰɜɟɬɨɜɨ ɨɮɨɪɦɥɟɧɢɟ ɬɪɹɛɜɚ ɞɚ ɟ ɛɢɥɨ
ɜɞɴɯɧɨɜɟɧɨ ɨɬ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɫɤɢ ɩɪɨɬɨɬɢɩ. Ɋɨɥɹ ɧɚ ɬɚɤɴɜ ɢɡɢɝɪɚɥɢ Ɇɚɞɚɪɫɤɢɬɟ ɫɤɚɥɧɢ
ɧɚɞɩɢɫɢ, ɱɢɟɬɨ ɱɟɪɜɟɧɨ ɨɰɜɟɬɹɜɚɧɟ ɢ ɤɚɩɢɬɚɥɟɧ ɲɪɢɮɬ ɧɚ ɛɭɤɜɢɬɟ (ɜɠ. ɩɨ-ɝɨɪɟ ɛɟɥ.
33) ɫɢ ɨɫɬɚɜɚɬ ɪɟɚɥɟɧ ɦɨɞɟɥ ɡɚ ɜɴɡɩɪɨɢɡɜɟɠɞɚɧɟ ɧɟ ɫɚɦɨ ɡɚɪɚɞɢ ɫɜɨɹɬɚ ɜɢɞɢɦɨɫɬ ɩɪɟɡ
ɜɟɤɨɜɟɬɟ ɢ ɝɟɨɝɪɚɮɫɤɚ ɛɥɢɡɨɫɬ, ɧɨ ɢ ɩɨɪɚɞɢ ɢɡɬɴɤɧɚɬɚɬɚ ɩɨ-ɝɨɪɟ ɫɟɦɚɧɬɢɱɧɚ ɜɪɴɡɤɚ ɧɚ
Ɇɚɞɚɪɫɤɨɬɨ ɢ ɒɭɦɟɧɫɤɨɬɨ ɩɥɚɬɨ ɜ ɨɱɢɬɟ ɧɚ ɯɪɢɫɬɢɹɧɫɤɨɬɨ ɧɚɫɟɥɟɧɢɟ ɜ ɪɚɣɨɧɚ ɨɳɟ
ɩɪɟɡ Iɏ, ɧɨ ɝɥɚɜɧɨ ɩɪɟɡ ɏ-XI ɜ.
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Ɂɚ Ʉɨɫɬɭɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɠɢɜɨɩɢɫɧɚ ɲɤɨɥɚ ɜɢɠ. Ɋɚɞɨʁɱɢʄ, ɋɜ. ȳɟɞɧɚ ɫɥɢɤɚɪɫɤɚ ɲɤɨɥɚ
ɢɡ ɞɪɭɝɟ ɩɨɥɨɜɢɧɟ XV ɜɟɤɚ – ȼ: Ɂɛɨɪɧɢɤ Ɇɚɬɢɰɟ ɫɪɛɫɤɟ ɡɚ ɥɢɤɨɜɧɟ ɭɦɟɬɧɨɫɬɢ. I, 1965,
69-139 (ɩɪɟɩɟɱɚɬɚɧɨ ɜ: Ɋɚɞɨʁɱɢʄ, ɋɜ. Ɉɞɚɛɪɚɧɢ ɱɥɚɧɰɢ ɢ ɫɬɭɞɢʁɟ (1933-1978).
Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ, 1982, 258-279); Chatzidakis, M. Aspects de la peiture réligieuse dans les Balkans
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60; īİȦȡȖȚIJıȠȖȚȐȞȞȘ, Ǽ. DzȞĮ İȡȖĮıIJȒȡȚȠ ĮȞȦȞȝȦȞ ȗȦȖȡȐijȦȞ IJȠȣ įİȪIJİȡȠȣ ȝȚıȠȪ IJȠȣ
15Ƞȣ ĮȚȫȞĮ ıIJĮ ǺĮȜțȐȞȚĮ țĮȚ Ș İʌȓįȡĮıȘ IJȠȣ ıIJȘ ȝİIJĮȕȣȗĮȞIJȚȞȒ IJȑȤȞȘ – ǾʌȚȡȦIJȚțȐ
ȤȡȠȞȚțȐ, 29, 1988-1989, 145-172; ɋɭɛɨɬɢʄ, Ƚ. Ʉɨɫɬɭɪɫɤɚ ɫɥɢɤɚɪɫɤɚ ɲɤɨɥɚ. ɇɚɫɥɟɻɟ ɢ
ɨɛɪɚɡɨɜɚʃɟ ɞɨɦɚʄɢɯ ɪɚɞɢɨɧɢɰɚ – Ƚɥɚɫ ɋȺɇɍ, CCCLXXXIV. Ɉɞɟʂɟʃɟ ɢɫɬɨɪɢjɫɤɢɯ
ɧɚɭɤɚ. 10, 1998, 109-139; Valeva, Ts. Sur la question de la soit-dite „École artistique de
Kastoria” – ǺȣȗĮȞIJȚȞȐ, XXVIII, 2008, 181-221; Ʉɭɧɟɜɚ, ɐɜ. Ʉɴɦ ɜɴɩɪɨɫɚ ɡɚ
ɯɪɨɧɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢɬɟ ɢ ɬɟɪɢɬɨɪɢɚɥɧɢ ɪɚɦɤɢ ɧɚ ɤɨɫɬɭɪɫɤɢɹ ɯɭɞɨɠɟɫɬɜɟɧ ɤɪɴɝ ɨɬ XV-XVI
ɜɟɤ. – ɉɪɨɛɥɟɦɢ ɧɚ ɢɡɤɭɫɬɜɨɬɨ, 2018, 1, 25-35.
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Ƀɟɡ. 1.
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Ƀɟɡ. 2.
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Ⱦɨɛɪɨ ɢɡɨɛɪɚɠɟɧɢɟ ɜ: Alahan. An Early Christian Monastery in Southern
Turkey. Ed. M. Gough, Toronto, 1985. p. 87, 92, pl. 20.
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Ɋɟɥɟɮ ɧɚ ɫɟɜɟɪɧɚɬɚ ɮɚɫɚɞɚ ɧɚ ɧɚɪɬɟɤɫɚ ɧɚ ɤɚɬɨɥɢɤɨɧɚ ɧɚ ɦɚɧɚɫɬɢɪɚ
ɏɢɥɟɧɞɚɪ, ɩɨɫɬɪɨɟɧ ɨɬ ɤɧɹɡ Ʌɚɡɚɪ ɏɪɟɛɟɥɹɧɨɜɢɱ (1371-1389) ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɹ ɬɟɬɪɚɦɨɪɮ ɢ
ɫɟɪɚɮɢɦ. (ɜɢɠ. Ɇɚɧɚɫɬɢɪ ɏɢɥɚɩɞɚɪ. Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ, 1998, ɢɥɸɫɬɪɚɰɢɹ ɧɚ ɫ. 163). ɂɡɝɥɟɠɞɚ
ɢɡɨɛɪɚɠɟɧɢɹɬɚ ɧɚ ɚɧɝɟɥɫɤɢɬɟ ɫɢɥɢ ɫɚ ɩɨɦɟɫɬɟɧɢ ɬɭɤ ɫ ɧɚɞɟɠɞɚɬɚ, ɱɟ ɞɜɨɣɤɚɬɚ
„ɫɬɪɚɠɢ” ɳɟ ɨɛɟɡɩɟɱɢ ɡɞɪɚɜɢɧɚɬɚ ɧɚ ɩɨɫɬɪɨɟɧɨɬɨ.
10
ȼ „ɇɚɫɬɚɜɥɟɧɢɹɬɚ ɧɚ ɫɜ. Ⱥɧɬɨɧɢɣ ȼɟɥɢɤɢ” ɫɟ ɫɩɨɦɟɧɚɜɚ: ɋɟɪɚɮɢɦɴɬ, ɜɢɞɹɧ
ɨɬ ɩɪɨɪɨɤ ɂɟɡɟɤɢɢɥ, ɟ ɨɛɪɚɡ ɧɚ ɜɟɪɧɢɬɟ ɞɭɲɢ, ɤɨɢɬɨ ɫɟ ɫɬɪɟɦɹɬ ɞɚ ɞɨɫɬɢɝɧɚɬ
ɫɴɜɴɪɲɟɧɫɬɜɨ. Ɍɨɣ ɢɦɚɥ ɲɟɫɬ ɤɪɢɥɚ, ɩɪɟɢɡɩɴɥɧɟɧɢ ɫ ɨɱɢ; ɢɦɚɥ ɫɴɳɨ ɬɚɤɚ ɢ ɱɟɬɢɪɢ
ɥɢɰɚ, ɝɥɟɞɚɳɢ ɧɚ ɱɟɬɢɪɢɬɟ ɫɬɪɚɧɢ (ɇɚɫɬɚɜɥɟɧɢɹ ɫɜ. ɨɬɰɚ ɧɚɲɟɝɨ Ⱥɧɬɨɧɢɹ ȼɟɥɢɤɨɝɨ ɨ
ɠɢɡɧɢ ɜɨ ɏɪɢɫɬɟ, ɢɡɜɥɟɱɟɧɧɵɹ ɢɡ ɫɥɨɜɚ ɟɝɨ ɜ ɠɢɡɧɟɨɩɢɫɚɧɢɢ ɫɜ. Ⱥɮɚɧɚɫɢɹ, ɢɡ ɟɝɨ 20
ɩɨɫɥɚɧɢɣ ɢ 20 ɫɥɨɜ. ɋɥɨɜɨ 59. (ȼ: Ⱦɨɛɪɨɬɨɥɸɛɢɟ. Ɍ. 1 (3 ɢɡɞ.) Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ, 1895, ɫ. 51).
11
Ʌɢɞɨɜ, Ⱥ. Ɇ. Ɋɨɫɩɢɫɢ ɦɨɧɚɫɬɵɪɹ Ⱥɯɬɚɥɚ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ, ɢɤɨɧɨɝɪɚɮɢɹ,
ɦɚɫɬɟɪɚ. Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ, 2014, ɫ. 125, ɢɥ. ɧɚ ɫ. 122 ɢ 291.
12
Ⱦɚɜɢɞɨɜ Ɍɟɦɟɪɢɧɫɤɢ, Ⱥ. ɐɢɤɥɭɫ ɋɬɪɚɲɧɨɝ ɫɭɞɚ. – ȼ: Ɂɢɞɧɨ ɫɥɢɤɚɪɫɬɜɨ
ɦɚɧɚɫɬɢɪɚ Ⱦɟɱɚɧɚ. Ƚɪɚɻɚ ɢ ɫɬɭɞɢʁɟ. ɍɪ. ȼ. ȳ. ࣻɭɪɢʄ. Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ, 1995, ɫ. 4; Ɍɨɞɢʄ, Ȼ.,
ɑɚɧɚɤ-Ɇɟɞɢʄ, Ɇ. Ɇɚɧɚɫɬɢɪ Ⱦɟɱɚɧɢ. Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ, 2005, ɫ. 450, ɢɥ. 368.
13
ɋɩɨɪɟɞ ȼ. Ⱦɠɭɪɢɱ ɠɢɜɨɩɢɫɰɢɬɟ ɨɬ ɏVȱ ɜ. ɨɛɧɨɜɢɥɢ ɢɡɨɛɪɚɠɟɧɢɹɬɚ,
ɫɴɡɞɚɞɟɧɢ ɨɳɟ ɩɨ ɜɪɟɦɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɚɪɯɢɟɩɢɫɤɨɩ Ⱦɚɧɢɥɨ ȱȱ (ɬ.ɟ. ɨɤɨɥɨ 1330 ɝ.) (ȼɢɠ. ȭɭɪɢʄ,
ȼ. ȳ., ɋ. ȶɢɪɤɨɜɢʄ, ȼ. Ʉɨɪɚʄ. ɉɟʄɤɚ ɩɚɬɪɢʁɚɪɲɢʁɚ. Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ, 1990, ɫ. 238). Ɇ. Ɋɚɞɭɣɤɨ
ɫɱɢɬɚ, ɱɟ ɠɢɜɨɩɢɫɬɚ ɨɤɨɥɨ ɜɯɨɞɚ ɜ „ɋɜ. Ⱥɩɨɫɬɨɥɢ“ ɧɟ ɟ ɜɴɡɧɢɤɧɚɥɚ ɨɤɨɥɨ 1330. ɚ
ɨɤɨɥɨ 1346 ɝ. Ɍɟɬɪɚɦɨɪɮɴɬ ɧɚ ɨɬ ɫɟɜɟɪ ɩɪɢɧɚɞɥɟɠɢ ɧɚ ɫɥɨɹ ɨɬ 1565 ɝ., ɚ ɬɟɬɪɚɦɨɪɮɴɬ
ɨɬ ɸɝ – ɧɚ ɬɨɡɢ ɨɬ XIV ɜ. (ȼɢɠ: Ɋɚɞɭʁɤɨ, Ɇ. ȿɩɢɫɤɨɩɫɤɢ ɩɪɟɫɬɨ ɭ ɫɪɩɫɤɢɦ ɡɟɦʂɚɦɚ ɨɞ
IX ɞɨ XVIII ɜɟɤɚ, II, ɝɥɚɜɚ ɉɟʄɤɚ ɩɚɬɪɢʁɚɪɲɢʁɚ – ɩɨɞ ɩɟɱɚɬ).
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Proloviü, J. Die Kirche des Heiligen Andreas an der Treska: Geschichte,
Architektur und Malerei einer palaiologenzeitlichen Stiftung des serbischen Prinzen
Andreaš. Wien, 1997, S. 77; ȆĮʌĮȝĮıIJȠȡȐțȘȢ, ȉ. ȅ įȚȐțȠıȝȠȢ, p. 127;
24
ȂȠȣIJıȩʌȠȣȜȠȢ, ȃ. Ȁ., ī. ǻȘȝȘIJȡȠțȐȜȜȘȢ. īİȡȐțȚ. ȅȚ İțțȜȘıȓİȢ IJȠࠎ ȠȚțȚıȝȠࠎ.
ĬİııĮȜȠȞȓțȘ, 1981, 87, 97. ȆȓȞ.168,169, 173, 176.
25
ȆĮʌĮȝĮıIJȠȡȐțȘȢ, ȉ. ȅ įȚȐțȠıȝȠȢ, 127-128.
26
Ibid., p. 127.
27
Stylianou, A., J. Stylianou. The Painted Churches of Cyprus (Treasures of
Byzantine Art. II) ed. Nicozia, 1997, p. 224.
28
ǿİȡȐ ȝȠȞȒ ĮȖȓȠȣ ǻȚȠȞȣıȓȠȣ. ȅ ݨȉȠȓȤȠȖȡĮijȓİȢ IJȠȣ țĮșȠȜȚțȠࠎ. ਟȖȚȠȞ ਗ਼ȡȠȢ, 2003.
Ǽੁț. 10, 16, 18.
29
ȆĮʌĮȝĮıIJȠȡȐțȘȢ ȉ. ȅ įȚȐțȠıȝȠȢ, p. 127. ʌȓȞ. 118.
30
Chatzidakis, M., I. Bitha. The Island of Kythera. Corpus of the Byzantine Wall-
paintings of Greece. Athens, 2003, p. 61, 70. Fig. 13 on p. 37; 23 on p. 70.
31
Zias, N. Hagios Nikolaos at Sangri. – In: Naxos (Byzantine art in Greece.
Mosaics – Wall Paintings). Athens, 1979, p. 81. Il. 4, 10.
32
Ƚɨɪɦɚɬɸɤ, Ⱥ. Ⱥ. Ʉɨɩɬɫɤɢɟ ɞɪɟɜɧɨɫɬɢ. ɏɪɚɦ ɗɥɶ-Ɇɨɚɥɥɚɤɚ ɜ Ʉɚɢɪɟ. –
Ɋɟɫɬɚɜɪɚɰɢɹ ɦɭɡɟɣɧɵɯ ɰɟɧɧɨɫɬɟɣ. 2005/1, 10, 12-15.
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ȼɚɬɨɩɟɞ. ɑɟɬɜɟɪɨɟɜɚɧɝɟɥɢɟ. ɜɢɠ. īĮȜȐȦĮȡȘȢ, ī. ǼȜȜȘȞȚțȒ ȉȑȤȞȘ. ǽȦȖȡĮijȚțȒ
ȕȣȗĮȞIJȚȞࠛȞ ȤİȚȡȠȖȡȐijȦȞ. ǹșȒȞĮ, 1995, p. 260. ȆȓȞ. 219.
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ɋɉɂɋɔɄ ɇȺ ɈȻɊȺɁɂɌȿ:
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4
5
5
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11
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15
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17 16
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20
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ȼɚɫɢɥ Ƚɸɡɟɥɟɜ
ȉȅ ǻǼUȉǼȇȅȃ ȼ ɐȺɊɂȽɊȺȾ ɂ ɌɊɂȻɍɌȺ,
ɂɁɉɅȺɓȺɇ ɌɍɄ ɇȺ ȻɔɅȽȺɊɋɄɂə ɏȺɇ ɌȿɊȼȿɅ
1
Ɂɥɚɬɚɪɫɤɢ, ȼ. ɇ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɞɴɪɠɚɜɚ ɩɪɟɡ ɫɪɟɞɧɢɬɟ ɜɟɤɨɜɟ,
ɬ. I. ɉɴɪɜɨ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɨ ɰɚɪɫɬɜɨ, ɱ. 1. ȿɩɨɯɚ ɧɚ ɯɭɧɧɨ-ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɨɬɨ ɧɚɞɦɨɳɢɟ. ɋɨɮɢɹ,
1918, 164-171; Ⱦɭɣɱɟɜ, ɂɜ. ɂɦɩɟɪɚɬɨɪ ɘɫɬɢɧɢɚɧ II Ɋɢɧɨɬɦɢɬ ɞɚɧɧɢɤ ɧɚ ɯɚɧ Ɍɟɪɜɟɥɹ.
– ȼ: ɉɪɨɭɱɜɚɧɢɹ ɜɴɪɯɭ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɨɬɨ ɋɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɢɟ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1945, 5-8; Ȼɟɲɟɜɥɢɟɜ, ȼ.
Ʉ ɜɨɩɪɨɫɭ ɨ ɧɚɝɪɚɞɟ, ɩɨɥɭɱɟɧɧɨɣ Ɍɟɪɜɟɥɟɦ ɨɬ ɘɫɬɢɧɢɚɧɚ II ɜ 705 ɝ. – ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢɣ
ɜɪɟɦɟɧɧɢɤ, XVI, 1959, 8-13; Dujþev, Iv. La seconda ascesa di Giustiniano II al trono
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Ⱥthènes, 1986, 83-91; Ȼɨɠɢɥɨɜ, ɂɜ., ȼ. Ƚɸɡɟɥɟɜ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ
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ɧɚ ȿɜɪɨɩɚ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2017, 66-73; Ȼɨɠɢɥɨɜ, ɂɜ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, ɬ.
I. ȼɚɪɜɚɪɫɤɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. ɉɥɨɜɞɢɜ, 2017, 238-241.
2
Ȼɟɞɚ ɉɪɟɩɨɞɨɛɧɢ. Ɂɚ ɯɪɨɧɨɥɨɝɢɹɬɚ. – ɅɂȻɂ, II, 1958, ɫ. 403; ɉɚɜɟɥ Ⱦɹɤɨɧ.
ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ ɥɚɧɝɨɛɚɪɞɢɬɟ. – ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ, ɫ. 416; Ɍɟɨɮɚɧ ɂɡɩɨɜɟɞɧɢɤ. ɏɪɨɧɨɝɪɚɮɢɹ. –
ȽɂȻɂ, III, 1960, 266-267; ɉɚɬɪɢɚɪɯ ɇɢɤɢɮɨɪ. Ȼɪɟɜɢɚɪɢɣ. – ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ, 297-298.
3
ȼɠ. ɧɹɤɨɢ ɩɨɫɨɱɜɚɧɢɹ ɭ Ⱦɨɧɱɟɜ ɢ Ƚɸɡɟɥɟɜ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., 154-199, 203-211.
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Th. Preger. Scriptores originum constantinopolitarum. I. Lipsiae, 1901, 39-40.
ɋɪɜ. ɩɪɟɜɨɞɚ ɧɚ ɉ. Ɍɢɜɱɟɜ ɜ ȽɂȻɂ, III, ɫ. 224.
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Janin, R. Constantinople byzantine. Paris 1950, 155-159.
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Schilbach, E. Byzantinische Metrologie. München 1970, S. 103-108, 279.
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Ɉɫɬɪɨɝɨɪɫɤɢ, Ƚ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɚɬɚ ɞɴɪɠɚɜɚ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1998, 206-
207.
8
Ɍɟɨɮɚɧ ɂɡɩɨɜɟɞɧɢɤ. ɏɪɨɧɨɝɪɚɮɢɹ, ɫ. 267.
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ɉɚɬɪɢɚɪɯ ɇɢɤɢɮɨɪ. Ȼɪɟɜɢɚɪɢɣ, ɫ. 299.
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ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ, ɫ. 300; Ɍɟɨɮɚɧ ɂɡɩɨɜɟɞɧɢɤ. ɏɪɨɧɨɝɪɚɮɢɹ, ɫ. 268.
11
ȽɂȻɂ, III, ɫ. 267, 298. ɂɡɹɫɧɹɜɚɧɟ ɧɚ ɫɴɳɧɨɫɬɬɚ ɧɚ ɬɟɪɦɢɧɚ ʌȐțIJȠȞ ɜɠ. ɭ
Ⱦɭɣɱɟɜ, ɂɜ. ɂɦɩɟɪɚɬɨɪ ɘɫɬɢɧɢɚɧ II Ɋɢɧɨɬɦɢɬ ɞɚɧɧɢɤ ɧɚ ɯɚɧ Ɍɟɪɜɟɥɹ, ɫ. 7, ɛɟɥ. 5. Ɂɚ
ɯɚɡɚɪɫɤɢɹ ɯɚɝɚɧ ɜɠ.. Moravcsik, G. Byzantinoturcica, II. Berlin 1958, p. 136.
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ɋɜɢɞɚɫ. Ⱥɡɛɭɱɧɢɤ. – ȽɂȻɂ, V, 1964, 309-310.
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Scriptores originum constantinopolitarum. II, edidit Th. Preger. Lipsiae 1907,
171–172. ȼɠ. ɫɴɳɨ ɩɪɟɜɨɞɚ ɧɚ ɉ. Ɍɢɜɱɟɜ ɜ ȽɂȻɂ, V, ɫ. 324.
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Georgius Codinus. Excerpta de antiquitatibus constantinopolitanis. Bonnae
1843, 97-98.
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Ɉɫɬɪɨɝɨɪɫɤɢ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., 300-316.
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Ɍɟɨɮɚɧ ɂɡɩɨɜɟɞɧɢɤ. ɏɪɨɧɨɝɪɚɮɢɹ, ɫ. 266-267; ɉɚɬɪɢɚɪɯ ɇɢɤɢɮɨɪ.
Ȼɪɟɜɢɚɪɢɣ, ɫ. 298.
17
Ɂɥɚɬɚɪɫɤɢ, ȼ. ɇ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ, I, 1, ɫ. 167.
246
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
ɋɬɟɥɚ Ⱦɨɧɱɟɜɚ
ɇɢɤɨɥɚɣ ɇɢɤɨɥɨɜ
Stella Doncheva
Nikolay Nikolov
To the attention of the research interests we present two seals with less known
images of saints found on the territory of Bulgaria. Only single specimens are known,
represented mainly in the large world collections.
The first is a Byzantine seal with the rare image of the prophet Samuel.
1. ȈĮȝȠȣȒȜ ȂĮȣȡȠʌȩįȘȢ ȤĮȡIJȠࢥȪȜĮȗ (1170-1177).
The seal comes from southern Bulgaria and is owned by a private collection. Its
dimensions are: D. core - 34 mm, grain circle - 28-30 mm, thickness - 3-4 mm, weight -
30,60 g. Excellent preserved with a deep and expressive relief (fig. 1).
Avers: St. Samuel stood upright, stepped on a Supendanium, blessing (right hand),
and holding a book (left hand). Caption in two columns with a monogram on the left:
|ݪ || ɋȺ | Ɇܑ | ɇȁ |
:[‘O ʌȡȠijIJȘȢ] ȈĮȝȠȣȒȜ
247
Стела ДОНЧЕВА и Николай НИКОЛОВ. ПЕЧАТИ С РЯДКА ИКОНОГРАФИЯ ОТ ...
| ݪɋȯ - ɎȺ – ȯɋ || Ɉ - ɉɊɈ - ɌɈ - ɆȺɊ - Ɍ
[‘ ݪȖȓȠȢ] [Ȉ(IJ)ȑijĮ(Ȟ)İȢ]
‘O ȖȓȠȢ ȈIJȑijĮȞİȢ ɉȡȠIJȠȝȐȡIJȣȡĮȢ
248
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
1
Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria. Vol. 2, Sofia, 2006, pp.
284-285, No 455.
249
Стела ДОНЧЕВА и Николай НИКОЛОВ. ПЕЧАТИ С РЯДКА ИКОНОГРАФИЯ ОТ ...
2
ɉɚɧɱɟɧɤɨ, Ȼ. Ʉɚɬɚɥɨɝ ɦɨɥɢɜɞɨɜɭɥɨɜ Ɋɭɫɫɤɨɝɨ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɨɝɨ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬɚ ɜ
Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧɨɩɨɥɟ. – ɂɊȺɂɄ, VIII, 1903, No 106-107; ɒɚɧɞɪɨɜɫɤɚɹ, ȼ. ɇɟɫɤɨɥɶɤɨ
ɩɟɱɚɬɟɣ ɫ ɪɟɞɤɢɦɢ ɢɡɨɛɪɚɠɟɧɢɹɦɢ. – ȺȾɋȼ, 34, 2003, 219-220, ɪɢɫ. 12.
3
Laurent, V. Le Corpus des Sceaux de L’empire Byzantine. L’Églisse. Vol. V. Part
2, Paris, 1981, No 1615.
4
ɒɚɧɞɪɨɜɫɤɚɹ, ȼ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., 220-221, ɪɢɫ. 13.
5
Laurent, V. Op. cit., No 1615.
6
Dumbarton Oaks. Research library and collection. Samuel Mauropodes,
chartophylax (1170-1178). BZS.1955.1.5048. <https://www.doaks.org/resources/seals/
byzantine-seals/BZS.1955.1.5048 (status 12.12.2019)>.
250
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
7
Dumbarton Oaks. Samuel Mauropodes, chartophylax (1170-1178).
BZS.1958.106.5453 <https://www.doaks.org/resources/seals/byzantine-seals/BZS.1958.106.
5453 (status 12.12.2019)>.
8
Jordanov, I. Ɉp. cit., p. 285 ɢ ɩɨɫ. ɥɢɬ.
9
ɂɡɤɚɡɜɚɦɟ ɫɜɨɹɬɚ ɛɥɚɝɨɞɚɪɧɨɫɬ ɧɚ ɩɪɨɮ. ɞ.ɢ.ɧ. ɂ. Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ ɡɚ ɪɚɡɱɢɬɚɧɟɬɨ
ɧɚ ɫɥɨɠɧɢɹ ɧɚɞɩɢɫ ɜɴɪɯɭ ɪɟɜɟɪɫɚ ɧɚ ɩɟɱɚɬɚ.
251
Стела ДОНЧЕВА и Николай НИКОЛОВ. ПЕЧАТИ С РЯДКА ИКОНОГРАФИЯ ОТ ...
10
Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria. Vol. 1. Byzantine Seals
with Geographical Names. Sofia, 2003, p. 42, obr. 13.1; Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine
Seals from Bulgaria. Vol. 3, Part 1. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2009, p. 554, No 1677.
11
Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria. Vol. 3, Part 2. Sofia,
2009, p. 712-713, No 2223, 2225.
12
Ibid., p. 712, No 2224; p. 847, No 2790.
13
Ʉɚɠɞɚɧ, Ⱥ. ɋɨɰɢɚɥɶɧɵɣ ɫɨɫɬɚɜ ɝɨɫɩɨɞɫɬɜɭɸɳɟɝɨ ɤɥɚɫɫɚ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɢ XI-XII
ɜɜ. Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ, 1974, ɫ. 110, 126, 166, 178.
14
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ, ɫ. 151.
252
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
ɋɉɂɋɔɄ ɇȺ ɈȻɊȺɁɂɌȿ:
2
1
253
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
Ɇɢɪɨɫɥɚɜɚ Ⱦɨɬɤɨɜɚ
Miroslava Dotkova
257
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
COMMANDING OFFICERS
1
This research is sponsored by the Marmara University Scientific Research
Foundation (SOS-D- 120418-0-196, project name “Recent Studies on Unpublished
Byzantine Lead Seals From Selected Anatolian Museums”); the research already led to two
publication: Cheynet, J.-Cl. E. Erdo÷an, V. Prigent. Les sceaux byzantins du musée
d’Adiyaman. – Studies in Byzantine Sigillography, 12, 2016, p. 1-48; Sceaux des musées de
la Turquie orientale: Karaman, Nevúehir, Malatya, Maraú. – Revue des Études Byzantines 74,
2016, p. 287–326.
2
For a general presentation, see Kilikien und Isaurien, Fr. Hild, H. Hellenkemper
ed., Wien 1990 (Tabula Imperii Byzantini, 5), p. 154-158 (Adana) and The Oxford
Dictionary of Byzantium, A. Kazhdan (éd.), vol. 1-3, New York-Oxford, 1991, p. 845
(Germanikeia).
258
Esra Guzel ERDOGAN and Vivien PRIGENT. BYZANTINE LEAD SEALS FROM SOUTH-EASTERN ...
+6K5E6bOH
YEIAARvN
PROEDRv
=DOUkI
-(-
The owner of this seal left various seals displaying identical legends
but there are only three parallels3. Aaron was one of the scions of the
Bulgarian dynasty, who Basil II forcefully integrated to the Byzantine
aristocracy and whose talents were put to use on the Eastern Borders4. His
brilliant career, stretching over the reigns of Constantinos Monomachos,
Michael VI, Isaac I Comnenos, his brother in-law, and Constantine X
Doukas5, with a last diplomatic episode in 1070, probably after he had retired
from active duty, has recently been reconstructed in detail by M.
3
Same legends but varying spelling: Zacos II, 353 (a) and 353 (b), Spink 132 : 215,
Fogg 1075, Koltsida-Makri, I. Ǿ ıȣȜȜȠȖȒ ȝȠȜȣȕįȠȕȠȪȜȜȦȞ ¨ȘȝȘIJȡȓȠȣ ¨ȠȪțĮ. –
Hypermachos. Festschrift für Werner Seibt zum 65. Geburtstag (Wiesbaden, 2008), 139-140,
no. 1 (with all the referenc-es)., p. 139 no 1; Auction Triton, sale 11, January 8-9, 2008, 1176,
Campagnolo-Pothitou, M., Cheynet, J.-Cl. Sceaux de la Collection George Zacos au
Musée d’Art et d’Histoire de Genève, Genève, 2016, no: 91a, 91b, 92; Byzantine seals from
the collection of George Zacos. 3, With ancient and Islamic Coins, London, Tuesday 25 May
1999 (Spink. Auction 135), no 277, Zacos (BnF) 3492 ; Ermitage M-6883 (SBS, 6, 1999, p.
103).
4
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɧɚ ɩɨɬɨɦɰɢɬɟ ɧɚ ɰɚɪ ɂɜɚɧ ȼɥɚɞɢɫɥɚɜ (1016-1018) ɜɴɜ
ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɹ. – Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɹ, 4, 1996, 7-22; Seibt, W. Sigillographische Beiträge zur bul-
garischen Geschichte . – International Symposium Dobrich, Numismatic and Sphragistic
Contributions to Ancient and Medieval History of Dobrich, Dobroudja, 12, 1995.
5
Aaron’s last appearance on the literary sources, when he was sent to Georgia
around 1070 that related to Michael VII Douks’ marriage to daughter of King Bagrat IV,
Maria Alania
259
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
6
Campagnolo-Pothitou, M., Cheynet, J.-Cl., Sceaux de la Collection George
Zacos au Musée d’Art et d’Histoire de Genève, Genève, 2016, no: 91a,91b,92.
7
We thank Jean-Claude Cheynet for drawing our attention upon this seal.
8
CNG 376, 15 June 2016, no 591. At first glance, the first line seems to sport -+-,
but should on the read ...0A0F0A.[+Ȗȡ]ijĮ[Ȣ].
260
Esra Guzel ERDOGAN and Vivien PRIGENT. BYZANTINE LEAD SEALS FROM SOUTH-EASTERN ...
9
Koltsida-Makre, I. Philaretos Brachamios, Portrait of a Byzantine Official: An
Unpublished Lead Seals in the Byzantine Museum of Phthiotis (Greece). – Melanges Jean-
Claude Cheynet, (ed. B. Caseau, V. Prigent and A. Sopracasa), (Travaux et memoires 21/1),
Paris, 2017, p. 325-332, with previous literature.
10
Seibt, W. Der byzantinische Rangtitel Sebastos in vorkomnenischer Zeit. –
Mélanges Cécile Morrisson, Travaux et memoires 16) Paris, 2010, p. 759-764.
11
Amongst the numerous studies dedicated to Philarete, the most complete,
although all sigillographic alevidence was not available to the author, is Dédéyan, G. Les
Arméniens entre Grecs, Musulmans et Croisés : étude sur les pouvoirs arméniens dans le
Proche-Orient méditerranéen (1068-1150), Lisbonne, 2003, p. 5-357.
12
Auction Sternberg 26 (1992) no. 507, auction Münz 81 (March-April 1995) no.
1526, auction Essen (Shenk-Behrens), 4–6.5.1998, no. 636, auction Peuss (29–30.10.2003)
no. 1388, Seibt, Philaretos (quoted n. 7), p. 290. Cheynet&Theodoridis, no. 41.
13
Koltsida-Makre, I. Philaretos Brachamios, p. 326, Cheynet, J-Cl. Les sceaux
byzantins de la collection D. Theodoridis: les sceaux patronymiques, Paris 2010
(Monographies du Centre de recherche d'histoire et civilisation de Byzance, 33), no a-c, J-
ClCheynet, Sceaux byzantins des musées d’Antioche et de Tarse, Travaux et Mémoires 12,
1994, p. 391-478, no 56 (with corrected reading in Id., La société byzantine. L’apport des
sceaux, Paris 2008 [Bilans de recherche 3], vol. 2, p. 401–2), Byzantine seals from the
collection of George Zacos. 2, With ancient and Gaulish coins, London, Tuesday 25 May
1999 (Spink. Auction 132), London 1999 no 123.
14
Sebastos and Megas domestikos from protokouropalates and Megas domestikos,
see Zacos (BnF) 631 // Haluk Perk collection (Istanbul), Cheynet, J-Cl . Les
sceauxbyzantins de la collection D. Theodoridis, no. 39; see Cheynet, J.Cl. La société
byzantine, p. 401.
15
Sebastos and domestikos of the east to protosebastos and domestikos of the East,
see BnF 646, Sofia private collection, Zacos (BnF) 1127, 1128, 1139, Spink Auction 132
261
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
hierarchy. The ligature, rare for this period, is also present on the seals with
legend sebastos and Megas domestikos16.
..EbO..
.IbASILEI
.5AKwROPA
.ATH=Dwk
.EDESH,TV
APOKA
0P.
[+Ȁ(ȡȚ)]İ ȕȠ[șİ]Ț ǺĮıȚȜİ[] (ʌȡȦIJȠ)țȠȣȡȠʌĮ[Ȝ]IJૉ (țĮ) įȠȣț[]
ૅǼįııȘ(Ȣ) IJૅǹʌȠțʌ[ૉ]
(quoted n. 6) nos. 124, 125, 126, auction Sternberg 25 (November 1991) no. 505, Tatis
collection 2804 (Istanbul), Cheynet, Société, pp. 402–5; Cheynet & Theodoridis, no. 42.
16
Cheynet, J-Cl . Les sceaux byzantins de la collection D. Theodoridis, no 41.
17
Grünbart, M. Die Familie Apokapes im Licht neuer Quellen. – Studies in
Byzantine sigillography, 5, 1998, p. 29-41.
18
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢɬɟ ɧɚ ȼɚɫɢɥɢɣ Ⱥɩɨɤɚɩ ɨɬ ɜɬɨɪɚɬɚ ɩɨɥɨɜɢɧɚ ɧɚ ɏI ɜ. –
ɇɭɦɢɡɦɚɬɢɤɚ ɢ ɫɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɤɚ, IV, 1995-1997. ɫ. 107; Jordanov, I. The Katepanate of
Paradounavon According to the Sphragistic Data. – Studies in Byzantine Sigillography, 8
(2003), p. 66.
262
Esra Guzel ERDOGAN and Vivien PRIGENT. BYZANTINE LEAD SEALS FROM SOUTH-EASTERN ...
19
See Cheynet, J.-Cl. E. Erdo÷an, V. Prigent. Sceaux des musées de la Turquie
orientale, p. 96-98.
20
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢɬɟ ɧɚ ȼɚɫɢɥɢɣ Ⱥɩɨɤɚɩ, ɫ. 107.
21
Michaelis Attaliotae Historia, W. Brunet de Presle and I. Bekker ed., Bonn 1853
(Corpus scriptorum historiae Byzantinae 3, 83.10-14 / 63.1-4.
22
Cheynet, J.-Cl. Sceaux de la collection Khoury. – Revue Numismatique, 159,
(2003), no: 7. Can now be supplemented with Cheynet, J.-Cl. E. Erdo÷an, V. Prigent.
Sceaux des musées de la Turquie orientale, p. 96.
23
Ibidem, p. 97-98.
24
Zacos G., A. Veglery. Byzantine Lead Seals, Basel, 1972, no. 1458/4.
25
Cheynet, J.-Cl. Sceaux byzantins des musées d’Antioche et de Tarse, no: 53.
Cheynet, J.-Cl. Sceaux de la collection Khoury, no. 8.
26
Zacos, G. Byzantine Lead Seals, II, no. 464.
27
Bibicou, H. Une Page d’histoire diplomatique de Byzance au XIe siècle: Michel
VII Doukas, Robert Guiscard et la pension des dignitaires. – Byz. 29-30, (1959-1960), p. 43-
75.
263
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
From the Gaziantep Archeological Museum : Seals Issued by State Official. – Sanat
Tarihi YÕllÕ÷Õ 27 (2018), p. 83-85; Sode, C. et P. Speck. Byzantinische Bleisiegel in
Berlin, II, Bonn, 1997 (Poikila Byzantina, 14), no : 347, Munich, Staatliche
Münzsammlung, fonds Zarnitz 190 et 216, Ankara Museum 70-10-89; Cheynet, J.-
Cl. E. Erdo÷an, V. Prigent. Sceaux des musées de la Turquie orientale, no 5.
Various specimens in auctions, often spurious (see below).
Date: last third of the 11th century
+SON
GRHGOR8ION
OIKETHNS0V
SONLOG,TON
DwKALIT0A.0S
MARTUR,YE
0O0DV8R0w
whose rim is decorated with a string of pellet and the field by a star. The face
is less gaunt and the hair less crudely engraved than on the previous
specimen. Inscription on two columns flanking the head: ø|0YE|O|0Dv ||
.|0O.(ਚȖȚȠȢ) ĬİંįȦ[ȡ]Ƞ[Ȣ].
These two seals belong to the same official, more probably a doux
than a member of the Doukas family although this possibility cannot be
totally discarded28. They are part of a quite extensive little corpus with
specimens present in nearly all investigated Anatolian museum (Ankara,
Malatya, Urfa, AdÕyaman, Maraú, Antep and Adana) as well as many
collections outside Turkey (Berlin, Sofia, Munich, Fogg). The two specimen
published here were produced by different matrices29, both for the obverse
and reverse, belonging to two well-attested groups.
Because of their very ubiquity, doubts have been expressed about the
authenticity of the seals belonging to the first group and indeed some
outlandish models have been produced by mixing its reverse with other
obverse30. The specimen conserved in the museum of Malatya led us to
express doubts about the identification of the first group as systematic
forgeries and the material owned by the Museum of Gaziantep seems to
confirm them. Ten specimens were found in the necropolis of Kurtini by a
28
The name Gregorios doesn’t seem in use in the Doukas family, except if we admit
that the rebel Constantinos Doux was indeed a Doukas (Polemis, D. The Doukai, A
Contribution to Byzantine Prosopography, London, 1968, p. 220).
29
On the first one, the legend seems to begin with a E and not a S but the parallels
prove that the latter letter must be read.
30
Kulik, A. Gregorios Dukas, ein bisher unbekannter Byzantiner des 11.
Jahrhunderts. – Geldesch. Nachrichten 130, 1989, p. 93 and Wassiliou, A.-K. Siegel in
Kopie und Falschung. – Kopie und Falschung, ed. Ch. Gastgeber (Graz, 2001), 137-139, no :
41. See also Cheynet, J.-Cl. E. Erdo÷an, V. Prigent. Sceaux des musées de la Turquie
orientale, no 5.
265
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
collector who later sold them to the local museum31. Considering how
“uneconomic” is decision was32, it is quite difficult to doubt the authenticity
of the find. Producing various boulloteria with the same legend would also
be an overly refined strategy for a forger considering such a low profit.
Considering that nearly all seals come from South-Eastern Anatolia,
with a small archive, found near Gaziantep, most of Gregory’s career
probably took place in this area.
SUBORDINATE OFFICERS
.6K5E6b5Y
.vMA
NO6p6Rk0=
PROJ
.MV
31
Erdogan, E. G. A Selection of unpublished lead seals from the Gaziantep
Archaeological Museum: Seals issued by state official. – Sanat Tarihi YÕllÕ÷Õ 27 (2018),
p. 83-85.
32
Sold individually via a platform like ebay the earning would have been
considerably greater.
266
Esra Guzel ERDOGAN and Vivien PRIGENT. BYZANTINE LEAD SEALS FROM SOUTH-EASTERN ...
elite regiment of the Empire33 and we know that units of the scholes were
garrisoned in Antioch, the very last mention of the tagma, under Romanos
IV34, referring to these soldiers. Their presence in the region also explains the
titles used by Philaretos Brachamios, as seen before. However, the structure
of the Constantinopolitan units seems to have been replicated for provincial
tagmata. For instance, the colophon of a manuscript copied in 1007 mentions
a John, proximos of the doux Theodorokanos35 and we know from seals that
the staff of the katepano of Antioch included a proximos36. As such, one
should abstain from identifying readily Romanos with an officer of the
scholes37.
The quality of the engraving is slightly scarce for a precise datation,
but the association between thick letters, the patriciate for a low-ranking
commander and the presence of saint Georges with a sword, an iconography
which gained ground with the advent of Constantine IX Monomachos38,
points ideally towards the years 1060s.
33
Oikonomidès, N. Les listes de préséance byzantines des IXe et Xe siècles, Paris,
1972 (Le monde Byzantin, 4), p. 330.
34
Oikonomidès, N. L’évolution de l’organisation administrative de l’Empire
byzantin au XIe siècle (1025-1118). – Travaux et Mémoires, 6, 1976, p. 143.
35
Holmes, C. Basil II and the governance of Empire (976-1025), Oxford, 2005, p.
63, quoting Nersessian, V. Treasures from the Ark: 1700 Years of Armenian Christian Art
(London, 2001), p. 182–3.
36
Wassiliou, A.-K., Seibt, W. Die byzantinischen Bleisiegel in Österreich II,
Zentral- und Provinzialverwaltung, Wien, 2004, no. 281.
37
They were proximoi heading the main schools of the capital (Gouillard, J. Le
procèsofficiel de Jean 1’Italien: les actes et leurssous-entendus. – Travaux et Mémoires 9
(1985), l. 434) but the title of patrikios excludes this reading.
38
The Monomachoi owned the sword of saint Georges, a famous relic. See
Cheynet, J.-Cl. Par saint Georges, par saint Michel. – Mélanges G. Dagron, Travaux et
Mémoires 14, 2002, p. 115-134.
267
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TvSvdW
ABRAMI0O
SPAY4
On the third line of the obverse, the space seems insufficient for an
omega. The small letters composing the first line first line of the reverse are a
unique form of abbreviation pertaining to the word on the second line. The
fact that they do not respect the order of the spelling vindicates the solution
chosen for the second line. One notice the presence of the double-loop beta
often found on the seals produced on the Eastern border but usually later in
the 11th century.
This specimen, while enabling minor corrections, confirms the
identification proposed by Jean-Claude Cheynet with Abramios Apolethes,
spatharokandidatos and ekprosopou of Antioch39, by providing the last line,
lost on the Khoury seal. As demonstrated by his patronym, the owner of the
seal was from Arabic stock and as such the name Abramios, rare for lay
officials, should be considered as the Greek rendering of Ibrahim. The
function of Abramios identify him as a second-in-command of the doux of
Antioch but the low dignity pleads for a local official with responsibilities
over a limited area of the doukaton40.
DIGNITARY
7. BASILE CHADABALITÈS, PROTONOBELLISSIME (Fig.7)
39
Cheynet, J.-Cl. Sceaux de la collection Zacos (Bibliotheque nationale de France)
se rapportant aux provinces orientales de l’Empire byzantin, Paris, 2001, no. 7.
40
Prigent, V. Ekprosôpou et stratèges, notes sur les subordonnés du catépan d’Italie.
– ArchivioStorico per la Calabria e la Lucania, 70, 2003, p. 5-26.
268
Esra Guzel ERDOGAN and Vivien PRIGENT. BYZANTINE LEAD SEALS FROM SOUTH-EASTERN ...
Parallel: Šandrovskaja, V., W. Seibt. Byzantinische Bleisiegel der
Staatlichen Eremitage mit Familiennamen, 1 Teil: Sammlung Lichaþev – Namen
von A bis I. Vienna 2005, nɨ. 55.
Edition: unpublished
Date: end of 11th - beginning of 12th century.
41
See examples in Cheynet, J.Cl. L’apport arabe à l’aristocratie byzantine des Xe-
XIe siècles. – Byzantinoslavica 56, 1995, p. 137-146.
42
Rauch Bid Sale 10 (2 March 2006), no 954.
269
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS:
1 2
3
4
4bis 5
6 7
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
ɀɟɧɹ ɀɟɤɨɜɚ
Zhenya Zhekova
The first seal of John Comnenus (1015-1067), founder of the Comneni dynasty and
father of Emperor Alexius I Comnenus documented from nowadays Bulgaria was found by
a private person in 2018 near Krivina village, Russe district. On the land of Krivina were
registrated a few archaeological sites, the most important of which is the Late Roman
Military Camp identified with the Roman castellum Yatrus. Later on its ruins a medieval
settlement arises lasted until 13th century. Three coin hoards from the end of the 10th
century were found there. The three of them consist of gold Byzantine coins and were buried
during 968-971.
Finding the seal of John Comnenus as kouropalates and domestikos of the Schools
of the West (1057-1059) at that particular place pointed that there existed a Byzantine
garrison which was directly involved in the military campaign against the Pechenegs from
the summer of 1059. Probably here were received orders to coordinate the actions before the
very battle. For the strategical importance of the fort speaks the fact that orders are sent
directly from the kouropalates and domestikos of the Schools of the West, John Comnenus.
Probably immediately after the battle the debatable katepanate of Paradounavon was
established by the emperor Isaac I Comnenus (1057-1059), senior brother of John
Comnenus.
Thus, the information from the seals, supplemented by the data from the written
sources, once again makes it possible to clarify some of the unresolved issues still in the
history of the problematic for the Bulgarian Northeast eleventh century.
1
Jordanov, I., Z. Zhekova. The Defeat of the Byzantines in the Battle of Dristra
(August 1087). A Sigillographic Contribution to the Prosopography of the Participants. – In:
23rd International Congress of Byzantine Studies. Round Tables: The Evaluation of
Sigillographic Data for Research on the History of Byzantium. Belgrade, 22-27 August 2016.
271
Женя ЖЕКОВА. ПЕЧАТ НА ЙОАН КОМНИН, БАЩА НА ИМПЕРАТОР АЛЕКСИЙ І КОМНИН
2
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ., ɀ. ɀɟɤɨɜɚ. ɉɨɪɚɠɟɧɢɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɰɢɬɟ ɩɪɢ Ⱦɪɴɫɬɴɪ
(ɚɜɝɭɫɬ 1087 ɝ.). ɉɪɨɫɨɩɨɝɪɚɮɢɹ ɧɚ ɭɱɚɫɬɧɢɰɢɬɟ. – ȼ: Ⱦɨɛɪɭɞɠɚ, 32, 2017; ɋɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɜ
ɱɟɫɬ ɧɚ 60-ɝɨɞɢɲɧɢɧɚɬɚ ɧɚ ɩɪɨɮ. ɞ.ɢ.ɧ. Ƚɟɨɪɝɢ Ⱥɬɚɧɚɫɨɜ. 89-110; ɀɟɤɨɜɚ, ɀ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢ
ɧɚ ɧɨɦɚɞɢ ɧɚ ɫɥɭɠɛɚ ɜɴɜ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɹ (ɏȱ-ɏȱȱ ɜ.). – ȼɴɜ: ȼɥɚɞɟɬɟɥ, ɞɴɪɠɚɜɚ ɢ ɰɴɪɤɜɚ
ɩɪɟɡ ɋɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɢɟɬɨ ɧɚ Ȼɚɥɤɚɧɢɬɟ. ɋɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɫ ɞɨɤɥɚɞɢ ɨɬ ɦɟɠɞɭɧɚɪɨɞɧɚ ɧɚɭɱɧɚ
ɤɨɧɮɟɪɟɧɰɢɹ, ɩɨɫɜɟɬɟɧɚ ɧɚ 60-ɝɨɞɢɲɧɢɧɚɬɚ ɧɚ ɩɪɨɮ. ɞ-ɪ ɉɥɚɦɟɧ ɉɚɜɥɨɜ. ȼɟɥɢɤɨ
Ɍɴɪɧɨɜɨ, 2020, 765-774.
3
Comnenae, Annae. Alexias, rec. D. R. Reinsch – A. Kambylis. I – II. Berlin,
2001.
272
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
4
ǺĮȡȗȠı, Ȁ . Ǿ īİȞİĮȜȠȖȚĮ IJȦȞ ȀȠȝȞȘȞȦȞ. ĬİııĮȜȠȞȚțȘ. 1984, 41-47.
273
Женя ЖЕКОВА. ПЕЧАТ НА ЙОАН КОМНИН, БАЩА НА ИМПЕРАТОР АЛЕКСИЙ І КОМНИН
5
Zacos, G., A. Vegleri. Byzantine Lead Seals. Vol. I, Part 1-2. Basel, 1972, 1454,
no. 2681.
6
Ibid., 1454, no. 2681 bis b; Nesbitt, J. 9, no. 1.18. Nesbitt, J., N. Oikonomides.
Catalogue of the Byzantine Seals at Dumbarton Oaks and at the Fogg Museum of Art, Vol.
1: Italy, North of the Balkans, North of the Black Sea. Washington, D.C., 1991, no. 1.18.
7
Zacos, G., A. Vegleri. Byzantine Lead Seals, 1455.
8
ɉɟɱɚɬɴɬ ɦɢ ɛɟɲɟ ɩɪɟɞɨɫɬɚɜɟɧ ɡɚ ɩɭɛɥɢɤɭɜɚɧɟ ɨɬ ɞɨɰ. ɞ-ɪ ɏɪɢɫɬɨ ɏɚɪɢɬɨɧɨɜ,
ɞɢɪɟɤɬɨɪ ɧɚ ɦɭɡɟɹ ɜ ɝɪɚɞ ɉɨɥɫɤɢ Ɍɪɴɦɛɟɲ. ɂɡɩɨɥɡɜɚɦ ɫɥɭɱɚɹ ɞɚ ɦɭ ɛɥɚɝɨɞɚɪɹ ɡɚ
ɢɡɱɟɪɩɚɬɟɥɧɚɬɚ ɢɧɮɨɪɦɚɰɢɹ, ɫɴɩɪɨɜɨɠɞɚɳɚ ɧɚɦɢɪɚɧɟɬɨ ɢ ɩɪɟɞɚɜɚɧɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɬɨɡɢ
ɢɡɤɥɸɱɢɬɟɥɧɨ ɜɚɠɟɧ ɫɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɱɟɧ ɩɚɦɟɬɧɢɤ, ɤɚɤɬɨ ɢ ɡɚ ɮɨɬɨɞɨɤɭɦɟɧɬɚɰɢɹɬɚ ɦɭ.
9
Schönert-Geiss, E. Iatrus – Krivina. Berlin, 1979.
274
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
10
Ɇɚɬɟɪɢɚɥɢ ɡɚ ɤɚɪɬɚɬɚ ɧɚ ɋɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚɬɚ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚ ɞɴɪɠɚɜɚ. – ȼ: ɉɥɢɫɤɚ–
ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ, 7, 1995, ɫ. 223.
11
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. I. Jordanov. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria. Volume 1
– 3, Sofia, 2003, 2006, 2009. Addenda et Corrigenda (2). – ȼ: Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ ɜ ɟɜɪɨɩɟɣɫɤɚɬɚ
ɤɭɥɬɭɪɚ, ɧɚɭɤɚ, ɨɛɪɚɡɨɜɚɧɢɟ, ɪɟɥɢɝɢɹ. ɑ. 1. Ɇɚɬɟɪɢɚɥɢ ɨɬ ɑɟɬɜɴɪɬɚɬɚ ɧɚɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɚ
ɤɨɧɮɟɪɟɧɰɢɹ ɩɨ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ, ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɹ ɢ ɤɭɥɬɭɪɟɧ ɬɭɪɢɡɴɦ „ɉɴɬɭɜɚɧɟ ɤɴɦ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ“. –
ɒɭɦɟɧ, 14 - 16. 05. 2014 ɝ. ɒɭɦɟɧ, 2015, ɫ. 232, ʋ 25.
12
Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria. Volume 3, Sofia, 2009,
no. 1530-31.
13
Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria. Byzantine Seals with
Family Names. Volume 2, Sofia, 2006, no. 302-304.
14
Jordanov, I. Op. cit., 199-200.
275
Женя ЖЕКОВА. ПЕЧАТ НА ЙОАН КОМНИН, БАЩА НА ИМПЕРАТОР АЛЕКСИЙ І КОМНИН
15
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɧɚ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɚɬɚ ɚɞɦɢɧɢɫɬɪɚɰɢɹ ɜ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ (971-
1118). ɒɭɦɟɧ, 2019, ɫ. 238.
276
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
16
Attaleiatae, M. Historia. – ȼ: ȽɂȻɂ, ɏȱ (Vȱ), 1965, ɫ. 174.
17
Scylitzae, I., G. Cedreni. Historarium Compendium. – ȼ: ȽɂȻɂ, ɏȱ (Vȱ), 1965,
ɫ. 329.
18
ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. Ɍ. 3. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1982, ɫ. 65.
19
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ.
277
Женя ЖЕКОВА. ПЕЧАТ НА ЙОАН КОМНИН, БАЩА НА ИМПЕРАТОР АЛЕКСИЙ І КОМНИН
1
20
ɋɩɨɪɟɞ ɩɨɫɥɟɞɧɨɬɨ ɢɡɫɥɟɞɜɚɧɟ ɧɚ ɩɪɨɮ. ɞ ɢ ɧ ɂɜɚɧ Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ ɤɚɬɟɩɚɧɚɬɴɬ
ɉɚɪɚɞɭɧɚɜɨɧ ɟ ɭɱɪɟɞɟɧ ɫɥɟɞ ɫɪɟɞɚɬɚ ɧɚ ɏȱ ɜ. ɜɴɜ ɜɪɴɡɤɚ ɫ ɧɚɲɟɫɬɜɢɹɬɚ ɧɚ ɧɨɦɚɞɢɬɟ, ɚ
ɫɴɳɟɫɬɜɭɜɚɧɟɬɨ ɦɭ ɨɬɧɚɫɹ ɞɨ 70-ɬɟ ɝ. ɧɚ ɏȱ ɜ. ȼɠ. Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɧɚ
ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɚɬɚ ɚɞɦɢɧɢɫɬɪɚɰɢɹ, 232-233.
21
Jordanov, I. Family names, no. 208. ȼɴɪɯɭ ɩɟɱɚɬɚ ɧɚ Ⱦɪɚɡɢɦɢɪ ɫɴɳɨ ɤɚɤɬɨ
ɩɪɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢɬɟ ɧɚ Ƀɨɚɧ Ʉɨɦɧɢɧ ɟ ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɟɧ ɫɜ. Ƚɟɨɪɝɢ, ɧɨ ɜ ɰɹɥ ɪɴɫɬ.
22
ǺĮȡȗȠı, Ȁ. Ǿ īİȞİĮȜȠȖȚĮ, 50.
278
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
ɂɥɢɹ Ƚ. ɂɥɢɟɜ
Iliya G. Iliev
After the victorious battle at Klokotnitsa on March 9, 1230, Bulgaria rose to the
position of a first-rate military and political power on the Balkan Peninsula. This facilitated
the intentions of the Bulgarian ruler John II Asen to carry out some changes in the
organization of the Church of those lands: Bulgarian bishops superseded the local Byzantine
high clergy. In accordance with the ancient custom of the Byzantine basilei the Bulgarian
Tsar visited in person the spiritual capital of the Balkan Peninsula – Mount Athos, made
generous donations to some of the monasteries there and invited Bulgarian monks to take
cathedrae of bishops and metropolitans in the recaptured Bulgarian territory at the Southwest
of Balkan Peninsula. These actions of John Asen were part of his policy aimed at the return
of the Bulgarian Church to the Orthodox community of the Eastern Churches and the
restoration of its patriarchal status. Some details about these events are contained in an
uncertain written source originating from Mount Athos monasteries – the so-called Narratio
Athonensis ad Annum MCCXXXV.
1
ɂɥɢɟɜ, ɂ. Ɉɯɪɢɞɫɤɢɹɬ ɚɪɯɢɟɩɢɫɤɨɩ Ⱦɢɦɢɬɴɪ ɏɨɦɚɬɢɚɧ ɢ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɢɬɟ. ɋɨ-
ɮɢɹ, 2010. Gjuzelev, V. Das Erzbistum-Patriarchat von Tărnovo und das Erzbistumvon Ochrid
in den Jahren 1230-1246 und später. – Proceedings of the 23rd international congress of
Byzantine studies Belgrade, 22-27 august 2016. Thematic sessions of free communications,
270-276.
279
Илия Г. ИЛИЕВ. ЮГОЗАПАДНИТЕ БЪЛГАРСКИ ЗЕМИ В ОГЛЕДАЛОТО НА NARRATIO ATHONENSIS ...
2
ɋɧɟɝɚɪɨɜ, ɂ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ Ɉɯɪɢɞɫɤɚɬɚ ɚɪɯɢɟɩɢɫɤɨɩɢɹ. Ɍ. 1, ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1995, ɫ.
89 ɫɥ., ɫ. 142 ɫɥ.
3
Iliev, I. Narratrio Athonensis ad annum MCCXXXV, 74-81, ɤɴɞɟɬɨ ɟ ɩɭɛɥɢɤɭɜɚɧ
ɨɪɢɝɢɧɚɥɧɢɹɬ ɬɟɤɫɬ, ɩɪɢɞɪɭɠɟɧ ɫ ɩɪɟɜɨɞ ɧɚ ɚɧɝɥɢɣɫɤɢ ɟɡɢɤ, ɢ ɫɚ ɧɚɩɪɚɜɟɧɢ ɧɹɤɨɢ
ɛɟɥɟɠɤɢ ɜɴɪɯɭ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɱɟɫɤɚɬɚ ɫɬɨɣɧɨɫɬ ɧɚ ɩɚɦɟɬɧɢɤɚ.
4
ɉɪɨɫɬɪɚɧɧɨ ɠɢɬɢɟ ɧɚ ɉɟɬɤɚ Ɍɴɪɧɨɜɫɤɚ ɨɬ ɉɚɬɪɢɚɪɯ ȿɜɬɢɦɢɣ. ɉɪɟɜɨɞ ɢ
ɛɟɥɟɠɤɢ – ɂɜɚɧɨɜɚ, Kɥ. – ȼ: ɋɬɚɪɚ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚ ɥɢɬɟɪɚɬɭɪɚ. Ɍ. 4. ɀɢɬɢɟɩɢɫɧɢ ɬɜɨɪɛɢ.
ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1986, ɫ. 198 ɢ ɛɟɥ. 29 ɧɚ ɫ. 580. ɉɨ ɬɨɡɢ ɜɴɩɪɨɫ ɜɠ. ɢ ɨɛɹɫɧɟɧɢɹɬɚ ɧɚ
Ʉɨɥɟɞɚɪɨɜ, ɉ. Ʉɨɝɚ ɢ ɡɚɳɨ Ⱦɢɦɢɬɴɪ ɏɨɦɚɬɢɚɧ ɟ ɧɚɩɢɫɚɥ Ʉɪɚɬɤɨɬɨ ɠɢɬɢɟ ɧɚ Ʉɥɢɦɟɧɬ
Ɉɯɪɢɞɫɤɢ? – Ʌɢɬɟɪɚɬɭɪɧɚ ɦɢɫɴɥ, 1983, 3, ɫ. 96 ɢ ɛɟɥ. 46.
280
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
7
Ɂɚ ɩɨɫɟɳɟɧɢɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɂɜɚɧ Ⱥɫɟɧ ɧɚ ɋɜɟɬɚ ɝɨɪɚ ɩɪɟɡ 1230 ɝ. ɜɠ. Ⱦɭɣɱɟɜ, ɂ.
ɉɪɢɧɨɫɢ ɤɴɦ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹɬɚ ɧɚ ɂɜɚɧ Ⱥɫɟɧ ȱȱ. – ȼ: Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɨ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɢɟ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1972, ɫ.
295-301; Ȼɨɠɢɥɨɜ, ɂ. Ɏɚɦɢɥɢɹɬɚ ɧɚ Ⱥɫɟɧɨɜɰɢ (1186-1460). Ƚɟɧɟɚɥɨɝɢɹ ɢ
ɩɪɨɫɨɩɨɝɪɚɮɢɹ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1986, ɫ. 86.
8
Ʉɚɣɦɚɤɚɦɨɜɚ, Ɇ. Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɨɩɢɫ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1990, ɫ. 26-
27.
9
ɇɚɩɨɫɥɟɞɴɤ ɫɩɟɰɢɚɥɢɫɬɢɬɟ ɫɚ ɫɤɥɨɧɧɢ ɞɚ ɨɬɧɟɫɚɬ ɩɨɹɜɚɬɚ ɧɚ ɫɴɱɢɧɟɧɢɟɬɨ
ɤɴɦ ɧɚɱɚɥɨɬɨ ɧɚ 60-ɬɟ ɝɨɞɢɧɢ ɧɚ ɏȱȱȱ ɜ. ȼɠ. Ɋɟɰɟɧɡɢɹɬɚ ɧɚ Ⱥ. ɇɢɤɨɥɨɜ ɡɚ ɢɡɥɟɡɥɢɬɟ ɜ
ɧɚɱɚɥɨɬɨ ɧɚ ɏɏȱ ɜ. ɩɪɟɜɨɞɢ ɧɚ Ⱥɤɪɨɩɨɥɢɬɨɜɚɬɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ ɪɭɫɤɢ ɢ ɚɧɝɥɢɣɫɤɢ ɟɡɢɤ:
ɇɢɤɨɥɨɜ, Ⱥ. Ɋɟɰɟɧɡɢɹ: Ƚɟɨɪɝɢɣ Ⱥɤɪɨɩɨɥɢɬ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ / ɉ. ɂ. ɀɚɜɨɪɨɧɤɨɜ, ɩɟɪ., ɜɫɬɭɩ.
ɫɬ., ɤɨɦɦ., Ƚ. Ƚ. Ʌɢɬɚɜɪɢɧ, ɪɟɞ. ɋɚɧɤɬ ɉɟɬɟɪɛɭɪɝ: Ⱥɥɟɬɟɣɹ, 2005 (ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɚɹ
ɛɢɛɥɢɨɬɟɤɚ. ɂɫɬɨɱɧɢɤɢ); George Akropolites. The History. Translated by R. Macrides.
Oxford, 2007. – ȼɟɫɬɧɢɤ ɉɪɚɜɨɫɥɚɜɧɨɝɨ ɋɜɹɬɨ-Ɍɢɯɨɧɨɜɫɤɨɝɨ ɝɭɦɚɧɢɬɚɪɧɨɝɨ
ɭɧɢɜɟɪɫɢɬɟɬɚ ɋɟɪ. I. Ȼɨɝɨɫɥɨɜɢɟ, ɮɢɥɨɫɨɮɢɹ. Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ, 2009. ȼɵɩ. 1 (25), 108-113.
10
ɐɚɧɤɨɜɚ-ɉɟɬɤɨɜɚ, Ƚ. ȼɨɫɫɬɚɧɨɜɥɟɧɢɟ ɛɨɥɝɚɪɫɤɨɝɨ ɩɚɬɪɢɚɪɲɟɫɬɜɚ ɜ 1235 ɝ.
ɢ ɦɟɠɞɭɧɚɪɨɞɧɨɟ ɩɨɥɨɠɟɧɢɟ ɛɨɥɝɚɪɫɤɨɝɨ ɝɨɫɭɞɚɪɫɬɜɚ. – ȼȼɪ, 1968, 8, 143-144
ɚɪɝɭɦɟɧɬɢɪɚɧɨ ɨɬɯɜɴɪɥɹ ɩɪɟɞɩɨɥɨɠɟɧɢɟɬɨ ɧɚ Ɂɥɚɬɚɪɫɤɢ, ȼ. ȿɞɢɧ ɝɪɴɰɤɢ
ɮɚɥɲɢɮɢɤɚɬ, ɤɨɣɬɨ ɫɟ ɨɬɧɚɫɹ ɤɴɦ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ. – Byzantinoslavica, II, 1930,
231-258, ɱɟ ɩɚɦɟɬɧɢɤɴɬ ɟ ɛɢɥ ɫɴɡɞɚɞɟɧ ɟɞɜɚ ɩɪɟɡ ɜɬɨɪɚɬɚ ɩɨɥɨɜɢɧɚ ɧɚ ɏȱV ɜ. ȼɫɟ ɩɚɤ
ɧɟ ɬɪɹɛɜɚ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɡɚɛɪɚɜɹ, ɱɟ ɫɩɨɦɟɧɚɜɚɧɟɬɨ ɧɚ Ⱥɤɪɨɩɨɥɢɬɨɜɚɬɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɜ Ⱥɬɨɧɫɤɢɹ
ɪɚɡɤɚɡ ɟ ɫɚɦɨ terminus post quem ɡɚ ɧɟɝɨɜɨɬɨ ɞɚɬɢɪɚɧɟ.
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11
Meyer, Ph. Die Haupturkunden für die Geschichte der Athosklöster. Leipzig,
1894, 187-189.
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Илия Г. ИЛИЕВ. ЮГОЗАПАДНИТЕ БЪЛГАРСКИ ЗЕМИ В ОГЛЕДАЛОТО НА NARRATIO ATHONENSIS ...
17
Ƚɟɨɪɝɢ Ⱥɤɪɨɩɨɥɢɬ, ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ, ɝɥ. 25 – Georgii Acropolitae Opera, I, 41-43 (=
Ƚɪɴɰɤɢ ɢɡɜɨɪɢ ɡɚ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ, Vȱȱȱ, 161-162).
18
ɂɦɟɬɨ ɧɚ Ƀɨɚɤɢɦ ɫɟ ɫɩɨɦɟɧɚɜɚ ɜ ɤɪɚɬɤɨɬɨ ɦɭ ɠɢɬɢɟ, ɜ „Ɋɚɡɤɚɡ ɡɚ
ɜɴɡɫɬɚɧɨɜɹɜɚɧɟ ɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɩɚɬɪɢɚɪɲɢɹ“, ɜɤɥɸɱɟɧ ɜ Ȼɨɪɢɥɨɜɢɹ ɫɢɧɨɞɢɤ, ɢ ɜ
„Ɋɚɡɤɚɡ ɡɚ ɩɪɟɧɚɫɹɧɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɦɨɳɢɬɟ ɧɚ ɫɜ. ɉɟɬɤɚ ɨɬ Ʉɚɥɢɤɪɚɬɢɹ ɜ Ɍɴɪɧɨɜɨ“. Ɂɚ ɬɟɡɢ
ɩɚɦɟɬɧɢɰɢ ɜɠ. Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɥɢɬɟɪɚɬɭɪɚ ɢ ɤɧɢɠɧɢɧɚ ɩɪɟɡ ɏȱȱȱ ɜ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1987, ɫ. 57-
58, 112-114, 216-218 ɢ 239-240.
19
Gjuzelev, V. Op.cit., p. 62.
20
Georgii Acropolitae Opera, I, 178-179.
21
Actes du Prôtaton, ed. D. Papachryssanthou. Paris, 1975, 265-266. ɉɪɟɜɨɞ ɧɚ
ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢ ɜ Ɂɥɚɬɚɪɫɤɢ, ȼ. ȿɞɢɧ ɝɪɴɰɤɢ ɮɚɥɲɢɮɢɤɚɬ, ɫ. 239.
22
Ⱦɭɣɱɟɜ, ɂ., ɉɪɟɩɢɫɤɚɬɚ ɧɚ ɩɚɩɚ ɂɧɨɤɟɧɬɢɣ ȱȱȱ ɫ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɢɬɟ. – Ƚɋɍ ɎɂɎ, 38,
1942; Ȼɨɠɢɥɨɜ, ɂ. Ɏɚɦɢɥɢɹɬɚ ɧɚ Ⱥɫɟɧɟɜɰɢ, 47-48; Ⱦɚɧɱɟɜɚ-ȼɚɫɢɥɟɜɚ, Ⱥ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ.,
ɫ. 47.
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
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Introduction
Bulgaria – once a rival empire to Byzantium and an effective ruler of
the Balkans, had by 1018 been reduced to several Byzantine provinces. Its
affairs remain revealed to the present day audience through foreign writings,
archaeology and sigillography. The present study has collected those in an
attempt to shed more light on the history of Bulgaria, and with it the Balkans
in the eleventh century1.
It is the aim of this study to answer the question of which offices of
Byzantine, primarily military, administration were introduced in two of the
largest districts into which the former Bulgarian empire had been divided,
namely the themes2 of Bulgaria and Paradounavon covering the greater part
of the former Bulgarian territory under Samuil (997 – 1014), until the coming
to power of a new dynasty of Komnenoi in 1081, and the subsequent changes
in administration. The importance of the study of the period under scrutiny
also lies in the paucity of the sources, especially the Bulgarian ones, for this
period of Bulgarian history3. The themes presented, and the particular cases
of smaller units within them are also not meant to review all the territories
held within a certain theme, but rather to enable inner-thematic reflections on
administration. Furthermore, seals are of special interest to this analysis, as
1
This paper was in its original form a master thesis, defenden in July 2018 at the
Univeristy of Vienna. I would like to express my sincerest gratitude to my supervisor, Univ.-
Prof. Dr. Oliver Schmitt, for his kind guidance, unequivocal support, understanding and
patience for all of my questions. His encouragement and advice, as well as emendations have
been of great contribution. I would also like to extend my appreciation and recognition to
PDoz. Dr. Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt for her remarks and corrections, as well as
valuable bibliographical directions.
2
The term used here is meant to apply to a wider spectrum of Byzantine administra-
tive units.
3
As hinted above, the Bulgarian sources for Bulgarian medieval history are reduced
to ‘six original royal charters, several scores of laconic stone inscriptions, a hundred or so
even shorter graffiti, a couple of concise historical accounts, less than a handful of
apocryphal works, two dozen saint’s lives and eulogies, two notary records and as many
adaptations of Byzantine legal codes (!), and a good amount of casual scribal and marginal
notes’, as quoted from: Petkov, K. The Voices of Medieval Bulgaria, Seventh – Fifteenth
Century. The Records of a Bygone Culture (Leiden, Boston 2008), xi.
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Janja Dora IVANČIĆ. BYZANTIUM AND BULGARIA – A STUDY OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF BULGARIA ...
they are often the only sources preserved for this thematic organization. It is
not the intent of this thesis to provide a catalogue of all Byzantine seals found
in the defined time-span and geographical region, but rather to offer a cross-
section of the titles present in each theme. The vast number of seals retrieved
from the Bulgarian territory witnesses an enormous loss of documents
attached to those, but also allows one to see who was in charge of which
portions of land and based on their place of discovery, with whom they
interacted.
Themenordnung (VII. – X. Jahrh.). – In: Byzantium on the Balkans. Studies on the Byzantine
Administration and the Southern Slavs from the VIIth to the XIIth Centuries, Amsterdam,
1976, 21–70, here 27.
8
Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine Military Organization on the Danube, 10th – 12th Centu-
ries. Leiden, Boston, 2013, ɪ. 39; see also Krsmanoviü, ȼ. The Byzantine Province in
Change, ɪ. 178.
9
Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine Military Organization, ɪ. 121; Kühn, H-J. Die
byzantinische Armee, ɪ. 123 f.
10
Krsmanoviü, ȼ. The Byzantine Province in Change, ɪ. 77, 97; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ.
ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɧɚ ɬɟɦɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, ɫ. 177.
11
Kühn, H-J. Die byzantinische Armee, ɪ. 35.
12
Mărcule܊, V. “The archontate of the Paristrion cities” or “of the cities from the
Istros” – a thema with a single name in the Byzantine literary sources. – Istros 17 (2011), 55
– 68, here 57.
13
Ferluga, J. Militärisch-administrative Einheiten, ɪ. 62, 65 f. However, Ferluga
based here presented observations on Taktikon Uspenskij’s, describing the situation of in the
ninth century; see also Kühn, H-J. Die byzantinische Armee, ɪ. 35.
14
Krsmanoviü, B. Das Problem, ɪ. 66; The Byzantine Province in Change, ɪ. 79.
15
Seibt, W. Ein Blick in die byzantinische Gesellschaft. Die Bleisiegel im Museum
August Kestner. Rahden/Westf. 2011, ɪ. 65; Seibt, W., M. L. Zarnitz. Das Byzantinische
291
Janja Dora IVANČIĆ. BYZANTIUM AND BULGARIA – A STUDY OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF BULGARIA ...
These sat in the important trading centers and were in charge of the troop
supplies and trade taxation, often in kind, commanding over the economy of
a theme16.
Bleisiegel als Kunstwerk. Katalog zur Ausstellung . Wien, 1997, p. 80 f.; Ȼɨɠɢɥɨɜ, ɂ., ȼ.
Ƚɸɡɟɥɟɜ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. Ɍ. 1: ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ (Vȱȱ – ɏȱV
ɜɟɤ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1999, ɫ. 349; cf. Oikonomides, N. L’évolution de l’organisation administrative
de l’empire byzantine au XIe siècle (1025 – 1118). – Travaux et Mémoires 6 (1976), p. 148;
cf. Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɧɚ ɬɟɦɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, c. 178. Interestingly, Ahrweiler comments that
such a service of a judge was considered an exile, even if the theme was a prestigious one,
quoted from: Ahrweiler, H. Recherches sur la société byzantine au XIe siècle: nouvelles
hierarchies et nouvelles solidarités. – Travaux et Mémoires 6 (1976), 99–124, here 102 f.
16
Seibt, W. Ein Blick in die byzantinische Gesellschaft, p. 22 f.; cf. Seibt, W., M.
L. Zarnitz. Das Byzantinische Bleisiegel als Kunstwerk, 58.
17
Stephenson, P. Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier: A Political Study of the Northern
Balkans, 900 – 1204. Cambridge, 2004, p. 80.
18
Krsmanoviü, ȼ. The Byzantine Province in Change, p. 191 f.
19
Stephenson, P. Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier, p. 55.
20
Ibid., p. 77.
21
Kühn, H-J. Die byzantinische Armee, p. 40, 123 f.
22
Threadgold, W. A History of Byzantine State and Society. Stanford, 1997, p. 539.
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general outline can be traced along the theme of Adrianople in the East, the
theme of Thessaloniki in the Southeast, the theme of Nikopolis in the
Southwest, Serbian principality of Zeta in the Northwest, and in the North
along the river Danube 23 . For Stephenson, “Bulgaria” at the time had a
narrower territorial connotation (denoting ‘lands around Ohrid, Prespa and
Skopje’) – according to him, only when the term ‘the whole of Bulgaria’
(pases Boulgarias) is applied should one understand it to mean the
abovementioned territories24. Zlatarski suggested this phrase in administra-
tive sense meant ‘the totality of the traditional Bulgarian territories (including
Paristrion)’25.
If after his victory of 1018 Basil really did secure his position by
gaining favour of regional aristocracy26, one might expect more Slavic names
appearing on seals found in Bulgaria. On the other hand, once they have
received the titles, these men were posted to more remote regions of the
Empire27. The highest positions in the most important cities were taken by
the Byzantines – one such example is ‘of the patrikios David Arianites as
strategos autokrator in Skopje. This last command was surely the senior
position in all the lands north of Thessaloniki and Dyrrachion, with authority
over strategoi of many kastra and districts once subject to Samuil’28. The
title of strategos autokrator was an unofficial one, given in dire political
situations29. As such, strategos autokrator was not a provincial commander –
he was appointed as a direct representative of the Emperor, answerable only
to him 30 . Skylitzes describes David Arianites’ investiture with the title 31 ,
23
Kühn, H-J. Die byzantinische Armee, p. 227. The exact borders of Byzantine
themes are sometimes harder to trace than the date of their establishment. The Byzantines
themselves left little what could classify as maps, and none of it pertaining to the eleventh
century, quoted from: Stephenson, P. Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier, p. 3.
24
Stephenson, P. Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier, p. 78.
25
Nesbitt, J., N. Oikonomides. Catalogue of Byzantine seals at Dumbarton Oaks
and in the Fogg Museum of Art, Vol. I. Italy, North of the Balkans, North of the Black Sea.
Washington D.C. 1991, p. 93; for the ecclesiastical meaning see Stephenson, P. Byzantium’s
Balkan Frontier, p. 78; Krsmanoviü, ȼ. The Byzantine Province in Change, p. 193; for
organization of the conquered Bulgarian lands after 1018, see also Jordanov, I. The
Katepanate of Paradounavon According to the Sphragistic Data. – Studies in Byzantine
Sigillography 8, (2003), 63–74, here 73.
26
Stephenson, P. Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier, p. 74.
27
Ibid., p. 77.
28
Ibid., p. 74, 78.
29
Seibt, W. Ein Blick in die byzantinische Gesellschaft, p. 58, footnote 71: ‘A
commander-in-chief for a particular war or campaign, with quasi-imperial authority’;
Krsmanoviü, ȼ. The Byzantine Province in Change, p. 9 f.
30
cf. Krsmanoviü, ȼ. The Byzantine Province in Change, p. 55 f.
31
Kühn, H-J. Die byzantinische Armee, p. 228; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɧɚ ɬɟɦɚ
Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, c. 179.
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Janja Dora IVANČIĆ. BYZANTIUM AND BULGARIA – A STUDY OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF BULGARIA ...
although he found his power limited to the theme of Bulgaria, and due to lack
of other written sources or seals, it remains unknown what his career while in
power in Skopje looked like32. Besides serving there in the aforementioned
position, David Arianites was previously doux of Thessaloniki 33 , and was
made katepano of Bulgaria, possibly at the same time when he was strategos
autokrator in Skopje; this dual title could date to the time of the very creation
of the theme of Bulgaria, with strategos autokrator being a temporary
investiture34.
After him, Constantine Diogenes, having served in Sirmium and
Thessaloniki, came to Skopje in 1026 as doux and patrikios of Bulgaria35.
Alternatively, he served on both posts simultaneously, as archon of Sirmium
and doux of Bulgaria36 . However, the term archon must be viewed as a
periphrasis for strategos. In the eleventh century, strategoi were in charge of
cities, and carried a military role 37 . Constantine is also known from the
narrative sources 38 . The same Constantine Diogenes will be sent back to
Thessaloniki a year later as a patrikios, from where he served as the doux of
Bulgaria39. Other estimates place him there in 1022/102540. He was also in
charge of dealing with the Pecheneg raids south of Danube41. According to
Skylitzes, by 1028, he was reposted to the theme of Thrakesion42. The new
katepano of Bulgaria was likely protospatharios Christopher Bulgaros, a man
of possible Bulgarian origin; according to Božilov, this functionary was a
commander of the joint unit of Bulgaria and Thessaloniki, with his seat in
Thessaloniki43. Attested by sigillographic evidence, the commander of Bulga-
rian theme after Bulgaros was Bardas, a protospatharios and strategos of
Bulgaria, who was also anagrapheus, and served sometime between 1028
32
Krsmanoviü, ȼ. The Byzantine Province in Change, 55–57.
33
Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine Military Organization, p. 55.
34
Krsmanoviü, ȼ. The Byzantine Province in Change, p. 55 f.
35
Mihajlovski, R. A Collection of Medieval Seals from the Fortress Kale in
Skopje, excavated between 2007 and 2012. – Byzantion 86 (2016), 261–316, here 265.
36
Maksimoviü, L. Organizacija vizantijske vlasti u novoosvojenim oblastima posle
1018. godine. – ɁɊȼɂ 36 (1997), ɫ. 39; cf. Wassiliou-Seibt, A-K. Das byzantinische
Verteidigungssystem, p. 183 f.
37
Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine Military Organization, p. 140. Strategoi could be in
charge of city-themes as well, quoted from: Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɧɚ ɬɟɦɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, 157–
187, here 179.
38
Kühn, H-J. Die byzantinische Armee, p. 229.
39
Stephenson, P. Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier, p. 124; cf. Wassiliou-Seibt, A-K.
Das byzantinische Verteidigungssystem, p. 183 f.
40
Kühn, H-J. Die byzantinische Armee, p. 229.
41
Stephenson, P. Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier, p. 81.
42
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɧɚ ɬɟɦɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, c. 180.
43
Ȼɨɠɢɥɨɜ, ɂ., ȼ. Ƚɸɡɟɥɟɜ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, c. 344.
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44
Ȼɨɠɢɥɨɜ, ɂ., ȼ. Ƚɸɡɟɥɟɜ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, c. 344 ɫɥ.; Zacos, G.
Byzantine Lead Seals, Vol. II, Bern, 1984, no. 370.
45
Seibt, W. Ein Blick in die byzantinische Gesellschaft, p. 45, footnote 41; Seibt,
W., M. L. Zarnitz. Das Byzantinische Bleisiegel als Kunstwerk, p. 70, 73.
46
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɧɚ ɬɟɦɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, c. 158 ɫɥ.
47
Mihajlovski, R. A Collection of Medieval Seals, p. 265; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢ
ɧɚ ɬɟɦɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, c. 159.
48
Seibt, W., M. L. Zarnitz. Das Byzantinische Bleisiegel als Kunstwerk, p. 81;
Dölger, F. Beiträge zur Geschichte der byzantinischen Finanzverwaltung besonderes des 10.
und 11. Jahrhunderts. Darmstadt, 1960, p. 83. Additionally, an anagrapheus served as a
fiscal administrator, to report on the land utilization and determine the taxes accordingly; his
duty would be limited to no more than a few themes, and could be shared with another
anagrapheus, quoted from: Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɧɚ ɬɟɦɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, c. 176.
49
Krsmanoviü, B. Das Problem der sogenannten Zusammengesetzten Bezirke, p.
65.
50
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɧɚ ɬɟɦɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, c. 179.
51
Stephenson, P. Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier, p. 130; Threadgold, W. A History
of Byzantine State, p. 588 f; Popoviü, M. Der Balkan vom Ende des Ersten bulgarischen
Reiches bis zum Beginn des Zweiten bulgarischen Reiches. Version 1.0, in: Online-
Handbuch zur Geschichte Südosteuropas. Volume 1: Herrschaft und Politik in Südosteuropa
bis 1800, ed. by Institut für Ost- und Südosteuropaforschung, 24.6.2016, URL:
http://www.hgsoe.ios-regensburg.de/themen/herrschaft-politik-und-staatlichkeit.html, 8f; cf.
Madgearu, Ⱥ. Centrifugal Movements in the Balkans in the 11th Century. – In: Association
Internationale d’Études du Sud-Est Européen. Bulletin, 35-39, 2005 – 2009 (2010), 21–28,
here 24–26. See also Cheynet, J-C. Pouvoir et contestations à Byzance (963 – 1210). Paris,
1990.
295
Janja Dora IVANČIĆ. BYZANTIUM AND BULGARIA – A STUDY OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF BULGARIA ...
52
Madgearu, Ⱥ. Centrifugal Movements, p. 24; Threadgold, W. A History of
Byzantine State, p. 588.
53
Angold, M. The Byzantine Empire, 1025 – 1204. A Political History. London,
1997, p. 40; cf. Threadgold, W. A History of Byzantine State, p. 589.
54
Mihajlovski, R. A Collection of Medieval Seals, ɪ. 265 f.; Stephenson, P.
Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier, ɪ. 137; Zacos, G. Byzantine Lead Seals, Vol. II, no. 959;
Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria. Volume 3. Part One – Part Two.
Sofia 2009, here part 1, no. 1144.
55
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɧɚ ɬɟɦɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, c. 159 ɫɥ.
56
Krsmanoviü, ȼ. The Byzantine Province in Change, ɪ. 193; cf. Wassiliou-Seibt,
A-K. Der Terminus ȆȡȠȞȠȘIJȘȢ in der byzantinischen Verwaltung. – ɁɊȼɂ 50 (2013), 149–
162, here 149 f.
57
Wassiliou-Seibt, A-K. Der Terminus ȆȡȠȞȠȘIJȘȢ, ɪ. 149.
58
Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria. Volume 1: Byzantine
Seals with Geographical Names. Sofia, 2003, ɪ. 50.
59
Wassiliou-Seibt, A-K. Der Terminus ȆȡȠȞȠȘIJȘȢ, 157.
60
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɧɚ ɬɟɦɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, ɫ. 161; cf. Wassiliou-Seibt, A-K. Der
Terminus ȆȡȠȞȠȘIJȘȢ, ɪ. 157.
61
Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria. Volume 1, no. 19.1.
296
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
62
Stephenson, P. Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier, ɪ. 92 ff. For details on Patzinakia,
see the chapter further below.
63
Mihajlovski, R. A Collection of Medieval Seals, p. 266; Stephenson, P.
Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier, ɪ. 136; cf. Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɧɚ ɬɟɦɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, c. 164;
Nesbitt, J., N. Oikonomides. Catalogue of Byzantine Seals, Vol. 1, no. 29.1; Wassiliou, A-
K, W. Seibt. Byzantinische Bleisiegel in Österreich. 2. Teil. Zentral- und
Provinzialverwaltung. Vienna 2004, no. 112, 130.
64
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɧɚ ɬɟɦɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, c. 176. For other seals of Constantine,
see Zacos, G. Byzantine Lead Seals, Vol. II, no. 409, 422-423; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɧɚ
ɬɟɦɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, 164–167, 181 f.; Wassiliou, A-K, W. Seibt. Byzantinische Bleisiegel in
Österreich, no. 220.
65
Seibt, W., M. L. Zarnitz. Das Byzantinische Bleisiegel als Kunstwerk, p. 145.
66
Stephenson, P. Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier, ɪ. 137.
67
Ibid., , p. 136 f.
68
Mihajlovski, R. A Collection of Medieval Seals, p. 266; Stephenson, P.
Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier, p. 137.
69
Madgearu, Ⱥ. Centrifugal Movements, 21–23.
70
Popoviü, M. Der Balkan, p. 9 f.
71
Mihajlovski, R. A Collection of Medieval Seals, p. 267; Madgearu, Ⱥ.
Byzantine Military Organization, p. 96; Ȼɨɠɢɥɨɜ, ɂ., ȼ. Ƚɸɡɟɥɟɜ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ,
297
Janja Dora IVANČIĆ. BYZANTIUM AND BULGARIA – A STUDY OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF BULGARIA ...
such example are seals of John, proedros, krites of the velon and pronoetes of
Bulgaria, attested around 107572. Pronoetai as civil officials in the provinces
were under jurisdiction of krites or strategos of a thema.73 What is more, the
theme of Bulgaria seems to have existed until the establishment of the
Second Bulgarian Empire, although there is a mention of a doux of Skopje as
late as 119374.
Just like in the East, where ‘most doukes were appointed on an ad hoc
basis in response to a variety of constantly changing internal and external
political and military pressures’, which is why they would sometimes not be
replaced once the circumstances that lead to their appointment passed75, the
sigillographic evidence, or better said, lack thereof, suggests the same about
the Balkans. Similarly, such provisionary solutions led to a complicated,
debased, and ultimately unstable system of hierarchy76. Such a view shows
that the belief Byzantium ruled through the existing local power-structures, at
least militarily, but also when it comes to civilian administration is applicable
only to an extend – it is more plausible Byzantium ruled through the adapted,
rather than adopted structures.
Analysis of cities and fortresses reveals that from the middle of the
eleventh century, the commander of Bulgaria appears more frequently as
doux of Skopje (Skopje being the capital of the theme)77, and as Skylitzes
writes, doux of Skopje could be used interchangeably with doux of
Bulgaria78. Therefore, there is no reason to suppose, as Madgearu does, that
p. 346; cf. Kühn, H-J. Die byzantinische Armee, p. 232; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɧɚ ɬɟɦɚ
Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, c. 172 f.; Nesbitt, J., N. Oikonomides. Catalogue of Byzantine Seals, Vol. 1, no.
29.3; Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria. Volume 2: Byzantine Seals with
Family Names. Sofia, 2006, no. 96–98; Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from
Bulgaria. Volume 3, part 1, no. 1146; For further details on the doukes, see Kühn, H-J. Die
byzantinische Armee, p. 231; Mihajlovski, R. A Collection of Medieval Seals, p. 267;
Ȼɨɠɢɥɨɜ, ɂ., ȼ. Ƚɸɡɟɥɟɜ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, c. 346; Threadgold, W. A History of
Byzantine State, p. 594 f. An ethnarch was a commander of the foreign mercenary armies, as
quoted from Oikonomides, N. L’évolution, p. 143.
72
Mihajlovski, R. A Collection of Medieval Seals, p. 278; Zacos, G. Byzantine
Lead Seals, Vol. II, no. 988; Wassiliou, A-K, W. Seibt. Byzantinische Bleisiegel in
Österreich, p. 219 f.
73
Wassiliou, A-K, W. Seibt. Byzantinische Bleisiegel in Österreich, p. 220.
74
Kühn, H-J. Die byzantinische Armee, p. 228.
75
Holmes, C. Byzantium’s Eastern Frontier in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries. –
In: Medieval Frontiers: Concepts and Practices, (ed.) David Abulafia, Nora Berend.
Aldershot, 2002, p. 91.
76
Maksimoviü, L. Verwaltungsstrukturen in Byzanz und in den Balkanländern, p.
54.
77
Maksimoviü, L. Organizacija vizantijske vlasti, p. 42; WASSILIOU-SEIBT, Das
byzantinische Verteidigungssystem, 178.
78
Wassiliou-Seibt, A-K. Das byzantinische Verteidigungssystem, p. 178. ‘In the
Empire’s west, the importance (of the capital cities) of each doukate or katepanate as a well
298
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
the mention of the doux of Skopje meant the theme of Bulgaria was split into
two, with centers in Skopje and Belgrade 79 or, as JORDANOV writes, that it
remains unclear if doux of Skopje was also a commander of the theme of
Bulgaria80.
The alleged composite character81 of the Bulgarian theme is reflected
in the subordinance of commanders of smaller units, such as, according to
Skylitzes, strategos of Ochrid, strategos of Kastoria and patrikios and
anthypatos of Devol to Nikephoros Karantenos, the doux of Skopje82. The
doukate of Serdica was formed in 1059/1067.83. Dyrrachion (Durrës) became
a katepanate (1042), as did Beroe (Stara Zagora) in the last third of the
eleventh century; from the second half of the eleventh century, the former
seat of a strategos, Mesembria (Nesebar), could have also gotten its
katepano84. Within the theme of Bulgaria, ‘homogenisation, at least in the
military respect, was carried out through the position of the doux of
Bulgaria/Skopje’85.
Theme of Paradounavon
Paradounavon was a military unit attested to have been under the
command of a katepano, most likely from 1043 until 1091 – 109586. The
fortified points of defence, military reservoir of troops and a foothold for some undertakings,
has showed itself sometimes even clearer than in the eastern part of the Empire’, as quoted
from Kühn, H-J. Die byzantinische Armee, p. 167. The identification of a doux of a capital
city with the doux of the theme is found in the Eastern parts of the empire as well – so the
doux of Theodosioupolis stands for doux or katepano of Iberia from the middle of the
eleventh century, as quoted from Krsmanoviü, ȼ. The Byzantine Province in Change, p.
182.
79
Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine Military Organization, p. 99.
80
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɧɚ ɬɟɦɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, c. 183.
81
Other examples of these composite administrative units include Voleron-
Strymon-Thessaloniki, Thrace-Macedonia and Peloponnes-Hellas; the most important
constituent part was named last, as quoted from Krsmanoviü, ȼ. Das Problem der
sogenannten Zusammengesetzten Bezirke, 70. For further details and examples, see
Krsmanoviü, ȼ. Das Problem der sogenannten Zusammengesetzten Bezirke, p. 69, 76; cf.
Ȼɨɠɢɥɨɜ, ɂ., ȼ. Ƚɸɡɟɥɟɜ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, c. 345.
82
Krsmanoviü, ȼ. The Byzantine Province in Change, p. 192.
83
Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine Military Organization, p. 99; Mihajlovski, R. A
Collection of Medieval Seals, p. 266.
84
Wassiliou-Seibt, A-K. Das byzantinische Verteidigungssystem, 167–170.
85
Krsmanoviü, ȼ. The Byzantine Province in Change, p. 187.
86
Wassiliou-Seibt, A-K. ȆĮȡĮIJȘȡȒıİȚȢ ıȤİIJȚțȐ ȝİ IJȘȞ ȓįȡȣıȘ IJȠȣ șȑȝĮIJȠȢ
ȆĮȡĮįȠȣȞȐȕȠȣ țĮȚ IJȠȣȢ ĮȞȫIJĮIJȠȣȢ ıIJȡĮIJȚȦIJȚțȠȪȢ įȚȠțȘIJȑȢ IJȘȢ [Bemerkungen zur
Einrichtung der militärischen Verwaltungseinheit Paradunabon (ȆĮȡĮįȠȪȞĮȕȠȞ) und
Kommandanten]. - In: Holokotinon. Studies in Byzantine Numismatics and Sigillography in
Memory of Petros Protonotarios (Bibliotheca of the Hellenic Numismatic Society 10).
(Athens 2013), 181-195, here 181.
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borders of the theme could roughly be defined by Danube and the Balkan
Mountains, the Black Sea and probably Vidin, yielding over a thousand
Byzantine seals found in that area87. ‘The forms ʌĮȡ ޟIJާȞ ݳıIJȡȠȞ ʌȩȜİȚȢ, IJޟ
ȆĮȡȓıIJȡȚĮ, ȆĮȡĮįȠȪȞĮȕȠȞ and ȆĮȡĮįȠȪȞĮȕȚȢ seem to have not only a
general geographical meaning, but also seem to have been used entirely as a
denomination for the administrative unit on Lower Danube’ 88 . “Paradou-
navon” or “near the Danube” used a slavic-based term for the Istros river89.
Paradounavon was the official name of the theme, whereas the written
sources use the term Paristrion90. The commanders of the region are referred
to as ʌȐȡȤȠȞIJȠȢ țĮIJ ޟIJާȞ ݳıIJȡȠȞ ʌȩȜİȦȞ in the primary literature91, using
the Byzantine name for the river. As with the titles in the theme of Bulgaria,
‘the gulf between ‘rhetoric’ and ‘reality’ in Byzantine literature’92 was often a
significant one. The first capital of the theme was Dristra93.
There are various speculations on the exact date of its establishment,
ranging from as early as 971, mostly in Romanian historiography94, to 1019
and 1020s, to as late as 1050s95. As Wassiliou-Seibt argues, the strategia of
Dristra could also have been placed hierarchically under the new theme of
Bulgaria – it is most likely the entire territory of former Bulgarian Empire
was organized into a theme of Bulgaria under a katepano or a doux, and
smaller centers were under the jurisdiction of this commander 96 . For
87
Jordanov, I. The Katepanate of Paradounavon, p. 72; cf. Kühn, H-J. Die
byzantinische Armee, p. 224; Mărcule܊, V. The archontate of the Paristrion cities, p. 56;
Madgearu, Ⱥ. The Military Organization of Paradunavon. – Byzantinoslavica 60 (1999), 2,
421–446, here 422 f.
88
Kühn, H-J. Die byzantinische Armee, p. 223; cf. Mărcule܊, V. The archontate of
the Paristrion cities, p. 56 f.
89
Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine Military Organization, p. 68.
90
Ibid.
91
Ibid.
92
Stephenson, P. Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier, p. 11.
93
Jordanov, I. The Katepanate of Paradounavon, p. 72 f.
94
Jordanov, I. The Katepanate of Paradounavon, p. 72. Božilov states researchers
such as Bănescu were driven primarily by nationalistic tendencies, as quoted from Božilov,
I. L’administration byzantine en Bulgarie (1018 – 1186): le cas de Paristrion – Paradounavon
(Paradounavis). - In: Byzantium and the Bulgarians (1018 – 1185), (ed.) Katerina Nikolaou,
Kostas Tsiknakis (Athens 2008), 91–97, here 92.
95
Wassiliou-Seibt, A-K. ȆĮȡĮIJȘȡȒıİȚȢ ıȤİIJȚțȐ ȝİ IJȘȞ ȓįȡȣıȘ, p. 181. For further
dating see also Kühn, H-J. Die byzantinische Armee, p. 167; Kühn, H-J. Die byzantinische
Armee, p. 63; Wassiliou-Seibt, A-K. Das byzantinische Verteidigungssystem, 190; cf.
Krsmanoviü, ȼ. The Byzantine Province in Change, p. 196.
96
Wassiliou-Seibt, A-K. ȆĮȡĮIJȘȡȒıİȚȢ ıȤİIJȚțȐ ȝİ IJȘȞ ȓįȡȣıȘ, 192; Wassiliou-
Seibt, A-K. Das byzantinische Verteidigungssystem, 177. Also, since ‘the territorial extend
and the capital city of the civil and ecclesiastical administrative structures – usually
coincided’ and the archbishopric of Bulgaria had under its ecclesiastical jurisdiction the
territory of the former Bulgarian state, there is no reason to suppose Paradounavon did not
300
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
107
Stephenson, P. Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier, p. 82.
108
Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine Military Organization, p. 64, cf. Wassiliou-Seibt, A-
K. ȆĮȡĮIJȘȡȒıİȚȢ ıȤİIJȚțȐ ȝİ IJȘȞ ȓįȡȣıȘ, 183; Kühn, H-J. Die byzantinische Armee, p. 225;
Jordanov, I. The Byzantine administration in Dobrudja (10th – 12th century) according to
sphragistic data. – Dobrudža 12 (1995), 204–223, here 210 f.; see also John Skylitzes. A
Synopsis of Byzantine History. 811-1057, (ed.) John Wortley. Cambridge, 2010, p. 21.6.
109
Jordanov, I. The Katepanate of Paradounavon, p. 64; The Byzantine
administration in Dobroudja, p. 211.
110
Meško, M. Pecheneg Groups in the Balkans (ca. 1053-1091) according to the
Byzantine Sources. – In: The Steppe Lands and the World Beyond Them. Studies in Honor of
Victor Spinei on his 70th Birthday, (ed.) Florin Curta, Bogdan-Petru Maleon. Iaúi, 2013,
179–205, here 181.
111
Stephenson, P. Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier, p. 89.
112
Stephenson, P. Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier, p. 89 f.; Angold, M. The
Byzantine Empire, p. 38; Madgearu, Ⱥ. The Pechenegs in the Byzantine army, p. 209.
113
Madgearu, Ⱥ. The Pechenegs in the Byzantine army, p. 210 f.
114
Angold, M. The Byzantine Empire, p. 38; Kühn, H-J. Die byzantinische Armee,
p. 225; Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine Military Organization, p. 64 f.; Jordanov, I. The
Katepanate of Paradounavon, p. 64; Wasilewski, T. L’administration byzantine dans la
vallée du bas Danube au Xe et XIe siècles selon la sigillographie. – Dobrudža 12 (1995),
190–203, here 198: Wasilewski identifies Michael with Michael Akolouthos. The exact date
of Kegen’s crossing, Michael’s command over Paradounavon and subsequent Tyrach’s
crossing of the Danube can be placed in the time-frame of 1045 – 1048, but the scholarly
302
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
opinions on the matter differ. For more on this debate, see Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine Military
Organization, p. 65; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɧɚ ɬɟɦɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, c. 159, ɛɟɥ. 1.
115
Jordanov, I. The Katepanate of Paradounavon, ɪ. 64 f.; cf. Jordanov, I. The
Byzantine administration in Dobroudja, ɪ. 211.
116
Angold, M. The Byzantine Empire, ɪ. 95. For other effects, see Threadgold, W.
A History of Byzantine State, ɪ. 591; Angold, M. The Byzantine Empire, ɪ. 58. The reforms
of Constantine IX Monomachos (1042 – 1055) did initiate reforms in 1043 – 1047 to make
the themes more civilian; however, this did not apply to the frontier themes (quoted from:
Angold, M. The Byzantine Empire, ɪ. 61 f.). Also, The reforms were meant to be exercised
in peaceful times, which could not be afforded, at the periphery of the Balkans (quoted from:
Angold, M. The Byzantine Empire, ɪ. 69.).
117
The reasons for this are manifold: he could have been provoked by Kegen’s
incursions north of the Danube (quoted from: Spinei, V. The Romanians and the Turkic
Nomads North of the Danube Delta From the Tenth to the Mid-Thirteenth Century. Leiden,
Boston, 2009, p. 109; Curta, F. The image and archaeology of the Pechenegs. – Banatica 23
(2013), 152; Schmitt, O. Die Petschenegen auf dem Balkan von 1046 bis 1072. – In: Pontos
Euxeinos. Beiträge zur Archäologie und Geschichte des Antiken Schwarzmeer - und
Balkanraumes, (ed.) Sven Conrad et alii. Langenweißbach, 2006, p. 478.); it could have been
in accordance with the Byzantine emperor (quoted from: Schmitt, O. Die Petschenegen,
473–490, here 479.); the move certainly had to do with the Uzes’ move westwards due to
Cuman incusions into their territory (quoted from: Madgearu, Ⱥ. The Pechenegs in the
Byzantine army, p. 210; Spinei, V. The Romanians and the Turkic Nomads, p. 110, 113.).
Since the Pechenegs took their women and children with them, this move is seen as a
migrational one by Attaleiates, and this is not contradicted by Skylitzes (quoted from:
Schmitt, O. Die Petschenegen, p. 478).
118
Stephenson, P. Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier, p. 90; Angold, M. The Byzantine
Empire, ɪ. 38.
119
Stephenson, P. Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier, p. 90.
120
Angold, M. The Byzantine Empire, ɪ. 38; CURTA, The image and archaeology,
148.
303
Janja Dora IVANČIĆ. BYZANTIUM AND BULGARIA – A STUDY OF THE ADMINISTRATION OF BULGARIA ...
121
Madgearu, Ⱥ. The Pechenegs in the Byzantine army, 211 f.
122
Wassiliou-Seibt, A-K. ȆĮȡĮIJȘȡȒıİȚȢ ıȤİIJȚțȐ ȝİ IJȘȞ ȓįȡȣıȘ, p. 192.
123
Wassiliou-Seibt, A-K. ȆĮȡĮIJȘȡȒıİȚȢ ıȤİIJȚțȐ ȝİ IJȘȞ ȓįȡȣıȘ, p. 186, 192.
124
Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine Military Organization, p. 65; Nesbitt, J., N.
Oikonomides. Catalogue of Byzantine Seals, Vol. 1, no. 65.1.
125
Jordanov, I. The Katepanate of Paradounavon, p. 65; Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine
Military Organization, p. 66; Jordanov, I. The Byzantine administration in Dobroudja, p.
212.
126
Mărcule܊, V. The archontate of the Paristrion cities, p. 59; Michael Attaleiates.
The History. (ed.) Anthony Kaldellis, Dimitris Krallis. London, 2012, p. 16.8; cf. Madgearu,
Ⱥ. The Military Organization of Paradunavon, p. 225.
127
Jordanov, I. The Katepanate of Paradounavon, p. 65; see also Jordanov, I. The
Byzantine administration in Dobroudja, p. 212.
128
Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine Military Organization, p. 67; ɂɜɚɧɨɜ, ɋɬ.
ɇɨɜɨɨɬɤɪɢɬɢ ɦɨɥɢɜɞɨɜɭɥɢ ɨɬ ɪɚɡɤɨɩɤɢɬɟ ɧɚ Ⱦɜɨɪɰɨɜɢɹ ɩɥɨɳɚɞ ɜ ɉɥɢɫɤɚ. – ȼ: ɋɛ. 100
ɝɨɞɢɧɢ ɨɬ ɪɨɠɞɟɧɢɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɞ-ɪ ȼɚɫɢɥ ɏɚɪɚɥɚɧɨɜ (1907-2007). ɒɭɦɟɧ, 2008, 137–146,
here 140; Jordanov, I. The Katepanate of Paradounavon, ɪ. 68; Nesbitt, J., N.
Oikonomides. Catalogue of Byzantine Seals, Vol. 1, no. 67.1; Jordanov, I. Corpus of
Byzantine Seals, Vol. 1, no. 58.1; Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals, Vol. 2, no. 302–
303, cf. no. 304; Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals, Vol. 3, part 1, no. 1373–1375, cf.
no. 1462.
129
Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine Military Organization, ɪ. 67.
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new administrative unit on the Danube frontier130. According to the seals the
actual katepanate of Paradounavon was established in 1050s, possibly as a
response of Isaac Komnenos (1057 – 1059), to the Pecheneg and Hungarian
pressure 131 , albeit with little success 132 . His titles anthypatos and vestes,
which were bestowed upon him while in service in Paradounavon133 seem to
suggest his long tenure, which in turn must indicate his service in
Paradounavon after 1055, following Romanos Diogenes134. He is not known
from narrative sources135.
It has been ‘proposed that in 1065 the theme of Paradunavon (sic) had
been divided into two smaller provinces – Western and Eastern Paristrion’;
the division also possibly dates to 1059, with a certain Basil Apokapes as
commander of Western Paristrion136. Although such division is unlikely, this
theory is based on the Attaleiates’ remark about Basil Apokapes and
Nikephoros Botaneiates as “rulers of the Danubian cities” or “ਥʌĮȡȤȩȞIJȦȞ
IJȞ țĮIJ IJઁȞ ੍ıIJȡȠȞ ʌȩȜİȦȞ”137. Similar mention is to be found in Ioannes
Zonaras (ʌȐȡȤȠȞIJȠȢ IJࠛȞ țĮIJ ޟIJާȞ ݳıIJȡȠȞ ʌȩȜİȦȞ), while Skylitzes refers to
them as having “commanded the territories near the river of Istros”138. It
does remain a fact, that the seals of Basil Apokapes discovered in the Balkans
witness him to be a magistros, vestes and doux, but none of them so far
mention the geographical domain under his command139. If Basil Apokapes
was in command of troops from several provinces, as suggested in the
Chronicle of Matthew of Edessa, sent to Paradounavon to deal with the Uzes
in 1065, it should be of little surprise his seals bear no specific regional
marks140. As already mentioned, a possible commander of Paradounavon for
1063 – 1065 was Nikephoros Botaneiates, since he served as commander of
130
Ibid., p. 68.
131
Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine Military Organization, p. 68; cf. Jordanov, I. The
Katepanate of Paradounavon, p. 73.
132
Stephenson, P. Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier, p. 94.
133
Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine Military Organization, p. 67; Jordanov, I. Corpus of
Byzantine Seals, Vol. 2, no. 302–303, cf. no. 304.
134
Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine Military Organization, p. 67.
135
Jordanov, I. The Katepanate of Paradounavon, p. 68.
136
Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine Military Organization, p. 69; cf. with cursus honorum
in Wasilewski, T. L’administration byzantine dans la vallée du bas Danube, p. 199;
137
Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine Military Organization, p. 69; Michael Attaleiates. The
History, p. 14.6.
138
Mărcule܊, V. The archontate of the Paristrion cities, p. 59.
139
Jordanov, I. The Katepanate of Paradounavon, p. 66; Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine
Military Organization, p. 71; cf. Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals, Vol. 2, no. 43–45;
Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals, Vol. 3, part 1, no. 1449–1451. For further details on
Basil Apokapes see Jordanov, I. The Katepanate of Paradounavon, p. 66; cf. Kühn, H-J.
Die byzantinische Armee, p. 225 f.; Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine Military Organization, p. 70 f.
140
Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine Military Organization, 71–73, 129 f.
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of Pecheneg leaders (…) who were ready to question the loose Byzantine
supremacy over the whole province’152. Consequently, a certain Nestor was
sent to the region to reinstate order153 . Being mentioned by Skylitzes and
Attaleiates, he became the commander of the theme of Paristrion around
1071 – 1072154. ‘In this case too, no seals of Nestor as katepano of Dristra or
doux of Paristrion have come down to us’. 155 According to the narrative
sources, instead of subduing the rebellion, Nestor, a man native to the
Balkans (as Attaleiates puts it: IJࠜ ݸȝȠIJȓȝ࠙ IJȠࠎ ȖȑȞȠȣȢ), joined the insurgents
instead156. Since a doukate or a katepanate got its name from the main city,
and Nestor is present as doux Paristrion and katepano Dristras, both phrases
refer to the same function 157 . Although this alliance fell apart 158 , it is an
example of how Byzantium could effectively exert control only in Northern
Dobrudja, therefore making Noviodounos (Isaccea) a new center of
Paradounavon 159 . As a matter of fact, one could argue Byzantium only
managed to keep control over Noviodounos, Carsium (Hâr܈ova), Axiopolis
(Cernavodă) and Dristra 160 . For the period of 1072 – 1091, it seems
Paradounavon was not under the control of Constantinople, but instead local
control 161 . This premise is fortified by the fact that there are no seals of
commanders of Paradounavon retrieved for the period 1072 – 1081, therefore
possibly calling into question the existence of the katepanate of
Paradounavon during this time162. However, once again, one needs to look at
other available sources to reach a conclusion. SPINEI, for example, contradicts
this premise by mentioning archaeological finds such as seals and coins from
152
Meško, M. Pecheneg Groups, p. 189.
153
Jordanov, I. The Katepanate of Paradounavon, p. 67; Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine
Military Organization, p. 80; Spinei, V. The Great Migrations in the East and South East of
Europe from the Ninth to the Thirteenth Century. Cluj-Napoca, 2003, p. 137.
154
Jordanov, I. The Katepanate of Paradounavon, p. 67; Michael Attaleiates. The
History, p. 26.2.
155
Jordanov, I. The Katepanate of Paradounavon, p. 67.
156
Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine Military Organization, p. 81; Madgearu, Ⱥ. The
Periphery against the Centre: The Case of Paradunavon. – ɁɊȼɂ 40 (2003), 49–57, here 50;
Michael Attaleiates. The History, ɪ. 26.2.
157
Kühn, H-J. Die byzantinische Armee, ɪ. 166. For further details on this episode
see Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine Military Organization, ɪ. 81; cf. Jordanov, I. The Byzantine
administration in Dobroudja, ɪ. 213; Threadgold, W. A History of Byzantine State, ɪ. 607;
Madgearu, Ⱥ. The Periphery against the centre, ɪ. 51.
158
Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine Military Organization, ɪ. 82.
159
Ibid., ɪ. 131.
160
Ibid., ɪ. 168.
161
Wassiliou-Seibt, A-K. Das byzantinische Verteidigungssystem, ɪ. 181.
162
Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine Military Organization, ɪ. 82.
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the area as evidence that at least some parts of Paradounavon stayed under
Byzantine control post 1072163.
Therefore, the written records tell of the commanders of the cities of
Ister164, but there is no sigillographic evidence to support such mentions; the
seals corresponding to the persons mentioned refer to them as katepano or
doux, in charge of regional tagma, and therefore most probably there due to
specific military tasks165. Vice versa, not one person attested as katepano or
doux of Paradounavon through sigillographic evidence, is mentioned as such
in written sources166. The military offices directly linked with Paradounavon
were katepano/doux, ek prosopou and tourmarches167.
The city of Dristra (Silistra) had a katepano or as strategos; the third
group of seals testifies to the existence of kommerkiarios in Dristra.168 As
seen, katepano of Dristra is synonymous with the katepano of Paradounavon.
Right after the establishment of the theme of Bulgaria, the strategos of
Dristra would have been under command of the doux of the theme of
Bulgaria 169 . According to Jordanov, the establishment of the office of
kommerkiarios in Dristra dates to the earliest years of the eleventh century,
when the Byzantine border on Danube was reestablished170 . Although the
exact site of Preslavitsa remains uncertain171, ironically many of the seals of
163
Spinei, V. The Great Migrations, ɪ. 142; As a comparison, in the East in 1050s
the defence system was kept by few troops in key positions, and it relied on the loyalty of the
local populace, as quoted from Angold, M. The Byzantine Empire, ɪ. 41 f.
164
The claim that the phrase “of the cities (/territories) of” is not found in any other
sources for Byzantine themes of the eleventh and twelfth century is simply not true if one
looks at ‘the foundation of the theme of “the poleis on the Euphrates” ’, with the commander
possibly being a doux/katepano, who was referred to by Skylitzes as strategos, quoted from:
Mărcule܊, V. The archontate of the Paristrion cities, ɪ. 65 f.; Krsmanoviü, ȼ. The Byzantine
Province in Change, ɪ. 183 f. Moreover, the fact that it is Skylitzes who uses the same
phrase, leads to the conclusion he was referring to at least very similar administrative units.
165
Jordanov, I. The Katepanate of Paradounavon, ɪ. 68.
166
Ibid., ɪ. 71.
167
Jordanov, I. The Byzantine administration in Dobroudja, ɪ. 207. For the details
on ek prosopou and tourmarches in Paradounavon, see Jordanov, I. The Katepanate of
Paradounavon, ɪ. 73; cf. Wassiliou-Seibt, A-K. ȆĮȡĮIJȘȡȒıİȚȢ ıȤİIJȚțȐ ȝİ IJȘȞ ȓįȡȣıȘ, ɪ.
193. Ȼɨɠɢɥɨɜ, ɂ., ȼ. Ƚɸɡɟɥɟɜ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, ɫ. 354.
168
Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals, Vol. 1, ɪ. 62 f.
169
Wassiliou-Seibt, A-K. ȆĮȡĮIJȘȡȒıİȚȢ ıȤİIJȚțȐ ȝİ IJȘȞ ȓįȡȣıȘ, ɪ. 192.
170
Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals, Vol. 1, 64. Many seals of
kommerkiarioi of Dristra found paint a picture of the town as a commercial hot-spot from the
onset of the eleventh century, strengthened later by the trade with the Pechenegs. For
examples of kommerkiarioi of Dristra, see Nesbitt, J., N. Oikonomides. Catalogue of
Byzantine Seals, Vol. 1, no. 65.2; Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals, Vol. 1, nos. 23.6,
23.7, 23.8.
171
For details on possible locations, see Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine Military
Organization, p. 92; Jordanov, I. Dobrudža (491 – 1092) – selon les donnés de la
308
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Patzinakia
The only available source for Patzinakia in the eleventh century is
sigillography180. As seen, the Pechenegs were used by the Byzantine Empire
as allies when it suited Byzantine needs181. The territory was not split from
Paradounavon – instead, it is to be viewed as a part of it182, as a smaller unit
with higher degree of administrative independence183. It is also referred to as
Conclusion
After 1018, Byzantium organized the (re)conquered Bulgarian lands
into one theme, namely Bulgaria, with the theme of Paradounavon being
184
Meško, M. Pecheneg Groups, p. 182. Jordanov thinks this territory did not use to
belong to the Bulgarian empire, as quoted from Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals, Vol.
1, p. 138. Although much earlier, Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos (913 – 959) reports that
‘Patzinakia stretched from the bank opposite Distra (modern Silistra) to Sarkel on the Don’,
as quoted from Spinei, V. The Romanians and the Turkic Nomads, p. 94.
185
Madgearu, Ⱥ. Centrifugal Movements, p. 24.
186
Stephenson, P. Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier, p. 91.
187
Ibid., p. 96.
188
Madgearu, Ⱥ. Byzantine Military Organization, p. 125 and footnote 115.
189
Holmes, C. Byzantium’s Eastern Frontier, 101–103.
190
Madgearu, Ⱥ. The Pechenegs in the Byzantine army, p. 211; Jordanov has also
suggested that a man from the seal is a son or a grandson of Kegen from the sources, where
Kegenos is a new patronym, as quoted from Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals, Vol. 1,
p. 142.
191
Angold, M. The Byzantine Empire, ɪ. 39.
192
Ibid., p. 40, 47.
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193
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɫ ɢɦɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɋɢɥɢɫɬɪɚ. – 100 ɝɨɞɢɧɢ
ɢɫɬɨɪɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɦɭɡɟɣ ɋɢɥɢɫɬɪɚ, 2002, 80–90; Jordanov, I. Byzantine Lead Seals from the
Village of Melnitsa (district of Elkhovo, Bulgaria). – Studies in Byzantine Sigillography 7,
2002, 21–57, here 23 ff.
194
Cf. with territory generally depicted as Byzantine on maps by Ostrogorsky, G.
Byzantinische Geschichte (324 – 1453). Munich, 1996, p. 258 f.
195
Stephenson, P. Byzantium’s Balkan Frontier, p. 5, 82, 155.
311
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196
Krsmanoviü, ȼ. The Byzantine Province in Change, p. 131.
197
Maksimoviü, L. Organizacija vizantijske vlasti, p. 42.
312
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
Ɇɢɥɢɹɧɚ Ʉɚɣɦɚɤɚɦɨɜɚ
1
ɉɨɞɪɨɛɧɨ ɡɚ ɡɧɚɱɟɧɢɟɬɨ ɯɪɢɫɬɢɹɧɢɡɚɰɢɹɬɚ ɢ ɫɥɚɜɹɧɢɡɚɰɢɹɬɚ ɤɚɬɨ ɨɫɧɨɜɧɢ
ɮɚɤɬɨɪɢ ɡɚ ɤɭɥɬɭɪɧɨɬɨ ɪɚɡɜɢɬɢɟ ɧɚ ɯɪɢɫɬɢɹɧɫɤɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ ɜɠ. Ƚɸɡɟɥɟɜ, ȼ.
ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɨ-ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢɹɬ ɞɢɚɥɨɝ ɜ ɨɛɥɚɫɬɬɚ ɧɚ ɤɭɥɬɭɪɚɬɚ. – ɋɩɢɫɚɧɢɟ ɧɚ ȻȺɇ, CXIX,
5, 2006, ɫ. 5.
2
ȽɂȻɂ, ȱɏ/2, 30-35, 49-66; ɂɥɢɟɜ, ɂ. Ɉɯɪɢɞɫɤɢɹɬ ɚɪɯɢɟɩɢɫɤɨɩ Ⱦɢɦɢɬɴɪ
ɏɨɦɚɬɢɚɧ ɢ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɢɬɟ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2010, 34-44.
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ɋɪɜ. Ʉɚɣɦɚɤɚɦɨɜɚ. Ɇ. ȼɥɚɫɬ ɢ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ, 124-127.
8
ɋɪɜ. ɋɬɚɧɤɨɜ, Ɋ. Ʉ ɩɪɨɛɥɟɦɟ ɩɪɨɢɡɯɨɠɞɟɧɢɹ ɞɪɟɜɧɟɣɲɟɝɨ ɫɥɚɜɹɧɫɤɨɝɨ
ɩɟɪɟɜɨɞɚ ɏɪɨɧɢɤɚ Ƚɟɨɪɝɢɹ Ⱥɦɚɪɬɨɥɚ. – ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜɫɤɚ ɤɧɢɠɨɜɧɚ ɲɤɨɥɚ. Ɍ. 7, ɒɭɦɟɧ,
2004, 57-72; ɋɬɚɧɤɨɜ, Ɋ. Ⱦɪɟɜɧɟɛɨɥɝɚɪɫɤɢɣ ɩɟɪɟɜɨɞ ɏɪɨɧɢɤɚ Ƚɟɨɪɝɢɹ Ⱥɦɚɪɬɨɥɚ ɜ
ɞɪɟɜɧɟɪɭɫɫɤɨɣ ɩɢɫɶɦɟɧɧɨɣ ɬɪɚɞɢɰɢɢ. – ɋɬɚɪɨɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚ ɥɢɬɟɪɚɬɭɪɚ, 39-40, 2008, 49-
51.
9
Ⱦɢɦɢɬɪɨɜ. ɉ. ɂɡɛɨɪɧɢɰɢɬɟ ɧɚ ɰɚɪ ɋɢɦɟɨɧ. – Ʌɢɬɟɪɚɬɭɪɧɚ ɦɢɫɴɥ, ɏɏɏ,
1990, 7, ɫ. 6; ɋɢɦɟɨɧɨɜ ɋɛɨɪɧɢɤ (ɩɨ ɋɜɟɬɨɫɥɚɜɨɜɢɹ ɩɪɟɩɢɫ ɨɬ 1073 ɝ.). Ɍ. 1.
ɂɡɫɥɟɞɜɚɧɢɹ ɢ ɬɟɤɫɬ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1991, 20-21;
10
ɉɨ-ɩɨɞɪɨɛɧɨ ɡɚ ɫɬɚɪɨɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢɬɟ ɩɪɟɜɨɞɢ ɧɚ ɫɩɨɦɟɧɚɬɢɬɟ ɯɪɨɧɢɤɢ ɜɠ.
Weingart, Ɇ. Byzantské kroniky v literatuĜe církevnČ-slovenské. Prehled a rasbor
filologisky. T. 1, Bratislave, 1922; T. 2, 1923, 10-283; Ɍɪɢɮɨɧɨɜ. ɘ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢɬɟ
ɯɪɨɧɢɤɢ ɜ ɰɴɪɤɨɜɧɨɫɥɚɜɹɧɫɤɚɬɚ ɤɧɢɠɧɢɧɚ. – ɂɡɜɟɫɬɢɹ ɧɚ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɨɬɨ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɱɟɫɤɨ
ɞɪɭɠɟɫɬɜɨ, Vȱ, 1924-1926, 163-181; ɉɢɨɬɪɨɜɫɤɚɹ, ȿ. Ʉ ɢɡɭɱɟɧɢɸ „Ʌɟɬɨɩɢɫɰɚ
ɜɫɤɨɪɟ”. – ɌɈȾɊɅ. Ɍ. 29, 1974, 170-177; ɉɢɨɬɪɨɜɫɤɚɹ, ȿ. Ʌɟɬɨɩɢɫɟɰ ɜɫɤɨɪɟ
Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧɨɩɨɥɶɫɤɨɝɨ ɩɚɬɪɢɚɪɯɚ ɇɢɤɢɮɨɪɚ ɢ ɂɡɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɋɜɹɬɨɫɥɚɜɚ 1073. – ȼ:
ɂɡɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɋɜɹɬɨɫɥɚɜɚ 1073. ɋɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɫɬɚɬɟɣ. Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ, 1977, 317-333; Ʉɚɣɦɚɤɚɦɨɜɚ,
Ɇ. Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɨɩɢɫ, 163-181;
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Милияна КАЙМАКАМОВА. ЗАЩО ЦАР СИМЕОН (893 – 927) И ПРЕСЛАВСКИТЕ КНИЖОВНИЦИ ...
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Ɍɨɬɨɦɚɧɨɜɚ, Ɇ. ɋɥɚɜɹɧɫɤɚɬɚ ɜɟɪɫɢɹ ɧɚ ɯɪɨɧɢɤɚɬɚ ɧɚ Ƚɟɨɪɝɢ ɋɢɧɤɟɥ.
ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2008, ɫ. 9-10, 31, 590-675.
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Ɍɪɢɮɨɧɨɜ, ɘ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢɬɟ ɯɪɨɧɢɤɢ ɜ ɰɴɪɤɨɜɧɨɫɥɚɜɹɧɫɤɚɬɚ ɤɧɢɠɧɢɧɚ,
169-170; Ʉɚɣɦɚɤɚɦɨɜɚ, Ɇ. Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɨɩɢɫ, ɫ. 172;
Ʉɚɣɦɚɤɚɦɨɜɚ, Ɇ. Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɯɪɨɧɨɝɪɚɮɢɹ ɨɬ ɤɪɚɹ ɧɚ IX-XIV ɜ., ɫ. 198;
Ɍɪɟɧɞɚɮɢɥɨɜ, ɏɪ. ɇɚɛɥɸɞɟɧɢɹ ɜɴɪɯɭ ɫɥɚɜɹɧɫɤɢɹ ɩɪɟɜɨɞ ɧɚ ɯɪɨɧɢɤɚɬɚ ɧɚ Ƚɟɨɪɝɢ
ɋɢɧɤɟɥ. – Palaebulgarica/ ɋɬɚɪɨɛɴɥɝɚɪɢɫɬɢɤɚ, XIV, 1990, 4, 100-110.
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ɋɥɚɜɨɜɚ, Ɍ. Ɍɴɥɤɨɜɧɚɬɚ ɩɚɥɟɹ ɜ ɤɨɧɬɟɤɫɬɚ ɧɚ ɫɬɚɪɨɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ
ɤɧɢɠɧɢɧɚ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2002, ɫ. 9-10, 225, 343-347.
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ɋɴɡɞɚɞɟɧɚ ɟ ɨɬ ɚɧɨɧɢɦɟɧ ɚɜɬɨɪ, ɚ ɮɪɟɧɫɤɢɹɬ ɭɱɟɧ ɒɚɪɥ Ⱦɸɤɚɧɠ (1610-
1668) ɹ ɧɚɡɨɜɚɜɚ „ɉɚɫɯɚɥɧɚ” ɡɚɪɚɞɢ ɩɚɫɯɚɥɧɢɬɟ ɬɚɛɥɢɰɢ, ɧɚɱɟɪɬɚɧɢ ɧɚ ɨɛɪɚɬɧɚɬɚ
ɫɬɪɚɧɚ ɧɚ ɞɜɚ ɥɢɫɬɚ, ɫɴɞɴɪɠɚɳɢ ɫɟ ɜ ɧɟɣɧɢɹ ɪɴɤɨɩɢɫ. ȼɠ. ɉɚɫɯɚɥɧɚɹ ɯɪɨɧɢɤɚ. ɉɟɪɟɜɨɞ
ɫ ɝɪɟɱɟɫɤɚɝɨ, ɜɫɬɭɩɢɬɟɥɶɧɚɹ ɫɬɚɬɶɹ, ɤɨɦɦɟɧɬɚɪɢɢ Ʌ. Ⱥ. ɋɚɦɭɬɤɢɧɚ. ɋɚɧɤɬ-ɉɟɬɟɪɛɭɪɝ,
2004, ɫ. 5, 173-174.
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Ɂɥɚɬɚɪɫɤɢ, ȼ. ɇɚɣ-ɫɬɚɪɢɹɬ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɬɪɭɞ ɜ ɫɬɚɪɨɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɤɧɢɠɧɢɧɚ.
– ɋɩɢɫɚɧɢɟ ɧɚ ȻȺɇ, ɏɏɏVȱȱ, 1923, ɫ. 154; ɋɢɦɟɨɧɨɜ ɫɛɨɪɧɢɤ (ɩɨ ɋɜɟɬɨɫɥɚɜɨɜ ɩɪɟɩɢɫ
ɨɬ 1073). Ɍ. I, ɫ. 202; Ⱦɭɣɱɟɜ, ɂ. ɂɡ ɫɬɚɪɚɬɚ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚ ɤɧɢɠɧɢɧɚ. Ɍ. I, ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1940,
217-218.
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Ɂɥɚɬɚɪɫɤɢ, ȼ. ɇɚɣ-ɫɬɚɪɢɹɬ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɬɪɭɞ ɜ ɫɬɚɪɨɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɤɧɢɠɧɢɧɚ,
132-182.
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Ⱥɧɝɟɥɨɜ, Ȼ. ɂɡ ɫɬɚɪɚɬɚ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚ ɪɭɫɤɚ ɢ ɫɪɴɛɫɤɚ ɥɢɬɟɪɚɬɭɪɚ. ɋɨɮɢɹ,
1967, 75-88.
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Ƚɨɪɢɧɚ, Ʌ. Ȼɨɥɝɚɪɫɤɢɣ ɯɪɨɧɝɪɚɮ ɢ ɟɝɨ ɫɭɞɶɛɚ ɧɚ Ɋɭɫɢ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2005, 32-43.
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ɉɨ-ɩɨɞɪɨɛɧɨ ɡɚ ɫɴɞɴɪɠɚɧɢɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɬɨɡɢ ɯɪɨɧɨɝɪɚɮ ɜɠ. Ⱦɢɦɢɬɪɨɜ, ɉ.
ɂɡɛɨɪɧɢɰɢɬɟ ɧɚ ɰɚɪ ɋɢɦɟɨɧ, 11-12; Ƚɨɪɢɧɚ, Ʌ. Ȼɨɥɝɚɪɫɤɢɣ ɯɪɨɧɨɝɪɚɮ ɢ ɟɝɨ ɫɭɞɶɛɚ ɧɚ
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Ʉɚɣɦɚɤɚɦɨɜɚ, Ɇ. Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɨɩɢɫ, 42-43, 101-102,
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ȼɚɣɧɲɬɟɣɧ, Ɉ. Ʌ. Ɂɚɩɚɞɧɨɟɜɪɨɩɟɣɫɤɚɹ ɫɪɟɞɧɟɜɟɤɨɜɚɹ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɨɝɪɚɮɢɹ.
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ɋɪɜ. Ƚɸɡɟɥɟɜ, ȼ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɨ-ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢɹ ɞɢɚɥɨɝ ɜ ɨɛɥɚɫɬɬɚ ɧɚ ɤɭɥɬɭɪɚɬɚ. –
ȼ: ɋɩɢɫɚɧɢɟ ɧɚ ȻȺɇ, ɋɏȱɏ, 5, 2006, 4-6. ɉɨɞɨɛɧɨ ɹɜɥɟɧɢɟ, ɧɨ ɧɚ ɩɨ-ɤɴɫɟɧ ɟɬɚɩ, ɫɟ
ɧɚɛɥɸɞɚɜɚ ɢ ɜ Ɋɭɫɢɹ. ɋɪɜ. Ʌɨɬɦɚɧ, ɘ. Ɇ. ɉɪɨɛɥɟɦɚ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɨɝɨ ɜɥɢɹɧɢɟ ɧɚ
ɪɭɫɫɤɭɸ ɤɭɥɶɬɭɪɭ ɜ ɬɢɩɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɨɦ ɨɫɜɟɳɟɧɢɢ. – ȼɴɜ: ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɹ ɢ Ɋɭɫɶ. Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ,
1989, 232-235.
67
Božilov. I. L`idéologie politique du tzar Syméon: Pax Symeonica. – BBg., VIII,
1986, 73-88; ɇɢɤɨɥɨɜ, Ⱥ. ɉɨɥɢɬɢɱɟɫɤɚɬɚ ɦɢɫɴɥ ɜ ɪɚɧɧɨɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, 151-
230.
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68
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. Ʉɨɪɩɭɫ ɧɚ ɩɟɱɚɬɢɬɟ ɧɚ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2001,
46-53.
69
Ƚɸɡɟɥɟɜ, ȼ. Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ ɞɴɪɠɚɜɚ (VII-XIV ɜ.). –
ɂɫɬɨɪɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɩɪɟɝɥɟɞ, 3-4, 1981, ɫ. 200.
70
Krüger, K. H. Die Universalchroniken, 55-56.
71
Grundman, H. Geschichtsschreibung im Mittelalte. Gatungen – Epochen –
Eigenart. Götingen, 1965, 19-24.
72
van Houts, E. M. C. Local and regional Chronicles. Turnhout, 1995 (Typolgie
des sources du moyen âge occidental, 74), pp. 55-56.
332
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73
Hunger, H. Die hochsprachliche profane Literatur der Byzantiner, 416-426;
Ȼɢɛɢɤɨɜ, Ɇ. ȼ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɱɟɫɤɚɹ ɥɢɬɟɪɚɬɭɪɚ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɢ. ɋɚɧɤɬ ɉɟɬɟɪɛɭɪɝ, 1998, 155-
159.
74
Ɍɴɩɤɨɜɚ-Ɂɚɢɦɨɜɚ, ȼ., Ⱥ. Ɇɢɥɬɟɧɨɜɚ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɤɨ-ɚɩɨɤɚɥɢɩɬɢɱɧɚɬɚ
ɤɧɢɠɧɢɧɚ ɜɴɜ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɹ ɢ ɜ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1996, ɫ. 237, 247, 272,
305; Ʉɚɣɦɚɤɚɦɨɜɚ, Ɇ. ɉɚɧɞɟɯɨɜɨ ɩɪɨɪɨɱɟɫɤɨ ɫɤɚɡɚɧɢɟ ɨɬ XIII ɜ. ɢ ɡɚɪɚɠɞɚɧɟ ɧɚ
ɢɞɟɹɬɚ „Ɍɴɪɧɨɜɨ-ɧɨɜ ɐɚɪɢɝɪɚɞ” – „ɬɪɟɬɢ Ɋɢɦ”. – ȼ: „Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, ɡɟɦɹ ɧɚ ɛɥɚɠɟɧɢ...”
Ɇɟɠɞɭɧɚɪɨɞɧɚ ɤɨɧɮɟɪɟɧɰɢɹ ɜ ɩɚɦɟɬ ɧɚ ɩɪɨɮ. ɞɢɧ. Ƀɨɪɞɚɧ Ⱥɧɞɪɟɟɜ. ȼɟɥɢɤɨ Ɍɴɪɧɨɜɨ,
2009, 326-329.
75
Ʉɚɣɦɚɤɚɦɨɜɚ, Ɇ. Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɯɪɨɧɨɝɪɚɮɢɹ ɨɬ ɤɪɚɹ ɧɚ IX-XIV ɜ., 204-205.
76
Ɂɚ ɪɚɡɜɢɬɢɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɪɭɫɤɚɬɚ ɯɪɨɧɨɝɪɚɮɢɹ ɜɠ.: Ɍɜɨɪɨɝɨɜ, Ɉ. ȼ. Ⱦɪɟɜɧɟɪɭɫɫɤɢɟ
ɯɪɨɧɨɝɪɚɮɵ. Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ, 1975, 3-47; ȼɨɞɨɥɚɡɤɢɧ, ȿ. Ƚ. ȼɫɟɦɢɪɧɚɹ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɜ ɥɢɬɟɪɚɬɭɪɟ
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The presentation and the attempt to identify this distinct object in the
current Festschrift is in the hope of giving rise to reflections and discussions
among fellow Byzantinists in order to broaden the research and make its
attribution more reliable. Our study so far, shows that the utility object of
Patrikios comprises an unicum.
The object was accidentally detected by Nikolaou in a cabinet of the
Lead Seals Collection of the Numismatic Museum a few months ago. It had
no inventory number, and no indication or reference as to its provenance and
acquisition to the museum’s possessions existed in its place.
Impressed by the uniqueness of the object, she shared its photographs
with many colleagues in Greece and abroad. The majority was equally
surprised and declared they had never seen anything like it. Our own research
yielded no parallel in any museums’ directory. The brilliant idea came
from Brigitte Pitarakis
, who suggested that the object may be identified
with a portable padlock, considering the vertical hole at the top as the
socket for the lock bar (Fig. 1).
The copper portable lock dates to the early Byzantine period,
probably in the second half of the 6th century and belonged, as the object
itself reveals, to Patrikios. It is 11.4 cm high, 0.8 cm thick and weighs 331.7
g. According to the qualitative and quantitative analysis using the XRF
method, which took place in the Museum’s laboratory on 19/6/2018, it was
found to be made of copper alloy with small amounts of lead and tin. In
particular, it contains copper at 83.66%, lead at 8.791% and tin at 6.874%. It
is shaped as a pomegranate and bears the inscription: ֖ ȍ / Ȇȉȇǿ / ȀǿȅȊ
/ ȊīǿǼȃȍȃ ȋȇȍ, the last phrase within a formed wreath (Fig. 1).
It was made of copper, low value metal, which indicates that it was
not a luxury item, rather an object of everyday use, plain in terms of
craftsmanship and decoration, while also affordable as far as the material is
concerned. The frequent use of the object by Patrikios in his daily and private
activities is further confirmed by the inscription, which allows us to consider
as highly probable this to have been a portable padlock, to secure a chest or
other useful small storage box, for the personal belongings or documents of
its holder. The lack of reference to any titles or offices of Patrikios on this
*
Our most sincere thanks are due to the colleague for her time, the fruitful
discussions and the suggestion as to the object’s attribution.
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Maria-Evgenia KOUROUSIA and Yorka NIKOLAOU. “PATRIKIOS USES THIS IN GOOD HEALTH”...
peculiar object excludes its use in the public life of its owner. The simple
inscription does not allow us to clearly define Patrikios’ identity beyond the
obvious: that he was a pious Christian.
Regarding the inscription, the use of the Greek language during the
Early Byzantine period was a rule with reference to daily items, as opposed
to Latin, the official state language of the administration1. As for the
misspelling of ȊīǿǼȃȍȃ instead of Ȋīǿǹǿȃȍȃ, this should not be
surprising, since both the engravers and the Empire’s subjects who assigned
professional scribes with the care of their stamped inscriptions, lead seals,
daily care items, etc. were largely non-literate2. The invocation for health by
the owner is inherent in the deep faith of every Christian at that time, to
protect him from the Divine during everyday activities. In addition, the
appearance of the eschatological letters ǹ-ȍ3 on either side of the
Christogram in the period before the Iconoclasm in many other sources, such
as monumental funerary inscriptions, is extremely common (Fig. 2).
Despite its inexpensive material, the padlock shows a particular
manufacturing care with inscribed decorative incisions on the periphery,
which begin more deeply at the top, making the pomegranate shape more
visible to the human eye. We cannot be absolutely certain whether the fruit of
the pomegranate held some special symbolism for Patrikios to explain his
choosing it for his padlock; we know however that, since antiquity,
pomegranate was a symbol of plenty, fertility and good luck. In the light of a
Christian world, the three basic properties of the pomegranate, namely the red
color, the number of seeds held inside a bark and its invisible palatable
interior, have acquired a new interpretation. In particular, they respectively
referred to the beauty of the Church, and above all the blood and Passion of
Christ, the unity of faith and the hope of future fortunes that the believer
could enjoy4.
1
See the brass bucket at the Benaki Museum that bears the inscription ȊīǿǼȃȍȃ
ȋȇȍ ȀȊȇǿ(Ǽ) Ǽȃ ȆȅȁȁȅǿC CǼ ȋȇȅȃȅǿC KE KAȁȅǿC EYTYXȍC in Drandaki, A.
«ȊīǿǼȃȍȃ ȋȇȍ ȀȊȇǿ(Ǽ)» ȊıIJİȡȠȡȦȝĮȧțȩȢ ȠȡİȚȤȐȜțȚȞȠȢ țȐįȠȢ ȝİ ıțȘȞȒ țȣȞȘȖȚȠȪ.
ȂȠȣıİȓȠ ȂʌİȞȐțȘ. 2, 2002, pp. 37–53. See also, Mango, M., Mango, C., Evans, A.,
Hughes, M., “A 6th century Mediterranean bucket from Bromeswell Parish, Suffolk” –
Antiquity, 63, 1989, pp. 295–311. Vikan, G., “Art and Marriage in Early Byzantium” –
DOP, 44, 1990, 145–163. Scholl, R., “Eine beschriftete Bronzekanne aus dem 6. Jh. N.Chr”.
– ZPE, 103, 1994, 231–240. Kisa, H., Uzun, S., Life is short, Art long: The Art of Healing in
Byzantium. Istanbul, 2015, pp 357–358. The inscription ǼȊȉȊȋȍC Xȇȍ is also found on
early Byzantine mortars (ȚȖįȓĮ), Yangaki, A., «North Syrian mortaria and other late roman
personal and utility objects bearing inscriptions of good luck» – ǺȣȗĮȞIJȚȞȐ ȈȪȝȝİȚțIJĮ
13,(2009, 247–287.
2
On similar misspelt inscriptions on other everyday objects, see n. 3.
3
Rev. to John 1.7-8: ǼȖެ İݧȝȚ IJާ ǹ țĮ ޥIJާ ȍ, ȜޢȖİȚ ȀުȡȚȠȢ ݸĬİިȢ.
4
Kalogeropoulos, Ȁ. «ȅ ıȣȝȕȠȜȚıȝȩȢ IJȠȣ ȡȠįȚȠȪ» – ǹȡȤĮȚȠȜȠȖȓĮ țĮȚ ȉȑȤȞİȢ
(09/2015), 5-6. (https://www.archaiologia.gr, last visited on: 28/10/2018)
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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS:
1
5
Ǿ ȚıIJȠȡȓĮ IJȘȢ țȜİȚįĮȡȚȐȢ ĮȞȐ IJȠȣȢ ĮȚȫȞİȢ, İțį. ȈȣȞįȑıȝȠȣ ǹȞĮȖȞȦȡȚıȝȑȞȦȞ
ǼʌĮȖȖİȜȝĮIJȚȫȞ ȀȜİȚșȡȠʌȠȚȫȞ, Athens, 2012.
6
Vikan, G., J., Nesbitt. Security in Byzantium: Locking, Sealing, and Weighing.
Washington, 1980, p. 6.
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Maria-Evgenia KOUROUSIA and Yorka NIKOLAOU. “PATRIKIOS USES THIS IN GOOD HEALTH”...
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ɇɢɤɨɥɚɣ Ʉɴɧɟɜ
Ⱦɟɹɧ Ɋɚɛɨɜɹɧɨɜ
Nikolay Kanev
Deyan Rabovyanov
1
Zacos, G., A. Veglery. Byzantine lead seals. Vol. I, Part 2. Basel, 1972, p. 972,
no. 1690; Zacos, G., A. Veglery. Byzantine lead seals. Vol. I, Plates. Basel, 1972, plate 122,
no. 1690.
2
Ɋɚɡɤɨɩɤɢɬɟ ɫɚ ɩɪɨɜɟɞɟɧɢ ɩɨɞ ɪɴɤɨɜɨɞɫɬɜɨɬɨ ɧɚ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɚ ɞɨɰ. ɞ-ɪ Ⱦɟɹɧ
Ɋɚɛɨɜɹɧɨɜ ɨɬ ɇȺɂɆ ɩɪɢ ȻȺɇ – Ɏɢɥɢɚɥ ȼɟɥɢɤɨ Ɍɴɪɧɨɜɨ. Ɇɨɥɢɜɞɨɜɭɥɴɬ ɟ
ɩɪɟɞɨɫɬɚɜɟɧ ɨɬ ɧɟɝɨ ɧɚ ɞɨɰ. ɞ-ɪ ɇɢɤɨɥɚɣ Ʉɴɧɟɜ ɨɬ ɂɫɬɨɪɢɱɟɫɤɢɹ ɮɚɤɭɥɬɟɬ ɧɚ
ȼɟɥɢɤɨɬɴɪɧɨɜɫɤɢɹ ɭɧɢɜɟɪɫɢɬɟɬ „ɋɜ. ɫɜ. Ʉɢɪɢɥ ɢ Ɇɟɬɨɞɢɣ“ ɡɚ ɪɚɡɱɢɬɚɧɟ, ɞɚɬɢɪɚɧɟ ɢ
ɩɨɞɝɨɬɨɜɤɚ ɡɚ ɩɭɛɥɢɤɭɜɚɧɟ. ɋɴɨɬɜɟɬɧɨ ɇ. Ʉɴɧɟɜ ɟ ɚɜɬɨɪ ɧɚ ɫɨɛɫɬɜɟɧɨ ɫɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɱɧɚɬɚ
ɱɚɫɬ ɨɬ ɬɚɡɢ ɫɬɚɬɢɹ, ɚ Ⱦ. Ɋɚɛɨɜɹɧɨɜ – ɧɚ ɱɚɫɬɬɚ, ɤɚɫɚɟɳɚ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɚɬɚ ɫɪɟɞɚ ɧɚ
ɦɟɫɬɨɧɚɦɢɪɚɧɟ ɧɚ ɩɟɱɚɬɚ.
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Николай КЪНЕВ и Деян РАБОВЯНОВ. ВИЗАНТИЙСКИ ОЛОВЕН ПЕЧАТ ОТ КРЕПОСТТА БУЗОВО КАЛЕ
ɋɉɂɋɔɄ ɇȺ ɈȻɊȺɁɂɌȿ:
Ɉɛɪ. 1. Ʌɢɰɟɜɚ ɫɬɪɚɧɚ ɧɚ ɩɟɱɚɬɚ ɫ ɤɪɴɫɬɨɨɛɪɚɡɟɧ ɢɧɜɨɤɚɬɢɜɟɧ ɦɨɧɨɝɪɚɦ.
Ɉɛɪ. 2. Ɉɩɚɤɚ ɫɬɪɚɧɚ ɧɚ ɩɟɱɚɬɚ.
Ɉɛɪ. 3. Ȼɭɡɨɜɨ ɤɚɥɟ – ɪɚɣɨɧ ɧɚ ɦɟɫɬɨɧɚɦɢɪɚɧɟ ɧɚ ɩɟɱɚɬɚ.
1 2
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Николай КЪНЕВ и Деян РАБОВЯНОВ. ВИЗАНТИЙСКИ ОЛОВЕН ПЕЧАТ ОТ КРЕПОСТТА БУЗОВО КАЛЕ
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0DUPDULVDQGLWVHQYLURQVLQ&DULDGXULQJWKH%\]DQWLQHSHULRG
In the museum of Marmaris five early Byzantine lead seals are being
stored, all of which belong to the seventh century A.D. The eastern Aegean
port city of Marmaris is c. 265 km southeast of Izmir and located in a roughy
landscape of the coastal Caria1 in the Turkish province of Mu÷la (map 1).
Today it is surrounded by the Datça (Dorian) Peninsula and the Kerme Bay,
Ula on the north, Balan Mountain on the east, Sedir, Goat and Pigeon Islands
in front in southwestern Anatolia. Marmaris is the closest point to the Greek
island of Rhodes and between the fifth and first centuries B.C. it was a part of
Rhodian Peraea2. Its landscape is bare and mountainous, but densely
inhabited and traced by many small bays.
Modern Marmaris may correspond to the harbour of ancient Physcus
(ĭȪıțȠȢ or ĭȠ૨ıțĮ) that is located on Asartepe which is c. 2 km north of
Marmaris3. This site was quoted both by Herodotus and Strabo. The name
“Marmaris” derives from the Turkish word mermer or Greek ȂĮȡȝĮȡȓįĮ
(city of marble and male correspondent of the name “Marmaris”) in reference
to the rich deposits of marble in the region, and the prominent role of the
city’s port in the marble trade of Mylasa, Miletus and even Ephesus with the
rest of eastern Mediterranean. Main Classical and Byzantine sites in and
around Marmaris are as follows: Physcus (Beldibi-Asartepe), Amos
(Hisarönü-Turunç)4, Bybassus (Hisarönü-quarter of Orhaniye)5, Hemithea
(Eren mountain), Erine (Hisarönü), Castabus (PazarlÕk)6, Syrna (BayÕrköy),7
1
Cf. Hild, F. Meilensteine, Straßen und das Verkehrsnetz der Provinz Karia,
(ÖAW, phil.-hist. Kl., Denkschriften 464, Veröffentlichungen zur Byzanzforschung 33).
Vienna 2014, p. 31, notes 150 and 159; p. 33, note 189.
2
Cf. Rice, E. E. New ȃǿȈȊȇǿȅǿ from Physkos (Marmaris) – The Journal of
Hellenic Studies, 104, 1984, 184–186.
3
Hild, Op. cit., p. 32, note 163.
4
Saner, T. Observations on the different types of masonry used in the city walls of
Amos. – Revue des études anciennes, 96, 1994, 1–2, 273–284.
5
Hild, Op. cit., p. 32.
6
Cook, J.M. Exploration at PazarlÕk 1959. – Türk Arkeoloji Dergisi, 10, 1960, 1,
16–17.
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Ergün LAFLI and Werner SEIBT. FIVE BYZANTINE LEAD SEALS OF THE SEVENTH CENTURY A.D. ...
7
Hild, Op. cit., p. 33.
8
Ibid., p. 32.
9
Ibid.
10
Ibid., p. 33.
11
Ibid., p. 32.
12
Ibid., p. 31.
13
Ibid, p. 32, note 162. For this site Bean and Cook report about some “Byzantine
walls and cisterns”: Bean, G. E. - Cook, J. M. The Carian coast III. – In: The Annual of the
British School at Athens, 52, 1957, 62.
14
Hild, Op.cit., p. 34, note 188.
15
Ibid., p. 32, note 161.
16
Cf. Bean, G. E. – Cook, J. M. The Carian coast III, p. 62 and Bean, G. E -
Akarca, A. Eylülünde Gölenye’de (Marmaris) YapÕlan AraútÕrma) [Test excavations at
Gölenye (Marmaris) in 1953]. – Türk Arkeoloji Dergisi 6, 2, 1956, 17–22. In their two field
reports in the 1950s Bean and his co-authors report about a Byzantine mullion, with an
earlier inscription from the beach at Marmaris. They discovered the ruins of a church “of
quite modern date” (with a mass grave) at BakÕcak. At ÖrenardÕ they also notice remains of
late Roman walls. At Kumlu Örencik in a plain landscape they report a Byzantine church
with capitals, fragments of chancels and plates of veined marble, brought from a former sixth
century A.D. church and re-used. They found an ornamented block with the inscription of a
certain Zosimos who dedicated this capital in the nave of this church: cf. Robert, J. -
Robert, L. Bulletin épigraphique. – Revue des études grecques, 71, 1958, 334–338, 317–
318, no. 457. Gölenye corresponds with modern øçmeler which is 6 km far from Marmaris.
For the recent research in Byzantine øçmeler cf. Özyur Özcan, H. Marmaris’in øçmeler
Mevkiinde Yer Alan Bir Bazilika ve Vaftizhane Üzerine øncelemeler (Studies on a basilica
and baptistery located in øçmeler area near Marmaris). – Olba, 24, 2016, 479–503. Beside
these few field work reports there are also some about the nautical heritage of Byzantine
Marmaris: Royal, J. G. Description and analysis of the finds from the 2006 Turkish Coastal
Survey: Marmaris and Bodrum. – International Journal of Nautical Archaeology. 37, 2008,
88–97.
17
An example: Dawkins, R.M. Cruciform fonts in the Aegean area, The Annual of
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Castabus in Hisarönü. In A.D. 670 most of the minor cities around Marmaris
were burned down as a result of Arab raids. During the late Medieval period
Turkmen tribes established the first Turkic sites in the quarter of Tepe with
the name of “Mermeris”. In A.D. 1286 Marmaris was an important port for
marble and timber trade in the territories of Turkish principality of Menteúe,
both from the commercial and military points of view, as Physcus. In 1300, it
played a significant role in the conquest of the island of Rhodes by the
Menteúe Principality.
The oldest part of Marmaris is the district of Kale, which is built on a
hill extending towards the sea where the museum of Marmaris is also located.
When Suleiman the Magnificent set out for the Turkish conquest of Rhodes,
Marmaris served as a base for the Ottoman Navy and the castle of Marmaris
was rebuilt and widened in 1522. The castle was restored and inaugurated as
an (archaeological) museum in 1991. It has seven indoor areas which were
organized as archaeological lounges, with the material brought mainly from
Cnidus, Bybassus and Old Cnidus (an archaic site in Burgaz). It owns a large
early Byzantine collection, most of which consists of stone monuments from
the nearby sites. The Byzantine sigillographic collection of the museum
arises only by seven examples18. All of them were purchased by local
salesmen and remain as unpublished. Epigraphic collection of the museum,
including some Byzantine funerary texts, will be published by E. LaflÕ.
the British School at Athens, 19, 1912/1913, p. 130, no. 8, p. 131, fig. 6h.
18
Moreover, six Byzantine lead seals are being stored in the neighbouring museum
in Mu÷la five of which are from Stratonicea (acc. nos. 2775, 3521, 4590, 2014/72A and
2017/73A) and one from Thera (modern Yerkesik) in Caria acc. no. 4396.
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Ergün LAFLI and Werner SEIBT. FIVE BYZANTINE LEAD SEALS OF THE SEVENTH CENTURY A.D. ...
Both monograms are well known; the first one is registered in Zacos –
Veglery, type 292, the second one type 33.
There is a parallel seal in Dumbarton Oaks19, published by Zacos –
Veglery, who dated this type too early (A.D. 550–650)20. We prefer a date in
the seventh century A.D., perhaps second or third third of this century. The
title apo eparchon (class of “former eparchoi / praefecti”, “praefecturii”, “ex
praefectis”) was quite common in the seventh and eighth centuries, and is
still (though for the last time) mentioned in the Kletorologion of Philotheos
(899)21. D. M. Metcalf is right observing on dated seals of kommerkiarioi,
that they often had the title apo hypaton until the end of the seventh century
A.D., i.e. until 696/697, but afterwards the title apo eparchon (since 698/699)
is mentioned, yet he is surely wrong in dating all the seals of apo eparchon to
the eighth century A.D.22
There are still some other seals of a Konstantinos apo eparchon from
the seventh century A.D., also in the genitive, but there are not enough
sigillographic indicia connecting them with our type.
19
DO 55.1.88).
20
Zacos, G. - Veglery, A. Byzantine lead seals. Basel 1972, 301. Cf. PLRE III 346,
Constantinus 25.
21
Cf. Oikonomidès, N. Les listes de préséance byzantines des IXe et Xe siècles.
Paris, 1972, p. 296.
22
Metcalf, D. M. Byzantine lead seals from Cyprus. II. Nicosia 2014, 127–132.
23
The name Gabrielios is rare, but at least in the mid-sixth century A.D. a
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
3. Georgios (fig. 3)
Gabrielios was praefectus urbis in Constantinople, cf. PLRE III 498, where also a Fl.
Gabrielia patrikia is mentioned (for the same time).
24
Block monograms were already very rare after the mid-seventh century.
25
Auction Müller Solingen 72, 23.10.1992, 679.
26
Auction Künker 25, 29.9.1993, 540.
27
Auction Hirsch 178, 12.-14.5.1993, 1238.
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Ergün LAFLI and Werner SEIBT. FIVE BYZANTINE LEAD SEALS OF THE SEVENTH CENTURY A.D. ...
This type certainly belongs to Herakleios, the brother of the emperor Tiberios
III Apsimar (698 – 705), who had really the extraordinary command of a
monostrategos37. It could well be that also the other types, only as patrikios,
belonged to this man, perhaps before his brother became emperor, scil. before
A.D. 698.
Conclusion
These five lead seals are historically connected to the time where the
Arab raids to Caria were intensified. They are therefore one of the last
evidences of early Byzantium in this part of Asia Minor.
37
Cf. PmbZ 127–128, Herakleios 2558.
38
Sode, Berlin II 268; cf. 269.
39
DO 47.2.596.
40
a) auction Essen (Schenk-Behrens Nachf.) 4.-6.5.1998, 632 (dated to A.D. c. 717-
730) = auction Peus Nachf. 376, 29.-30.10.2003, 1131; b) auction Kölner Münzkabinett 60,
18.-19.4.1994, 542 = auction Essen 68, 30.11.-2.12. 1994, 672; c) auction Müller Solingen
72, 23.10.1992, 692 = auction Oldenburg 23.4.1993, 154 = auction Hirsch 240, 2.-4.5.2005,
769.
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Ergün LAFLI and Werner SEIBT. FIVE BYZANTINE LEAD SEALS OF THE SEVENTH CENTURY A.D. ...
and Veglery41.
Hypatos, the equivalent of Latin consul, was only a title in this time.
41
Zacos - Veglery 1475a (dated to the first half of the eighth century A.D.).
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS:
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Ergün LAFLI and Werner SEIBT. FIVE BYZANTINE LEAD SEALS OF THE SEVENTH CENTURY A.D. ...
1 2
4
3
6
5
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ɂɝɨɪ Ʌɚɡɚɪɟɧɤɨ
Igor Lazarenko
The ruins of the fortified medieval town known in recent times by the name of
Petrich Kale are located on a high rock protrusion in the northwestern part of the Avren
Plateau above the village of Razdelna, Beloslav Municipality, located in the Devnya Valley.
Five molybdobullae have been found during the archaeological excavations carried out in
recent years. One is of Mikhail, Archon of Bulgaria (864 – 889) (fig. 1), one is of Vardarios
Pisota (fig. 2) and the other three are Byzantine, dating from the second half of the 11th
century (figs. 3–5).
The finding of a seal of Khan/Knyaz Boris/Mikhail (852 – 889) in the fortress marks
it as a place to which correspondence from the Bulgarian rulers' office was sent in the second
half of the 9th century.
The Molybdobullae of the Vardarios Pisota are the largest group of non-ruler
sphragistic monuments from the beginning of the 10th century in Bulgaria. Most come from
Preslav, from its immediate vicinity and from Pliska. Their existence suggests that Pisota, as
a Vardarios (a position in charge of border security or palace duties), had contacts with
people of the state administration.
After the reinstatement of the Byzantine rule in Northeastern Bulgaria in the year
1000, Byzantine troops were garrisoned in some abandoned but strategically important late
antiquity fortresses, as well as in such fortresses that had been rebuilt by the Bulgarians in
the period 8th–10th century. Judging by the 11th century coins and the three stamps, Petrin
was one such fortress. It is possible that it fell within the boundaries of the strategia of Varna,
established around mid-11th century, since the road connecting the cities of Varna and Veliki
Preslav/Yoanopolis passed at the foot of Petrin.
Another sphragistic monument from the vicinity of a fortress nearby may have some
relevance to the correspondence received at Petrin in the 11th century. It is a molybdobul of
Emperor Nicephorus III Botaneiates (1078 – 1081) (fig. 6) found near a fortress 1 km east of
the village of Trastikovo, Avren Municipality. It may hypothetically be assumed that it was
on a document that was of certain importance to the Byzantine authorities located in Petrin at
that time.
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Игор ЛАЗАРЕНКО. МОЛИВДОВУЛИ ОТ СРЕДНОВЕКОВНИЯ ГРАД ПЕТРИН
1
ɂɪɟɱɟɤ, Ʉ. ɉɴɬɭɜɚɧɢɹ ɩɨ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1974, ɫ. 916; ɒɤɨɪɩɢɥ, Ʉ.
ɋɬɚɪɨɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɫɴɨɛɳɢɬɟɥɧɚ ɦɪɟɠɚ ɨɤɨɥɨ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ ɢ ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬɢɬɟ ɩɨ ɧɟɹ. – Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚ
ɢɫɬɨɪɢɱɟɫɤɨ ɛɢɛɥɢɨɬɟɤɚ, 2, 1929, ɫ. 105; Ɇɚɪɢɧɨɜ, ȼ. Ⱥɜɪɟɧɫɤɨɬɨ ɩɥɚɬɨ. Ɉɛɥɚɫɬɧɨ
ɝɟɨɝɪɚɮɫɤɨ ɢɡɭɱɚɜɚɧɟ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1940, 28-29, ɫ. 52, 58; Ɋɚɲɟɜ, Ɋ. ɋɬɚɪɨɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢ
ɭɤɪɟɩɥɟɧɢɹ ɧɚ Ⱦɨɥɧɢɹ Ⱦɭɧɚɜ /VII-XI ɜ./. ȼɚɪɧɚ, 1982, ɫ. 184, ʋ 152; Ɇɚɪɝɨɫ, Ⱥ.
ȼɚɪɧɟɧɫɤɢɬɟ ɟɡɟɪɚ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1987, 32-36; ɉɥɟɬɧɶɨɜ, ȼ. ɉɟɬɪɢɱ ɤɚɥɟ. Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɚ
ɤɚɪɬɚ ɧɚ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. ɋɟɜɟɪɨɢɡɬɨɱɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. – ȼ: ɉɥɢɫɤɚ – ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ. 7,
ɒɭɦɟɧ, 1995, ɫ. 244; ɉɥɟɬɧɶɨɜ, ȼ., Ɇ. Ɇɚɧɨɥɨɜɚ, ɂ. Ʌɚɡɚɪɟɧɤɨ. Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɨ
ɩɪɨɭɱɜɚɧɟ ɧɚ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬ ɉɟɬɪɢɱ ɤɚɥɟ, ɨɛɳɢɧɚ Ⱥɜɪɟɧ, Ɉɛɥɚɫɬ ȼɚɪɧɚ.
Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɨɬɤɪɢɬɢɹ ɢ ɪɚɡɤɨɩɤɢ ɩɪɟɡ 2014 ɝ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2015, ɫ. 675-676;
Ⱥɞɠɟɦɥɟɪɫɤɢ, ɋ. ɋɟɥɨ Ⱥɜɪɟɧ, ȼɚɪɧɟɧɫɤɚ ɨɛɥɚɫɬ. Ⱦɚɬɢ, ɫɴɛɢɬɢɹ, ɥɢɱɧɨɫɬɢ. ȼɚɪɧɚ,
2013, 28-29.
2
Ɇɚɪɢɧɨɜ, ȼ. Ⱥɜɪɟɧɫɤɨɬɨ ɩɥɚɬɨ, 28-29, ɫ. 52; ɉɥɟɬɧɶɨɜ, ȼ., Ɇ. Ɇɚɧɨɥɨɜɚ,
ɂ. Ʌɚɡɚɪɟɧɤɨ, ɉ. ɉɟɟɜ. Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɪɚɡɤɨɩɤɢ ɧɚ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɢɹ ɝɪɚɞ „ɉɟɬɪɢɱ“
(ɉɟɬɪɢɱ ɤɚɥɟ), ɨɛɳɢɧɚ Ⱥɜɪɟɧ, ȼɚɪɧɟɧɫɤɨ. – ȼ: Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɨɬɤɪɢɬɢɹ ɢ ɪɚɡɤɨɩɤɢ
ɩɪɟɡ 2015 ɝ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2016, ɫ. 722; ɉɥɟɬɧɶɨɜ, ȼ., Ɇ. Ɇɚɧɨɥɨɜɚ-ȼɨɣɤɨɜɚ, ɂ.
Ʌɚɡɚɪɟɧɤɨ. Ʉɪɟɩɨɫɬ ɉɟɬɪɢɱ, ɨɛɳɢɧɚ Ⱥɜɪɟɧ, Ɉɛɥɚɫɬ ȼɚɪɧɚ. – ȼ: Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ
ɨɬɤɪɢɬɢɹ ɢ ɪɚɡɤɨɩɤɢ ɩɪɟɡ 2017 ɝ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2018, ɫ. 529.
3
Ɇɚɪɢɧɨɜ, ȼ. Ⱥɜɪɟɧɫɤɨɬɨ ɩɥɚɬɨ, 28-29, ɫ. 58; Ⱥɞɠɟɦɥɟɪɫɤɢ, ɋ. ɋɟɥɨ Ⱥɜɪɟɧ,
ȼɚɪɧɟɧɫɤɚ ɨɛɥɚɫɬ, ɫ. 29.
4
ɇɟɞɤɨɜ Ȼ. Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ ɢ ɫɴɫɟɞɧɢɬɟ װɡɟɦɢ ɩɪɟɡ XII ɜ. ɫɩɨɪɟɞ „Ƚɟɨɝɪɚɮɢɹɬɚ“ ɧɚ
ɚɥ-ɂɞɪɢɫɢ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1960, 80-81; Ʉɟɧɞɟɪɨɜɚ, ɋ, Ȼ. Ȼɟɲɟɜɥɢɟɜ. Ȼɚɥɤɚɧɫɤɢɹɬ
ɩɨɥɭɨɫɬɪɨɜ ɢɡɨɛɪɚɡɟɧ ɜ ɤɚɪɬɢɬɟ ɧɚ ɚɥ-ɂɞɪɢɫɢ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1990, ɫ. 94; ɉɟɬɪɨɜ, ɉ., ȼ.
Ƚɸɡɟɥɟɜ. ɏɪɢɫɬɨɦɚɬɢɹ ɩɨ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. Ɍ. 1, ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1978, ɫ. 432; ɉɥɟɬɧɶɨɜ,
ȼ. Ɉɞɟɫɨɫ, ȼɚɪɧɚ ɢ ɪɚɣɨɧɴɬ ɜ ɚɧɬɢɱɧɢɬɟ ɢ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɢɬɟ ɢɡɜɨɪɢ (V-XII ɜɟɤ). ȼɚɪɧɚ,
2014, ɫ. 199.
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5
Ɂɥɚɬɚɪɫɤɢ, ȼ. ɉɪɢɬɭɪɤɚ ʋ 7. Ɇɢɯɚɢɥ Ƚɥɚɜɚ Ɍɚɪɯɚɧɢɨɬ ɢ ɩɨɟɦɚɬɚ ɧɚ
Ɇɚɧɭɢɥɚ Ɏɢɥ ɡɚ ɧɟɝɨɜɢɬɟ ɩɨɞɜɢɡɢ. – ȼ: ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɞɴɪɠɚɜɚ ɩɪɟɡ
ɫɪɟɞɧɢɬɟ ɜɟɤɨɜɟ, ɬɨɦ 3. ȼɬɨɪɨ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɨ ɰɚɪɫɬɜɨ. Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ ɩɪɢ Ⱥɫɟɧɟɜɰɢ (1187-
1280). ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1994 (ɜɬɨɪɨ ɮɨɬɨɬɢɩɧɨ ɢɡɞɚɧɢɟ), ɫ. 603-604, 607; Manuel Philes. Ɂɚ
ɩɨɞɜɢɡɢɬɟ ɧɚ ɢɡɜɟɫɬɧɢɹ ɱɭɬɨɜɟɧ ɩɪɨɬɨɫɬɪɚɬɨɪ. – ȼ: ɂɡɜɨɪɢ ɡɚ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ, ɬ.
XXII (= Ƚɪɴɰɤɢ ɢɡɜɨɪɢ ɡɚ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ, ɬ. X). ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1980, 143, ɪ. 174-177.
6
ɂɪɟɱɟɤ, Ʉ. ɉɴɬɭɜɚɧɢɹ ɩɨ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, ɫ. 916; Ƚɸɡɟɥɟɜ, ȼ. ɂɡɜɨɪɢ ɡɚ
ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚɬɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ (VI–XIV ɜ.) ɜ ɚɜɫɬɪɢɣɫɤɢɬɟ ɪɴɤɨɩɢɫɧɢ ɫɛɢɪɤɢ ɢ
ɚɪɯɢɜɢ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1994, ɫ. 192, ʋ 50.
7
Ɇɢɪɱɟɜ, Ɇ. Ⱥɧɞɪɟɚɫ ɞɟ ɉɚɥɚɰɢɨ. ɉɢɫɦɨ ɡɚ ɩɨɪɚɠɟɧɢɟɬɨ ɩɪɢ ȼɚɪɧɚ,
ɢɡɩɪɚɬɟɧɨ ɞɨ ɤɚɪɞɢɧɚɥ Ʌɭɞɨɜɢɤ. – ɂɡɜɟɫɬɢɹ ɧɚ ȼɚɪɧɟɧɫɤɨɬɨ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɨ
ɞɪɭɠɟɫɬɜɨ, XV, 1964, ɫ. 89; Ʉɨɥɚɪɨɜ, ɏɪ. Ⱦɜɚ ɦɚɥɤɨ ɢɡɜɟɫɬɧɢ ɢɡɜɨɪɚ ɡɚ ɛɢɬɤɚɬɚ ɧɚ
ɧɚɪɨɞɢɬɟ ɧɚ 10 ɧɨɟɦɜɪɢ 1444 ɝ. ɩɪɢ ȼɚɪɧɚ. – ɂɡɜɟɫɬɢɹ ɧɚ ɇɚɪɨɞɟɧ ɦɭɡɟɣ – ȼɚɪɧɚ, Vȱ
(ɏɏȱ), 1970, ɫ. 184-185; Ʉɨɥɚɪɨɜ, ɏɪ. ɏɪɨɧɢɤɚɬɚ ɧɚ Ʉɚɥɢɦɚɯ – ɜɚɠɟɧ ɢɡɜɨɪ ɡɚ
ȼɚɪɧɟɧɫɤɚɬɚ ɛɢɬɤɚ ɨɬ 1444 ɝ. – ɂɡɜɟɫɬɢɹ ɧɚ ɇɚɪɨɞɟɧ ɦɭɡɟɣ – ȼɚɪɧɚ, Iɏ (XɏIV), 1973,
ɫ. 247; ɂɪɟɱɟɤ, Ʉ. ɉɴɬɭɜɚɧɢɹ ɩɨ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, ɫ. 916; Ʉɚɥɢɰɢɧ, Ɇ. (ɩɪɟɜ.) ɉɢɫɚɧɢɟ ɡɚ
ɜɟɪɫɤɢɬɟ ɛɢɬɤɢ ɧɚ ɫɭɥɬɚɧ Ɇɭɪɚɞ, ɫɢɧ ɧɚ Ɇɟɯɦɟɞ ɯɚɧ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1992, ɫ. 103; ɂɦɛɴɪ, Ʉ.
Ʉɪɴɫɬɨɧɨɫɧɢɹɬ ɩɨɯɨɞ ɤɴɦ ȼɚɪɧɚ 1443-1445. ȼɚɪɧɚ, 2015, ɫ. 87, 160.
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ɉɥɟɬɧɶɨɜ, ȼ., Ɇ. Ɇɚɧɨɥɨɜɚ, ɂ. Ʌɚɡɚɪɟɧɤɨ. Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɨ ɩɪɨɭɱɜɚɧɟ ɧɚ
ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬ ɉɟɬɪɢɱ ɤɚɥɟ, ɨɛɳɢɧɚ Ⱥɜɪɟɧ, Ɉɛɥɚɫɬ ȼɚɪɧɚ, ɫ. 675-678;
ɉɥɟɬɧɶɨɜ, ȼ., Ɇ. Ɇɚɧɨɥɨɜɚ, ɂ. Ʌɚɡɚɪɟɧɤɨ, ɉɪ. ɉɟɟɜ. Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɪɚɡɤɨɩɤɢ ɧɚ
ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɢɹ ɝɪɚɞ „ɉɟɬɪɢɱ“ (ɉɟɬɪɢɱ ɤɚɥɟ), ɨɛɳɢɧɚ Ⱥɜɪɟɧ, ȼɚɪɧɟɧɫɤɨ, ɫ. 722-724;
ɉɥɟɬɧɶɨɜ, ȼ., Ɇ. Ɇɚɧɨɥɨɜɚ, ɂ. Ʌɚɡɚɪɟɧɤɨ, ɉɪ. ɉɟɟɜ. Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɨ ɩɪɨɭɱɜɚɧɟ ɧɚ
ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬɬɚ ɉɟɬɪɢɱ ɤɚɥɟ, ɨɛɳɢɧɚ Ⱥɜɪɟɧ, ȼɚɪɧɟɧɫɤɨ. – ȼ: Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɨɬɤɪɢɬɢɹ ɢ
ɪɚɡɤɨɩɤɢ ɩɪɟɡ 2016 ɝ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2017, ɫ. 597-699; ɉɥɟɬɧɶɨɜ, ȼ., Ɇ. Ɇɚɧɨɥɨɜɚ-ȼɨɣɤɨɜɚ,
ɂ. Ʌɚɡɚɪɟɧɤɨ. Ʉɪɟɩɨɫɬ ɉɟɬɪɢɱ, ɨɛɳɢɧɚ Ⱥɜɪɟɧ, Ɉɛɥɚɫɬ ȼɚɪɧɚ, ɫ. 529.
9
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. Ʉɨɪɩɭɫ ɧɚ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɢɬɟ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ. – ȼ: ɉɥɢɫɤɚ -
ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ, 12, ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2016, ɫ. 46.
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ɘɪɭɤɨɜɚ, Ƀ. Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ. – ȼ: ɘɪɭɤɨɜɚ, Ƀ., ȼɥ.
ɉɟɧɱɟɜ. Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɢ ɦɨɧɟɬɢ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1990, ɫ. 24-25, 222, ɬɚɛ. I,
ɨɛɪ. 4ɚ, ɛ; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. Ʉɨɪɩɭɫ ɧɚ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɢɬɟ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ, ɫ. 286, ɨɛɪ.
27.
11
ɉɥɟɬɧɶɨɜ, ȼ., Ɇ. Ɇɚɧɨɥɨɜɚ, ɂ. Ʌɚɡɚɪɟɧɤɨ, ɉ. ɉɟɟɜ. Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ
ɪɚɡɤɨɩɤɢ ɧɚ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɢɹ ɝɪɚɞ „ɉɟɬɪɢɱ“ (ɉɟɬɪɢɱ ɤɚɥɟ), ɨɛɳɢɧɚ Ⱥɜɪɟɧ, ȼɚɪɧɟɧɫɤɨ,
ɫ. 723.
12
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. Ʉɨɪɩɭɫ ɧɚ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɢɬɟ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ, ɫ. 46-50.
13
Ƚɟɪɚɫɢɦɨɜ, Ɍ. Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢ ɢ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɨɬ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ. – ȼ: ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ, 2,
ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1976, ɫ. 135, ɨɛɪ. 12; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. Ɇɨɥɢɜɞɨɜɭɥɢ ɧɚ ɉɢɫɨɬɚ ɜɚɪɞɚɪɢɣ. –
Ƚɨɞɢɲɧɢɤ ɧɚ ɋɨɮɢɣɫɤɢɹ ɍɧɢɜɟɪɫɢɬɟɬ, ɰɟɧɬɴɪ „ɂɜɚɧ Ⱦɭɣɱɟɜ“, 1, 1987, 1990, ɫ. 67-71;
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɨɬ ɫɬɪɚɬɟɝɢɹɬɚ ɜ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ (971-1088). ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1993, ɫ. 43-44,
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ʋ 61, ɬɚɛɥ. 9, ʋ 61; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ /IX-X ɜ./, ɧɚɦɟɪɟɧɢ ɜ
Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. – ɇɭɦɢɡɦɚɬɢɤɚ. ɇɨɜɢ ɢɡɫɥɟɞɜɚɧɢɹ. Ⱦɨɤɥɚɞɢ ɨɬ ɧɚɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɚɬɚ ɤɨɧɮɟɪɟɧɰɢɹ
ɩɨ ɧɭɦɢɡɦɚɬɢɤɚ, ɩɪɨɜɟɞɟɧɚ ɜɴɜ ȼɟɥɢɤɨ Ɍɴɪɧɨɜɚ ɧɚ 19.11.1994 ɝ. Ȼɢɛɥɢɨɬɟɤɚ
„ɇɚɫɥɟɞɫɬɜɨ“, ɂɡɜɟɫɬɢɹ ɧɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɱɟɫɤɢɹ ɦɭɡɟɣ – ȼ. Ɍɴɪɧɨɜɨ. ȼɟɥɢɤɨ Ɍɴɪɧɨɜɨ, 1994,
ɫ. 66-67, 69, ɨɛɪ. 2; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. Ɇɨɥɢɜɞɨɜɭɥɢ ɧɚ ɉɢɫɨɬɚ ɜɚɪɞɚɪɢɣ (IX-X ɜ.),
ɧɚɦɟɪɟɧɢ ɜ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. – ȼ: Studia protobulgarica et mediaevalia europensia. ɋɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɜ
ɱɟɫɬ ɧɚ ɩɪɨɮ. ȼɟɫɟɥɢɧ Ȼɟɲɟɜɥɢɟɜ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2003, ɫ. 310-315; Ȼɚɥɚɛɚɧɨɜ, Ɍ. ɇɨɜɢ
ɦɨɥɢɜɞɨɜɭɥɢ ɧɚ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɫɚɧɨɜɧɢɰɢ, ɨɬɤɪɢɬɢ ɜɴɜ ȼɟɥɢɤɢ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ. –
ɇɭɦɢɡɦɚɬɢɤɚ, ɫɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɤɚ ɢ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɢɤɚ, 3, ɱɚɫɬ 2, Studia in honorem professoris
Iordankae Iurukova, 2007, ɫ. 46-47, ɬɚɛɥ. IV, ɨɛɪ. 3-4; Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine
Seals from Bulgaria, Vol. 3, Part 1-2, pp. 141-143, Nos. 324-346, fig. 324-346; Ƚɪɢɝɨɪɨɜ,
ȼ., Ⱥ. Ⱥɥɚɞɠɨɜ. ɇɨɜɨɨɬɤɪɢɬɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɨɬ ɉɥɢɫɤɚ. – ȼ: EURIKA. In honorem Ludmilae
Donchevae-Petkovae. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2009, ɫ. 149-154, ɨɛɪ. 4, 7; ɉɟɧɱɟɜ, ȼɥ. ɇɨɜɢ ɩɨɫɬɴɩɥɟɧɢɹ
ɧɚ ɫɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɱɧɢ ɩɚɦɟɬɧɢɰɢ ɨɬ ɋɟɜɟɪɨɢɡɬɨɱɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ ɜɴɜ ɮɨɧɞɚ ɧɚ ɇɚɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɢɹ
ɢɫɬɨɪɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɦɭɡɟɣ – ɋɨɮɢɹ. – ɇɭɦɢɡɦɚɬɢɤɚ, ɫɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɤɚ ɢ ɟɩɢɝɪɚɮɢɤɚ, 12, 2016, ɫ.
165-166, ɬɚɛɥ. ɏɏIII, ɨɛɪ. 6; Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria,
Volume 1-3, Sofia, 2003, 2006, 2009. Addenda et Corrigenda (2). – ȼ: Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ ɜ
ɟɜɪɨɩɟɣɫɤɚɬɚ ɤɭɥɬɭɪɚ, ɧɚɭɤɚ, ɨɛɪɚɡɨɜɚɧɢɟ, ɪɟɥɢɝɢɹ, 1. Ɇɚɬɟɪɢɚɥɢ ɨɬ ɱɟɬɜɴɪɬɚɬɚ
ɧɚɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɚ ɤɨɧɮɟɪɟɧɰɢɹ ɩɨ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ, ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɹ ɢ ɤɭɥɬɭɪɟɧ ɬɭɪɢɡɴɦ „ɉɴɬɭɜɚɧɢɹ ɤɴɦ
Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ“ ɒɭɦɟɧ, 14-16.05.2014 ɝɨɞɢɧɚ. ɒɭɦɟɧ, 2015, ɫ. 227, ʋ 13ɚ.347, ɫ. 296, ɨɛɪ.
13ɚ; Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria, Volume 1-3, Sofia, 2003, 2006,
2009. Addenda et Corrigenda (3). – ȼ: ɉɢɫɦɟɧɨɫɬ, ɤɧɢɠɨɜɧɢɰɢ, ɤɧɢɝɢ: Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ
ɫɥɟɞɚ ɜ ɤɭɥɬɭɪɧɚɬɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ ȿɜɪɨɩɚ. Ɇɚɬɟɪɢɚɥɢ ɨɬ ɩɟɬɚɬɚ ɧɚɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɚ
ɤɨɧɮɟɪɟɧɰɢɹ ɩɨ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ, ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɹ ɢ ɤɭɥɬɭɪɟɧ ɬɭɪɢɡɴɦ „ɉɴɬɭɜɚɧɢɹ ɤɴɦ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ“
ɒɭɦɟɧ, 26-28.04.2016 ɝɨɞɢɧɚ. ɒɭɦɟɧ, 2018, ɫ. 126-127, ʋ 5.327ɚ, 160, ɨɛɪ. 5.
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ɉɥɟɬɧɶɨɜ, ȼ., Ɇ. Ɇɚɧɨɥɨɜɚ, ɂ. Ʌɚɡɚɪɟɧɤɨ, ɉ. ɉɟɟɜ. Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ
ɪɚɡɤɨɩɤɢ ɧɚ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɢɹ ɝɪɚɞ „ɉɟɬɪɢɱ“ (ɉɟɬɪɢɱ ɤɚɥɟ), ɨɛɳɢɧɚ Ⱥɜɪɟɧ, ȼɚɪɧɟɧɫɤɨ,
ɫ. 723.
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ɉɥɟɬɧɶɨɜ, ȼ., Ɇ. Ɇɚɧɨɥɨɜɚ, ɂ. Ʌɚɡɚɪɟɧɤɨ. Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɨ ɩɪɨɭɱɜɚɧɟ ɧɚ
ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬ ɉɟɬɪɢɱ ɤɚɥɟ, ɨɛɳɢɧɚ Ⱥɜɪɟɧ, Ɉɛɥɚɫɬ ȼɚɪɧɚ, ɫ. 678.
16
Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria, Volume 1-3, Sofia, 2003,
2006, 2009. Addenda et Corrigenda (2), ɫ. 287, ʋ 172.3268, 305, ɨɛɪ. 172.
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ɉɪɟɜɨɞ ɧɚ ɇɢɤɨɥɚɣ ɒɚɪɚɧɤɨɜ, ɚɫɢɫɬɟɧɬ ɜ ɤɚɬɟɞɪɚ ɩɨ ɤɥɚɫɢɱɟɫɤɚ ɮɢɥɨɥɨɝɢɹ
ɧɚ ɋɍ „ɋɜ. Ʉɥɢɦɟɧɬ Ɉɯɪɢɞɫɤɢ“, ɋɨɮɢɹ.
18
ɉɥɟɬɧɶɨɜ, ȼ., Ɇ. Ɇɚɧɨɥɨɜɚ, ɂ. Ʌɚɡɚɪɟɧɤɨ. Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɨ ɩɪɨɭɱɜɚɧɟ ɧɚ
ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬ ɉɟɬɪɢɱ ɤɚɥɟ, ɨɛɳɢɧɚ Ⱥɜɪɟɧ, Ɉɛɥɚɫɬ ȼɚɪɧɚ, ɫ. 678.
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Theophanis Confessoris. Chronographia. 32. Bulgari in Moesia considunt et
regnum condunt. – ȼ: ɂɡɜɨɪɢ ɡɚ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ, ɬ. VI (= Ƚɪɴɰɤɢ ɢɡɜɨɪɢ ɡɚ
ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ, ɬ. ȱȱȱ). ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1960, ɫ. 261-264; Nicephori Patriarchae.
Breviarchae. 5. Bulgari in Moesia inferiore regnum condunt. – ȼ: ɂɡɜɨɪɢ ɡɚ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ
ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ, ɬ. VI (= Ƚɪɴɰɤɢ ɢɡɜɨɪɢ ɡɚ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ, ɬ. ȱȱȱ). ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1960, ɫ. 295-
296; Anastasius Bibliothecarius. Chronographia tripertita. 31. Tempore Constantini IV
Bulgari Danubium transeuntes adiacentium Slavorum generationibus dominantur. – ȼ:
ɂɡɜɨɪɢ ɡɚ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ, ɬ. Vȱȱ (= Ʌɚɬɢɧɫɤɢ ɢɡɜɨɪɢ ɡɚ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ, ɬ.
ȱȱ). ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1960, ɫ. 248-250; ɂɪɟɱɟɤ, Ʉ. ɉɴɬɭɜɚɧɢɹ ɩɨ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, ɫ. 882; Ⱦɢɦɢɬɪɨɜ, Ⱦ.
ɂɥ. ȼɚɪɧɚ ɢ ɛɥɢɡɤɚɬɚ ࣊ ɨɤɨɥɧɨɫɬ ɩɪɟɡ VII-IX ɜ. – ɂɡɜɟɫɬɢɹ ɧɚ ɇɚɪɨɞɟɧ ɦɭɡɟɣ – ȼɚɪɧɚ,
ɏVIII (XɏɏIII), 1982, ɫ. 55-77.
20
Ⱦɢɦɢɬɪɨɜ, Ⱦ. ɂɥ. Ɋɚɧɧɨɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɟɧ ɧɟɤɪɨɩɨɥ ɩɪɢ ɝɚɪɚ Ɋɚɡɞɟɥɧɚ. –
Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɹ, I, 3-4, 1959, ɫ. 56-61; Ⱦɢɦɢɬɪɨɜ, Ⱦ. ɂɥ. ɇɟɤɪɨɩɨɥɴɬ ɩɪɢ ɝɚɪɚ Ɋɚɡɞɟɥɧɚ. –
ɂɡɜɟɫɬɢɹ ɧɚ ɇɚɪɨɞɟɧ ɦɭɡɟɣ – ȼɚɪɧɚ, ɏIV (XɏIɏ), 1978, ɫ. 120-152; Ⱦɢɦɢɬɪɨɜ, Ⱦ. ɂɥ.
ȼɚɪɧɚ ɢ ɛɥɢɡɤɚɬɚ ࣊ ɨɤɨɥɧɨɫɬ ɩɪɟɡ VII-IX ɜ. – ɂɡɜɟɫɬɢɹ ɧɚ ɇɚɪɨɞɟɧ ɦɭɡɟɣ – ȼɚɪɧɚ,
ɏVIII (XɏɏIII), 1982, ɫ. 67; ɉɥɟɬɧɶɨɜ, ȼ. Ɋɚɡɞɟɥɧɚ. Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɚ ɤɚɪɬɚ ɧɚ
ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. ɋɟɜɟɪɨɢɡɬɨɱɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. – ȼ: ɉɥɢɫɤɚ - ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ, 7. ɒɭɦɟɧ,
1995, ɫ. 269.
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Ⱦɢɦɢɬɪɨɜ, Ⱦ. ɂɥ. ȼɚɪɧɚ ɢ ɛɥɢɡɤɚɬɚ ࣊ ɨɤɨɥɧɨɫɬ ɩɪɟɡ VII-IX ɜ., ɫ. 67;
ɉɥɟɬɧɶɨɜ, ȼ. Ɋɚɡɞɟɥɧɚ, ɫ. 269.
22
ȼɚɤɥɢɧɨɜɚ, Ɇ., ɂ. ɓɟɪɟɜɚ, ɉ. Ⱦɢɦɢɬɪɨɜ, Ɇ. Ɇɚɧɨɥɨɜɚ-ȼɨɣɤɨɜɚ, ɋ.
Ƚɨɪɹɧɨɜɚ. ɇɂȺɊ „ȼɟɥɢɤɢ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ“. ȼɥɚɞɟɬɟɥɫɤɚ ɰɴɪɤɜɚ ɢ Ⱦɜɨɪɰɨɜ ɰɟɧɬɴɪ. – ȼ:
Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɨɬɤɪɢɬɢɹ ɢ ɪɚɡɤɨɩɤɢ ɩɪɟɡ 2012 ɝ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2013, ɫ. 378.
23
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. Ɇɨɥɢɜɞɨɜɭɥɢ ɧɚ ɉɢɫɨɬɚ ɜɚɪɞɚɪɢɣ, ɫ. 70; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ.
ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɨɬ ɫɬɪɚɬɟɝɢɹɬɚ ɜ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ (971-1088), ɫ. 44; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ
ɩɟɱɚɬɢ /IX-X ɜ./, ɧɚɦɟɪɟɧɢ ɜ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, ɫ. 67; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. Ɇɨɥɢɜɞɨɜɭɥɢ ɧɚ ɉɢɫɨɬɚ
ɜɚɪɞɚɪɢɣ (IX-X ɜ.), ɧɚɦɟɪɟɧɢ ɜ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, ɫ. 313; Ȼɚɥɚɛɚɧɨɜ, Ɍ. ɇɨɜɢ ɦɨɥɢɜɞɨɜɭɥɢ ɧɚ
363
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ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɫɚɧɨɜɧɢɰɢ, ɨɬɤɪɢɬɢ ɜɴɜ ȼɟɥɢɤɢ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ, ɫ. 47; Jordanov, Iv. Corpus of
Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria, Vol. 3, Part 1, p. 144; Ƚɪɢɝɨɪɨɜ, ȼ., Ⱥ. Ⱥɥɚɞɠɨɜ.
ɇɨɜɨɨɬɤɪɢɬɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɨɬ ɉɥɢɫɤɚ, ɫ. 154; ɉɟɧɱɟɜ, ȼ. ɇɨɜɢ ɩɨɫɬɴɩɥɟɧɢɹ ɧɚ ɫɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɱɧɢ
ɩɚɦɟɬɧɢɰɢ ɨɬ ɋɟɜɟɪɨɢɡɬɨɱɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ ɜɴɜ ɮɨɧɞɚ ɧɚ ɇɚɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɢɹ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɦɭɡɟɣ
– ɋɨɮɢɹ, ɫ. 166; Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria, Volume 1-3, Sofia,
2003, 2006, 2009. Addenda et Corrigenda (3), ɫ. 127.
24
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. Ɇɨɥɢɜɞɨɜɭɥɢ ɧɚ ɉɢɫɨɬɚ ɜɚɪɞɚɪɢɣ, ɫ. 70; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ.
ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɨɬ ɫɬɪɚɬɟɝɢɹɬɚ ɜ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ (971-1088), ɫ. 44; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ
ɩɟɱɚɬɢ /IX-X ɜ./, ɧɚɦɟɪɟɧɢ ɜ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, ɫ. 67; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. Ɇɨɥɢɜɞɨɜɭɥɢ ɧɚ ɉɢɫɨɬɚ
ɜɚɪɞɚɪɢɣ (IX-X ɜ.), ɧɚɦɟɪɟɧɢ ɜ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, ɫ. 313; Ȼɚɥɚɛɚɧɨɜ, Ɍ. ɇɨɜɢ ɦɨɥɢɜɞɨɜɭɥɢ ɧɚ
ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɫɚɧɨɜɧɢɰɢ, ɨɬɤɪɢɬɢ ɜɴɜ ȼɟɥɢɤɢ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ, ɫ. 47; Jordanov, I. Corpus of
Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria, Vol. 3, Part 1, p. 144; Ƚɪɢɝɨɪɨɜ, ȼ., Ⱥ. Ⱥɥɚɞɠɨɜ.
ɇɨɜɨɨɬɤɪɢɬɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɨɬ ɉɥɢɫɤɚ, ɫ. 154; ɉɟɧɱɟɜ, ȼ. ɇɨɜɢ ɩɨɫɬɴɩɥɟɧɢɹ ɧɚ ɫɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɱɧɢ
ɩɚɦɟɬɧɢɰɢ ɨɬ ɋɟɜɟɪɨɢɡɬɨɱɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ ɜɴɜ ɮɨɧɞɚ ɧɚ ɇɚɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɢɹ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɦɭɡɟɣ
– ɋɨɮɢɹ, ɫ. 166; Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria, Volume 1-3, Sofia,
2003, 2006, 2009. Addenda et Corrigenda (3), ɫ. 127.
25
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. Ɇɨɥɢɜɞɨɜɭɥɢ ɧɚ ɉɢɫɨɬɚ ɜɚɪɞɚɪɢɣ, ɫ. 70; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ.
ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɨɬ ɫɬɪɚɬɟɝɢɹɬɚ ɜ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ (971-1088), ɫ. 44; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ
ɩɟɱɚɬɢ /IX – X ɜ./, ɧɚɦɟɪɟɧɢ ɜ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, ɫ. 67; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. Ɇɨɥɢɜɞɨɜɭɥɢ ɧɚ ɉɢɫɨɬɚ
ɜɚɪɞɚɪɢɣ (IX – X ɜ.), ɧɚɦɟɪɟɧɢ ɜ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, ɫ. 313; Ȼɚɥɚɛɚɧɨɜ, Ɍ. ɇɨɜɢ ɦɨɥɢɜɞɨɜɭɥɢ
ɧɚ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɫɚɧɨɜɧɢɰɢ, ɨɬɤɪɢɬɢ ɜɴɜ ȼɟɥɢɤɢ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ, ɫ. 47; Jordanov, I. Corpus of
Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria, Vol. 3, Part 1, ɫ. 144; Ƚɪɢɝɨɪɨɜ, ȼ., Ⱥ. Ⱥɥɚɞɠɨɜ.
ɇɨɜɨɨɬɤɪɢɬɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɨɬ ɉɥɢɫɤɚ, ɫ. 154; ɉɟɧɱɟɜ, ȼ. ɇɨɜɢ ɩɨɫɬɴɩɥɟɧɢɹ ɧɚ ɫɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɱɧɢ
ɩɚɦɟɬɧɢɰɢ ɨɬ ɋɟɜɟɪɨɢɡɬɨɱɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ ɜɴɜ ɮɨɧɞɚ ɧɚ ɇɚɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɢɹ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɦɭɡɟɣ
– ɋɨɮɢɹ, ɫ. 166; Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria, Volume 1–3, Sofia,
2003, 2006, 2009. Addenda et Corrigenda (3), ɫ. 127.
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Игор ЛАЗАРЕНКО. МОЛИВДОВУЛИ ОТ СРЕДНОВЕКОВНИЯ ГРАД ПЕТРИН
26
Theophanis Confessoris. Chronographia. 32. Bulgari in Moesia considunt et
regnum condunt, p. 264; Nicephori Patriarchae. Breviarchae. 5. Bulgari in Moesia
inferiore regnum condunt, p. 296; Anastasius Bibliothecarius. Chronographia tripertita.
31. Tempore Constantini IV Bulgari Danubium transeuntes adiacentium Slavorum
generationibus dominantur, p. 250.
27
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ /IX – X ɜ./, ɧɚɦɟɪɟɧɢ ɜ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, ɫ. 66,
69, ɨɛɪ. 2; ɉɟɧɱɟɜ, ȼ. ɇɨɜɢ ɩɨɫɬɴɩɥɟɧɢɹ ɧɚ ɫɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɱɧɢ ɩɚɦɟɬɧɢɰɢ ɨɬ
ɋɟɜɟɪɨɢɡɬɨɱɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ ɜɴɜ ɮɨɧɞɚ ɧɚ ɇɚɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɢɹ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɦɭɡɟɣ – ɋɨɮɢɹ, ɫ.
165; Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria, Volume 1-3, Sofia, 2003, 2006,
2009. Addenda et Corrigenda (3), ɫ. 127.
28
Ƚɪɢɝɨɪɨɜ, ȼ., Ⱥ. Ⱥɥɚɞɠɨɜ. ɇɨɜɨɨɬɤɪɢɬɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɨɬ ɉɥɢɫɤɚ, ɫ. 153 (ɤɪɴɫɬ
ɜɴɪɯɭ ɞɜɭɫɬɴɩɚɥɟɧ ɩɨɞɢɭɦ); ɪɢɫɭɧɤɚ ɧɚ ɩɟɱɚɬ, ɢɡɩɨɥɡɜɚɧɚ ɜ Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ.
ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ /IX – X ɜ./, ɧɚɦɟɪɟɧɢ ɜ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, ɫ. 69, ɨɛɪ. 2; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂɜ.
Ɇɨɥɢɜɞɨɜɭɥɢ ɧɚ ɉɢɫɨɬɚ ɜɚɪɞɚɪɢɣ (IX-X ɜ.), ɧɚɦɟɪɟɧɢ ɜ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, ɫ. 310; Ƚɪɢɝɨɪɨɜ,
ȼ., Ⱥ. Ⱥɥɚɞɠɨɜ. ɇɨɜɨɨɬɤɪɢɬɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɨɬ ɉɥɢɫɤɚ, ɫ. 154, ɨɛɪ. 8 (ɤɪɴɫɬ ɜɴɪɯɭ ɬɪɢ
ɫɬɴɩɚɥɚ); ɜ ɨɩɢɫɚɧɢɹ ɧɚ ɥɢɰɟɜɚɬɚ ɫɬɪɚɧɚ ɧɚ ɩɟɱɚɬɚ, ɞɚɞɟɧɨ ɜ Jordanov, I. Corpus of
Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria, Vol. 3, Part 1, p. 143 (ɤɪɴɫɬ ɜɴɪɯɭ ɱɟɬɢɪɢ ɫɬɴɩɚɥɚ).
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29
Georgii Cedreni – Ioannis Scylitza. Historiarum compendium. – ȼ: ɂɡɜɨɪɢ ɡɚ
ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ, ɬ. XI (= Ƚɪɴɰɤɢ ɢɡɜɨɪɢ ɡɚ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ, ɬ. VI). ɋɨɮɢɹ,
1965, ɫ. 280.
30
Seibt, W. Probleme der historischen Geographie Bulgariens im späteren 10. Und
11. Jahrhundert – ein sigillographischer Beitrag. – In: Acta Musei Varnaensis, II. Numismatic
and Sphragistic Contributions to History of the Western Black Sea Coast. International
Conference, Varna, Septembre 12th-15th, 2001. Varna, ɫ. 253-255, 261, Abb. 1; ɉɥɟɬɧɶɨɜ,
ȼ. ȼɚɪɧɚ ɩɪɟɡ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɢɟɬɨ (Vȱȱ-ɏȱV). – ȼ: ɉɥɟɬɧɶɨɜ, ȼ., ɂɜ. Ɋɭɫɟɜ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ
ȼɚɪɧɚ, ɬ. ȱȱ. ɋɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɢɟ ɢ ȼɴɡɪɚɠɞɚɧɟ (Vȱȱ ɜ. - 1878 ɝ.). ȼɚɪɧɚ, 2012, ɫ. 188-189.
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Игор ЛАЗАРЕНКО. МОЛИВДОВУЛИ ОТ СРЕДНОВЕКОВНИЯ ГРАД ПЕТРИН
ɋɉɂɋɔɄ ɇȺ ɈȻɊȺɁɂɌȿ:
2
1
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4
3
5 6
368
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
Eleni Lianta
1
Hendy, M. F. Coinage and Money in the Byzantine Empire 1081-1261 [DOS 12].
Washington D.C., 1969, 191-217; Idem. Catalogue of the Byzantine Coins in the Dumbarton
Oaks Collection and in the Whittemore Collection, vol. 4, 2 parts. Washington D.C., 1999,
80, 664-697, 702.
2
With references to the numismatic catalogues: Hendy, M. F. Catalogue (DOC 4);
Sear, D. R. Byzantine Coins and their Values. London, 2002; Lianta, E. Late Byzantine
Coins 1204-1453 in the Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford. London, 2009. For
bibliographical references to hoards, see Lianta, E. Byzantine Coinage AD 1204-1453: Some
Problems in Monetary Affairs. Doctoral thesis. Vol. III. University of Oxford. Oxford, 2006.
3
Hendy, M. F. Coinage and Money, pl. 28, nos. 11-14; Idem. Catalogue, pl. LII,
nos. 27-29. Although Metcalf expressed his doubts whether the half-tetartera are Latin (see
Metcalf, D. M. Coinage of the Crusades and the Latin East in the Ashmolean Museum.
London, 1995, 235).
4
Christ Emmanuel is depicted bearded (sic) holding a scroll in his left hand.
369
Eleni LIANTA. LATIN IMITATIVE BILLON TRACHEA ISSUED IN THE MINT OF ...
tion, while Type C shows the saints Constantine and Helena in full length
(Fig. 3b).
It is of great interest, that the second group of the Latin Imitations
comprises issues that do not differ in style and fabric from the coins of the
first group, which consists of billon trachea issued in the mint of
Constantinople. Moreover, the geographical distribution and frequency of the
second group’s specimens do not favour a clear relationship to the city of
Thessalonica.
According to the current orthodoxy, the second group of the Imitative
billon trachea, which comprised Types A-C, had a Thessalonican Latin
provenance 5 . In attributing these three types to the mint of Thessalonica,
three basic reasons were put forward. Firstly, Thessalonican Types A and B
share the same form of pendilia which are also found on two post-reform
Thessalonican hyperpyra of Alexius I Comnenus (DOC 4, pl. IV, nos. 20m.1,
20m.2), while it is scarce in the Constantinopolitan group6. Secondly, the
representation of saints Constantine and Helena on Type C (Fig. 3b) parallels
the obverse and reverse designs of the Latin half-tetarteron of Type B (Fig.
4), which is assigned to Thessalonica, and repeats the motif of figures slightly
turned to one side seen on the half-tetartera of Types A-C of Theodore
Comnenus-Ducas (1224 – 1230) 7 . And thirdly, since an important mint
operated in Thessalonica prior to the Latin conquest of 1204, and after the re-
occupation of the city by Theodore Comnenus-Ducas in 1224, it seems
probable that the mint remained open in the short period between 1204 and
12248.
The use of a specific design of pendilia on Types A and B, however,
is not on its own conclusive evidence to distinguish stylistically two mints
from each other, especially for the issuing of a series characterized in the
main by scattered imitative iconographic elements from different reigns and
mints 9 . Furthermore, despite the correct observation, that the depiction of
saints Constantine and Helena on Type C is similar to that on the Latin half-
tetarteron of Type B, there is no positive clue to the Thessalonican attribution
of both issues, especially since the Latin half-tetarteron C (Fig. 5), suggested
5
Hendy, M. F. Coinage and Money, 209-210; Idem. Catalogue, 94-95.
6
Hendy, M. F. Coinage and Money, 209-210; Idem. Catalogue, 95.
7
Hendy, M. F. Catalogue, 668.
8
Hendy, M. F., Coinage and Money, 210; Idem. Catalogue, 95.
9
Oddly enough, the reverse designs of the Thessalonican types imitate those of the
Constantinopolitan ones. For instance, the reverse of Type A (DOC 4, pl. LII, no. 24) seems
to have been inspired from John II’s Constantinopolitan billon Second Coinage (DOC 4, pl.
IX, no. 10), and Type B (DOC 4, pl. LII, no. 25) from Alexius I’s post reform
Constantinopolitan gold Second Coinage (Var. II) (DOC 4, pl. III, no. 20g).
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to have been struck in Thessalonica, shares the same obverse and reverse
designs with the ‘Constantinopolitan’ Type O (Fig. 6).
Likewise, the argument that the motif of figures slightly turned to one
side on the half-tetarteron recurs on three half-tetartera of Theodore Comne-
nus-Ducas does not necessarily imply a Thessalonican provenance for the
Latin issues, whose Constantinopolitan Types S and T show on their reverse
the same posture (Figs. 7, 8).
Moreover, the style of Thessalonican Types A-C differs from that of
the early issues of Theodore Comnenus-Ducas 10 . There is thus plenty of
scope for new lines of inquiry regarding also the attribution of the Latin half-
tetartera to the mint of Thessalonica. Furthermore, modern scholarship has
shown that, although “the occupation of Thessalonike by Boniface of
Montferrat in 1204 had a threefold impact on the Latin presence in the city”
by introducing new social elements, increasing the number of settlers, and
reinforcing the Latin ecclesiastical presence11, and while “…Venetian trade
and settlement in Thessalonike, attested before 1204, continued during the
twenty years of Latin rule over the city…”12, evaluation of the impact of
foreign groups13, including the Latins, on the economy of Thessalonica is
difficult to assess14.
Metcalf suggested that none of these three types was issued in the
mint of Thessalonica, based on the evidence of overstrikes and hoards, and
on the superior style of Type C, which, according to Metcalf, did not relate to
the other two types, but was, together with its small-module equivalent Type
F, an issue of the Empire of Nicaea15.
An overstrike in the Kozani (IV) hoard confirms the hypothesis that
Types A and B were consecutive issues produced in the same mint16. Further-
more, two specimens of the Ashmolean Museum collection in Oxford cast
10
Bendall, S. Latin Billon Trachea – Thessalonica or Constantinople? –
Numismatic Circular, 92, (1984), 78.
11
Jacoby, D. Foreigners and the Urban Economy in Thessalonike, ca. 1150-ca.
1450. – Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 57, (2003), 92.
12
Ibid., 93.
13
In the 12th century, western merchants from Italy, Spain, Portugal and France
traded goods in Thessalonica (see Laiou, A. Ǿ ĬİııĮȜȠȞȓțȘ, Ș İȞįȠȤȫȡĮ IJȘȢ țĮȚ Ƞ
ȠȚțȠȞȠȝȚțȩȢ IJȘȢ ȤȫȡȠȢ ıIJȘȞ İʌȠȤȒ IJȦȞ ȆĮȜĮȚȠȜȩȖȦȞ. ǺȣȗĮȞIJȚȞȒ ȂĮțİįȠȞȓĮ 324-1430 ȝ.ȋ.,
ǻȚİșȞȑȢ ȈȣȝʌȩıȚȠ, ĬİııĮȜȠȞȓțȘ 29-31 ȅțIJȦȕȡȓȠȣ 1992. Thessalonica, 1995, 184).
14
Jacoby, D. Foreigners, 132.
15
Metcalf, D. M. Coinage of the Crusades and the Latin East in the Ashmolean
Museum Oxford. London, 1983, 63-64; Idem, 1995, 232-235; Idem. Coinage in South-
Eastern Europe 820-1396. London, 1979, 135-137.
16
See Touratsoglou, I. Unpublished Byzantine Hoards of Billon Trachea from
Greece, Macedonia and Thrace – Balkan Studies, 14, (1973), 136, 150-151; Hendy, M. F.
Coinage and Money, 209.
371
Eleni LIANTA. LATIN IMITATIVE BILLON TRACHEA ISSUED IN THE MINT OF ...
17
Bendall, S. Latin Billon Trachea, 78, nos. 1-2.
18
Bendall, S. A Latin Coinage for Thessalonica? – Numismatic Circular, 105,
(1997), 75, note 5; Idem. Latin Billon Trachea, 78.
19
On the basis of specimen 1106, and on stylistic differences with the Nicaean
coinage, Bendall, S. Latin Billon Trachea, suggested that Type C was a Constantinopolitan
issue. Specimen 1112 (Fig. 11), however, renders a Nicaean attribution possible.
20
Hendy, M. F. Catalogue, 95.
21
With base metal coins, there are limits in the quantities that can be produced, so
that the coins do not become worthless.
372
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
A B C A B C
I Chilnov 15 12 1 ǿǿ Crnovuki 1
Dolni 1 DO (II) 6 17 5
Lukovit 2 DO (III) 4 1 2
Momin Brod 1 Amorgos 7 1
Arcadia 2 Epirus 2
Karatsol 10 Gonia/Santorini 45 23
Kozani (I) 3 Kozani (IV) 33 6
Kozani (II) 3 1 Naoussa/Paros 1
Kozani (III) 17 5 Pidna ?
Neapolis 1 Thessalonica (IV) 1
Thessalonica (V) 1 Veroia 46 25
Thessalonica/2007 (I) 2 2 Vrasta 11 8
Thessalonica/2007 (II) 3 Isaccea (IV) 2
Buzău 1 Kraljevo-Raška 9 11
Osanica 12 25 Setonje 4 11
*Petrovac 1 Vranje 1
Zablaüe 4 Bursa 1
Yenimahalle 53 8 43 Istanbul (IV) 2 4
ǿǿ Biaga 4 4 Troad 2
Brestovo (II) 1 Turkish 1
Cherven Briag (II) 2 2 T. Unknown 1977 1 1
Dubrava 2 3 2 III Dolna Kabda 3 4 4
Gradevo (II) 2 Dorkovo (m) 4 3
*Kateritsa 1 Krasen 10 3 4
Kiustendil (II) 23 42 Logodash 3 6
Kiustendil Region 14 Nisovo (m) 1 4 3
Koino 8 Thracian Plain 2 2 3
Korten (II) 16 10 Tri Voditsi (m) 6
Lom (II) 16 12 1 Turnovo (VII) 2
Lom (III) 3 9 (?) Serres (II) 2
Muglizh II 28 30 4 Thebes 4 1
Pokrovnik 1 1 *Thessalonica (VI) 1
Stara Zagora (I) 3 2 G. Unknown 1
Stara Zagora (II) 1 2 Bals 2 7 9
Tulovo 7 9 IV *Arta (I) 1
B. Unknown 1 2
373
Eleni LIANTA. LATIN IMITATIVE BILLON TRACHEA ISSUED IN THE MINT OF ...
Additional evidence of the same kind from Crete, which was held by
Venice in the thirteenth century, has not been examined yet27. Unfortunately,
22
Metcalf, D. M. A Hoard of Billon Trachea from the Empire of Nicaea, c.
1215/1220 – Hamburger Beiträge zur Numismatik, 30-32, (1976-1978), 63; Idem. The
Value of the Amorgos and Thira Hoards as a Test Case for the Interpretation of Sub-
Byzantine Trachea in the Years around 1204 – ȃȠȝȚıȝĮIJȚțȐ ȋȡȠȞȚțȐ, 8, (1989), 54-55;
Idem. Coinage of the Crusades (1995), 234-235; Idem. Mint-Activity in Byzantine
Thessaloniki – ȅȕȠȜȩȢ, 4 [ȉȠ ȞȩȝȚıȝĮ ıIJȠ ȝĮțİįȠȞȚțȩ ȤȫȡȠ], (2000), 179-180.
23
Metcalf, D. M. Coinage of the Crusades (1995), 232, table 1.
24
Metcalf, D. M. The Value, 54-55.
25
Metcalf, D. M. Coinage of the Crusades (1995), 235, 336 (map).
26
Metcalf, D. M. Mint-Activity, 180.
27
Tsougarakis, D. Economic and Everyday Life in Byzantine Crete through Nu-
mismatic Evidence – XVI, Internationaler Byzantinistenkongress, Akten II/3 [JÖB 32/3],
1982, 458 [with the exception of the Mylopotamos or Rethymno hoard, which contained
trachea including Latin Imitations; see Metcalf, D. M. The Value, 55, note 37; Idem.
Coinage of the Crusades (1995), 334, no. 118].
374
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
HOARDS Constantinople
Type A
ǿ Aiani (ǿǿ) 8
Western Macedonia 8
Thessalonica (ǿǿǿ) 8
Central Macedonia 1
ǿǿ Aiani (ǿ) 3
Drama (ǿǿ) 244
Kolchiko 21
Livadi (ǿǿ) 96
Macedonia (ǿǿ) 10
Ȃ. Ǽleutherochori 45
Xirolimni 43
28
A widely used numismatic methodology is to assign types to the area where they
are plentiful.
375
Eleni LIANTA. LATIN IMITATIVE BILLON TRACHEA ISSUED IN THE MINT OF ...
LATIN IMITATIONS Thessalonica
ǹ Ǻ
Gonia/Santorini 45 23
Veroia 46 25
Thessalonica/2007 ǿ Thessalonica/2007 ǿǿ
Latin Imitations
Con. ǹ 1 4
Con. Ǻ 1
Con. C 1
Thes. ǹ 2
Thes. Ǻ 2 3
Unknown ǹ 50 148
Unknown Ǻ 3 2
Unknown D 3 14
Unknown E 1 9
Unknown G 4 4
29
Lianta, E. The Thessalonica/2007 Hoard of Byzantine Thirteenth-Century Billon
Trachea – ȃȠȝȚıȝĮIJȚțȐ ȋȡȠȞȚțȐ, 28, (2010), 51-72; Idem. The Second ‘Thessalonica/2007’
Hoard of Byzantine Thirteenth-Century Billon Trachea. XV International Numismatic
Congress, Taormina 21-25 September 2015, Congress Book. Messina, 2015, 155.
30
Furthermore, the single numismatic finds of the Venizelou station include 80
Latin Imitative billon trachea, of which ‘Thessalonican’ issues are represented by 3.8%
(Type ǹ/DOC 4, pl. LII, no. 24: one specimen; ȉype Ǻ/DOC 4, pl. LII, no. 25: two
specimens).
376
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS:
Figs. 1a, 1b: DOC 4, pl. LII, no. 24: A; Sear no. 2055; Lianta no. 107.
Ashmolean collection. Yenimahalle hoard (28 mm, 2.19 g)
Figs. 2a, 2b: DOC 4, pl. LII, no. 25: B; Sear no. 2056; Lianta no. 118.
Ashmolean collection. Yenimahalle hoard (28 mm, 2.36 g)
Figs. 3a, 3b: DOC 4, pl. LII, no. 26: C; Sear no. 2057; Lianta no. 124.
Ashmolean collection. Yenimahalle hoard (32 mm, 4.26 g)
Fig. 4: DOC 4, pl. LII, no. 28: B; Sear no. 2059; Lianta no. 129.
Ashmolean collection (18 mm, 2.17 g)
Fig. 5: DOC 4, pl. LII, no. 29: C; Sear no. 2060; Lianta no. 130.
Ashmolean collection (17 mm, 1.70 g)
Fig. 6: DOC 4, pl. L, no. 15: ȅ; Sear no. 2035; Lianta no. 61.
Ashmolean collection (27.5 mm, 3.50 g)
31
Bendall, S. Latin Billon Trachea, 78.
32
Hendrickx, B. The Main Problems of the History of the Latin Empire of
Constantinople (1204-1261) – Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire, 52, (1974), 788-789.
See, also, Jacoby, D. The Venetian Presence in the Latin Empire of Constantinople (1204-
1261): The Challenge of Feudalism and the Byzantine Inheritance – Jahrbuch der
Österreichischen Byzantinistik, 43, (1993), p. 143, note 6.
33
Plakoyannakis, K. E. ȉȚȝȘIJȚțȠȓ IJȓIJȜȠȚ țĮȚ İȞİȡȖȐ ĮȟȚȫȝĮIJĮ ıIJȠ ǺȣȗȐȞIJȚȠ:
ǼșȚȝȠIJȣʌȓĮ, ǻȚȠȓțȘıȘ, ȈIJȡĮIJȩȢ. Thessalonica, 2001, 93; Hendrickx, B. Op. cit., p. 789.
377
Eleni LIANTA. LATIN IMITATIVE BILLON TRACHEA ISSUED IN THE MINT OF ...
Fig. 7: DOC 4, pl. LI, no. 19: S; Sear no. 2039; Lianta no. 74.
Ashmolean collection [33 mm, 3.26 g (pierced)]
Fig. 8: DOC 4, pl. LI, no. 20: ȉ; Sear no. 2040; Lianta no. 78.
Ashmolean collection (28 mm, 4.00 g)
Fig. 9: DOC 4, pl. LII, no. 26: C; Sear no. 2057; Lianta no. 1106.
Ashmolean collection. Yenimahalle hoard (35 mm, 4.31 g)
Fig. 10: DOC 4, pl. XLIX, no. 2: Ǻ; Sear no. 2022; Lianta no. 26.
Ashmolean collection. Yenimahalle hoard (34 mm, 4.25 g /
Undertype)
Fig. 11: DOC 4, pl. LIII, no. 36: G; Sear no. 2050. Lianta no. 1112.
Ashmolean collection [20 mm, 1.47 g (clipped)]
Fig. 12: DOC 4, pl. LII, no. 26: C; Sear no. 2057; Lianta no. 124.
Ashmolean collection. Yenimahalle hoard (32 mm, 4.26 g /
Undertype)
1 2
4
3
5 6
378
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
7 8
10 11
12
379
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
Alexandru Madgearu
1
This is a revised and updated version of the study Militari "sciĠi" úi "daci" în
Egipt, Italia úi Palestina în secolele VI-VII p. Chr., Studii úi cercetări de istorie veche úi
arheologie, 65, 2014, 1-2, p. 49-58.
2
The papyri are transcribed in the database Integrating Digital Papyrology,
developed with the support of the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation (http://papyri.info).
3
Fournet, J. L., Gascou, J. Papyrus inédits d’Edfou de la collection de l’Ifao, –
Bulletin de l'Institut français d'archéologie orientale, 98, p. 180-184.
4
Grosse, R. Römische Militärgeschichte von Gallienus bis zum Beginn der
byzantinischen Themenverfassung, Berlin, 1920, p. 125, 232; Speidel, M. The Master of the
Dragon Standards and the Golden Torc: An Inscription from Prusias and Prudentius'
Peristephanon. – Transactions of the American Philological Association New Series, 115, 1985,p.
283-287; Coulston, J. The 'draco' standard. – Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies.
Dedicated to the Study of the Weapons, Armour, and Military Fittings of the Armies and Enemies
of Rome and Byzantium, 2, 1991, p. 101-114; Mihăescu, H. La romanité dans le Sud-Est de
l'Europe, Bucarest, 1993, p. 397-398; Richardot, Ph. La fin de l'armée romaine (284-476). 3e
édition revue et augmentée avec une traduction de la Notitia Dignitatum, Paris, 2005, p. 10, 11,
43; Cascarino, G., Sansilvestri, C. L'esercito romano. Armamento e organizzazione, vol. III. Dal
III secolo alla fine dell'impero d'occidente, Rimini, 2009, p. 184-187.
380
Alexandru MADGEARU „SCYTHIAN” AND „DACIAN” MILITARY MEN IN EGYPT, PALESTINE AND ITALY IN...
origin. Besides the famous eunuch who commanded the armies of Justinian,
it was recorded several times in the same period, including for other military
men5.
The papyrus dated in 546–548 is a list of stuff contributions (annona)
owed by the village Aphrodites, including those for the military (ıIJȡĮIJȚȫIJĮȚ)
named ȈțȣșȞ ȠȣıIJȞȚĮȞȞ, who were guarding the nearby monastery of
Bau (Peboou)6. The same garrison of ȈțȣșȞ ȠȣıIJȞȚĮȞȞ from the Bau
monastery was mentioned in a papyrus from 566 concerning the payment
made by the church of Apollonopolis for their maintenance (two solidi):
įȑįȦțİȞ ਥțțȜ(ȘıȓĮ) ਝʌȩȜȜȦȞȠȢ İੁȢ ȜȩȖȠȞ ਕȞȞȦȞȞ IJȞ ȖİȞȞĮȚȠIJȐIJȦȞ
ȈțȣșȞ ȠȣıIJȚȞȚĮȞȞ ਕȖȡĮȡİȣȩȞIJȦȞ ਥȞ IJ ȝȠȞĮıIJȘȡȓ ǺĮ૨ (...).7 Between
these two moments is inserted another papyrus, dated 551–552, which
specified that the same unit received the annona from Antaiopolis8.
The military men are caled ȈțȣșȞ, but without the epitete ȠȣıIJȞȚĮ-
ȞȞ, in other documents from 563, 564, 567 and 567–570. In all the cases
they are entitled ıIJȡĮIJȚȫIJĮȚ. The papyri dated in February 563 and 29th June
564 are accounting documents for food deliveries from the Apion family
estate to the soldiers garrisoned in the town Oxyrhynchus9. The troops were
5
Martindale, J. R. The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, III B (527–
641), Cambridge, 1992, p. 912-936.
6
Gascou, J. La table budgetaire d'Antaeopolis (P. Freer 08.45 c-d). – In: Hommes
et richesses dans l'Empire Byzantin (IVe-VIIe siècles), ed. C. Abadie-Reynal, I, Paris, 1989,
p. 281-285, 301, 303, 309-310.
7
Wessely, K. Studien zur Palaeographie und Papyruskunde, vol. III, Leipzig,
1904, p. 78, nr. 301; Maspero, J. Organisation militaire de l’Égypte byzantine. –
Bibliothèque de l'École pratique des hautes études. Section des sciences historiques et
philologique, 201, Paris, 1912, p. 47, 48, 146; Select papyri, in five volumes, vol. II. Non-
literary papyri. Public Documents. With an English translation by A.S. Hunt and C.C. Edgar
Hunt, Cambridge (Massachusetts), London, 1934, p. 493, nr. 388; Rémondon, R. Soldats de
Byzance d'après un papyrus trouvé à Edfou. – Recherches de Papyrologie. Publications de la
Faculté des lettres et sciences humaines de Paris. Série Recherches, 1, 1961, p. 74-75;
Gascou, J. P. Fouad 87: Les monastères pachômiens et l'État byzantine. – Bulletin de
l'Institut français d'archéologie orientale, 76,, p. 172; Gascou, J. La table, p. 309; Fournet,
J. L., Gascou, J. Papyrus inédits d’Edfou, p. 180.
8
Maspero, J. Catalogue general des antiquités égyptiennes du Musée du Caire.
Nos 67001–67124. Papyrus grecs d’époque byzantine, I, Le Caire, 1911, p. 92 (nr. 67.057).
9
The Oxyrhynchus Papyri. Edited with translations and notes by B. P. Grenfell, A.
S. Hunt and H. I. Bell, vol. 16, London, 1924, nr. 1920 ( = Select papyri, in five volumes,
vol. II, p. 543, nr. 408); Ibidem, nr. 2046; Rémondon, R. Op. cit., p. 72; Alston, R.
Managing the frontiers. Supplying the frontier troops in the sixth and seventh centuries. – In:
The Roman army and the economy, Amsterdam, 2002,, p. 412; Kaiser, A. M. Flavius
Athanasius, dux et Augustalis Thebaidis – A case study on landholding and power in Late
Antique Egypt – Imperium and Officium Working Papers (IOWP) (http://iowp.univie.ac.at),
p. 7, 12.
381
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
10
Rémondon, R. Op. cit., p. 72-79.
11
Martindale, J. R. The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, III B, p. 1387-
1388.
12
For these names see Russu, I. I. Zemarchos. Ein Beitrag zur byzantinischen
Prosopographie (6. Jh.). – Dacia, NS, 14, 1970, p. 411-418; Russu, I. I. Elementele traco-getice
în Imperiul Roman úi în Byzantium (veacurile III-VII). ContribuĠie la istoria úi romanizarea
tracilor, Bucureúti, 1976, p. 60, 78, 83, 93-96, 99-101, 109, 115, 131, 139-140, 143-144;
Dana, D. Onomastique et recrutement de l’armée byzantine d’Afrique: l’épitaphe du soldat
Buraido révisée (ILAlg, I, 81). – Antiquités africaines, 49, 2013, p. 155-156.
13
The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, nr. 1903; Rémondon, R. Op. cit., p. 72.
14
Gonis, N. Payments to bucellarii in seventh-century Oxyrhynchus. – Travaux et
Mémoires, Centre de Recherche d'Histoire et Civilisation Byzantines, Paris, 20, 1 (Mélanges
Jean Gascou), p. 183, 185, 190.
15
Ibidem, p. 181, 184, 186.
16
Ibidem,, p. 182, 184, 189.
382
Alexandru MADGEARU „SCYTHIAN” AND „DACIAN” MILITARY MEN IN EGYPT, PALESTINE AND ITALY IN...
IJȞ ȂĮțİįȩȞȞ). The pagarh was a local official with fiscal attributions
appointed among the aristocrats. These soldiers were in garrison at
Antaiopolis, the residence of the nome which included the village of
Aphrodites. The soldiers made various unlawful actions in the course of
gathering the taxes. The second petition mentions a man called Florentios,
who could be identified with that vicarius17. According to Roger Rémondon,
these vicarii were the chiefs of the garrisons (they were local deputies of the
duke of the province)18. The Makedonoi could be either soldiers recruited in
Macedonia Prima or Macedonia Secunda, either members of the older Legio
V Macedonica, which had garrison in Memphis until the beginning of the 5th
century. However, there are no data about its presence in Egypt afterwards19,
and there is no other proof for the survival of this legion in the 6th-7th
centuries, as it was supposed, on the basis of the inscription from Heliopolis
(Baalbek) dated in 635/636, which mentions some ȂĮțİįȩȞȞ who
participated in the repair of a tower20. This supposition ignores the certain
fact that in Heliopolis existed a quarter peopled by Macedonians21, who made
that work. In the case of the Macedonians mentioned in the papyrus of 567,
they were most probable recruited from one of the provinces called
17
Maspero, J. Études sur les papyrus d'Aphrodité. I. Un procès administratif sous
le règne de Justinien. – Bulletin de l'Institut français d'archéologie orientale, 6, 1908, p. 75-
90; Maspero, J. Études sur les papyrus d'Aphrodité, II. Flavios Marianos, duc de Thebaïde.
– Bulletin de l'Institut français d'archéologie orientale, 7, 1910, p. 97-119; Maspero, J.
Catalogue, p. 10, 37 (nr. 67002, 67009); Maspero, J. Organisation militaire, p. 48, 51, 98;
Rémondon, R. Op. cit., p. 47, 78; Underwood, N. When the Goths Were in Egypt: A Gothic
Bible Fragment and Barbarian Settlement in Sixth-Century Egypt. – Viator. Medieval and
Renaissance Studies, Berkeley, 45, 1, 2014, p. 33-34.
18
Rémondon, R. Op. cit., p. 47-48.
19
Notitia Dignitatum in partibus Orientis (Notitia Dignitatum accedunt Notitia
urbis Constantinopolitanae et Laterculi provinciarum, edidit O. Seeck, Berlin, 1876,
XXVIII. 14, p. 59); Zuckerman, C. Legio V Macedonica in Egypt. CPL 199 revisited. –
Tyche. Beiträge zur Alten Geschichte, Papyrologie und Epigraphik, Wien, 3, 1998, p. 279-
287.
20
Rey-Coquais, J. P. Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie, Tome VI. Baalbek
et Beqa, Paris, 1967, p. 133, no. 2828; Kaegi, Jr., W. E. Byzantium and the Early Islamic
Conquests, Cambridge, 1992, p. 50 Cowan, R. The longest lived legion. Quinta Macedonica
- Legio Antiqua. – Ancient Warfare, 2, 3, 2008, p. 39; Sancho Gómez, M. P. Legio V
Macedonica: A perspective through the years (43 BC-637 AD). – In: Samuel's State and
Byzantium: History, Legend, Tradition, Heritage. Proceedings ɨf the International
Symposium "Days of Justinian I" (Skopje, 17-18 October, 2014), Ed. M. B. Panov, Skopje,
2015, p. 22; Schwarze, M. F. Römische Militärgeschichte, Band 1. Rekonstruktionsversuch
einer römischen Truppenliste des sechsten Jahrhunderts, 2018, p. 7.
21
Schmitt, O. Untersuchungen zur Organisation und zur Militärischen Stärke
oströmischer Herrschaft im Vorderen Orient zwischen 628 und 633. – Byzantinische
Zeitschrift, 94, 1, 2001, p. 218; Cohen, G. M. The Hellenistic Settlements in Syria, the Red
Sea Basin, and North Africa, Berkeley, Los Angeles, 2006, p. 254 (vicinia Macedonum).
383
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
22
Guillou, A. Régionalisme et indépendance dans l'empire byzantin au VIIe siècle.
L'exemple de l'exarchat et de la pentapole d'Italie, Roma, 1969, p. 151; Haldon, J.
Administrative Continuities and Structural Transformations in East Roman Military
Organization ca. 580-640. – In: L'armée romaine et les Barbares du IIIe au VIIe siècle, ed. F.
Vallet, M. Kazanski (Association Française d'Archéologie Mérovingienne, Mémoires, 5),
Paris, 1993, p. 51 Ravegnani, G. I bizantini e la guerra. L'età di Giustiniano, Roma, 2004,
p. 36-43.
23
Maspero, J. Catalogue, p. 37 (nr. 67009).
24
Lefebvre, G. Recueil des inscriptions grecques-chrétiennes d'Egypte, Le Caire,
1907, p. 101 (nr. 559); Maspero, J. Organisation militaire, p. 51, 146; Grimm G. E. Die
Zeugnisse ägyptischer Religion und Kunstelemente im römischen Deutschland (Études
préliminaires aux religions orientales dans l'Empire romain, 12), Leiden, 1969, p. 112-113
and Abb. 13; Gascou, J. P. Fouad 87, p. 174.
25
Maspero, J. Organisation militaire, p. 50-51; Fiebiger, O. Rigimer. – Germania,
12, 4, 1928, p. 168-171; Rémondon, R. Op. cit., p. 75; Grimm G. E. Op. cit., p. 113;
Gascou, J. La table, p. 310; Zuckerman, C. L'armée, in Le Monde byzantin, I. L’Empire romain
d'Orient (330-641), sous la direction de C. Morrisson, Paris, 2004, p. 165; Kaiser, A. M. Daci
und Sextodalmati. Zwei Truppen des magister militum praesentalis II Orientis in den Papyri.
– Imperium and Officium. Working Papers (IOWP) (http://iowp.univie.ac.at), p. 5; Dana, D.
Onomastique et recrutement, p. 157; Underwood, N. Op. cit., p. 33.
26
Underwood, N. Op. cit., p. 25-27.
27
Eusebius, Life of Constantine. Introduction, translation, and commentary by
Averil Cameron and Stuart G. Hall, Oxford, 1999, IV, p. 155; Themistii Orationes quae
supersunt, recensuit H. Schenkl, edidit G. Downey, vol. I, Leipzig, 1965, X, 131-133, 135,
136, 138; XI, 146, 148; XIV, 181; XV, 185; XVI, 207, 209-212, p. 199-201, 205, 208, 210,
221, 224, 261, 269, 297, 299, 301, 302, 304; Libanios, Opera, recensuit Richardus Foerster,
384
Alexandru MADGEARU „SCYTHIAN” AND „DACIAN” MILITARY MEN IN EGYPT, PALESTINE AND ITALY IN...
authors, Procopius of Caesarea used only the real name of the Germanic
population, because his precise style was no suitable with such labeling.
Another historian who made a clear distinction between the Scythians and the
Goths fighting together in the province of Scythia or elsewhere was Ioannes
Malalas. In the relation about a campaign against the Isaurians (491), he
wrote that the forces where composed of Scythians, and a band of Goths and
Bessoi (ȈțȣșȞ țĮ īȠIJșȚțોȢ țĮ ǺİııȚțોȢ). In another passage, about the
final part of the rebellion of Vitalianus, he specified that his army included
Gothic, Hunnish and Scythian soldiers (īȩIJșȦȞ țĮ ȅȞȞȦȞ țĮ ȈțȣșȞ).28
The same Ioannes Malalas enumerates the armies labeled with province
names in the relation of a campaign against the Persians in the year 528:
ȜȜȣȡȚțȚĮȞȠઃȢ țĮ ȈțȪșĮȢ țĮ ıĮȪȡȠȣȢ țĮ ĬȡઽțĮȢ.29 In this context it is
absolutely clear that Skythai meant “people from the province of Scythia”.
The most probable identification of the „Scythians” mentioned in the
papyri is with the population of the province of Scythia, regardless the ethnic
origin. Some of them were indeed of Gothic descent, while other belonged to
the Romanized local population. The name Scythians covered all of them, as
inhabitants of the province30. It ought to be observed that other papyri from
Oxyrhynchus are mentioning soldiers called īȩșșȠȚ, members of the
6 vol., Leipzig, 1903-1911, XXIV, 15, 30; LIX, 89-92, I, p. 521, 527; IV, p. 252-254;
Scriptores Historiae Augustae with an English translation by D. Magie, vol. III, London,
1932, Gallienus, 13. 6, p. 44; Ammianus Marcellinus, History, Volume II, Books XX-XXVI;
History, Volume III, Books XXVII-XXXI. Excerpta Valesiana, with an English translation
by John C. Rolfe, London, Cambridge (Massachussetts), 1939, 1940, XX. 8. 1; XXII. 8. 42;
XXXI. 5. 15,, II, p. 52, 236; III, p. 416; Philostorgius, Church History. Translated with an
Introduction and Notes by Ph. R. Amidon, Atlanta, 2007, II, 5; IX, 17, p. 20, 131; Blockley,
R. C. The Fragmentary Classicising Historians of the Later Roman Empire: Eunapius,
Olympiodorus, Priscus and Malchus, vol. II, Liverpool, 1983, p. 52, 58, 60, 62, 66, 86, 88;
Zosimos, Historia Nova (Histoire nouvelle). Texte établi et traduit par F. Paschoud, tome I
(livres I-II), tome II/1 (livre III), II/2 (livre IV), tome III/1 (livre V), III/2 (livre VI), Paris,
1971-1986, I, 23, 26, 28, 29, 32, 34, 37, 39, 40, 42, 43, 46, 48, p. 25-28, 31, 32, 35-38, 40,
41, 43); IV, 7, 10, 20, 22, 25, 26, 38, II-2, p. 268, 271, 280, 283, 287, 288, 303. At Zosimos,
the Goths were sometimes called with their real name īȩIJșȠȚ, Scythians being a collective
name for Goths and Taifals: I, 27, 31, 42, I, p. 27, 30, 38; III, 25, II-1, p. 45; IV, 25, II-2, p.
287; V, 37, 45, III-1, p. 54, 67.
28
Ioannes Malalas, Chronographia, recensuit I. Thurn (Corpus Fontium Historiae
Byzantinae. Series Berolinensis, XXXV), Berlin, New York, 2000, pp. 320, 404; The
Chronicle of John Malalas. A translation by E. Jeffreys, M. Jeffreys, R. Scott (Byzantina
Australiensia, 4), Melbourne, 1986, pp. 221, 227; Russu, I. I. Elementele traco-getice, p. 82.
29
Ioannes Malalas, Chronographia, XVIII, 26, p. 369; The Chronicle of John
Malalas, p. 256; Russu, I. I. Elementele traco-getice, p. 111.
30
Jones, A.H.M. The Later Roman Empire, 284–602. A Social, Economic and
Administrative Survey, ed. 2, vol. I, Baltimore, 1986, p. 655, 661 has too admitted the
geographical meaning of the word.
385
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
31
Papiri greci e latini, vol. 8, Roma, 1927, no. 953, 956 (both dated 567-568);
Rémondon, R. Op. cit., p. 79; Alston, R. Op. cit., p. 412, 414, 415; Underwood, N. Op. cit.,
p. 27; Gonis, N. Op. cit., p. 182, 185, 188.
32
Notitia Dignitatum in partibus Orientis, VI. 26. 43, 44, p. 17.
33
Sozomenos, Kirchengeschichte. Herausgegeben (...) von J. Bidez; eingeleitet (...)
von G. C. Hansen (Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten Jahrhunderte, 50),
Berlin, 1960, VI, 21; VII, 19; VII, 26, p. 264, 330, 341.
34
Corpus Iuris Civilis editio stereotypa quinta, vol. II, Codex Iustinianus, recognovit
P. Krueger, Berlin, 1888, I. 3. 35, p. 24.
35
Corpus Iuris Civilis editio stereotypa quinta, vol. III, Novellae, recognovit R.
Schoell, Berlin, 1912, XLI, p. 262.
36
Croke, B. The Chronicle of Marcellinus. A translation and commentary (with a
reproduction of Mommsen’s edition of the text) (Byzantina Australiensia, 7), Sydney, 1995,
p. 36, 37. For the origin of Vitalianus see Russu, I. I. Elementele traco-getice, p. 84-86.
37
Epistulae imperatorum pontificum aliorum inde ab a. CCCLXVII usque ad A.
DLIII datae. Avellana qvae dicitur collectio, recensuit commentario critico instruxit indices
adiecit Otto Guenther, Pars II Epistulae CV-CCXXXXIIII (Corpus Scriptorum
Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, vol. XXXV), Pragae, Vindobonae, Lipsiae, 1898, p. 646, 685,
686.
38
Cassiodori Senatoris Institutiones. Edited from the Manuscripts by R. A. B.
Mynors, Oxford, 1961, I. 23 (p. 62): Dionysius monachus, Scytha natione sed moribus
omnino Romanus.
39
Martindale, J. R. The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, III, p. 590-
592.
386
Alexandru MADGEARU „SCYTHIAN” AND „DACIAN” MILITARY MEN IN EGYPT, PALESTINE AND ITALY IN...
Ioannes Malalas40. Even later authors from the period of Heraklios like
Ioannes of Antioch and Theophylact Simocatta used the words ȈțȣșȞ and
ȂȣıȞ for the inhabitants of those provinces41. It is not clear if the name of
Ioannes Skythes, who exerted the function of magister militum per Orientem
between 483 and 49842, recalls the name of the province, because we do not
know where he was born. Even the name Rigimer, of Germanic origin, could
belong to a native of this province, because also there existed Goths and other
Germanic groups, settled in different moments in the 4th-5th centuries as
foederati or in other ways43. Vitalianus was the commander of these
foederati, who included, as it has been already specified, a Gothic element.
Recruits from Dacia Ripensis or Dacia Mediterranea were too present
in the Byzantine Egypt. An unit (ਕȡȚșȝȠȢ) of Dacians was sent there
sometimes during the reign of Zeno (474-491). The bishop John of Mayuma
(a place in Palestine), also known as John Rufus, wrote around the year 515
the anthology Plerophoria. The Greek original is lost, existing only a Syriac
translation, edited and translated into French by François Nau in 1912. A
passage mentions a soldier called Zenon, who was primicerius in the ਕȡȚșȝȠȢ
of Dacians located at Alexandria. He was sent in a mission in Palestine
during the reign of Zeno44. A money lending contract dated in 20th June 531
discovered at Arsinoe (city in the central Egypt) mentions the soldiers
(ıIJȡĮIJȚȫIJȘȢ) Flavios Menas, Georgios, and Flavios Apollon Paulos, from the
unit of the Dacians: ĭȜ(ĮȠȪȚȠȢ) ȂȘȞ઼Ȣ țĮ] īİ[ȫȡȖ]ȚȠȢ ıIJȡĮ[IJȚȫ]IJȘȢ
ਕȡ[Țșȝ]Ƞ૨ IJȞ ȖİȞȞĮȚȠIJȐIJȦȞ ǻĮțȞ45. It is likely that it was the same unit
40
Ioannes Malalas, Chronographia, XVIII, 34, p. 373; The Chronicle of John
Malalas, p. 260.
41
Ioannes Antiochenus, Fragmenta ex Historia Chronica. Introduzione, edizione
critica e traduzione a cura di U. Roberto, Berlin, 2005, frg. 311, p. 538, 539; Theophylact
Simocatta, Historiae, edidit C. De Boor, Leipzig, 1887, I. 8. 10, p. 54.
42
Martindale, J. R. The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, II (395-527),
Cambridge, 1980, p. 602-603.
43
Nubar, H. Ein gotisch-alanisches Grab in Histria. – Dacia, NS, 15, p. 345-347.
44
Jean Rufus, évêque de Maïouma. Plérophories, témoignages et révélations contre
le Concile de Chalcédoine. Version syriaque et traduction française, éditées par F. Nau, in
Patrologia Orientalis, 8, Paris, 1912, p. 68 Jones, A.H.M. The Later Roman Empire, II, p.
1274, note 123 Hoffmann, D. Die spätrömische Bewegungsheer und die Notitia Dignitatum,
Düsseldorf, 1969, II, p. 85, note 117 Kaiser, A. M. Daci und Sextodalmati, p. 3. For the
author, see Steppa, J. E. Heresy and Orthodoxy: The Anti-Chalcedonian Hagiography of
John Rufus. – In: Christian Gaza in late antiquity, ed. by B. Bitton-Ashkelony, A. Kofsky,
Leiden, Boston, 2004, p. 89-106.
45
Maspero, J. Organisation militaire, p. 47-49; Wessely, K. Studien zur
Palaeographie und Papyruskunde, Leipzig, 1921, vol. XX, nr. 139; Russu, I. I. Daco-geĠii în
Imperiul Roman (în afara provinciei Dacia Traiană), Bucureúti, 1980, p. 36; Jones, A.H.M.
The Later Roman Empire, I, p. 661; Ravegnani, G. I bizantini e la guerra, p. 39;
Ravegnani, G. Le unità dell'esercito bizantino nel VI secolo tra continuità e innovazione. –
387
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
with that one from Alexandria. The epitete ȖİȞȞĮȚȠIJȐIJȦȞ was applied to
several units, its meaning being „excellent, noble”. The Dacian ਕȡȚșȝȠȢ,
created during the reign of Justinian, was probably the inheritor of the former
palatine Dacian legion, with a reduction of manpower. Another unit of
Dacians (ȞȠȣȝȑȡȠȢ ǻĮțȞ) existed in Syria, at Apamea (in the city was
discovered the sarcophagus of Asterios, a tribune of this unit). This numerus
evolved from the former palatine legion of Dacians, or from the cohors I
Ulpia Dacorum Claudiana, subordinated to the dux Syriae, both attested in
Notitia Dignitatum 46. The date of Asterios’ inscription is unknown, but it is
surely later than the situation recorded in Notitia Dignitatum (end of the 4th
century). The “Dacians” and “Scythians” from the 6th century were not, of
course, the genuine Dacians and Scythians, but Roman inhabitants of the
provinces Dacia Mediterranea, Dacia Ripensis and Scythia.
The last mention of a numerus Dacorum comes from the exarchate of
Ravenna, being dated at the beginning of the 7th century. A man called
Ioannes, dom(esticus) num(eri) Dac(orum) appears as witness in a donation
act for a church in Ravenna. In the same papyrus was also mentioned
Domnicius, who was v(ir) c(larissimus) and optio numer(i) Sermi[si(ani)]47.
The military departed from Sirmium, together with the bishop Sebastianus
after the abandonment of the city in 582, were assigned to defend Rome (two
papyri from the time of Pope Gregory the Great attest the units numerus
militum Sermisiani and numerus equitum Sermisian)i48. Another unit from
In: Alto medioevo mediterraneo, a cura di S. Gasparri, Firenze, 2005, p. 191; Kaiser, A. M.
Daci und Sextodalmati, p. 2–3.
46
Jalabert, L., Mouterde, R., Mondésert, C. Inscriptions grecques et latines de la
Syrie. Tome IV, Laodicée. Apamène, Paris, 1955, nr. 1356; Hoffmann, D. Op. cit., I, p. 224;
II, p. 85, note 116; Russu, I. I. Daco-geĠii, p. 29, 36; Ravegnani, G. Le unità, p. 191-192;
Pollard, N. Soldiers, Cities, and Civilians in Roman Syria, Ann Arbor, 2000, p. 265;
Petolescu, C. C. Inscriptions de la Dacie Romaine. Inscriptions externes concernant
l'histoire de la Dacie (Ier-IIIe siècles), vol. II. Illyricum - Oriens - Africa septentrionalis,
Bucarest, 2000, p. 428, nr. 412; Trombley, F. Epigraphic Data on Village Culture and Social
Institutions: An Interregional Comparison (Syria, Phoenice Libanensis and Arabia). – In:
Recent Research on the Late Antique Countryside (Late Antique Archaeology, 2), Leiden,
Boston, 2004, p. 85; Petolescu, C. C. Cronica epigrafică a României (XXXIV, 2014). -
Studii úi cercetări de istorie veche úi arheologie, 66, 2015, p. 355; Schwarze, M. F. Op. cit.,
p. 8. The units: Notitia Dignitatum in partibus Orientis, VI, 43; XXX, 33, p. 17, 70.
47
Marini, G. I papiri diplomatici raccolti ed illustrati, Roma, 1805, p. 143, 303
(doc. CXXII); Marucchi, H. Monumenta Papyracea Latina Bibliothecae Vaticanae,
recensuit et digessit Horatius Marucchi, Roma, 1895, p. 11; Maspero, J. Organisation
militaire, p. 49, 51 Hoffmann, D. Op. cit., I, p. 223; Guillou, A. Régionalisme et
indépendance, p. 156; Russu, I. I. Daco-geĠii, p. 36; Ravegnani, G. I bizantini e la guerra, p.
39, 43; Ravegnani, G. Le unità, p. 201-202; Carile, A., Cosentino, S. Storia della
marineria bizantina, Bologna, 2004, p. 192.
48
Marini, G. Op. cit., p. 141, 143 (doc. XCI, XCII); Guillou, A. Régionalisme et
indépendance, p. 154; Pillon, M. L'exode des "Sermésiens" et les grandes migrations des
388
Alexandru MADGEARU „SCYTHIAN” AND „DACIAN” MILITARY MEN IN EGYPT, PALESTINE AND ITALY IN...
Roumains de Pannonie dans les Balkans durant le Haut Moyen Âge. - Études Balkaniques,
38, 3, 2002, p. 120; Rance, Ph. Narses and the Battle of Taginae (Busta Gallorum) 552:
Procopius and sixth century warfare. – Historia. Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte, 54, 4, 2005,
p. 446 (who considers instead that the units of Daci and Sermesiani were transferred when
Narses gathered troops from the dioceses of Thrace and Illyricum, in 551).
49
Caillet, J.-P. L’évergétisme monumental chrétien en Italie et à ses marges
d’après l’épigraphie des pavements de mosaique (IVe-VIIe siècle), Rome (Publications de
l'École française de Rome, 175), 1993, p. 210-211, 463; Tadiello, S. Orientali in Alto
Adriatico: una storia di confine. – Porphyra. International academic journal in Byzantine
Studies, 9, 17, 2012, p. 88. For the place of the inscription see also Zettler, A.
Offerenteninschriften auf den frühchristlichen Mosaikböden Venetiens und Istriens
(Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde. Ergänzungsbände, 26), Berlin, New York,
2001, p. 209. For the Thracian origin of this person see also Dana, D. Onomastique et
recrutement, p. 156.
50
Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Epistolae, tomus I (Gregorii I papae
Registrum epistolarum. Libri I-VII), ed. P. Ewald, L. M. Hartmann, Berlin, 1881, p. 13 (I,
13); Russu, I. I. Zemarchos, p. 416; Russu, I. I. Elementele traco-getice, p. 152.
51
Kaegi, Jr., W. E. Byzantium and the Early Islamic Conquests, p. 95-96. For the
conquest of Palestine and particularly of Gaza see also Guillou, A. Prise de Gaza par les
Arabes au VIIe siècle. - Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique, 81, 1, 1957, p. 396-404;
Gil, M. A History of Palestine, 634-1099, Cambridge, 1997, p. 38-39.
389
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
proof for the continuity of the unit for more than two centuries in Arabia or in
the neighboring provinces. Who were these “Scythes” ? At a first glance it
could be made a relation with the name of Scythopolis, the town north of
Jerusalem, but in this case their name would have been Scythopolitani. The
current explanation, proposed by John Haldon, is the transmission of the
name of the legion IV Scythica, attested by Notitia Dignitatum in Syria at
Oresa (Oriza) (today Tayibeh)58. Doubts could be expressed in this case
because the legion was no more mentioned in the 5th-6th centuries59. I
consider that the origin of these soldiers from the province of Scythia could
be a better explanation60.
The Avar and Slavic attacks determined the abandonment of most part
of the European provinces of the Byzantine Empire in the first years of the
reign of Heraklios. This implied the transfer of the troops previously
garrisoned there, like it happened with Dacia. In this way appeared the theme
of Thrakesion in Asia Minor. The forces that composed at the beginning this
great unit of the new type of the Byzantine army came from the military
moved from the province of Thrace, which was lost after the Avar and Slavic
invasions started in 614. After 620, these troops from Thrace were involved
in the wars against Persia, in Syria and Egypt, and then against the Arabs. In
Egypt, in a certain moment before the retreat from this province occurred in
641-642, a Thracian (ĬȡțȚțȞ) unit fought under the command of Marinos
(they were defeated). These troops were perhaps moved in Egypt from
Palestine, after the abandonment of that province in 63461. After the grave
defeat of Yarmuk (20th August 636), the rest of Heraklios’ army, including
these troops originating from Thrace, were settled in the west of the Asia
Minor, were after a time was created the theme of Thrakesion. Its name was
preserved after the beginning of the local recruitment62. The fate of the troops
retreated from Scythia was the same. The army of that province was sent in
the war against Persia in 604, and the last remains of the Danubian limes
were abandoned around 61463. The Scythian military were sent somewhere in
the East, like those from Thrace. Of course, the soldiers who belonged to that
bandon of 637 were no more the same with those who abandoned the
province of Scythia, because it was a long time after the event. The name of
the unit was preserved as a tradition, like in the case of the Thracians. The
bandon of “Scythians” proves just that the troops transferred after 614 from
the Danubian province were moved in the oriental part of the empire.
62
Lilie, R. J. Op. cit., p. 26-28; Haldon, J. Op. cit., p. 48.
63
Madgearu, A. The Downfall of the Lower Danubian Late Roman Frontier. –
Revue Roumaine d’Histoire, 36, 3-4, 1997, p. 323-324; Madgearu, A. The End of the Lower
Danube Limes: a Violent or a Peaceful Process? – Studia Antiqua et Archaeologica, 12,
2006, p. 156-157; Kardaras, G. To Vyzantio kai hoi Avaroi (6-9 ai.). Politikes, diplomatikes
kai politismikes scheseis (Byzantium and the Avars (6th-9th c.). Political, diplomatic and
cultural relations), Athens, 2010, p. 103-104.
392
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
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ȼɴɩɪɨɫɧɨɬɨ ɢɡɜɟɫɬɢɟ, ɧɚ ɤɨɟɬɨ ɨɛɴɪɧɚɯɦɟ ɜɧɢɦɚɧɢɟ ɩɪɟɞɢ ɝɨɞɢɧɢ7,
ɨɫɬɚɜɚ ɛɟɡ ɨɫɨɛɟɧ ɨɬɡɜɭɤ ɜ ɫɴɳɟɫɬɜɭɜɚɳɢɬɟ ɢɡɫɥɟɞɜɚɧɢɹ. Ʉɚɤɬɨ ɳɟ ɫɟ
ɭɛɟɞɢɦ ɨɛɚɱɟ, ɬɨ ɞɨɩɴɥɜɚ ɤɚɪɬɢɧɚɬɚ ɧɚ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɨ-ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢɬɟ ɜɨɟɧɧɢ
ɫɬɴɥɤɧɨɜɟɧɢɹ, ɩɨɡɧɚɬɚ ɧɢ ɧɚɣ-ɜɟɱɟ ɨɬ „ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹɬɚ“ ɧɚ ɇɢɤɢɬɚ ɏɨɧɢɚɬ ɢ
ɞɪɭɝɢ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɢɡɜɨɪɢ.
Ȼɟɥɟɠɢɬɚɬɚ ɝɪɭɡɢɧɫɤɚ ɰɚɪɢɰɚ Ɍɚɦɚɪ (1184-1213) ɟ ɢɦɚɥɚ
ɫɟɪɢɨɡɧɢ ɧɟɩɪɢɹɬɧɨɫɬɢ ɫ ɨɫɬɚɧɚɥɢɬɟ ɜ Ƚɪɭɡɢɹ ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɢɬɟɥɢ ɧɚ ɪɨɞɚ
Ʌɢɩɚɪɢɬ. ɉɟɬɢɦɚ ɛɪɚɬɹ, ɱɢɢɬɨ ɢɦɟɧɚ ɨɫɬɚɜɚɬ ɧɟɢɡɜɟɫɬɧɢ, ɫɢɧɨɜɟ ɧɚ
„<…> Ʉɟɯɚɛɟɪ ɨɬ ɝɧɢɥɢɬɟ ɤɨɪɟɧɢ ɧɚ ɪɨɞɚ Ʌɢɩɚɪɢɬ <…>“, ɫɴɡɞɚɜɚɬ
ɧɟɫɬɚɛɢɥɧɨɫɬ ɜ ɫɬɪɚɧɚɬɚ, ɜɥɢɡɚɣɤɢ ɜ ɫɟɪɢɹ ɨɬ ɤɨɧɮɥɢɤɬɢ ɫ ɞɪɭɝɢ
ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɢɬɟɥɢ ɧɚ ɝɪɭɡɢɧɫɤɚɬɚ ɚɪɢɫɬɨɤɪɚɰɢɹ. ȼ ɬɟɯɧɢɬɟ ɢɧɬɪɢɝɢ, ɜ ɤɨɢɬɨ
ɫɟ ɫɬɢɝɚ ɞɨ ɩɨɥɢɬɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɭɛɢɣɫɬɜɚ, ɫɚ ɡɚɦɟɫɟɧɢ ɢ ɩɪɢɛɥɢɠɟɧɢ ɧɚ
ɰɚɪɫɤɢɹ ɞɜɨɪ. ɋɥɟɞ ɧɟɟɞɧɨɤɪɚɬɧɢ ɩɪɟɞɭɩɪɟɠɞɟɧɢɹ ɰɚɪɢɰɚɬɚ ɡɚɩɨɜɹɞɜɚ
ɜɫɟɤɢ ɟɞɢɧ ɨɬ ɛɪɚɬɹɬɚ Ʌɢɩɚɪɢɬɢ ɞɚ ɛɴɞɟ ɡɚɬɜɨɪɟɧ ɢ ɢɡɨɥɢɪɚɧ ɜ ɨɬɞɟɥɧɚ
ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬ, ɧɨ ɬɚɡɢ ɫɜɨɟɨɛɪɚɡɧɚ ɮɨɪɦɚ ɧɚ ɞɨɦɚɲɟɧ ɚɪɟɫɬ ɧɟ ɞɚɜɚ ɪɟɡɭɥɬɚɬ.
Ɍɨɝɚɜɚ ɪɟɲɢɬɟɥɧɚɬɚ Ɍɚɦɚɪ ɩɪɨɝɨɧɜɚ ɦɟɬɟɠɧɢɬɟ Ʌɢɩɚɪɢɬɢ „<…> ɜ
ɢɡɝɧɚɧɢɟ ɜ ɝɪɴɰɤɚ Ɇɚɤɟɞɨɧɢɹ [ɂɡɬɨɱɧɚ Ɍɪɚɤɢɹ], ɤɴɞɟɬɨ ɬɟ ɜɩɨɫɥɟɞɫɬɜɢɟ
ɛɹɯɚ ɢɡɛɢɬɢ ɨɬ ɤɢɩɱɚɰɢɬɟ [ɤɭɦɚɧɢɬɟ], ɤɚɤɬɨ ɧɢɟ ɱɭɯɦɟ, ɜ ɛɨɣ ɤɚɬɨ
ɫɥɚɜɧɢ ɜɢɬɹɡɢ <…>“8.
ɂɡɝɨɧɜɚɧɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɛɪɚɬɹɬɚ Ʌɢɩɚɪɢɬɢ ɨɬ Ƚɪɭɡɢɹ ɟ ɨɬɧɟɫɟɧɨ ɧɚɣ-ɨɛɳɨ
ɤɴɦ ɩɴɪɜɢɬɟ ɝɨɞɢɧɢ ɨɬ ɰɚɪɭɜɚɧɟɬɨ ɧɚ Ɍɚɦɚɪ – ɜɴɜ ɜɫɟɤɢ ɫɥɭɱɚɣ ɩɪɟɞɢ
1191 ɝ., ɤɨɝɚɬɨ ɟ ɨɩɢɬɴɬ ɬɹ ɞɚ ɛɴɞɟ ɫɜɚɥɟɧɚ ɫ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɚ ɩɨɦɨɳ ɨɬ ɫɜɨɹ
ɛɢɜɲ ɫɴɩɪɭɝ Ƚɟɨɪɝɢ/ ɘɪɢɣ, ɫɢɧ ɧɚ ɪɭɫɤɢɹ ɜɥɚɞɢɦɢɪɨ-ɫɭɡɞɚɥɫɤɢ ɜɟɥɢɤ
ɤɧɹɡ Ⱥɧɞɪɟɣ Ȼɨɝɨɥɸɛɫɤɢ. Ɍɚɤɚ ɢɥɢ ɢɧɚɱɟ, ɩɪɨɝɨɧɜɚɧɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɩɟɬɢɦɚɬɚ
ɦɟɬɟɠɧɢɰɢ ɧɚɣ-ɜɟɪɨɹɬɧɨ ɟ ɫɬɚɧɚɥɨ ɜ ɤɪɚɹ ɧɚ ɨɫɟɦɞɟɫɟɬɬɟ ɝɨɞɢɧɢ ɧɚ XII
ɜ., ɤɨɝɚɬɨ ɧɚ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢɹ ɩɪɟɫɬɨɥ ɟ ɂɫɚɤ II Ⱥɧɝɟɥ (1185-1195, 1203-
1204). ɉɪɢ ɧɟɝɨ ɨɬɧɨɲɟɧɢɹɬɚ ɫ Ƚɪɭɡɢɹ ɫɚ ɫɟɪɢɨɡɧɨ ɨɛɬɟɝɧɚɬɢ. Ʉɚɤɬɨ ɟ
ɢɡɜɟɫɬɧɨ, Ɍɚɦɚɪ ɞɚɜɚ ɩɨɥɢɬɢɱɟɫɤɨ ɭɛɟɠɢɳɟ ɢ ɩɨ-ɤɴɫɧɨ ɚɤɬɢɜɧɨ
ɩɨɞɩɨɦɚɝɚ Ⱥɥɟɤɫɢɣ ɢ Ⱦɚɜɢɞ Ɇɟɝɚ-Ʉɨɦɧɢɧɢ, ɜɧɭɰɢ ɧɚ ɛɢɜɲɢɹ ɪɨɦɟɣɫɤɢ
ɢɦɩɟɪɚɬɨɪ Ⱥɧɞɪɨɧɢɤ I Ʉɨɦɧɢɧ (1183-1185) ɢ ɫɴɡɞɚɬɟɥɢ ɧɚ Ɍɪɚɩɟ-
ɡɭɧɞɫɤɚɬɚ ɢɦɩɟɪɢɹ. ɇɚɣ-ɜɟɪɨɹɬɧɨ ɛɪɚɬɹɬɚ Ʌɢɩɚɪɢɬɢ ɫɚ ɪɚɡɱɢɬɚɥɢ ɧɚ
ɩɨɞɤɪɟɩɚ ɢ ɨɬ ɫɬɪɚɧɚ ɧɚ ɫɜɨɢ ɪɨɞɫɬɜɟɧɢɰɢ ɜ Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧɨɩɨɥ –
6
ɀɢɡɧɶ ɰɚɪɢɰɵ ɰɚɪɢɰ Ɍɚɦɚɪ (ɂɫɬɨɱɧɢɤɢ ɩɨ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɢ Ƚɪɭɡɢɢ, ɜɵɩ. 39).
ɉɟɪɟɜɨɞ ȼ. Ⱦ. Ⱦɨɧɞɭɚ, ɢɫɫɥɟɞɨɜɚɧɢɟ ɢ ɩɪɢɦɟɱɚɧɢɹ Ɇ. ɂ. Ȼɟɪɞɧɢɡɲɜɢɥɢ. Ɍɛɢɥɢɫɢ,
1985, ɫ. 14 ɢ ɫɥ.
7
ɉɚɜɥɨɜ, ɉɥ. Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɨ-ɤɭɦɚɧɫɤɢɬɟ ɨɬɧɨɲɟɧɢɹ ɩɪɟɡ XII-XIII ɜɟɤ ɜ ɫɜɟɬɥɢɧɚɬɚ
ɧɚ ɧɹɤɨɢ ɫɥɚɛɨɢɡɜɟɫɬɧɢ ɢ ɧɟɞɨɫɬɚɬɴɱɧɨ ɢɡɩɨɥɡɜɚɧɢ ɢɡɜɨɪɢ. – ȼ: Ɇɚɬɟɪɢɚɥɢ ɨɬ
ɸɛɢɥɟɣɧɚ ɧɚɭɱɧɚ ɫɟɫɢɹ ɩɨ ɫɥɭɱɚɣ 75-ɝɨɞɢɲɧɢɧɚɬɚ ɨɬ ɪɨɠɞɟɧɢɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɱɥ.-ɤɨɪ.
Ⱥɥɟɤɫɚɧɞɴɪ Ȼɭɪɦɨɜ. ȼɟɥɢɤɨ Ɍɴɪɧɨɜɨ, 1987, 24-26.
8
ɀɢɡɧɶ, ɫ. 39.
404
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
9
Ɍhe Oxford Dictionary, II, p. 1232.
10
ȼɟɪɧɟɪ Ɂɚɣɛɬ ɫɴɨɛɳɢ ɡɚ ɩɟɱɚɬ ɨɬ ɤɪɚɹ ɧɚ XII ɜ., ɩɪɢɧɚɞɥɟɠɚɥ ɧɚ ɇɢɚɧɢɚ
(ɇɚɧɟɫ) Ʌɢɩɚɪɢɬ. – <https://cems.ceu.edu/article/2011-05-29/professor-werner-seibt-first-
cems-international-adviser-tsu-georgia (status 29.11. 2019)>.
11
ɉɚɜɥɨɜ, ɉɥ. ɋɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ ɢ ɤɭɦɚɧɢɬɟ. ȼɨɟɧɧɨɩɨɥɢɬɢɱɟɫɤɢ
ɨɬɧɨɲɟɧɢɹ (1186-1241). – ȼ: Ɍɪɭɞɨɜɟ ɧɚ ȼɌɍ „ɋɜ.ɫɜ. Ʉɢɪɢɥ ɢ Ɇɟɬɨɞɢɣ”, 27 (1989), ɤɧ.
3. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ. ȼɟɥɢɤɨ Ɍɴɪɧɨɜɨ, 1992, 20-31.
12
Nicetae Choniatae Historia. Ed. J. L. van Dieten. Berolini – Novi Eboraci, 1975,
p. 446; ȽɂȻɂ, XI, 1982, ɫ. 46.
405
Пламен ПАВЛОВ. ГРУЗИНЦИ И АЛАНИ В БЪЛГАРО-ВИЗАНТИЙСКИТЕ ВОЙНИ В КРАЯ НА XII ...
13
Jordanov, I. Corpus, 3, part 2, 948–949, Nr. 3180.
14
The Oxford Dictionary, III, 2154-2155. ɋɪɜ. ɢ ɨɫɬɚɧɚɥɢɬɟ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɧɚ
ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɢɬɟɥɢ ɧɚ ɮɚɦɢɥɢɹɬɚ ɭ Jordanov, I. Corpus, vol. 3, part 2, p. 994 (Family Names -
Index), ɫɴɨɬɜ. 608-610, Nr. 1830-1838.
15
Nicetae Choniatae Historia, p. 409; ȽɂȻɂ, XI, 1982 ɫ. 39.
16
Ʉɭɡɧɟɰɨɜ, ȼ. Ⱥ. Ⱥɥɚɧɢɹ ɜ X – XIII ɜɜ. Ɉɪɞɠɨɧɢɤɢɞɡɟ, 1971, 29-32;
ȼɢɧɨɝɪɚɞɨɜ, ȼ. Ȼ. Ⱥɥɚɧɵ ɜ ȿɜɪɨɩɟ. – ȼɨɩɪɨɫɵ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɢ, 8, 1974, 119-120; Kuznecov,
V, I. Lebedinsky. Les Alains: cavaliers des steppes, seigneurs du Caucase, Ier-XVe siècles
apr. J.-C. Paris, 2005.
17
Ɋɚɫɨɜɫɤɢɣ, Ⱦ. ȼɨɟɧɧɚɹ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɩɨɥɨɜɰɟɜ.– Annales d’ Institut Kondakov, t.
XI. Ȼɟɨɝɪɚɞ, 1940, 113-114.
406
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
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Ɇɭɪɝɭɥɢɹ, ɇ. Ɇ. Ʉɭɦɚɧɵ-ɤɢɩɱɚɤɢ ɜ ɝɪɭɡɢɧɫɤɨɣ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɨɝɪɚɮɢɢ (IX-XIV
ɜɜ.). – Actes du XIV-e Congrès international des études byzantines, t. II. Bucarest, 1975,
397-406.
19
The Oxford Dictionary, II, p. 1298.
20
Ɂɚ ɧɟɹ ɜɠ. The Oxford Dictionary, II, p. 1298; Garland, L. Byzantine
Empresses: Women and Power in Byzantium AD 527-1204. London, 1999, pp. 180-186.
21
Ʉɨɜɚɥɟɜɫɤɚɹ, ȼ. Ȼ. Ʉɚɜɤɚɡ ɢ ɚɥɚɧɵ. Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ, 1984; Alemany, A. Sources on
the Alans. Leiden-Boston-Köln, BRILL, 2000. Ɋɭɫ.ɢɡɞ.: Ⱥɥɟɦɚɧɶ, Ⱥ. Ⱥɥɚɧɵ ɜ ɞɪɟɜɧɢɯ ɢ
ɫɪɟɞɧɟɜɟɤɨɜɵɯ ɢɫɬɨɱɧɢɤɨɜ. Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ, 2003.
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ɋɬɟɩɢ ȿɜɪɚɡɢɢ ɜ ɷɩɨɯɭ ɋɪɟɞɧɟɜɟɤɨɜɶɹ. Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ, 1981, 62-74 (ɬɟɤɫɬ ɧɚ ɋ. Ⱥ.
ɉɥɟɬɧɶɨɜɚ); Ɋɚɲɟɜ, Ɋ., Ƚ. Ⱥɬɚɧɚɫɨɜ ɢ ɞɪ. Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚ ɧɚɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ. Ɍ. 2 (ɩɨɞ
ɪɟɞ. ɧɚ ɉɥ. ɉɚɜɥɨɜ). ȼɟɥɢɤɨ Ɍɴɪɧɨɜɨ, 2013, ɫ. 249-298 (ɬɟɤɫɬ ɧɚ ɇ. ɏɪɢɫɢɦɨɜ) ɢ
ɩɨɫɨɱɟɧɚɬɚ ɥɢɬɟɪɚɬɭɪɚ.
23
ɋɪɜ. ɧɚɣ-ɨɛɳɨ ɉɚɜɥɨɜ, ɉɥ. Ȼɭɧɬɚɪɢ ɢ ɚɜɚɧɬɸɪɢɫɬɢ ɜ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ
Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. ȼɟɥɢɤɨ Ɍɴɪɧɨɜɨ, 2000, ɫ. 189-192; ɢɧɬɟɪɧɟɬ ɢɡɬɨɱɧɢɤ:
<https://liternet.bg/publish13/p_pavlov/buntari/voenachalnici.htm (status 12.11.2019)>;
ɉɚɜɥɨɜ, ɉɥ. ɂɪɚɧɨɟɡɢɱɧɢ ɟɬɧɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɨɛɳɧɨɫɬɢ ɜ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. –
Ȼɭɥɝɚɪɢɤɚ – ɂɪɚɧɢɤɚ (ɋɛ. ɞɨɤɥɚɞɢ). ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2016, ɫ. 93-101.
24
ɋɬɟɩɢ ȿɜɪɚɡɢɢ, 213-221. ɋɪɜ. ɢ ɉɚɜɥɨɜ, ɉɥ. Ȼɭɧɬɚɪɢ ɢ ɚɜɚɧɬɸɪɢɫɬɢ, ɫ.
189-190.
25
ȽɂȻɂ, ɬ. X, 1980, ɫ. 129 (ɝɪɰ. ɬɟɤɫɬ, ɩɪɟɜɨɞ ɢ ɤɨɦɟɧɬɚɪɢ ɧɚ ȼ. Ɍɴɩɤɨɜɚ-
Ɂɚɢɦɨɜɚ).
26
Ɂɥɚɬɚɪɫɤɢ, ȼ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɞɴɪɠɚɜɚ ɩɪɟɡ ɋɪɟɞɧɢɬɟ ɜɟɤɨɜɟ. Ɍ.
III. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1940 (ɮɨɬɨɬɢɩɧɢ ɢɡɞ. – ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1972, 1994), ɫ. 582 (ɫɪɟɞɧɨɛɴɥɝ. ɬɟɤɫɬ).
408
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
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Ȼɭɛɟɧɨɤ, Ɉ. əɫɵ ɢ ɛɪɨɞɧɢɤɢ ɜ ɫɬɟɩɹɯ ȼɨɫɬɨɱɧɨɣ ȿɜɪɨɩɵ (VI – ɧɚɱɚɥɨ XIII
ɜɜ.). ɋɚɧɤɬ-ɉɟɬɟɪɛɭɪɝ, 1997.
28
ȽɂȻɂ, ɬ. XI, 1982, ɫ. 101 (ɝɪɰ. ɬɟɤɫɬ, ɩɪɟɜɨɞ ɢ ɤɨɦɟɧɬɚɪɢ ɧɚ Ɇ. ȼɨɣɧɨɜ).
29
ɉɚɜɥɨɜ, ɉɥ. Ɂɚ ɪɨɥɹɬɚ ɧɚ ɤɭɦɚɧɢɬɟ ɜ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɜɨɟɧɧɚ ɢɫɬɨɪɢɹ. –
ȼɨɟɧɧɨɢɫɬɨɪɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɫɛɨɪɧɢɤ, 1990, 6, 21-22.
409
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
ɋ ɛɥɚɝɨɞɚɪɧɨɫɬ ɤɴɦ ɩɪɨɮ. ɞ.ɢ.ɧ.
ɂɜɚɧ Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ ɡɚ ɤɨɥɟɝɢɚɥɧɚɬɚ
ɩɨɞɤɪɟɩɚ, ɤɨɹɬɨ ɦɢ ɨɤɚɡɚ ɩɪɢ
ɢɡɭɱɚɜɚɧɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɫɴɤɪɨɜɢɳɚɬɚ ɨɬ
ɛɢɥɨɧɨɜɢ ɫɤɢɮɚɬɢ ɨɬ XII-XIII ɜɟɤ
ɜ ɦɨɧɟɬɧɢɬɟ ɧɚɯɨɞɤɢ ɨɬ ɘɝɨɡɚ-
ɩɚɞɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ.
ɂɥɹ ɉɪɨɤɨɩɨɜ
Ilya Prokopov
In the research process on the imitations from the end of the 3rd century BC to the
1st century BC, the author focuses on one specific type:
Obv. Stylized head of Herakles right, wearing lion skin.
Rev. Stylized Zeus seated left with eagle and sceptre, amphora in left field. These are coins
that are rarely found in Thrace. In the research literature these coins are called „Celtic“ and
„Thracian-Getic“. The emergence of new data from the archaeological excavations leads to a
new understanding about them. What has to be pointed out about those imitations is that their
style is very specific. Thɟ „Thracian-Getic“ coins are quite different from all the others,
which are known under the name of "East Celtic". But it’s not only the style that sets this
type apart from all the rest. There are also technological differences between the those
„Thracian-Getic“ coins and the so called "East Celtic" ones.
The author summarizes the most known coins of this type found in Bulgaria. Their
total is 15 pieces. Nine more coins have been added to the already published 6 coins. The
overall picture of the territorial distribution in Bulagria is as follows:
South-southeast region - one coin (from Yambol museum); north-east region - two
coins (from Varna museum); north regiɨn - one coin (from Pleven museum); west region -
11 coins (from the territory between the districts of Plovdiv and Stara Zagora). Ɍwo
particural coins are of significant importance. They’ve been discovered during
archaeological excavations in the village of Bratya Daskalovi, region of Chirpan.
The analysis of the territorial distribution and the finds from Thrace allow the author to be
more précised when determing the nature of this imitation coinage. Thus, on the basis of
those analysis and the newly found facts, the author suggests their origin should be related to
the Bastarnaes.
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1
Dessewffy, M. BARBÁR PÉNZEI. Budapest, 1910, no. 1004.
2
Allen, D. Ctalogue of the Celtic coins in the British Museum. Vol I. Silver coins of
the East Celts and Balkan Peoples. The University Press, Cambroge, 1987, nos. 215-217.
3
Pink, K. Die Münzprägung der Ostkelten und Ihrer Nachbarn. Braunschweig,
1974, XXVIII, 577-578.
4
Ibid., no. 117.
5
Göbl, R. Ostkeltischer Typenatlas. Braunschweig, 1973, Taf. 43, no. 577 (578).
6
Kostial, M. Kelten im Osten Gold und Silber der Kelten in Mittel und Osteuropa.
Sammlung Lanz. 2.Auflage München, 2003, nos. 896-897.
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7
ɐɢɬɢɪɚɧɚɬɚ ɦɨɧɟɬɚ ɨɬ M. Ʉɨɫɬɢɚɥ ɜ ɤɚɬɚɥɨɝɚ ɧɚ Ʌɭɤɚɧɰ ɧɟ ɫɴɳɟɫɬɜɭɜɚ ɜ
ɩɨɫɨɱɟɧɚɬɚ ɬɚɛɥɢɰɚ (Taf.5, no. 6). ȼɟɪɨɹɬɧɨ ɫɬɚɜɚ ɞɭɦɚ ɡɚ ɬɟɯɧɢɱɟɫɤɚ ɝɪɟɲɤɚ.
8
Pink, K. Die Münzprägung, s. 87, no. 577.
9
Dembski, G. Münzen der Kelten. Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien, 1998, nos.
1463-1464.
10
Dessewffy, M. BARBÁR, 1912, no. 829.
11
Lukanc,I. Les imitations des monnaies d'Alexandre le Grand et de Thasos.
Wetteren, Cultura, 1996, nos. 46-48, 50.
12
Ibid., inv. no. 158 69
13
Ibid., inv. nos. 2238, 2235.
14
Ibid., inv. no. 30.
15
Allen, D. Ctalogue of the the Celtic coins, p. 72 (from the Kustendje find).
412
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16
Ɏɢɥɢɩɨɜɚ, ɋ., ɂ. ɉɪɨɤɨɩɨɜ, ȿ. ɉɚɭɧɨɜ. Ɇɨɧɟɬɢ ɢ ɦɨɧɟɬɧɢ ɧɚɯɨɞɤɢ ɨɬ
ɩɪɨɭɱɜɚɧɟɬɨ ɧɚ „Ʉɚɪɚɤɨɱɨɜɚɬɚ ɦɨɝɢɥɚ“ ɢ ɧɚ „ɑɢɬɚɲɤɚɬɚ ɦɨɝɢɥɚ“ ɜ ɫ. Ȼɪɚɬɹ Ⱦɚɫɤɚɥɨɜɢ,
ɋɬɚɪɨɡɚɝɨɪɫɤɚ ɨɛɥɚɫɬ. – ȼ: Ɍɨɧɤɨɜɚ, Ɇ. (ɪɟɞ.) Ɍɪɚɤɨ-ɪɢɦɫɤɢ ɞɢɧɚɫɬɢɱɟɧ ɰɟɧɬɴɪ ɜ
ɪɚɣɨɧɚ ɧɚ ɑɢɪɩɚɧɫɤɢɬɟ ɜɴɡɜɢɲɟɧɢɹ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2011, ɫ. 44-53.
17
Minkova, M., J. Tsetkova, I. Prokopov. Coin Collection and Coin Hoards from
Bulgaria (ed. in chief - I. Prokopov). Vol. VIII: The Numismatic Collection of the Regional
Historical Museum at Stara Zagora 6-1 c. BC. ProVias, Sofia - Stara Zagora, 2019, nos. 510-
520..
18
Ɏɢɥɢɩɨɜɚ, ɋ., ɂ. ɉɪɨɤɨɩɨɜ, ȿ. ɉɚɭɧɨɜ. Ɇɨɧɟɬɢ ɢ ɦɨɧɟɬɧɢ ɧɚɯɨɞɤɢ, ɫ. 44-
53.
19
Ⱦɨɦɚɪɚɞɫɤɢ, Ɇ. Ʉɟɥɬɢɬɟ ɧɚ Ȼɚɥɤɚɧɫɤɢɹ ɩɨɥɭɨɫɬɪɨɜ. ɋɨɮɢɹ: ɇɚɭɤɚ ɢ
ɢɡɤɭɫɬɜɨ, 1984, ɫ. 110-114.
413
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
20
ɉɨɞɪɨɛɧɚ ɢɧɮɨɪɦɚɰɢɹ ɡɚ ɤɨɥɟɤɬɢɜɧɢɬɟ ɧɚɯɨɞɤɢ ɨɬ ɬɨɡɢ ɬɢɩ ɞɚɜɚ
ɤɚɩɢɬɚɥɧɢɹ ɬɪɭɞ ɧɚ ɇ. Ɍɟɨɞɨɫɢɟɜ. ȼɢɠ: Ɍɟɨɞɨɫɢɟɜ, ɇ. Ɉɩɢɫ ɧɚ ɤɨɥɟɤɬɢɜɧɢ ɦɨɧɟɬɧɢ
ɧɚɯɨɞɤɢ ɨɬ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. Ɍɨɦ I. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2017, ɫ. 114, 286, 476, 504.
21
Sergeev, A. Barbarian coins on the territory between the Balkans and Central
Asia. State Historical Museum Moskow, 2012.
22
Schönert-Geiss, E. Die Münzprägung von Maroneia. Griechisches Münzwerk.
Schriften zur Geschichte und Kultur der Antike 26, Berlin, 1987; Ɏɢɥɢɩɨɜɚ, ɋ., ɂ.
ɉɪɨɤɨɩɨɜ, ȿ. ɉɚɭɧɨɜ. Ɇɨɧɟɬɢ ɢ ɦɨɧɟɬɧɢ ɧɚɯɨɞɤɢ, ɫ. 44-46, no. 2.
23
Bauslaugh, R. A. Silver Coinage with the Types of Aesillas the Questor.The
American Numismatic Sosiety. (ANSNS 22). New York, 2000; Ɏɢɥɢɩɨɜɚ, ɋ., ɂ.
ɉɪɨɤɨɩɨɜ, ȿ. ɉɚɭɧɨɜ. Ɇɨɧɟɬɢ ɢ ɦɨɧɟɬɧɢ ɧɚɯɨɞɤɢ, ɫ. 46, nos. 3–4.
24
Prokopov, I. The Imitations of Late Thasian Tetradrachms: Chronology,
Classification and Dating. (A credible but not optimistic project for new die study). N.
Holmes (ed.). – In: Proceedings of the XIVth International Numismatic Congress, volume 1
(Glasgow, 31 August - 4 September 2009), Edinburgh, 2011, pp. 337-344; Ɏɢɥɢɩɨɜɚ, ɋ.,
ɂ. ɉɪɨɤɨɩɨɜ, ȿ. ɉɚɭɧɨɜ. Ɇɨɧɟɬɢ ɢ ɦɨɧɟɬɧɢ ɧɚɯɨɞɤɢ, ɫ. 46, nos. 5-9.
25
Crawford, M.H. Roman Republican Coinage I-II . Cambridge, 1974, 284/5,
382/1b.
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26
Ibid., 284/5.
27
Ⱦɨɦɚɪɚɞɫɤɢ, Ɇ. Ʉɟɥɬɢɬɟ, ɫ. 112.
415
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
28
Titi Livi Ab vrbe condita. Liber XL, 57-58.
29
Strabo, Geographica, VII, 3
https://antichniavtori.wordpress.com/2008/11/13/sgk7c3/ (status 23.12.2018).
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ɋɉɂɋɔɄ ɇȺ ɈȻɊȺɁɂɌȿ:
1 2
3 4
7
5
8 9
418
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10 11
12 13 14
15 16 17
18 19
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ɇɚ ɩɪɨɮ. ɂɜɚɧ Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ – ɫ ɭɜɚɠɟɧɢɟ ɢ ɪɟɫɩɟɤɬ!
Ȼɨɪɹɧɚ Ɋɭɫɟɜɚ
Boryana Russeva
The M. Price’s Corpus presents the Alexanders with torch (Price 564-564A)
separately hesitating for the atelier in Pella, Macedonia, and dating them from 285 and 275
BC. However, today both the tetradrachms (see fig. 8) and drachms (fig. 1-7) are attributed
decisively to the mint of the Macedonian Capital city of Pella. The sites of Classical
Numismatic Group are dating them to the period of 276 – 274 BC and associate them with
the personality of Antigonus Gonatas as a king of Macedon. In my opinion too these coins
were certainly struck in Macedonia – in one of both large Macedonian mint yards of Pella or
Amphipolis with the proviso that they had been issued before Gonatas ascended to the
Macedonian throne (277/6). Actually, M. Thompson suggests the same date for the
tetradrachm with torch from Armenak h. 96 (=Price 564 – see fig. 8) within the context of
the coin composition of the Armenak hoard, alongside both other Macedonian Alexanders –
the tetradrachm with oenochoe (Armenak h. 97=Price 565 – see fig. 9) and the tetradrachm
with monograms (Armenak h. 98 = Price 567 – see fig. 10) – viz. the years of anarchy in
Macedonia that followed the death of both last Diadochi – Lysimachus and Seleucus I.
Summing up the above, I shall repeat that the analysis of this interesting emission of
posthumous Alexander’s silver with a monetary control of vertical torch under Zeus’ throne
we owe to M. Thompson and her comment on Cat. N 96 from Armenak hoard.
Drachms bearing the same symbol below the throne of Zeus are known from more
than a single hoard from the epoch. Obviously they were struck in a limited amount and their
initial purpose was to pay mercenaries in the armies of the Hellenistic monarchs judging
from the number of ancient deposits containing this posthumous Alexander’s silver. The
earliest one of them is Seleucus I hoard (Cat. N 268) buried ca. 281 BC according to its
publisher. Then come Armenak hoard (Cat. N 611), “Pistiros” hoard (Cat. N 22-25) and
Blagun hoard (Cat. N 2) buried in the same time – between 275 and 270 BC. The next three
hoards containing drachms with torch below the throne have been dated after the mid 3rd c.
BC and demonstrate the long life of the Alexander coin within the scope of the Anatolian
Peninsula and the Seleucus’ East. These later hoards are Meydancikkale hoard (Cat. N 2517-
2519) buried between 240 and 235 BC; Kirazli hoard (Cat. N 716), buried ca.230 BC; and
Bab hoard (Cat. N 101), dating from the second half of the 3rd c. BC.
The analysis of the post-280 BC Macedonian Alexanders shows that the list of
variants known to science is not yet final and its updating is in progress even today. To the
group of the later Macedonian posthumous issues from the 3rd c. BC we have to add the
drachms bearing the symbol of torch below the throne as well as the drachms with grape
420
Боряна РУСЕВА. ЗА ПОСТУМНИТЕ АЛЕКСАНДРОВКИ СЪС СИМВОЛ ФАКЕЛ, СЕЧЕНИ В МАКЕДОНИЯ
identical to them presented so far only with the Haymana hoard (Cat. N 446-447). Their
obverses - even if they do not share the same coin die, are sure work of the same engraver.
The absolute date of these later posthumous Macedonian Alexanders is
forthcoming. It needs some more arguments to objectify their association with the years after
Antigonus Gonatas was proclaim king of Macedon (277/6).
1
Ɋɭɫɟɜɚ, Ȼ. ɇɨɜɚ ɢɧɬɟɪɩɪɟɬɚɰɢɹ ɧɚ ɦɨɧɟɬɢɬɟ ɨɬ Ȼɥɚɝɭɧ (IGCH 849). –
ɇɭɦɢɡɦɚɬɢɤɚ ɢ ɫɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɤɚ, 1, 1998, 31-44.
2
Ɇɨɧɟɬɢɬɟ ɨɬ ɬɨɜɚ ɫɴɤɪɨɜɢɳɟ ɫɚ ɫɴɛɢɪɚɧɢ ɨɬ ɬɪɚɮɢɤɚ ɜ Ɂɚɩɚɞɧɚ ȿɜɪɨɩɚ ɢ
ɋȺɓ, ɢ ɫɚ ɫ ɧɟɢɡɜɟɫɬɧɨ ɦɹɫɬɨ ɧɚ ɧɚɦɢɪɚɧɟ (Nelson, B. R. Commerce („Seleucus I”)
hoard, 2005. – In: CH 10. 265, p. 73). ɂɡɞɚɬɟɥɹɬ ɢɦ – Ȼɪɚɞ ɇɟɥɫɴɧ, ɞɨɩɭɫɤɚ, ɱɟ ɫɚ
ɬɪɟɡɨɪɢɪɚɧɢ ɧɚ ɡɚɩɚɞ, ɞɨɤɨɥɤɨɬɨ ɫɪɟɞ ɧɚɣ-ɤɴɫɧɢɬɟ ɢ ɧɚɣ-ɞɨɛɪɟ ɡɚɩɚɡɟɧɢ ɢɡɞɚɧɢɹ ɫɚ
ɬɟɡɢ ɨɬ ɡɚɩɚɞɧɢɬɟ ɫɟɥɟɜɤɢɞɫɤɢ ɦɨɧɟɬɚɪɧɢɰɢ (Seleucus I h. 704-736 ɨɬ ɋɚɪɞɢ; Seleucus I
h. 1010-1015 ɨɬ ɧɟɢɡɜɟɫɬɧɨ ɚɬɟɥɢɟ ɜ Ɂɚɩɚɞɧɚ Ɇɚɥɚ Ⱥɡɢɹ) – see Nelson, B. R. Commerce,
76-77.
3
Nelson, B. R. Commerce, 76–78. Ɏɚɤɬɴɬ, ɱɟ ɞɟɩɨɡɢɬɴɬ ɟ ɫɴɛɢɪɚɧ ɨɬ
ɪɚɡɩɪɨɞɚɠɛɢ, ɩɪɟɞɩɨɥɚɝɚ ɧɚɥɢɱɢɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɬ. ɧɚɪ. „ɨɩɚɲɤɢ“ – ɩɨ-ɤɴɫɧɢ ɢɡɞɚɧɢɹ,
ɦɟɯɚɧɢɱɧɨ ɩɪɢɛɚɜɟɧɢ ɜ ɞɧɟɲɧɨ ɜɪɟɦɟ ɤɴɦ ɦɨɧɟɬɢɬɟ ɨɬ ɫɴɤɪɨɜɢɳɟɬɨ. Ɂɚ ɬɚɤɚɜɚ
ɢɧɬɪɭɡɢɹ ɦɨɠɟ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɩɪɢɟɦɟ ɞɪɚɯɦɚɬɚ ɫ ɮɚɤɟɥ ɨɬ Seleucus I h. 268, ɨɬɫɟɱɟɧɚ ɫɥɟɞ
281/280 ɝ. ɩɪ. ɏɪ. ȼ ɩɪɨɬɢɜɟɧ ɫɥɭɱɚɣ ɩɪɟɞɥɨɠɟɧɚɬɚ ɨɬ ɇɟɥɫɴɧ ɞɚɬɢɪɨɜɤɚ ɡɚ
ɫɴɤɪɨɜɢɳɟɬɨ „ɋɟɥɟɜɤ I“ ɧɟ ɛɢ ɛɢɥɚ ɩɪɢɟɦɥɢɜɚ.
4
Thompson, M. The Armenak Hoard (IGCH 1423). – American Numismatic
Society Museum Notes (ANSMN), 31, 1986, 95-95 (ɡɚ „Ⱥɪɦɟɧɚɤ“); Russeva, B. The Pistiros
hoard. Part II.2.1. Coin Catalogue. I. Alexanders. – In: Pistiros VI. Prague, 2016, 130-137
(ɡɚ „ɉɢɫɬɢɪɨɫ“).
5
Le Rider, G. Les alexandres d’argent en Asie Mineure et dans l’Orient Séleucide
au IIIe siècle av. J.-C. (c. 275-c.225). Remarques sur le système monétaire des Séleucides et
des Ptolémées. – Journal des Savants. Paris, Janvier-Septembre, 1986, 26-28.
421
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
6
Ibidem, p. 15; Gülnar (=A. Davesne, G. Le Rider. Le trésor de Meydancikkale.
Paris, 1989, p. 230, 339).
7
Le Rider, G. Les alexandres d’argent en Asie Mineure, p. 17; Kirazli (h.= G. Le
Rider, N. Olcay, Le trésor de Kirazli (près d’Amasya): IGCH 1369. – In: AA, 1987, p. 29).
8
Le Rider, G. Les alexandres d’argent en Asie Mineure, p. 24.
9
Price, M. J. The Coinage in Name of Alexander the Great and Philip Arrhidaeus.
Zurich/London, 1991, pp. 144-145. ȼ ɉɪɚɣɫɨɜɢɹ ɤɨɪɩɭɫ ɚɧɚɥɨɝ ɧɚ ɬɟɬɪɚɞɪɚɯɦɢɬɟ ɫ
ɮɚɤɟɥ ɨɬ Price 564 ɟ Armenak h. 96 (= ɉɟɥɚ, 280/279–276 ɝ. ɩɪ. ɏɪ. ɩɨ ɨɩɪɟɞɟɥɟɧɢɟɬɨ ɧɚ
Ɇ. Ɍɨɦɩɫɴɧ), ɚ ɩɴɤ ɞɪɚɯɦɢɬɟ ɨɬ Price 564Ⱥ ɫɴɨɬɜɟɬɫɬɜɚɬ ɧɚ Armenak h. 611, ɨɬɧɟɫɟɧɚ
ɨɬ Ɍɨɦɩɫɴɧ ɤɴɦ ɩɪɨɞɭɤɰɢɹɬɚ ɧɚ ɧɟɨɩɪɟɞɟɥɟɧɨ ɚɬɟɥɢɟ.
10
ɂɡɬɨɱɧɢɰɢ: ɡɚ ɬɟɬɪɚɞɪɚɯɦɢɬɟ ɫ ɮɚɤɟɥ – <https://www.acsearch.info/
search.html?id=3675285 (status 12.12.2019)>; ɡɚ ɞɪɚɯɦɢɬɟ ɫ ɮɚɤɟɥ (ɫɴɳɚɬɚ ɦɨɧɟɬɚ ɟ
ɢɥɸɫɬɪɢɪɚɧɚ ɬɭɤ ɤɚɬɨ ɮɢɝ. 3) – <https://www.numisbids.com/n.php?p=lo
t&sid=2424&lot=112 (status 12.12.2019)>.
11
Thompson. M. The Armenak Hoard, 95-96.
422
Боряна РУСЕВА. ЗА ПОСТУМНИТЕ АЛЕКСАНДРОВКИ СЪС СИМВОЛ ФАКЕЛ, СЕЧЕНИ В МАКЕДОНИЯ
12
Ibid. Ʉɨɥɤɨɬɨ ɞɨ Armenak h. 611 – ɞɪɚɯɦɚɬɚ ɫ ɮɚɤɟɥ ɩɨɞ ɬɪɨɧɚ, ɤɚɤɬɨ ɜɟɱɟ
ɫɬɚɧɚ ɞɭɦɚ, ɧɟɹ Ɍɨɦɩɫɴɧ ɧɟ ɪɚɡɩɨɡɧɚɜɚ ɤɚɬɨ ɱɚɫɬ ɨɬ ɨɛɳɚ ɟɦɢɫɢɹ ɫ Armenak h. 96, ɚ ɹ
ɨɬɧɚɫɹ ɤɴɦ ɩɪɨɞɭɤɰɢɹɬɚ ɧɚ ɟɞɧɨ ɨɬ ɧɟɨɩɪɟɞɟɥɟɧɢɬɟ ɚɬɟɥɢɟɬɚ ɜ ɫɴɤɪɨɜɢɳɟɬɨ.
13
Mathisen, R. W. Antigonus Gonatas and the Silver Coinages of Macedonia circa
280-270 B. C. – ANSMN, 26, 1981, 104-106.
14
Ibid, 104-107, 110.
15
Ɍɚɤɚ ɧɚɩɪɢɦɟɪ ɟɞɧɢ ɨɬ ɧɚɣ-ɪɚɧɧɢɬɟ ɫɴɤɪɨɜɢɳɚ ɫ ɩɨɫɬ-280 ɝ. ɩɪ. ɏɪ.
ɦɚɤɟɞɨɧɫɤɢ ɚɥɟɤɫɚɧɞɪɨɜɤɢ ɫɚ əɛɭɤɨɜɚɰ (IGCH 447) ɢ ɉɨɧɬɨɥɢɜɚɞɢ-Ʉɢɥɤɢɫ (IGCH
445). ɋɩɨɪɟɞ Ⱥɦɟɪɢɤɚɧɫɤɢɹ ɢɧɜɟɧɬɚɪ ɧɚ ɝɪɴɰɤɢɬɟ ɫɴɤɪɨɜɢɳɚ (ɫɴɤɪ. IGCH) ɢ
ɤɨɦɟɧɬɚɪɚ ɧɚ Ɇɚɬɢɡɟɧ (Mathisen, R. W. Antigonus Gonatas and the Silver Coinages of
Macedonia, 82-83), ɬɟ ɫɚ ɛɢɥɢ ɡɚɪɨɜɟɧɢ ɦɟɠɞɭ 280 ɢ 275 ɝ. ɩɪ. ɏɪ., ɧɨ ɫ ɢɡɫɥɟɞɜɚɧɟ ɧɚ
ɚɬɢɧɫɤɢɬɟ ɬɟɬɪɚɞɪɚɯɦɢ ɫɬɚɪ ɫɬɢɥ ɨɬ ȿɥɟɧ ɇɢɤɨɥɟ-ɉɢɟɪ ɢ Ⱦɠɨɧ Ʉɪɨɥ, ɞɚɬɢɪɨɜɤɚɬɚ ɧɚ
ɬɟɡɢ ɞɜɟ ɫɴɤɪɨɜɢɳɚ (ɢ ɧɟ ɫɚɦɨ ɧɚ ɬɹɯ!) ɛɟ ɩɪɟɰɢɡɢɪɚɧɚ ɫɴɨɬɜɟɬɧɨ ɞɨ ɨɤ. 270 ɝ. ɩɪ. ɏɪ.
(ɡɚ Ʉɢɥɤɢɫ) ɢ ɨɤ. 255-250 ɝ. ɩɪ. ɏɪ. (ɡɚ əɛɭɤɨɜɚɰ) – ɜɢɠ Nicolet-Pierre, ȿ., J. Kroll.
Athenian tetradrachm coinage of the third century B. C. – ANSAJN, 2, 1990, p. 25, 27.
16
Ɍɟɡɢ „ɚɧɨɦɚɥɢɢ“, ɩɨ ɞɭɦɢɬɟ ɧɚ Ɇɚɬɢɡɟɧ, ɜɤɥɸɱɜɚɬ ɬɪɚɧɫɮɟɪ ɧɚ ɱɢɧɨɜɧɢɤɚ
ɨɬ Ⱥɦɮɢɩɨɥ – ɩɨ ɜɪɟɦɟ ɧɚ ɦɨɧɟɬɨɫɟɱɟɧɟɬɨ ɧɚ „ɲɥɟɦ-ɝɪɭɩɚɬɚ“, ɜ ɉɟɥɚ, ɡɚ ɞɚ ɩɨɟɦɟ
ɨɬɫɢɱɚɧɟɬɨ ɧɚ „ɦɨɧɨɝɪɚɦ-ɝɪɭɩɚɬɚ“, ɫ ɤɨɹɬɨ ɛɢɥɨ ɢɧɢɰɢɢɪɚɧɨ Ⱥɥɟɤɫɚɧɞɪɨɜɨɬɨ
423
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
ɋɉɂɋɔɄ ɇȺ ɈȻɊȺɁɂɌȿ:
28
<https://www.numisbids.com/n.php?p=lot&sid=2424&lot=112 (status
10.01.2020)>.
29
<https://www.acsearch.info/search.html?id=4457288 (status 21.12.2019)>.
30
<https://www.acsearch.info/search.html?id=4718780 (status 12.12.2019)>.
31
<https://www.acsearch.info/search.html?id=516247 (status 02.12.2019)>.
32
<https://www.numisbids.com/n.php?p=lot&sid=2040&lot=301(status
12.12.2019)>.
33
<https://www.acsearch.info/search.html?id=4970962 (status 09.12.2019)> –
ɜɚɪɢɚɧɬ ɧɚ Armenak h. 97, ɤɴɞɟɬɨ ɨɣɧɨɯɨɟɬɨ ɟ ɨɛɴɪɧɚɬɨ ɧɚɥɹɜɨ, ɚ ɬɭɤ – ɧɚɞɹɫɧɨ.
34
<https://www.acsearch.info/search.html?id=621000 (status 12.12.2019)>.
35
<https://www.acsearch.info/search.html?id=421606 (status 10.12.2019)>.
36
<https://www.acsearch.info/search.html?id=4859091 (status 12.12.2019)> – ɨɛɳ
ɥɢɰɟɜ ɩɟɱɚɬ ɫ ɮɢɝ. 13 ɨɬ Price 563.
37
<https://www.numisbids.com/n.php?p=lot&sid=667&lot=169 (status
12.12.2019)> – ɨɛɳ ɥɢɰɟɜ ɩɟɱɚɬ ɫ ɮɢɝ. 12 ɨɬ Price 556.
38
<https://www.acsearch.info/search.html?id=2122290 (status 17.12.2019)>.
39
<https://www.acsearch.info/search.html?id=3342082 (status 12.12.2019)>.
40
<https://www.acsearch.info/search.html?id=782241 (status 01.12.2019)>.
41
<https://www.acsearch.info/search.html?id=4605359 (status 12.01.2020)>.
42
<https://www.acsearch.info/search.html?id=5030174 (status 12.12.2019)>.
ȿɦɢɫɢɹɬɚ ɟ ɨɬɧɟɫɟɧɚ ɨɬ Ɇ. ɉɪɚɣɫ ɤɴɦ ɦɨɧɟɬɨɫɟɱɟɧɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɉɟɥɚ, ɤɚɤɬɨ ɢ ɰɹɥɚɬɚ ɝɪɭɩɚ
„ɝɪɨɡɞ“, ɡɚ ɪɚɡɥɢɤɚ ɨɬ Ɇɚɬɢɡɟɧ, ɤɨɣɬɨ ɹ ɥɨɤɚɥɢɡɢɪɚ ɜ Ⱥɦɮɢɩɨɥ.
43
<https://www.coinarchives.com/a/lotviewer.php?LotID=1197934&AucID=2379&
Lot=102&Val=526dab18be67e5f680ad739dadcdf258&Match=1#match1 (status
427
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
1 2
3 4
5 6
7
8
9 10
12
11
13 14
429
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
15 16
17 18
19 20
21 22
430
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
Werner Seibt
1. Anagnapharios
Basil anagnapharios
1
·@1AG9:į= 292;Į?=. Rez. J. Koder, Vienna 1991, cf. ch. 22, p. 138, trad. 139.
2
DO 58.106.2677 (fig. 1).
431
Werner SEIBT. SOME SEALS OF BYZANTINE PROFESSIONAL MEN
textiles for the fabrication of sails for the fleet were purchased3. The LbG
translates this craftsman as “Walker; Krempler” and connects the word with
:.7:þ=AF (“make old clothes fresh by fulling”)4.
Anagnapharioi are not mentioned in the µ=.>D67ą: /6/8Ą<:, though
5
we find there /2@A6<=>þA.6, 8
=>.:16<=>þA.6,6 7.A.>Aþ>6<6,7 or even
ç5F:6<=>þA.6 ÜA<6 965.:2ĵ? .
2. Makellarios
Anastasios makellarios
3. Makellites
3
Constantini Porphyrogeniti. De cerimoniis aulae Byzantinae. Rec. I. I. Reiske.
Bonn, 1829, 674, 14.
4
Trapp, E. et alii. Lexikon zur byzantinischen Gräzität, besonders des 9.-12.
Jahrhunderts. 1. Faszikel (1-A3EA?6Ĵ<9?=). Wien, 1994, p . 76.
5
·@1AG9:į= 292;Į?=, ch. 4, p. 90, 92 and 94, trad. 91, 93 and 95.
6
L.c., ch. 5, p. 94 and 96, trad. 95 and 97.
7
L.c., ch. 7, p. 100 and 102, trad. p. 101 and 103.
8
L.c., ch. 9, p. 106 , 108 and 110, trad. p. 107, 109, and 111.
9
·@1AG9:į= 292;Į?=, ch. 15, p. 122 and 124; trad. p. 123 and 125.
10
For the latter the D<6>Ā9=<><6 were competent (l. c., ch. 16, p. 124 and 126).
11
DO 47.2.843.
12
The legend is correctly read by Zacos, G., A. Veglery. Byzantine Lead Seals. Vol.
I. Basel, 1972, no. 735, and Cheynet, J.-Cl. La société byzantine. L’apport des sceaux. Paris,
2008, p. 28, fig. 39, but misunderstood by Laurent, V. Le corpus de sceaux de l’Empire
byzantin. II: L’administration centrale. Paris, 1981, no. 746 (ıĮțİȜȜĮȡȠȣ!).
432
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
A seal in the Fogg Art Museum13, where parts of the field are
damaged or missing, presents on the obverse the upper part of a griffon or
senmurf, and the reverse legend reads:
+ KE RO- HJH U=vd- .d \Q- ..UO.
+ (Ĉ>6)2 /<Ă5(26) 2<:[A]Ħ: 9.7[28]8Ą[A(4:)].
The traces of the letters in the last line are not clear enough. We
cannot exclude an eta instead of lambda and jota. In this case the legend
could end: 9.7[28(8)](Ą)[A(4:)].
The seal stems from the second half, perhaps even third quarter of the
X century.
The other exemplar was found in Silistra and is now in the Regional
Historical Museum of Dobriþ. It is published in the third volume of I.
Jordanov’s Corpus14 and repeated (with my alternative reading) in Addenda
et corrigenda (2)15.
The bust of St. Nicholas on the obverse is not very good recognizable
but sure, and on the right side traces of the inscription K- O- U, are visible.
On the reverse the inscription on four lines reads:
+ NI- .OU, R - .AKEU- .OH
+ 6[7]<8þ(Ł) /(.@6867ń) [9].728[8]ĄAĬ.
I. Jordanov had first thought about a /(.@6867ą?) <ß76@A67Ć?, but
accepted later on my proposed reading as a possible alternative. This seal
stems from the first half of the XI century.
4. Ampelas
13
Fogg 2285 (fig. 2).
14
Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria. Volume III. Sofia, 2009,
no. 834.
15
Jordanov, I. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria. Addenda et corrigenda
(2). – ȼ: Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ ɜ ɟɜɪɨɩɟɣɫɤɚɬɚ ɤɭɥɬɭɪɚ, ɧɚɭɤɚ, ɨɛɪɚɡɨɜɚɧɢɟ, ɪɟɥɢɝɢɹ. ɑɚɫɬ 1.
ɒɭɦɟɧ, 2015, ɫ. 241, no. 52. 834. We thank I. Jordanov for the photo of this seal, see fig. 3.
16
Fogg 254 (fig. 4).
433
Werner SEIBT. SOME SEALS OF BYZANTINE PROFESSIONAL MEN
5. Raptes
17
Wassiliou-Seibt, A.-K. Corpus der byzantinischen Siegel mit metrischen
Legenden. Teil 2: Siegellegenden von Ny bis inklusive Sphragis. Wien, 2016, no. 2442
(without photo).
18
Trapp, E. et alii. LbG. 1. Faszikel (1-A3EA?6Ĵ<9?=). Wien 1994, p. 69.
19
Demetrakos, D. B. Ī31 ;5>9:į= ù;7B DşB ¸;;7=9:şB 3;ĴCC7B, vol. I.
Athens,1954, p. 339.
20
BnF 487.
21
Cheynet, J.-Cl., C. Morrisson, W. Seibt. Sceaux byzantins de la collection
Seyrig. Catalogue raisonné. Paris, 1991, no. 137; cf. also Cheynet, J.-Cl. La société
byzantine, pp. 28–29, fig. 40.
434
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
6. Pragmateutes
22
Cheynet, J.-Cl. La société byzantine, p. 29, footnote 118 (dated by him to the
first half of the XI century).
23
No. 885.
24
Ed. Laurent, V. Corpus, II, 655; Cheynet, J.-Cl. La société byzantine, p. 29.
25
Cf. Trapp, E. et alii. LbG. 6. Faszikel. Wien, 2007, p. 1355. There is also a
=<>CB><=Ċ86@@. mentioned.
26
·@1AG9:į= 292;Į?=, ch. 21.3, l. 749, p. 136.
27
E.g. >0B><=>þA4?, /2@A6<=>þA4?, =>.:16<=>þA4?, 92A.;<=>þA4?, ç5F:6<=>þA4?,
ıĮʌȦȞȠʌȡIJȘȢ, ੁȤșȣȠʌȡIJȘȢ.
28
Cf. esp. Laiou, A. E. Exchange and Trade, Seventh-Twelfth Centuries. – In:
Laiou, A. E. (ed.), The Economic History of Byzantium. From the Seventh through the
Fifteenth Century. Washington, D. C. 2002, pp. 697–770.
29
DO nr.: 55.1.500.
435
Werner SEIBT. SOME SEALS OF BYZANTINE PROFESSIONAL MEN
beta are separated), and the reverse reads: +=y- +O wy- +\,; above
and under the legend a cross between trifolia.
To the second half of the IX century we date seals of Niketas30. Leon
wyVMATE[V]THC31, another Niketas (probably wy\=VTHC)32,
Stephanos33, Christophoros34, Plotinos35, and one more man, perhaps
Rodion36.
From the first half of the X century stem seals of Stephanos37,
Theotimos wy\=wHC38, Theophylaktos wy+\=vHC39,
Staurakios40, Solomon (?)41, and two different types of a Ioannes42.
Probably to the second half of the X century belong seals of a Ioannes
wyVMATEVTHC with a griffon on the obverse43, and seals of Stephanos44
and Andreas45.
Simply to the X century we date seals of a Leon46 and an Andreas
(found in Bulgaria)47.
The latest seal of this series stems from Philaretos (?)
wy+\[]=ąO(C) (second half of the XI century)48.
30
Schlumberger, G. Sigillographie de l’Empire byzantin. Paris, 1884, (repr. Torino
1963), 566–567.
31
Zacos, G. (compiled and edited by Nesbitt, J. W.). Byzantine Lead Seals. Vol. II.
Berne, 1984, no. 208.
32
Ibid., 259.
33
Davidson, G. R. Corinth, vol. XII: The Minor Objects. Princeton, New Jersey
1952, no. 2738.
34
Laurent, V. Les sceaux byzantins du Médaillier Vatican. Citta del Vaticano,
1962, no. 134.
35
Jordanov, I. Corpus, III, 838.
36
Laurent, V. Les sceaux byzantins du Médaillier, 135; Laurent proposed źĆ16<?,
but that is not convincing; Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt prefers <1Ą(F):.
37
Konstantopoulos, K. M. E61=D91:ħ <?;E24İ2?E;;1 ¯= DƇ ·8=9:Ƈ ?<9C<1D9:Ƈ
?EC5ĮƄ §87=Ɔ=. Athens, 1917, p. 467.
38
Vienna, Münzkabinett 540 (unpublished).
39
Konstantopoulos, K. M. E61=D91:ħ <?;E24İ2?E;;1, no . 469.
40
Fogg Art Museum 1126.
41
Fogg Art Museum 3080.
42
DO 58.106.778 and IFEB.
43
Zacos, G., J. W. Nesbitt, l.c., no. 926; a similar seal in Metcalf, D. M. Byzantine
Lead Seals from Cyprus. Nicosia, 2004, no. 238; another similar seal in the Fogg Art
Museum 1059.
44
Fogg Art Museum, no. 983.
45
Fogg Art Museum 1264.
46
Schlumberger, G. Sigillographie, 567.
47
Jordanov, I. Corpus, III, 837 (no photo).
48
Fogg Art Museum 3099.
436
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
A seal in the Fogg Art Museum51 from the first half of the X century
has on the obverse a nimbated patriarchal cross on steps with floral elements
and the invocation; the reverse offers on five lines the legend:
+ ANACT- AC, wy+- \=VT, - TON EMw – CO.
+¥:.@A.@(ĄŁ) =>.09.A2BA(į) A(Ń): 9=(<>ĄF:) ¥@6.A(67Ń:).
In this case Anastasios may have had the right to trade in foreign
countries east of the Empire.
Another seal in the Fogg Art Museum from the second half of the IX
century52 has on the obverse a cross potent on steps and traces of the
invocation, and the legend on the reverse has four lines:
.RPAM.- . wy+\- .EVTvV - .M AC
A possible transcription could perhaps be:
[¥]/>.9[ĄŁ] =>.09[.A]2BA<Ľ []9(=<>ĄF:) ¥@(6.A67Ń:).
49
DO 55.1.1469.
50
Cf. Zuckerman, C. (Re-)structuring early Russian history. – In: The origins of
the Russian State. Historical and archaeological collection of articles. St. Petersburg, 2007,
pp. 343–351.
51
Fogg Art Museum 2122 (fig. 5).
52
Fogg Art Museum 1120 (fig. 6).
437
Werner SEIBT. SOME SEALS OF BYZANTINE PROFESSIONAL MEN
7. Kokkinopragmateutes
Georgios kokkinopragmateutes
8. Bestioprates
53
Konstantopoulos, K. M. E61=D91:ħ <?;E24İ2?E;;1, no . 468 (where Kokinos is
interpreted as a family name). We thank Dr. Eva Apostolou for sending a photo and the
permission to republish the seal (fig. 7).
54
Ch. 4, p. 90, 92, 94; trad. 91, 93, 95.
55
The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium. III. New York – Oxford, 1991, 2163, s. v.
Vestioprates.
56
Laurent, V. Corpus, ǿǿ, 660; repeated in Trapp, Ǽ. et alii. Prosopographisches
Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit. 8. Faszikel. 9G1Ĭ; – ECD?IJA7B. Vienna, 1986, 20305.
57
Cf. Laurent, V. Les sceaux byzantins du Médaillier, 27.
58
Lichaþev, N. P. Istoriþeskoe znaþenie italo-greþeskoj ikonopisi. Petersburg, 1911,
App., pl. VI 31.
438
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
at the end59, and /2@A- as the beginning of an office or title, like bestiarios or
bestiarites: 674CĆ><? /2@A(6þ>6<?) or /2@A(6.>ĄA4?) è Ȇ(.A)>6(76)ĊA4?.
Konstantinos bestioprates
Konstantinos bestioprates
From a much later time (first half of the IX century) stems the seal of
another Konstantinos, now in Dumbarton Oaks.62 The obverse shows the
invocative monogram Laurent V together with the usual tetragram, and the
reverse has in four lines the legend:
KNC- TANTIN – BECTIO- wy,.
9. Serikoprates
59
Just as Laurent did it in his first publication.
60
Zografopoulos, K. J. Die byzantinischen Bleisiegel aus Karthago. Unpubl. Diss.
Vienna 2005, 274-275, K 18. The field is quite small (13 mm).
61
Type Zacos, G., A. Veglery. Byzantine Lead Seals, 292.
62
DO 58.106.4611. Ed. Zacos, G., A. Veglery. 1838; Laurent, V. Corpus, II, 659.
63
·@1AG9:į= 292;Į?=, ch. 4.7, p. 92, trad. p. 93.
64
Fogg Art Museum 3030. Ed. Zacos, G., A. Veglery. no. 3076; Laurent, V.
Corpus, II, 656. Both dated the seal too early (second half of the VIII century); cf. also
Cheynet, J.-Cl. La société byzantine, p. 28 (VIII century).
439
Werner SEIBT. SOME SEALS OF BYZANTINE PROFESSIONAL MEN
10. Holoserikoprates
Anastasios holoserikoprates
Two seals, one in the Fogg Art Museum66, one in the IFEB, stem from
an Anastasios holoserikoprates, probably from the second half of the VIII
century – so he should not be identified with the Anastasios mentioned
above.
On the obverse the invocative monogram Laurent V with the usual
tetragram (but in an earlier style as on the seal of the serikoprates); the
reverse legend runs:
ANACT- ACI vU- vCIPIK- Owy,.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS:
65
Cf. Trapp, E. LbG, 5. Faszikel. Wien 2005, 1122.
66
No. 297. Ed. Zacos, G., A. Veglery, no. 1706; Laurent, V. Corpus, II, 657;
Cheynet, J.-Cl. La société byzantine, p. 28, fig. 38.
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
1 2
3 4
5 6
7
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
ȼɟɫɟɥɢɧ ɋɬɚɧɤɨɜ
Veselin Stankov
The publication presents a lead seal containing the Florence toponym. It has been
found on the Asenovgrad`s Municipality land, Plovdiv`s Area, Bulgaria. The coat of arms of
the city of Florence stands on the averse side. All around it the denomination FIRE [NZE]
had been written. That was the denomination of the city written according to its Italian
sound. The face of Agnus Dei stands on the reverse side. This is s religious symbol
characteristic for Western rite of the Christian church depicting the very Jesus Christ like
himself. But the same Lamb was a patron of the wool traders in Florence.
I can determine the seal as a stamp sealing the correspondence or a document of the
Florence wool traders to an unknown receiver in the Bulgarian lands. That could happen as
early as the beginning of ɏȱȱȱ century. Probably under despot Slav (1208 – 1230) when he
had been the lord of that part of the Rhodopa Mountains and had been in contractual
relations with the Latin Empire. It is logical that it matters to a wool deliveries to Florence
from the Bulgarian lands regardless to whom personally the documents or the letter of the
Florence traders had been addressed to. The molivdovul dating relates commonly to ɏȱȱȱ-
ɏȱV century.
442
Веселин СТАНКОВ. МОЛИВДОВУЛ С ТОПОНИМА ФЛОРЕНЦИЯ ОТ ЗЕМЛИЩЕТО НА ОБЩИНА ...
1
Ʉɚɬɨɥɢɱɟɫɤɚ ɟɧɰɢɤɥɨɩɟɞɢɹ. < http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/a.htm (status
15.01.2020)>.
2
Duffy, E. Saints and Sinners: A History of the Popes. Yale University Press, 2006,
p. 84; Ekonomou, A. J. Byzantine Rome and the Greek Popes. Lexington Books, 2007, p.
223.
3
The Florence Art Guide. Cathedral.
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
ɋɉɂɋɔɄ ɇȺ ɈȻɊȺɁɂɌȿ:
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
ȼɚɥɟɪɢɣ ɋɬɟɩɚɧɟɧɤɨ
Valeriy Stepanenko
The seal from the collection of the State Hermitage Museum (Ɇ-2956) depicts the
martyr Andronicus as a warrior. In his right hand he holds the sword and crown of the
martyr, but not the shield. He is probably one of the three martyrs from Anazarba – Prov,
Tarah, and Andronicus, whose martyrdom is known. He was not a warrior. In the mosaics of
Daphni he and his colleagues are depicted as martyrs with crosses in their hands, as well as
on the seal of a certain John (XI cent.).On the seal of the George cubicularium, he is depicted
as a warrior, although he holds a martyr’s crown in his hand The cult of the Anazarbian
martyrs was popular in Byzantine Cilicia. The seal from the Hermitage dates from the end of
the 12th century. The seal’s matrix was made in the province. But not in Constantinople.
Byzantium lost Cilicia after y.1183. Indirectly, this confirms the date of manufacture of the
seal.
1
Ɇ-2956. Ⱦɦ.-32 ɦɦ. ɂɡ ɤɨɥɥɟɤɰɢɢ ɊȺɂɄ. Ɇɨɢ ɛɥɚɝɨɞɚɪɧɨɫɬɢ ȿ.ȼ
.ɋɬɟɩɚɧɨɜɨɣ ɧɚ ɭɤɚɡɚɧɢɟ ɧɚ ɞɚɧɧɵɣ ɷɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪ ɢ ɩɨɦɨɳɶ ɩɪɢ ɪɚɛɨɬɟ ɫ ɧɢɦ.
2
SBS, 6 1999. p. 121, no. 422. ɉɨɡɠɟ ɫ ɤɨɥɥɟɤɰɢɟɣ Ɂɚɪɧɢɰ ɩɨɩɚɥɚ ɜ ɧɭɦɢɡɦɚ-
ɬɢɱɟɫɤɨɟ ɫɨɛɪɚɧɢɟ ɜ Ɇɸɧɯɟɧɟ.
446
Валерий СТЕПАНЕНКО. К ИКОНОГРАФИИ СВЯТЫХ ВОИНОВ В ВИЗАНТИИ. СВ. АНДРОНИК
3
ɋɦ. Wassiliou-Seibt, A-K. Corpus der Byzantinischen Siegel mitmetrischen
Legenden.Teil 1. Wien. 2011. S.153, no. 251.
4
Walter, Ch. The Warriors Saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition. Ashgate. 2003;
Cotsonis, J. The contribution of Byzantine Lead seals to the study of the cult of the Saints
(sixth– twelfth centuries). – Byzantion, 2005. T. LXXV, 383–497. ɋɜ. ɜɨɢɧɵ – 437–473.
5
ɋɢɧɚɤɫɚɪɶ ɠɢɬɢɹ ɫɜɹɬɵɯ ɩɪɚɜɨɫɥɚɜɧɨɣ ɰɟɪɤɜɢ. Ⱥɜɬɨɪ ɫɨɫɬɚɜɢɬɟɥɶ
ɢɟɪɨɦɨɧɚɯ Ɇɚɤɚɪɢɣ ɋɢɦɨɧɨɩɟɬɪɫɤɢɣ. Ɍ.1: ɫɟɧɬɹɛɪɶ – ɨɤɬɹɛɪɶ. Ɇ., 2011, 634–636. 12
ɨɤɬɹɛɪɹ - ɉɚɦɹɬɶ ɫɜ. ɦɭɱɟɧɢɤɨɜ ɉɪɨɜɚ, Ɍɚɪɚɯɚ ɢ Ⱥɧɞɪɨɧɢɤɚ. Ɇɨɢ ɛɥɚɝɨɞɚɪɧɨɫɬɢ ɨ.
ɉɟɬɪɭ (Ɇɚɧɝɢɥɟɜɭ) ɡɚ ɭɤɚɡɚɧɢɟ ɧɚ ɪɭɫɫɤɢɣ ɩɟɪɟɜɨɞ ɠɢɬɢɹ.
6
The Glory of Byzantium. Art and Culture of the Middle Byzantine Era. A.D. 843 –
1261. New – York, 1997, 131–134, nos.79, 80.
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
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Ʌɚɡɚɪɢɞɢɫ, ɉ. Ⱦɚɮɧɢɫɤɢɣ ɦɨɧɚɫɬɵɪɶ. Ⱥɮɢɧɵ. Ȼ.ɝ., ɢɥɥ. 40-41.
8
Ⱦɥɹ Ɍɚɪɚɯɚ ɢ Ⱥɧɞɪɨɧɢɤɚ ɷɬɨ ɧɟɨɱɟɜɢɞɧɨ, ɬɚɤ ɤɚɤ ɢɯ ɢɡɨɛɪɚɠɟɧɢɹ
ɫɨɯɪɚɧɢɥɢɫɶ ɨɩɥɟɱɧɨ.
9
Zacos, G. Byzantine Lead seals. Berne.1984, 528-529, no. 528.
10
ȼ 1182 ɝ. Ȼɪɚɬ ɤɧɹɡɹ Ʉɢɥɢɤɢɢ Ɋɭɛɟɧɚ III Ʌɟɜɨɧ ɛɟɠɚɥ ɜ Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧɨɩɨɥɶ
ɱɟɪɟɡ Ɍɚɪɫ, ɬɨɝɞɚ ɨɫɬɚɜɚɜɲɢɣɫɹ ɜ ɪɭɤɚɯ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɢ. – La chronique atribuee au
Connetable Smbat. Introduction, traduction et notes par G. Dedeyan. Paris. 1980, p. 57. ɉɨ-
ɜɢɞɢɦɨɦɭ, Ɋɚɜɧɢɧɧɚɹ Ʉɢɥɢɤɢɹ ɫ Ɍɚɪɫɨɦ, Ⱥɞɚɧɨɣ ɢ Ɇɚɦɢɫɬɪɨɣ ɛɵɥɚ ɭɬɪɚɱɟɧɚ
ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɟɣ ɜɨ ɜɬɨɪɨɣ ɩɨɥɨɜɢɧɟ 80 – ɯ ɝɝ. XII ɜ. ɢ ɜɨɲɥɚ ɜ ɫɨɫɬɚɜ ɤɧɹɠɟɫɬɜɚ, ɚ ɫ 1197 ɝ.
– ɰɚɪɫɬɜɚ Ɋɭɛɟɧɢɞɨɜ.
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
ɋɜɟɬɥɨɡɚɪ ɋɬɨɹɧɨɜ
Svetlozar Stoyanov
The reason for writing this short research is the idea proposed by prof. Ivan
Jordanov published in scientific articles that argued that Preslav was the logistical centre of
the Byzantine emperor John I Tzimisces during his operation to conquer Dorostol (Silistra)
during the military campaign in 971. The idea is based on the correspondence to Preslav,
evidenced by the seals found here of Basil Lekapenos, Leo Mukhates, Leo Sarakinopolus
and other strategoi.
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Светлозар СТОЯНОВ. ПРЕСЛАВ КАТО ЛОГИСТИЧЕН ЦЕНТЪР НА ЙОАН I ЦИМИСХИЙ ПРИ ВОЕННИЯ ...
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4
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ, 57-59, 66-67, ɫ. 201 (ɛɟɥ. 78), ɫ. 202 (ɛɟɥ. 88, ɛɟɥ. 90), ɫ. 204 (ɛɟɥ. 39);
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɨɬɨ ɩɪɢɫɴɫɬɜɢɟ, 282-283; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ȼɨɣɧɚɬɚ ɦɟɠɞɭ
ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɹ ɢ Ɋɭɫɢɹ, 311-312, ɫ. 317, 321, 325, 327; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢɬɟ ɨɬ
ɫɬɪɚɬɟɝɢɹɬɚ ɜ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜ (971-1088). ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1993, ɫ. 86.
5
Ⱦɢɚɤɨɧ, Ʌ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ, ɫ. 67, ɫ. 204 (ɛɟɥ. 39); Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ
ɨɬ ɘɝɚ, ɫ. 37; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ȼɨɣɧɚɬɚ ɦɟɠɞɭ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɹ ɢ Ɋɭɫɢɹ, ɫ. 312, ɫ. 324, ɫ. 342;
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɧɚ ɢɡɩɨɜɟɞɧɢɤɚ ɧɚ ɢɦɩɟɪɚɬɨɪ Ƀɨɚɧ ȱ ɐɢɦɢɫɯɢɣ (969-976),
ɧɚɦɟɪɟɧɢ ɜ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ – Ʌɸɛɨɫɥɨɜɢɟ, 13, 2013, 157-161.
6
Ⱦɢɚɤɨɧ, Ʌ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ, ɫ. 67; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ȼɨɣɧɚɬɚ ɦɟɠɞɭ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɹ ɢ Ɋɭɫɢɹ, ɫ.
312.
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
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Светлозар СТОЯНОВ. ПРЕСЛАВ КАТО ЛОГИСТИЧЕН ЦЕНТЪР НА ЙОАН I ЦИМИСХИЙ ПРИ ВОЕННИЯ ...
16
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɨɬɨ ɩɪɢɫɴɫɬɜɢɟ, ɫ. 278; Jordanov, I. Corpus of the
Byzantine Seals, nos. 285-314.
17
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɨɬɨ ɩɪɢɫɴɫɬɜɢɟ, ɫ. 280; Jordanov, I. Corpus of the
Byzantine Seals, nos. 866-871.
18
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɨɬɨ ɩɪɢɫɴɫɬɜɢɟ, ɫ. 281 (ɛɟɥ. 62-66), ɫ. 282 (ɛɟɥ. 67),
283-284; Jordanov, I. Corpus of the Byzantine Seals, nos. 967-972, 3183; nos. 973-982;
nos. 983-989; nos. 990-991A.
19
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɨɬɨ ɩɪɢɫɴɫɬɜɢɟ, ɫ. 285; Jordanov, I. Corpus of the
Byzantine Seals, nos. 1031-1037.
20
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɨɬɨ ɩɪɢɫɴɫɬɜɢɟ, ɫ. 286; Jordanov, I. Corpus of the
Byzantine Seals, nos. 1114-1117.1053-1054.
21
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɨɬɨ ɩɪɢɫɴɫɬɜɢɟ, ɫ. 270, 286-287.
22
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ, 286–287; Jordanov, I. Corpus of the Byzantine Seals, nos. 1180-1185.
23
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɨɬɨ ɩɪɢɫɴɫɬɜɢɟ, ɫ. 287; Jordanov, I. Corpus of the
Byzantine Seals, nos. 1360-1365.
24
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɨɬɨ ɩɪɢɫɴɫɬɜɢɟ, ɫ. 270; Jordanov, I. Corpus of the
Byzantine Seals, nos. 1283-1288.1288ɛ.
25
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɨɬɨ ɩɪɢɫɴɫɬɜɢɟ, 285-286, ɫ. 293.
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31
Ⱦɢɚɤɨɧ, Ʌ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ, ɫ. 78; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ȼɨɣɧɚɬɚ ɦɟɠɞɭ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɹ ɢ Ɋɭɫɢɹ,
ɫ. 317; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɨɬɨ ɩɪɢɫɴɫɬɜɢɟ, ɫ. 272.
32
Ⱦɢɚɤɨɧ, Ʌ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ, 78-79, 80-81, ɫ. 209 (ɛɟɥ. 21, ɛɟɥ. 22), ɫ. 212 (ɛɟɥ. 46);
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɨɬɨ ɩɪɢɫɴɫɬɜɢɟ, 282-283; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ȼɨɣɧɚɬɚ, ɫ. 317, 326,
327; 341-342.
33
Ⱦɢɚɤɨɧ, Ʌ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ, ɫ. 81; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ȼɨɣɧɚɬɚ ɦɟɠɞɭ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɹ ɢ Ɋɭɫɢɹ,
ɫ. 330.
34
ɉɨ ɬɨɡɢ ɜɴɩɪɨɫ ɫɟ ɞɢɫɤɭɬɢɪɚ. Ʌɴɜ Ⱦɹɤɨɧ ɢ Ƀɨɚɧ ɋɤɢɥɢɰɚ ɢɧɮɨɪɦɢɪɚɬ, ɱɟ ɬɨɜɚ
ɛɢɥɨ ɫɬɨɪɟɧɨ, ɬɴɣ ɤɚɬɨ ɫɜ. Ɍɟɨɞɨɪ ɥɢɱɧɨ ɭɱɚɫɬɜɚɥ ɜ ɛɨɣɧɢɬɟ ɞɟɣɫɬɜɢɹ ɧɚ ɫɬɪɚɧɚɬɚ ɧɚ
ɪɨɦɟɢɬɟ. Ɉɬ ɞɪɭɝɚ ɫɬɪɚɧɚ, ɩɟɱɚɬɢɬɟ ɧɚ ɧɚɡɧɚɱɟɧɢɬɟ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɫɬɪɚɬɟɡɢ ɫɴɨɛɳɚɜɚɬ
ɢɦɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɝɪɚɞɚ Ⱦɨɪɨɫɬɨɥ. Ɍɚɤɚ ɬɨ ɟ ɢɡɩɢɫɚɧɨ ɜɴɪɯɭ ɩɟɱɚɬɢɬɟ ɧɚ Ʌɴɜ ɋɚɪɚɤɢɧɨɩɭɥ –
ɫɬɪɚɬɟɝ ɧɚ Ⱦɨɪɨɫɬɨɥ, ɢ ɫɬɪɚɬɟɝ ɧɚ Ƀɨɚɧɨɩɨɥ ɢ Ⱦɨɪɨɫɬɨɥ, ɜɠ. Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. Ʉɨɣ
ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢ ɝɪɚɞ ɟ ɛɢɥ ɧɚɪɟɱɟɧ Ɍɟɨɞɨɪɨɩɨɥ? – ȼɟɤɨɜɟ, ȱ, 1983, 58-63 ɢ ɰɢɬ. ɥɢɬ.
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Ⱦɢɚɤɨɧ, Ʌ. ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ, 82-83; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɨɬɨ ɩɪɢɫɴɫɬɜɢɟ, ɫ. 272,
274, 285; Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ȼɨɣɧɚɬɚ ɦɟɠɞɭ ȼɢɡɚɧɬɢɹ ɢ Ɋɭɫɢɹ, ɫ. 314, 344.
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
Ɍɨɞɨɪ Ɍɨɞɨɪɨɜ
Todor Todorov
The object of the present paper is relate to the seventh byzantine lead seals
discovered in the course of archaeological excavations at the antiquity and mediaeval town
Aqaue Calidae – Termopolis in 2018. The seals are dated in the XIth century. Priority to the
second half of the century. The new findings once again confirm the intense life of the city
and the fortress during this period.
4
ɂɡɤɚɡɜɚɦ ɛɥɚɝɨɞɚɪɧɨɫɬ ɧɚ ɩɪɨɮ. ɂɜɚɧ Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɤɨɣɬɨ ɧɚɫɨɱɢ ɜɧɢɦɚɧɢɟɬɨ
ɦɢ ɤɴɦ ɩɚɪɚɥɟɥɧɢɹ ɟɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪ ɨɬ ɋɢɥɢɫɬɪɚ.
5
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɇɟɢɡɞɚɞɟɧɢ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɨɬ ɋɢɥɢɫɬɪɚ (ȱV), ʋ 9.
6
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ȱ. Jordanov. Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria, Volume 1-3,
Sofia, 2003, 2006, 2009. Addenda et Corrigenda (2). – Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ ɜ ɟɜɪɨɩɟɣɫɤɚɬɚ ɤɭɥɬɭɪɚ,
ɧɚɭɤɚ, ɨɛɪɚɡɨɜɚɧɢɟ, ɪɟɥɢɝɢɹ. ɑɚɫɬ 1. ɒɭɦɟɧ, 2015, ʋ1811ɚ. ȿɤɡɟɦɩɥɹɪɴɬ ɨɬ
Ⱥɫɟɧɨɜɝɪɚɞɫɤɨ ɟ ɦɧɨɝɨ ɛɥɢɡɴɤ ɞɨ ɬɨɡɢ ɨɬ Ⱥɤɜɟ Ʉɚɥɢɞɟ, ɧɨ ɧɹɤɨɢ ɪɚɡɥɢɱɢɹ ɧɚ ɨɩɚɤɚɬɚ
ɫɬɪɚɧɚ (ɜɬɨɪɢ ɪɟɞ – v vU) ɦɢ ɞɚɜɚɬ ɨɫɧɨɜɚɧɢɟ ɞɚ ɫɦɹɬɚɦ, ɱɟ ɫɬɚɜɚ ɞɭɦɚ ɡɚ ɦɧɨɝɨ
ɫɯɨɞɧɢ, ɧɨ ɜɫɟ ɩɚɤ ɪɚɡɥɢɱɧɢ ɛɭɥɨɬɢɪɢɨɧɢ.
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
7
ɂɡɬɨɱɧɢɤ: <https://www.doaks.org/resources/seals/byzantine-seals/BZS.1958.
106.2314/view (status 12.11.2019)>.
8
Ioannis Scylitzae. Synopsis historiarum, ed. I. Thurn, Corpus Fontium Historiae
Byzantinae, 5, Berlin-New-York, 1973, ɪ. 437.
9
Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. Ɉɬɧɨɫɧɨ ɩɪɢɬɟɠɚɬɟɥɹ ɧɚ ɫɪɟɛɴɪɧɢɹ ɫɟɪɜɢɡ ɨɬ ȼɟɥɢɱɤɨɜɨ,
ɉɚɡɚɪɞɠɢɲɤɨ. – ɂɡɜɟɫɬɢɹ ɧɚ ɇɚɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɢɹ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɢɧɫɬɢɬɭɬ, 41, 2013, 521–
535.
10
ȼɠ. ɩɨ-ɝɨɪɟ ɛɟɥ. 6. ȼ ɧɚɫɬɨɹɳɢɹ ɫɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɤɨɥɟɝɢɬɟ ȼɢɤɬɨɪ ɑɯɚɢɞɡɟ ɢ Ⱥɧɞɪɟɣ
ȼɢɧɨɝɪɚɞɨɜ ɩɭɛɥɢɤɭɜɚɬ ɢ ɤɨɦɟɧɬɢɪɚɬ ɩɟɱɚɬ ɧɚ „Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ ɫɢɧ ɧɚ ɩɪɨɬɨɩɪɨɟɞɴɪɚ ɢ
ɟɤɫɭɫɢɨɤɪɚɬɨɪ ɧɚ ɰɹɥɚ Ⱥɥɚɧɢɹ”, ɤɨɣɬɨ ɫɴɳɨ ɦɨɠɟ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɫɜɴɪɠɟ ɫɴɫ ɫɨɛɫɬɜɟɧɢɤɚ ɧɚ
ɪɚɡɝɥɟɠɞɚɧɢɹ ɦɨɥɢɜɞɨɜɭɥ – ɜɠ. ɬɭɤ Viktor Chkhaidze and Andrey Vinogradov. The
seal of Konstantinos, the son of the protoproedros and exousiokrator of all Alania (about
1065 – 1075).
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Тодор ТОДОРОВ. ВИЗАНТИЙСКИ ПЕЧАТИ ОТ АКВЕ КАЛИДЕ – ТЕРМОПОЛИС
11
Jordanov, ȱ. Byzantine Lead Seals from the Village of Melnitsa (district of
Elkhovo, Bulgaria), part II. – SBS, 10, 2010, ʋ102.
12
Jordanov, ȱ. Corpus of the Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria. Volume 2. Byzantine
Seals with Family Names, Sofia, 2006, ʋ588.
13
Ioannis Scylitzae. Synopsis historiarum, 441.51-52;442.74; 467.85-88; ȽɂȻɂ, Vȱ,
310-311, 319.
14
Ɂɚ ɢɦɟɬɨ ɉɨɥɢɫ ɜɠ. ɡɚɝɥɚɜɢɟɬɨ ɜ ɛɟɥ. 12 ɢ ɰɢɬɢɪɚɧɚɬɚ ɥɢɬɟɪɚɬɭɪɚ.
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***
ɉɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɟɧɢɬɟ ɜ ɝɨɪɧɢɬɟ ɪɟɞɨɜɟ ɫɟɞɟɦ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɦɨɥɢɜɞɨɜɭɥɚ,
ɨɬɤɪɢɬɢ ɜ ɯɨɞɚ ɧɚ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɨɬɨ ɩɪɨɭɱɜɚɧɟ ɧɚ Ⱥɤɜɟ Ʉɚɥɢɞɟ ɩɪɟɡ
2018 ɝ., ɫɟ ɞɚɬɢɪɚɬ ɨɫɧɨɜɧɨ ɜɴɜ ɜɬɨɪɚɬɚ ɩɨɥɨɜɢɧɚ ɧɚ ɏȱ ɜ. Ɉɬ ɟɞɧɚ
ɫɬɪɚɧɚ, ɬɟɡɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɨɳɟ ɜɟɞɧɴɠ ɩɨɬɜɴɪɠɞɚɜɚɬ ɢɧɬɟɧɡɢɜɧɢɹ ɠɢɜɨɬ ɧɚ
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Тодор ТОДОРОВ. ВИЗАНТИЙСКИ ПЕЧАТИ ОТ АКВЕ КАЛИДЕ – ТЕРМОПОЛИС
ɋɉɂɋɔɄ ɇȺ ɈȻɊȺɁɂɌȿ:
2
1
3
15
Ɂɚ ɫɟɪɢɨɡɧɢɬɟ ɚɪɯɢɬɟɤɬɭɪɧɢ ɨɫɬɚɧɤɢ ɨɬ ɬɨɡɢ ɩɟɪɢɨɞ ɨɫɜɟɧ ɰɢɬɢɪɚɧɢɬɟ
ɡɚɝɥɚɜɢɹ ɜ ɛɟɥ. 1, ɜɠ. ɫɴɳɨ ɢ Ɇɨɦɱɢɥɨɜ, Ⱦ. Ȼɟɥɟɠɤɢ ɜɴɪɯɭ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢɬɟ
ɩɪɨɭɱɜɚɧɢɹ ɧɚ Ⱥɤɜɟ Ʉɚɥɢɞɟ. – Aquae Calidae. Ʌɸɛɢɦɢɬɟ ɛɚɧɢ ɧɚ ɢɦɩɟɪɚɬɨɪɢ, ɰɚɪɟ ɢ
ɫɭɥɬɚɧɢ (ɧɚ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢ, ɚɧɝɥɢɣɫɤɢ ɢ ɬɭɪɫɤɢ ɟɡɢɤ), 2018, ɫ. 42.
16
Ɂɚ ɤɨɥɟɤɰɢɹɬɚ ɨɬ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɢ ɩɟɱɚɬɢ ɨɬ Ⱥɤɜɟ Ʉɚɥɢɞɟ ɢ ɬɹɯɧɨɬɨ
ɯɪɨɧɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɨ ɪɚɡɩɪɟɞɟɥɟɧɢɟ ɜɠ. Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ, ɂ. ɉɟɱɚɬɢ ɧɚ ɜɢɡɚɧɬɢɣɫɤɚɬɚ
ɚɞɦɢɧɢɫɬɪɚɰɢɹ ɜ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ (971-1118). ɒɭɦɟɧ, 2019, 258-262.
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4 5
6
7
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
ɂɜɨ Ɍɨɩɚɥɢɥɨɜ
Ivo Topalilov
The stational liturgy in its various forms was one of the main features in the Early
Byzantine Constantinople. The specifics of the historical development of the Constantine
city with no solid pre-Constantinian Christian history as well as the desire of Theodosius I to
turn it into the Emperor’s city with all the consequences having in mind also his struggle
against the heresies, and especially the Arian faith, determine the nature of the stational
liturgy that was applied as well. Among its main features were the processions with the
translation of relics which from initially entirely religious initiatives turn into a substantial
part of the imperial program whose main idea was the imposition of a new imperial doctrine
and the settling of the Theodosian dynasty on the throne.
1
Proc. De aedificiis, 1.4.20–22: ਕʌȠıIJȩȜȦȞ į ıȫȝĮIJĮ ਥȞIJĮ૨șĮ İੇȞĮȚ ੪Ȣ ਸ਼țȚıIJȐ ʌȘ
ਥʌİıȘȝȒȞĮIJȠ, Ƞįȑ IJȚȢ ਥȞIJĮ૨șĮ ਥijĮȓȞİIJȠ ȤȡȠȢ ıȫȝĮıȚȞ ਖȖȓȠȚȢ ਕȞİıșĮȚ įȠțȞ. 21 ਕȜȜ
Ȟ૨Ȟ ȠȣıIJȚȞȚĮȞȠ૨ ȕĮıȚȜȑȦȢ ਕȞȠȚțȠįȠȝȠȣȝȑȞȠȣ IJઁ ੂİȡઁȞ IJȠ૨IJȠ, Ƞੂ ȝȞ ȜȚșȠȣȡȖȠ IJઁ įĮijȠȢ
įȚȫȡȣııȠȞ ȜȠȞ, IJȠ૨ ȝȒ IJȚ ਙțȠıȝȠȞ IJૌįİ ȜİȜİijșĮȚ· șોțĮȢ į ȟȣȜȓȞĮȢ ਥȞIJĮ૨șȐ ʌȘ
ਕʌȘȝİȜȘȝȑȞĮȢ IJİșȑĮȞIJĮȚ IJȡİȢ, ȖȡȐȝȝĮıȚȞ ਥȖțİȚȝȑȞȠȚȢ ıijȓıȚ įȘȜȠȪıĮȢ, ੪Ȣ ਝȞįȡȑȠȣ IJİ țĮ
ȁȠȣț઼ țĮ ȉȚȝȠșȑȠȣ IJȞ ਕʌȠıIJȩȜȦȞ ıȫȝĮIJĮ İੇİȞ· 22 ਚʌİȡ ਕıȝİȞȑıIJĮIJĮ ȕĮıȚȜİȪȢ IJİ ĮIJઁȢ
țĮ ȋȡȚıIJȚĮȞȠ ȟȪȝʌĮȞIJİȢ İੇįȠȞ, ʌȠȝʌȒȞ IJİ ĮIJȠȢ țĮ ʌĮȞȒȖȣȡȚȞ ਥʌȚIJİIJİȜİțȩIJİȢ, IJૌ IJİ ʌİȡ
ĮIJȠઃȢ IJȚȝૌ ਥȟȠıȚȦıȐȝİȞȠȚ IJ İੁȦșȩIJĮ țĮ ʌİȡȚıIJİȓȜĮȞIJİȢ IJȢ șોțĮȢ ĮșȚȢ IJૌ Ȗૌ țȡȣȥĮȞ,
Ƞț ਙıȘȝȠȞ Ƞį ਕȖİȓIJȠȞĮ ȜȚʌȩȞIJİȢ IJઁȞ ȤȡȠȞ, ਕȜȜ ıȫȝĮıȚȞ ਕʌȠıIJȩȜȦȞ ਕȞİȚȝȑȞȠȞ
țĮIJĮıIJȘıȐȝİȞȠȚ ȟઃȞ İıİȕİȓ. 23 İįȘȜȠȞ į ੪Ȣ ਕȝİȚȕȩȝİȞȠȚ, ʌİȡ ȝȠȚ İȡȘIJĮȚ, Ƞੂ
ਕʌȩıIJȠȜȠȚ Ƞੇįİ IJȞ ਥȢ ĮIJȠઃȢ ȕĮıȚȜȑȦȢ IJȚȝોȢ ʌİijȒȞĮıȚ IJȠȢ ਕȞșȡȫʌȠȚȢ IJĮȞ૨Ȟ. 24 ȕĮıȚȜȑȦȢ
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Иво ТОПАЛИЛОВ. ВЪРХУ ЕДИН АСПЕКТ НА ТОПОСНАТА ЛИТУРГИЯ В КОНСТАНТИНОПОЛ ...
Ȗȡ İıİȕȠ૨ȞIJȠȢ Ƞį ਕʌȠijȠȚIJઽ IJȞ ਕȞșȡȦʌİȓȦȞ IJ șİĮ ʌȡĮȖȝȐIJȦȞ ਕȜȜ’ ਥʌȚȝȓȖȞȣıșĮȓ IJİ
țĮ ਥȝijȚȜȠȤȦȡİȞ IJૌ ਥȢ IJȠઃȢ ਕȞșȡȫʌȠȣȢ ȝȚȜȓ ijȚȜİ.
2
Ɉɫɧɨɜɧɨ ɢɡɫɥɟɞɜɚɧɟ ɡɚ ɬɨɡɢ ɬɢɩ ɥɢɬɭɪɝɢɹ ɜɫɟ ɨɳɟ ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɥɹɜɚ ɤɧɢɝɚɬɚ ɧɚ
Baldovin, J. The Urban character of Christian worship. The Origins, Development, and
Meaning of Stational Liturgy. Roma, 1987. ɇɚɩɨɫɥɟɞɴɤ ɬɟɦɚɬɚ ɨɬɧɨɜɨ ɟ ɧɚ ɜɧɢɦɚɧɢɟɬɨ ɧɚ
ɭɱɟɧɢɬɟ, ɤɚɬɨ ɬɨɡɢ ɩɴɬ ɢɡɫɥɟɞɜɚɧɢɹɬɚ ɫɚ ɤɨɧɰɟɧɬɪɢɪɚɧɢ ɜɴɪɯɭ ɧɟɣɧɢɬɟ ɫɩɟɰɢɮɢɤɢ,
ɫɜɴɪɡɚɧɢ ɫ ɨɬɞɟɥɧɢɬɟ ɭɪɛɚɧɢɫɬɢɱɧɢ ɢ ɪɟɥɢɝɢɨɡɧɢ ɰɟɧɬɪɨɜɟ. ɑɚɫɬ ɨɬ ɬɟɡɢ ɢɡɫɥɟɞɜɚɧɢɹ
ɫɚ ɢɡɩɨɥɡɜɚɧɢ ɩɨ-ɧɚɬɚɬɴɤ ɜ ɬɟɤɫɬɚ. Ɂɚ ɩɪɟɜɨɞɚ ɧɚ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢ ɟɡɢɤ ɤɚɬɨ „ɬɨɩɨɫɧɚ
ɥɢɬɭɪɝɢɹ“ ɜɠ. Ƚɟɪɞɠɢɤɨɜɚ, Ɂ. ɋɴɡɞɚɜɚɧɟ ɧɚ ɯɪɢɫɬɢɹɧɫɤɨɬɨ ɝɪɚɞɫɤɨ ɩɪɨɫɬɪɚɧɫɬɜɨ.
Ɍɨɩɨɫɧɚɬɚ ɥɢɬɭɪɝɢɹ ɜ Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧɨɩɨɥ IV-V ɜ. – ȼ: ɇɚɭɱɧɢ ɢɡɫɥɟɞɜɚɧɢɹ ɜ ɱɟɫɬ ɧɚ
ɩɪɨɮ. Ʌ. Ʉɢɪɨɜɚ (ɫɴɫɬ. Ⱥ. Ȼɚɥɱɟɜɚ). ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2012, ɫ. 52, ɛɟɥ. 4.
3
Baldovin, J. Op. cit., p. 37.
466
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4
Ibid., pp. 145-166.
5
Ibid.
6
Ibid., pp. 158-160; 166.
7
Ibid, p. 166; ɡɚ ɞɪɭɝ ɩɨɞɨɛɟɧ ɫɥɭɱɚɣ, ɧɨ ɧɚ ɞɪɭɝɢɹ ɤɪɚɣ ɧɚ ɢɦɩɟɪɢɹɬɚ – ɜɠ.
Eaton, Ch. Byzantine Church in Procession: Stational Liturgy Evidenced at Decapolis
Abila. – Stone-Campbell Journal, 16, 2013, 49-61; ɡɚ ɬɨɩɨɫɧɚɬɚ ɥɢɬɭɪɝɢɹ ɜ Ɋɢɦ ɩɪɟɡ V ɜ.
– ɜɠ. Salzman, M. Leo's Liturgical Topography: Contestations for Space in Fifth-Century
Rome a – JRS, 103, 2013, 208-232.
8
ȼɠ. ɞɢɫɤɭɫɢɹɬɚ ɜ Baldovin, J. Op. cit., pp. 55-64.
467
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9
Ibid, p. 59.
10
ȿɞɧɚ ɩɨɞɨɛɧɚ ɩɪɨɰɟɫɢɹ ɟ ɢɡɜɟɫɬɧɚ ɧɚɩɪɢɦɟɪ ɡɚ ɉɟɬɞɟɫɟɬɧɢɰɚ ɢ ɬɹ ɡɚɩɨɱɜɚɥɚ
ɨɬ Ɇɚɪɬɢɪɢɭɦɚ ɢ ɫɟ ɧɚɫɨɱɜɚɥɚ ɤɴɦ ɋɢɨɧ, ɚ ɜɩɨɫɥɟɞɫɬɜɢɟ ɢ ɤɴɦ ɂɦɛɨɦɨɧ ɢ
Ɇɚɫɥɢɧɨɜɚɬɚ ɝɨɪɚ, ɫɥɟɞ ɤɨɟɬɨ ɫɟ ɡɚɜɪɴɳɚɥɚ ɨɛɪɚɬɧɨ ɜ Ɇɚɪɬɢɪɢɭɦɚ – ɜɠ. Baldovin, J.
Op. cit., p. 63. ɉɨ-ɤɴɫɧɨ ɫɚ ɛɢɥɢ ɞɨɛɚɜɟɧɢ ɞɨɩɴɥɧɢɬɟɥɧɢ ɦɟɫɬɚ – ɜɠ. Voltaggio, M.
Hagia Polis Hierosolyma. Birth and Development of Jerusalem Christian Topography. – In:
Temporis Signa. Archeologia della tarda antichità e del medioevo. VII, 2012, Spoleto, pp.
108-109.
11
ȼɠ. ɧɚɩɪɢɦɟɪ ɫɥɭɱɚɹɬ ɫ Ȼɨɝɨɹɜɥɟɧɢɟ – Baldovin, J. Op. cit., p. 75.
12
Catech. 14.16, 17.22, 31.
13
Drijvers, J. Transformation of a City. The Christianization of Jerusalem in the
Fourth Century. – In: Alston, R., Nijf, O. Chr. Williamson (eds.). Cults, Creeds and
Identities in the Greek City after the Classical Age. Louvain, 2013, pp. 319-320.
468
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
22
Socrates, Hist. eccl. 6.8 (PG 67.688-689); Sozomen, Hist. eccl. 8.8 (PG
67.1536).
23
Baldovin, J. Op. cit., pp. 183-184.
24
C. Th. 16.5.30. Ɍɭɤ ɟ ɥɸɛɨɩɢɬɟɧ ɮɚɤɬɴɬ, ɱɟ ɧɟ ɫɟ ɡɚɛɪɚɧɹɜɚ ɩɪɨɜɟɠɞɚɧɟɬɨ ɧɚ
ɫɚɦɢɬɟ ɩɪɨɰɟɫɢɢ ɤɚɬɨ ɰɹɥɨ, ɚ ɫɚɦɨ ɧɚ ɬɟɡɢ, ɤɨɢɬɨ ɩɪɟɦɢɧɚɜɚɥɢ ɜ ɝɪɚɞɚ ɢɥɢ ɛɢɥɢ ɜ
ɪɚɦɤɢɬɟ ɧɚ ɝɪɚɞɚ.
25
Sozomen, Hist. eccl. 8. 8 (PG 67.1536).
26
Baldovin, J. Op. cit., pp. 210-211.
27
Ibid., p. 211.
471
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28
Theodore Lector, §468.
29
Ibid., §320. ȼɠ. ɫɴɳɨ ɢ Baldovin, J. Op. cit., p. 185.
30
Theodore Lector, §403. ȼɠ. ɫɴɳɨ ɢ Baldovin, J. Op. cit., p. 185.
31
Baldovin, J. Op. cit., p. 212. Ɂɧɚɱɟɧɢɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɫɬɚɬɭɹɬɚ ɧɚ Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ ɫɟ
ɨɛɭɫɥɚɜɹ ɨɬ ɮɚɤɬɚ, ɱɟ ɜ ɧɟɹ ɟ ɛɢɥɚ ɜɝɪɚɞɟɧɚ ɱɚɫɬɢɰɚ ɨɬ ɫɜɟɬɢɹ ɤɪɴɫɬ, ɢɡɩɪɚɬɟɧɚ ɦɭ ɨɬ
ɢɦɩɟɪɚɬɪɢɰɚɬɚ ȿɥɟɧɚ, ɱɪɟɡ ɤɨɹɬɨ ɫɟ ɰɟɥɹɥɨ ɞɚ ɫɟ ɝɚɪɚɧɬɢɪɚ ɫɢɝɭɪɧɨɫɬɬɚ ɧɚ
Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧɨɩɨɥ – ɜɠ. Socrates, Hist. eccl. 1. 17. Ɂɚ ɫɚɦɚɬɚ ɫɬɚɬɭɹ ɢ ɩɨɪɮɢɪɧɚɬɚ ɤɨɥɨɧɚ,
ɜɴɪɯɭ ɤɨɹɬɨ ɬɹ ɟ ɛɢɥɚ ɪɚɡɩɨɥɨɠɟɧɚ, ɜɠ. Fowden, G. Constantine's Porphyry Column: The
Earliest Literary Allusion. – JRS, 81, 1991, 119-131.
472
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
32
ȼɠ. ɡɚ ɬɨɜɚ ɦɢɫɢɹɬɚ ɧɚ Ɍɟɦɢɫɬɢɣ ɩɪɢ Ɍɟɨɞɨɫɢɣ ɜ Ɍɟɫɚɥɨɧɢɤɚ.
33
ȼɠ. Malcolm Errington, R. Roman Imperial Policy from Julian to Theodosius.
The University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, 2006, p. 212.
473
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34
ȼ ɫɥɭɱɚɹ ɫɬɚɜɚ ɜɴɩɪɨɫ ɡɚ ɱɚɫɬ ɨɬ ɩɪɨ-ɇɢɤɟɣɫɤɚɬɚ ɩɚɪɬɢɹ, ɤɨɹɬɨ ɪɚɡɝɥɟɠɞɚɥɚ
ɭɛɢɣɫɬɜɨɬɨ ɧɚ ɢɦɩɟɪɚɬɨɪɚ ɟɪɟɬɢɤ ȼɚɥɟɧɫ ɤɚɬɨ ɪɟɡɭɥɬɚɬ ɨɬ ɛɨɠɢɟɬɨ ɧɚɤɚɡɚɧɢɟ ɡɚ
ɧɟɝɨɜɚɬɚ ɟɪɟɫ – ɜɠ. Rufinus, Hist. eccl. 11.13: impietatis suae poenas igni exustus dedit;
ɫɪɚɜɧɢ ɫ Theodoret, Hist. eccl. 5.11; Orosius 7.33.15.
35
Malcolm Errington, R. Roman Imperial Policy, pp. 216-232.
36
Socrates, Hist. eccl. 5. 7.
37
„ɋɢɦɮɨɧɢɹɬɚ“ ɦɟɠɞɭ ɞɴɪɠɚɜɚɬɚ ɢ ɰɴɪɤɜɚɬɚ, ɡɚɥɟɝɧɚɥɚ ɜ ɩɨɥɢɬɢɱɟɫɤɚɬɚ
ɢɞɟɨɥɨɝɢɹ ɢ ɩɪɨɩɚɝɚɧɞɚ, ɟ ɩɪɟɞɫɬɚɜɟɧɚ ɢɡɤɥɸɱɢɬɟɥɧɨ ɹɫɧɨ ɜɴɪɯɭ ɤɨɥɨɧɚɬɚ ɧɚ Ⱥɪɤɚɞɢɣ
– ɜɠ. Grigg, R. „Symphǀnian Aeidǀ tƝs Basileias“: An Image of Imperial Harmony on the
Base of the Column of Arcadius. – The Art Bulletin, 59/4, 1977, 469-482. Ʉɴɦ
ɭɫɬɚɧɨɜɹɜɚɧɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɟɞɧɚ ɩɨɞɨɛɧɚ „ɫɢɦɮɨɧɢɹ“, ɧɨ ɜ ɩɨ-ɨɛɲɢɪɟɧ ɚɫɩɟɤɬ, ɫɜɴɪɡɚɧ ɬɨɡɢ
ɩɴɬ ɢ ɫɴɫ ɡɚɩɚɞɧɚɬɚ ɱɚɫɬ ɧɚ ɢɦɩɟɪɢɹɬɚ, ɦɨɠɟɦ ɞɚ ɫɴɞɢɦ ɢ ɩɨ ɭɫɬɚɧɨɜɹɜɚɧɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɤɭɥɬɚ
ɤɴɦ ɚɩɨɫɬɨɥɢɬɟ ɉɟɬɴɪ ɢ ɉɚɜɟɥ ɜ Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧɨɩɨɥ ɤɚɬɨ ɱɚɫɬ ɨɬ ɢɞɟɹɬɚ ɡɚ Concordia
Apostolorum – Concordia Augustorum – ɜɠ. Santo, G. Concordia Apostolorum –
Concordia Augustorum. Building a Corporate Image for the Theodosian Dynasty. – In: R.
Dijkstra et al. (eds.), East and West in the Roman Empire of the Fourth Century, An End to
Unity. Leiden, Brill, 2015, pp. 99-120.
474
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
44
ȼɠ. Downey, G. A History of Antioch in Syria. Princeton, 1961, p. 364. Ɂɚ
ɩɪɨɰɟɫɢɹɬɚ ɜɠ. Socrates, Hist. eccl. 3.18; Sozomen, Hist. eccl. 5.19; John Chrys. De S.
Babyla 2-3; Libanius, Oration 60.5-6; Evagrius 1.16; Theodoret, Hist. eccl. 3.10.1-2;
Zonaras 13.12.39-40; Amm. Marc. 22.12.8.
45
Sozomen, Hist. eccl. 5. 19. ɂɡɝɥɟɠɞɚ ɩɨɫɨɱɟɧɢɹɬ ɦɚɪɬɢɪɢɭɦ ɟ ɛɢɥ ɩɨɫɬɪɨɟɧ
ɧɟ ɧɚ ɦɹɫɬɨɬɨ, ɫɜɴɪɡɚɧɨ ɫ ɦɴɱɟɧɢɱɟɫɤɚɬɚ ɫɦɴɪɬ ɧɚ ɫɜ. Ȼɚɛɢɥɚ, ɚ ɧɚ ɦɹɫɬɨ, ɩɨɫɨɱɟɧɨ ɨɬ
ɰɟɡɚɪɹ.
46
Chron. Paschale, 542.
476
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
47
Chron. Paschale, 542.
48
Mango, C. Constantine’s mausoleum and the translation of relics. –
Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 83(1), 1990, 53.
49
ȼɠ. Downey, G. A History of Antioch, p. 364.
50
Sozomen, Hist. eccl. 5.19.
51
ȼɠ. Mango, C. Constantine’s mausoleum and the translation of relics. p. 52.
52
C. Th. 9. 17. 4 (= Cod. Iust. 9.19.4): Huic autem poenae subiacebunt et qui
corpora sepulta aut reliquias contrectaverint.
53
Clark, C. Christianity and Roman Society. Cambridge, 2004, p. 57.
477
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54
Ibid, p. 56.
55
John Chrys., Homil. ad Babylam (PG 50.531).
56
ȼɠ. Brown, P. The Cult of the Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity
(The Haskell Lectures on History of religions). Chicago, 1981; MacMullen, R. Christianity
and Paganism in the Fourth to Eighth Centuries. New Haven, 1997.
57
Croke, B. Reinventing Constantinople: Theodosius I’s imprint on the imperial
city, Later Roman History and Culture 284-450 CE (ed. S. McGill, C. Sogno, E. Watts). For
John Matthews, on the occasion of his 70th birthday, Cambridge, 2010, pp. 256-257.
58
Socrates, Hist. eccl. 5.9.1-2; Sozomen, Hist. eccl. 7.10.4.
59
Nicephorus Callistus, Hist. eccl. 2.62 (PG 86.213A).
60
Sozomen, Hist. eccl. 7.21.5.
478
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
61
Mango, C. The Triumphal Way of Constantinople and the Golden Gate. – DOP,
54, 2000, pp. 173-188.
62
Croke, B. Reinventing Constantinople, p. 256.
63
Vita Isaacii 17 (AA.SS. Mai VII, 258).
64
Typicon CP, 6 November; SEC 46.17-21. Croke, B. Reinventing Constantinople,
p. 257.
65
Croke, B. Reinventing Constantinople, p. 257.
66
Snee, R. Gregory Nazianzen's Anastasia Church: Arianism, the Goths, and
Hagiography. – DOP, 52, 1998, pp. 160-161.
479
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67
Baldovin, J. Op.cit., p. 37, n. 6.
68
Ambrose, Or. ob. Theod., 47-47; Socrates, Hist. eccl. 1. 17 (PG 67.120 B-C);
Sozomen, Hist. eccl. 2.1.9; Gelasius Hist. eccl. 3.7.8
69
McCormick, M. Eternal Victory, p. 245.
70
MacCormack, S. Change and Continuity in Late Antiquity: The Ceremony of
Adventus. – Historia, 21, 1972, 721-752; Holum, K., G. Vikan, The Trier Ivory,
"Adventus" Ceremonial, and the Relics of St. Stephen. – DOP, 33, 1979, pp. 115.
71
Holum, K., G. Vikan, The Trier Ivory, "Adventus" Ceremonial, and the Relics of
St. Stephen, 115-120.
72
Ibid, 115-133; Spain, S. The Translation of Relics Ivory, Trier. – DOP, 31, 1977,
pp. 279-304; Wilson, L. The Trier Procession Ivory: A New Interpretation. – Byzantion,
54/2, 1984, 602-614.
480
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
481
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ Ɍɨɬɟɜ
Konstantin Totev
The article is dedicated to these two gold ring-seals, discovered in 1970 as a burial
inventory in the necropolis of the church at the fortress near Gradnitsa, Sevlievo. They are
very similar in shape. The rings are round, the shoulders extending to the upper part and
smoothly moving into a circular shield. On the round tiles are engraved initials ǿȦ (John) and
M (?). The shields of the two rings are of the same diameter. It seems that the two rings have
been purchased as blanks, with the initials of the names being engraved at the time of
purchase, as suggested by their slight displacement from the center. It is hard to say
something more specifically about their owners, but they are a testimony of their aristocratic
origin.
1
Ɇɢɥɱɟɜ, Ⱥ. ɋɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɢ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢ ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬɢ ɜ ɰɟɧɬɪɚɥɧɚ ɋɬɚɪɚ ɩɥɚɧɢɧɚ
ɡɚ ɡɚɳɢɬɚɬɚ ɧɚ Ɍɴɪɧɨɜ. – ȼ: Ʉɭɥɬɭɪɚɬɚ ɧɚ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɢɹ Ɍɴɪɧɨɜ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1985, 191-
192, 183-194; Ɇɢɥɱɟɜ, Ⱥ., ɉ. Ʉɚɦɛɭɪɨɜ. ɋɟɥɨ Ƚɪɚɞɧɢɰɚ ɢ ɨɤɨɥɧɨɫɬɢɬɟ ɦɭ ɩɨ ɜɪɟɦɟ ɧɚ
ɩɴɪɜɨɬɨ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɨ ɰɚɪɫɬɜɨ. – ȼ: ɂɫɬɨɪɢɹ ɧɚ ɫɟɥɨ Ƚɪɚɞɧɢɰɚ. ɋɟɜɥɢɟɜɨ, 1994, 37-40.
2
Ɂɚ ɧɹɤɨɢ ɨɬ ɩɪɟɞɨɫɬɚɜɟɧɢɬɟ ɞɚɧɧɢ ɛɥɚɝɨɞɚɪɹ ɧɚ ɇ. Ȼɨɬɟɜɚ ɨɬ ɂɆ ɋɟɜɥɢɟɜɨ.
482
Константин ТОТЕВ. ДВА ЗЛАТНИ ПРЪСТЕНА ПЕЧАТИ С ИНИЦИАЛИ ОТ КРЕПОСТТА ПРИ ...
3
Ɇɢɥɱɟɜ, Ⱥ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., 191-192; Ɇɢɥɱɟɜ, Ⱥ., ɉ. Ʉɚɦɛɭɪɨɜ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 38.
4
Ɇɢɥɱɟɜ, Ⱥ., ɉ. Ʉɚɦɛɭɪɨɜ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 39.
5
ɉɪɴɫɬɟɧɢɬɟ ɫɟ ɫɴɯɪɚɧɹɜɚɬ ɜ ɊɂɆ Ƚɚɛɪɨɜɨ. ɂɡɩɨɥɡɜɚɦ ɜɴɡɦɨɠɧɨɫɬɬɚ ɞɚ
ɢɡɤɚɠɚ ɫɜɨɹɬɚ ɤɨɥɟɝɢɚɥɧɚ ɛɥɚɝɨɞɚɪɧɨɫɬ ɧɚ Ɋɨɫɟɧ Ƀɨɫɢɮɨɜ ɨɬ ɊɂɆ Ƚɚɛɪɨɜɨ, ɤɨɣɬɨ ɦɢ
ɩɪɟɞɨɫɬɚɜɢ ɜɴɡɦɨɠɧɨɫɬɬɚ ɞɚ ɪɚɛɨɬɹ ɫ ɬɟɡɢ ɩɪɴɫɬɟɧɢ.
6
ɉɪɴɫɬɟɧɴɬ ɟ ɡɚɜɟɞɟɧ ɩɨɞ ɢɧɜ. ʋ 2236.
483
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
7
ɉɪɴɫɬɟɧɴɬ ɟ ɡɚɜɟɞɟɧ ɜɴɜ ɮɨɧɞɚ ɧɚ ɊɂɆ Ƚɚɛɪɨɜɨ, ɩɨɞ ɢɧɜ. ʋ 2232.
8
Ⱥɧɬɨɧɨɜɚ, ȼ. Ƚɪɚɞɨɭɫɬɪɨɣɫɬɜɨ ɧɚ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɢɹ ɝɪɚɞ ɒɭɦɟɧ ɩɪɟɡ XII-XIV
ɜ. – ȼ: Ƚɨɞɢɲɧɢɤ ɧɚ ɦɭɡɟɢɬɟ ɨɬ ɋɟɜɟɪɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. Ɍ. 6, 1981, 55-56; ɀɟɤɨɜɚ, ɀ.
Ɇɹɫɬɨɬɨ ɧɚ ɝɪɚɞ ɒɭɦɟɧ ɜ ɚɞɦɢɧɢɫɬɪɚɬɢɜɧɚɬɚ ɫɬɪɭɤɬɭɪɚ ɧɚ ɫɪɟɞɧɨɜɟɤɨɜɧɚ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ. –
ȼ: Ƚɪɚɞɴɬ ɜ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢɬɟ ɡɟɦɢ (ɩɨ ɚɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢ ɞɚɧɧɢ). Ɇɚɬɟɪɢɚɥɢ ɨɬ
ɧɚɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɚɬɚ ɧɚɭɱɧɚ ɤɨɧɮɟɪɟɧɰɢɹ ɩɨɫɜɟɬɟɧɚ ɧɚ ɠɢɜɨɬɚ ɢ ɞɟɥɨɬɨ ɧɚ ɫɬ.ɧ.ɫ. ȼɟɪɚ
Ⱥɧɬɨɧɨɜɚ. ɒɭɦɟɧ, 2014, ɫ. 507, ɨɛɪ. 9. ɂɡɨɛɪɚɠɟɧɢɟɬɨ ɜɴɪɯɭ ɩɪɴɫɬɟɧɚ ɟ
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ɋɉɂɋɔɄ ɇȺ ɈȻɊȺɁɂɌȿ:
Ɉɛɪ. 1. Ɇɟɫɬɧɨɫɬɬɚ „ɉɪɟɱɢɫɬɚ” ɞɨ ɫ. Ƚɪɚɞɧɢɰɚ, ɋɟɜɥɢɟɜɫɤɨ ɢ
ɚɪɯɢɜɧɚ ɮɨɬɨɝɪɚɮɢɹ ɨɬ 1956 ɝ. ɧɚ ɰɴɪɤɜɚɬɚ ɧɚ ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬɬɚ.
Ɉɛɪ. 2. Ɂɥɚɬɟɧ ɩɪɴɫɬɟɧ ɩɟɱɚɬ ɨɬ ɝɪɨɛ ʋ 73 ɜ ɧɟɤɪɨɩɨɥɚ ɧɚ
ɰɴɪɤɜɚɬɚ ɜ ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬɬɚ ɩɪɢ ɫ. Ƚɪɚɞɧɢɰɚ, ɋɟɜɥɢɟɜɫɤɨ, XIV ɜ.
Ɉɛɪ. 3. Ɂɥɚɬɟɧ ɩɪɴɫɬɟɧ ɩɟɱɚɬ ɨɬ ɝɪɨɛ ʋ 31 ɜ ɧɟɤɪɨɩɨɥɚ ɧɚ
ɰɴɪɤɜɚɬɚ ɜ ɤɪɟɩɨɫɬɬɚ ɩɪɢ ɫ. Ƚɪɚɞɧɢɰɚ, ɋɟɜɥɢɟɜɫɤɨ, XIV ɜ.
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Константин ТОТЕВ. ДВА ЗЛАТНИ ПРЪСТЕНА ПЕЧАТИ С ИНИЦИАЛИ ОТ КРЕПОСТТА ПРИ ...
1
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
ɏɪɢɫɬɨ Ɍɪɟɧɞɚɮɢɥɨɜ
1. ɐɴɪɤɨɜɧɨ-ɫɬɪɨɢɬɟɥɧɚ ɱɚɫɬ
1
ɉɅȾɊ – ɉɚɦɹɬɧɢɤɢ ɥɢɬɟɪɚɬɭɪɵ Ⱦɪɟɜɧɟɣ Ɋɭɫɢ. XI – ɧɚɱɚɥɨ XII ɜɟɤɚ. Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ,
1978, ɫ. 164, 166. ɇɚɬɚɬɴɤ ɜɫɢɱɤɢ ɰɢɬɚɬɢ ɨɬ ɉȼɅ ɫɟ ɩɪɢɜɟɠɞɚɬ ɩɨ ɬɨɜɚ ɢɡɞɚɧɢɟ ɢ ɳɟ
ɫɨɱɢɦ ɫɚɦɨ ɫɬɪɚɧɢɰɚɬɚ.
2
Ƚɨɪɫɤɢɣ Ⱥ., Ʉ. ɇɟɜɨɫɬɪɭɟɜ. Ɉɩɢɫɚɧɢɟ ɫɥɚɜɹɧɫɤɢɯ ɪɭɤɨɩɢɫɟɣ Ɇɨɫɤɨɜɫɤɨɣ
ɋɢɧɨɞɚɥɶɧɨɣ ɛɢɛɥɢɨɬɟɤɢ. Ɍɨɦ II, ɨɬɞɟɥ 2. Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ, 1859, ɫ. 33.
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
2. Ʉɧɢɠɨɜɧɨ-ɨɪɝɚɧɢɡɚɰɢɨɧɧɚ ɱɚɫɬ
3
ɉɅȾɊ, ɫ. 166.
4
Ⱥɧɝɟɥɨɜ, ɋɬ. Ɂɚ ɬɪɢ ɫɴɱɢɧɟɧɢɹ ɜ ɋɢɦɟɨɧɨɜɢɬɟ ɫɛɨɪɧɢɰɢ. – ȼ:
ɋɬɚɪɨɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚ ɥɢɬɟɪɚɬɭɪɚ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1979, ɫ. 25.
5
Ɏɟɞɟɪ, ɍ. Ɋ. Êúíæèè èçáîðüíèêú. Ɂɚ ɜɴɡɩɢɬɚɧɢɟ ɧɚ ɤɚɧɚɪɬɢɤɢɧɚ. Ɍɨɦ I.
ȼɟɥɢɤɨ Ɍɴɪɧɨɜɨ, 2008, 249-250; ɫɪɜ.: Ⱥɧɝɟɥɨɜ, ɋɬ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ, ɫ. 26, ɤɴɞɟɬɨ ɟ ɩɨɦɟɫɬɟɧɨ
ɋɥɨɜɨɬɨ ɩɨ ɉɚɧɚɝɸɪɫɤɢɹ ɫɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɨɬ XVI ɜ.); ɋɩɨɪɟɞ ɍ. Ɏɟɞɟɪ ɂɡɛɨɪɧɢɤɴɬ ɨɬ 1076 ɝ.
ɧɟ ɟ ɩɪɟɩɢɫ ɨɬ ɤɢɪɢɥɫɤɢ ɬɟɤɫɬ, ɚ ɬɪɚɧɫɤɪɢɩɰɢɹ ɧɚ ɝɥɚɝɨɥɢɱɟɫɤɢ, ɨɫɴɳɟɫɬɜɟɧɚ ɜ Ʉɢɟɜ.
Ɍɚɤɚɜɚ ɟ ɛɢɥɚ ɭɱɚɫɬɬɚ ɧɚ ɦɧɨɝɨ ɞɪɭɝɢ ɜɟɥɢɤɨɩɪɟɫɥɚɜɫɤɢ ɫɴɱɢɧɟɧɢɹ, ɤɨɢɬɨ ɫɟ
ɬɪɚɧɫɤɪɢɛɢɪɚɬ ɨɬ ɝɥɚɝɨɥɢɰɚ ɧɚ ɤɢɪɢɥɢɰɚ ɜ ɪɭɫɤɚɬɚ ɫɬɨɥɢɰɚ: Ɂɥɚɬɨɫɬɪɭɣ, ɂɡɛɨɪɧɢɤ ɨɬ
1073 ɝ., ɉɚɧɞɟɤɬɢ ɧɚ Ⱥɧɬɢɨɯ, ɍɱɢɬɟɥɧɨ ɟɜɚɧɝɟɥɢɟ ɧɚ Ʉɨɧɫɬɚɧɬɢɧ ɉɪɟɫɥɚɜɫɤɢ, Ɂɚ
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Христо ТРЕНДАФИЛОВ. ВЕЛИКОПРЕСЛАВСКИ НАНОСИ В ЛЕТОПИСНИЯ РАЗКАЗ ЗА ЯРОСЛАВ МЪДРИ
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Ȼɢɛɥɢɹ, ɫɢɪɟɱ ɤɧɢɝɢɬɟ ɧɚ ɋɜɟɳɟɧɨɬɨ ɉɢɫɚɧɢɟ ɧɚ ɋɬɚɪɢɹ ɢ ɇɨɜɢɹ Ɂɚɜɟɬ.
ɋɜɟɬɢɹɬ ɫɢɧɨɞ ɧɚ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɰɴɪɤɜɚ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1995, 696-700.
12
Ɏɟɞɟɪ, ɍ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., ɫ. 250.
13
ɉɅȾɊ, 40-43.
14
ɉɚɤ ɬɚɦ, ɫ. 166.
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Христо ТРЕНДАФИЛОВ. ВЕЛИКОПРЕСЛАВСКИ НАНОСИ В ЛЕТОПИСНИЯ РАЗКАЗ ЗА ЯРОСЛАВ МЪДРИ
15
Ⱦɧɟɫ ɬɜɨɪɛɚɬɚ ɫɟ ɧɚɪɢɱɚ ɧɚɣ-ɱɟɫɬɨ ɉɨɯɜɚɥɚ, ɪɚɡɝɥɟɠɞɚ ɫɟ ɤɚɬɨ ɫɬɢɯɨɬɜɨɪɧɨ,
ɧɨ ɢ ɤɚɬɨ ɪɢɬɨɪɢɱɧɨ ɩɪɨɢɡɜɟɞɟɧɢɟ (ɟɧɤɨɦɢɨɧ). ȼ ɦɢɧɚɥɨɬɨ ɫɥɚɜɢɫɬɢɬɟ ɩɨɞɱɢɧɹɜɚɬ
ɠɚɧɪɚ ɧɚ ɧɟɣɧɚɬɚ ɮɭɧɤɰɢɨɧɚɥɧɨɫɬ ɢ ɧɚɪɢɱɚɬ ɉɨɯɜɚɥɚɬɚ ɩɨ ɪɚɡɥɢɱɟɧ ɧɚɱɢɧ:
ɩɪɟɞɢɫɥɨɜɢɟ, ɩɪɟɞɭɜɟɞɨɦɥɟɧɢɟ, ɩɨɞɩɢɫɶ (Ʉ. Ʉɚɥɚɣɞɨɜɢɱ, Ⱥ. Ƚɨɪɫɤɢ, Ʉ. ɇɟɜɨɫɬɪɭɟɜ). ɇɨ
ɤɚɤɜɨ ɪɚɡɛɢɪɚɬ ɩɨɫɥɟɞɧɢɬɟ ɞɜɚɦɚ ɚɪɯɟɨɝɪɚɮɢ ɩɨɞ ɩɨɞɩɢɫɶ? Ʌɟɤɫɟɦɚɬɚ ɨɡɧɚɱɚɜɚ ɡɧɚɤ,
ɫɤɪɟɩɹɜɚɳ ɚɜɬɨɪɫɤɚɬɚ ɫɚɦɨɥɢɱɧɨɫɬ ɢ ɠɢɜɨɩɢɫɧɚ ɭɤɪɚɫɚ (ɋɪɟɡɧɟɜɫɤɢɣ, ɂ. ɂ.
ɋɥɨɜɚɪɶ ɞɪɟɜɧɟɪɭɫɫɤɨɝɨ ɹɡɵɤɚ. Ɍɨɦ ɜɬɨɪɨɣ. ɑɚɫɬɶ 2. Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ, 1989, 1065-1066).
ɋɥɟɞɨɜɚɬɟɥɧɨ ɟ ɢɝɪɚɟɥɚ ɪɨɥɹɬɚ ɧɟ ɫɚɦɨ ɧɚ ɫɜɨɟɨɛɪɚɡɟɧ ɠɚɧɪɨɜɨ-ɤɧɢɠɨɜɟɧ, ɧɨ ɢ ɧɚ
ɩɟɪɫɨɧɚɥɟɧ ɩɟɱɚɬ. Ⱥ ɩɟɱɚɬɢɬɟ ɫɚ ɫɮɟɪɚɬɚ, ɧɚ ɤɨɹɬɨ ɩɪɨɮ. ɂɜɚɧ Ƀɨɪɞɚɧɨɜ ɩɨɫɜɟɬɢ
ɰɟɥɢɹ ɫɢ ɞɨɫɟɝɚɲɟɧ ɧɚɭɱɟɧ ɠɢɜɨɬ; ɤɚɤɜɢɬɨ ɢ ɬɟɦɢ ɞɚ ɪɚɡɪɚɛɨɬɜɚ ɟɞɢɧ ɦɟɞɢɟɜɢɫɬ
(ɥɢɬɟɪɚɬɭɪɧɢ, ɢɫɬɨɪɢɱɟɫɤɢ, ɟɡɢɤɨɜɢ, ɢɡɤɭɫɬɜɨɜɟɞɫɤɢ, ɤɭɥɬɭɪ-ɮɢɥɨɫɨɮɫɤɢ), ɬɨɣ
ɧɟɦɢɧɭɟɦɨ ɳɟ ɫɟ ɞɨɤɨɫɧɟ ɞɨ ɬɹɯɧɚɬɚ ɫɟɦɚɧɬɢɤɚ ɢ ɮɭɧɤɰɢɹ.
16
ɋɢɦɟɨɧɨɜ ɫɛɨɪɧɢɤ (ɩɨ ɋɜɟɬɨɫɥɚɜɨɜɢɹ ɩɪɟɩɢɫ ɨɬ 1073 ɝ.): ɂɡɫɥɟɞɜɚɧɢɹ ɢ
ɬɟɤɫɬ. Ɍɨɦ 1, ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1991, ɫ. 202. ɇɚɬɚɬɴɤ ɜɫɢɱɤɢ ɰɢɬɚɬɢ ɨɬ ɉɨɯɜɚɥɚɬɚ ɫɚ ɜɡɟɬɢ ɨɬ
ɬɚɡɢ ɫɬɪɚɧɢɰɚ.
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
17
Ɍɚɡɢ (ɜɫɟ ɨɳɟ ɩɪɟɞɩɨɥɚɝɚɟɦɚ) ɜɟɥɢɤɨɩɪɟɫɥɚɜɫɤɚ ɲɤɨɥɚ ɟ ɞɟɣɫɬɜɚɥɚ ɩɪɟɡ
ɩɴɪɜɢɬɟ ɞɟɫɟɬɢɥɟɬɢɹ ɧɚ X ɜ. ɜ Ⱦɜɨɪɟɰɚ ɢ e ɩɨɞɩɨɦɚɝɚɧɚ ɨɬ ɧɚɦɢɪɚɳɚɬɚ ɫɟ ɬɚɦ ɢ
ɫɴɡɞɚɞɟɧɚ ɨɬ ɩɪɨɫɜɟɬɟɧɢɹ ɛɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢ ɜɥɚɞɟɬɟɥ ɩɪɢɞɜɨɪɧɚ ɛɢɛɥɢɨɬɟɤɚ. Ɏɭɧɤɰɢɨɧɢɪɚɥɚ
ɟ ɫ ɩɪɟɤɴɫɜɚɧɢɹ ɩɨɪɚɞɢ ɜɨɟɧɧɢɬɟ ɤɚɦɩɚɧɢɢ ɧɚ ɋɢɦɟɨɧ ɢ ɞɭɯɨɜɧɨ-ɚɞɦɢɧɢɫɬɪɚɬɢɜɧɚɬɚ
ɡɚɟɬɨɫɬ ɧɚ ȿɤɡɚɪɯ. Ⱦɪɭɝɚ ɩɪɢɱɢɧɚ ɡɚ ɧɟɣɧɚɬɚ ɧɟɪɟɝɭɥɹɪɧɨɫɬ ɟ ɛɢɥ ɧɟɞɨɫɬɢɝɴɬ ɧɚ
ɤɥɚɫɧɢ ɩɪɟɩɨɞɚɜɚɬɟɥɢ. ȼɴɩɪɟɤɢ ɬɨɜɚ ɲɤɨɥɚɬɚ ɟ ɛɢɥɚ ɞɨɧɹɤɴɞɟ ɩɪɨɮɢɥɢɪɚɧɚ: ɤɚɡɚɧɨ ɫ
ɟɡɢɤɚ ɧɚ ɟɩɢɫɬɟɦɨɥɨɝɢɹɬɚ, ɞɢɫɰɢɩɥɢɧɚɪɧɚɬɚ ɦɚɬɪɢɰɚ ɧɚ Ƀɨɚɧ ȿɤɡɚɪɯ ɟ ɛɢɥɚ ɜ
ɨɛɥɚɫɬɬɚ ɧɚ ɉɪɢɪɨɞɚɬɚ, ɚ ɬɚɡɢ ɧɚ ɋɢɦɟɨɧ – ɜ ɫɮɟɪɚɬɚ ɧɚ Ʉɭɥɬɭɪɚɬɚ. Ɂɚ ɩɨɫɥɟɞɧɨ
ɩɨɧɹɬɢɟ ɜɠ.: Ʉɭɧ, Ɍ. ɋɬɪɭɤɬɭɪɚ ɧɚ ɧɚɭɱɧɢɬɟ ɪɟɜɨɥɸɰɢɢ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 1996. ɉɪɟɡ ɟɩɨɯɚɬɚ
ɧɚ ɰɚɪ ɉɟɬɴɪ, ɜ ɨɬɫɴɫɬɜɢɟɬɨ ɧɚ ɰɚɪ ɋɢɦɟɨɧ ɢ ɧɚ Ƀɨɚɧ ȿɤɡɚɪɯ ɲɤɨɥɚɬɚ ɟ ɩɪɢɞɨɛɢɥɚ
ɬɪɚɞɢɰɢɨɧɧɨ-ɦɨɧɚɲɟɫɤɚ ɫɩɟɰɢɮɢɤɚ.
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Ɍɪɟɧɞɚɮɢɥɨɜ, ɏ. Ƀɨɚɧ ȿɤɡɚɪɯ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɫɤɢ. ɋɨɮɢɹ, 2001, 88-90.
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Ɍɭɪɢɥɨɜ Ⱥ. Ⱥ. Ƚɪɢɝɨɪɢɣ Ɏɢɥɨɫɨɮ. – ȼ: ɉɪɚɜɨɫɥɚɜɧɚɹ ɛɨɝɨɫɥɨɜɫɤɚɹ
ɷɧɰɢɤɥɨɩɟɞɢɹ. Ɍ. 13. Ɇɨɫɤɜɚ, 2006, 71-74.
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ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
ɏɪɢɫɬɨ ɏɚɪɢɬɨɧɨɜ
Hristo Haritonov
In the 18th and 19th centuries, some of the Bulgarian Christian churches cut their
own coins for indoor use. They are not tokens because they have nominal monetary value
and other features similar to regular coins. Some of the coins are known to science, but
others are known only by historical evidence. The object of this study is exactly such
unknown type of church coin. It is a cross-signed brass token of an Austrian river shipping
company from the middle of the 9th century.
The conclusions drawn from the comparison of this coin with others, as well as it
being based on its numismatic and historical analysis allow it to be referred to the coinage of
the St. Nicholas Church in the Danube town of Lom between 1856 – 1868.
2
Ɂɚ ɩɨɜɟɱɟ ɜɠ. ɒɢɲɤɢɧ, Ⱥ. ɉ. Ɇɟɬɚɥɢɱɟɫɤɢɟ ɛɨɧɵ ɍɤɪɚɣɧɵ ɤɨɧɰɚ ɏȱɏ-
ɧɚɱɚɥɚ ɏɏ ɜɟɤɚ. – ɇɭɦɢɡɦɚɬɢɤɚ ɢ ɫɮɪɚɝɢɫɬɢɤɚ. Ʉɢɟɜ, 1974, ɫ. 76 ɢ ɫɥ.
497
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. Юбилеен сборник в чест на 70-годишнината на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
ɋɉɂɋɔɄ ɇȺ ɈȻɊȺɁɂɌȿ:
8
Ɇɚɪɢɧɨɜ, Ⱦ. ɐɢɬ. ɫɴɱ., 288-289.
9
Ʌɚɱɟɜ, Ɇ. ɐɴɪɤɨɜɧɢɬɟ „ɩɚɪɢ” ɜ ɝɪɚɞ Ʌɨɦ ɩɪɟɡ ȼɴɡɪɚɠɞɚɧɟɬɨ. –
ɇɭɦɢɡɦɚɬɢɤɚ, 2, 1988, 44-45.
10
ɏɚɪɢɬɨɧɨɜ, ɏ. Ɇɨɧɟɬɢ ɧɚ ɯɪɢɫɬɢɹɧɫɤɢɬɟ ɯɪɚɦɨɜɟ ɜ Ȼɴɥɝɚɪɢɹ, ɫ. 90.
500
Христо ХАРИТОНОВ. НЕИЗВЕСТЕН ТИП МОНЕТА НА БЪЛГАРСКИ ХРИСТИЯНСКИ ХРАМ
1 2
5
3 4
7 8 9
6
501
IN HONOREM
6
ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ
ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ
Юбилеен сборник
в чест на 70-годишнината
на проф. д.и.н. Иван Йорданов
ISBN 978-619-201-348-6
Университетско издателство
“Епископ Константин Преславски”
2019