Chapter-IV

Naxal Movement and its Conflict

Dynamics
 Chapter-IV

N axal Movement and its Conflict Dynamics

While its detractors reduce it to another form of terrorism, the Naxal grour,s never

dropped their slogan of 'people's war for people's power'. War and Terrorism,

both are the worst forms of human exploitation. However, it's not our interest to

take part in this debate, instead what we intend to do here is to examine the

problem of Naxalism within the scope of Conflict, i.e. Inter-Organizational

Conflict and Intra-Organizational Conflict. Naxal Movement manifests itself

through several organizations and groups. Splits, splinter groups, and mergers

have so far remained the inseparable character ofNaxal brand of Politics. In other

words Naxal movement is highly fragmented. "They have about forty odd groups

operating under various labels in different parts of the country."' It needs to be

mentioned that the Naxalite groups never achieved total unanimity and fission has

been always the dominant trend.

What has been the impact of this fragmented character of the movement?

In order to understand the complex nature of the Naxal Movement it is essential to

understand its organizational aspect. As we saw in the previous chapter that

Movement Organization (MO) plays a dominant role in the failure and success of

a movement. Contemporary writers who have examined the Naxalbari Movement

(1967-1969) are widely divided over the issue. While there are the likes of

Manaoranjan Mohanty who believe that "the pre organizational character of the

movement was responsible for keeping it alive. A well organized movement based

1
Prakash Singh, The Naxa/ Movement in India, Rupa and Co, New Delhi, 1995, p.
140.
 Naxal Movement and. ..

on a definite structure is more prone to physical liquidation then a pre-

2
organizational report." On the other hand there are others like Biplab

Dasgupta who blames ··it at the pre-organizational character of the

movement, which was the primary cause of its failure. However, the

characteristic features of contemporary Naxal Movement are

summarized by one of its finest observer, Sumanta Banerjee. "One

cannot deny that even after three decades of its tortuous and self-divisive (and

often self-destructive) odyssey, the movement that began in Naxalbari (known

today as 'Naxalite') still remains a force to reckon with. 3 Banerjee continues and

moves into another reality of Naxalism that "it evokes a variety of strong

einotions ranging from adr:niration to denunciation, cutting across the political

lines of the established parties. The movement itself also, hard pressed by new

challenges and endemic splits, no longer inspires that buoyant optimism of the

1960-70 period. " 4

In the period of this study that is between 1990-2005 the Naxal

Movement witnessed considerable number of changes within different

groups, which are directly involved with the movement. Naxal

movement has undergone severe conflicts and innumerable splits over

ideological and political positions before the regrouping attempt.

Similarly with every change of government at the national as well as

state levels, the conflict dynamics also undergoes several changes. All

this and their impact on the politics ofNaxalism will find a place here.

2
Manoranjan Mohanty, Revolutionary Violence: A Study of Maoist Movement in India,
Sterling Publishers, New Delhi, 1977.
3
Sumanta Banerjee, Naxalbari: Between Past and Future, Economic and Political Weekly, June
01,2002
4
1bid.

90
 Naxal Movement and...

A Prelude:

To understand the genesis of Naxal Movement one needs to locate it within the

framework of the Communist movement in India. To be more specific any study

on the Naxal Movement cannot overlook the importance of the rise and fall of

Telangana Movement (1946-51 ). Because for Indian Communists, Telangana

would always remain the glorious chapter in the history of peasant struggles. In

fact it was the first serious effort by sections of the Communist Party leadership to

learn from the experiences of the Chinese revolution and to develop a

'

comprehensive line for India's democratic revolution. On the other hand the

experience in Telangana also facilitated the growth of three distinct lines in the

Indiar1 communist movement. The line promoted by Ranadive and his followers

rejected the significance of the Chinese revolution, and advocated the

simultaneous accomplishment of the democratic and the socialist revolutions

based on city-based wor:king-class insurrections. The group drew inspiration from

Stalin and fiercely attacked Mao as another Tito.

The second line mainly professed and propagated by the Andhra

Secretariat drew heavily from the Chinese experiences and the teachings of Mao

in building up the struggle of Telangana. The Andhra leadership, successfully

spearhead the movement against the Nizam; however, it failed to tackle the

complex question of meeting the challenge of the Government of India. The

Nehru government embarked on the road to parliamentary democracy,

conditioning it with reforms like the 'abolition of Zamindari system'. All these

objective conditions facilitated the dominance of a centrist line put forward by

Ajay Ghosh and Dange. This line characteristically pointed out the differences

91
 Naxal Movement and. ..

between Chinese and Indian conditions and pushed the Party along the

parliamentary road.

In 1957 the communists succeeded in forming a government irt Kerala,

which however, was soon overthrown and following the India-China war, the

Party split into two during 1964, viz. Communist Party of India and Communist

Party of India (Marxist). While the CPI preached the theory of 'peaceful road to

non-capitalist development', the CPI (M), went ahead with the centrist line.

Though there were serious . differences on ideological and tactical lines both the

Parties went ahead with their parliamentary exercises and formed the United Front

. ·government in West Bengal.

. In the backdrop of such organizational upheavals within the Indian

Communist Movement, one particular incident that took place in an unknown

location involving some unknown people, hugely transformed the history of Left

Wing Extremism in India. In a remote village called Naxalbari in West Bengal

one tribal youth named Bimal Kissan, having obtained a judicial order, went to

plough his land on 2 March 1967. The local landlords attacked him through their

goons. Tribal people of the area retaliated and started forcefully capturing back

their lands. What followed was a rebellion, which left one police sub inspector

and nine tribals dead. This particular incident acquired a larger appeal in about

two months on the basis of open support it garnered from cross sections of

communist revolutionaries belonging to the state units of the CPI (M) in West

Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Uttar Pradesh and

Jammu and Kashmir. Though the United Front Government of West Bengal

92
 Naxal Movement and. ..

headed by CPI (M), with all repressive measures, was able to contain the rebellion

within 72 days, these units had a formal meeting in November 1967.

·.
As the outcome of the meeting one All India Coordination Committee of

Communist Revolutionaries (AICCCR) was formed in May 1968. 'Allegiance to

the armed struggle and non-participation in the elections' were the two cardinal

principles that the AICCR adopted for its operations. However, differences

cropped up over how armed struggle should be advanced and this led to the

exclusion of a section of activists from Andhra Pradesh and West Bengal, led

respectively by T. Nagi Reddy and Kanhai Chatterjee.

On the issue of annihilation of class enemy the Kanhai Chatterjee group

had serious objections as they were of the view that the annihilation of the class

enemy should only be taken up after building up mass agitations. However

majority in the AICCCR rejected this and the AICCCR went ahead with the

formation of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) in May 1969. This

led Chatterjee to join the Maoist Communist Centre (MCC). The CPI (M-L) held

its first congress in 1970 in Kolkata and Charu Mazumdar was formally elected its

general secretary.

Since then both the CPI (M-L) and the MCC continued with their

respective forms of armed struggle for the next couple of years. During this period

Chanr Majumdar, became the undisputed Naxa!ite guru and with the

organizational skills of Kanu Sanyal and Jaghal Santhal the movement spread

different corners of the country. The country witnessed euphoria, euphoria of a

Maoist Revolution. However it was far short lived then expected. What was

generally perceived by the Indian as well as the Chinese Communist

93
 Naxal Movement and...

Revolutionaries as the final enactment of revolution in reality proved to be no

more than a dress rehearsal. As hundreds of CPI (ML) cadres lost their life, and

thousands were put behind the bar, the movement had to witness confusion, splits

and disintegration. Charu Majumdar's larger than life image had its negative

impact also, for which after his death in 1972 the Central Leadership of CPI (ML)

virtually collapsed.

The history of the Naxal Movement post Charu Mazumdar is characterized

by a number of splits brought about by personalized and narrow perceptions about

the Maoist revolutionary line and attempts at course correction by some of the

major groups. Even Kanu Sanyal, one of the founders of the movement, was not

free from this trend. He gave up the path of "dedicated armed struggle" by 1977

and accepted parliamentary practice as one form of revolutionary activity.

It was during 1974 that one influential group of CPI (ML) led by Jauhar
..

(Subrata Dutt), Nagbhushan Pattnaik and Vinod Mishra launched one of major

initiative what they termed as 'course correction'. This group renamed itself as

CPI (M-L) Liberation in 1974, and in 1976, during the Emergency; it adopted a

new line that called for the continuation of armed guerilla struggles along with

' efforts to form a broad anti-Congress democratic front, consisting even of non-

c0mmtmist parties. The group also suggested that pure military armed struggle

should be limited and that there should be greater emphasis on mass peasant

struggles in an attempt to provide an Indianised version of Marxism-Leninism-

Maoism.

94
 Naxal Movement and ..

However, during the next three years the movement suffered further splits with

leaders, such as Kondapalli Seetharamaiah (Andhra Pradesh) and N. Prasad

(Bihar) dissociating themselves from the activities of the party. This led to Prasad
'
forming the CPI (M-L) (Unity Organization) and Seetharamaiah started the

People's War Group (PWG) in I 980. Seetharamaiah's line also sought to restrict

"annihilation of class enemies" but the PWG's emphasis was on building up mass

organisations, not on developing a broad democratic front.

Since from then,"" the principal division in the Naxalite movement has been

between the two line of thought and action, as advanced by the CPI (ML)

Liberation and the PWG. While Liberation branded PWG a group of "left

adventurists", the PWG castigated the Liberation group as one of the

"revisionists" imitating the CPI (M). On the other hand the growth of MCC as a

major armed group in the same areas created the scope of multifarious

organizational conflicts among the Naxal groups. Liberation took a theoretical

stand of correcting the past mistakes of 'completely rejecting parliamentary

politics'. On the other h~nd PWG and MCC completely rejected the Parliamentary

Democratic system of governance and vowed to wage 'people's war for people's

government'. In the process while the Liberation group registered its first electoral

victory in Bihar in I 989, more Naxalite factions such as the CPI (M-L) New

Democracy, the CPI (ML) S.R. Bhajjee Group and the CPI (M-L) Unity Initiative

were formed in that State.

Following years witnessed some distinct phenomena in the history of the

Naxal movement. First, the intra organizational conflict and rivalry among

different groups touched several high points resulting in the loss of considerable

95
 Naxal Movement and. ..

number of cadres of rival groups. Secondly, despite the large-scale inner conflicts

there was always an exercise going at various levels attempting for the unity.

Thirdly, 1990 onwards the affected state registered a considerable growth in

·.
violent incidents and at the same time a considerable change in policy approach at

the government level was also witnessed. If Naxal Movement is mostly

characterized by fragmented groups and innumerable splits; successive

governments at the national and state level were never been able to follow a

uniform approach to deal with the problem of Naxalism. All these have had a

marked impact in the growth ofNaxal movement.

The characteristic feature of the Naxal movement lies with its disorganized

state as it led to some inte._resting formulations that are quite uncommon in the

study Of movement organizations. The fragmented character of the movement

gave rise to all possible trends and groupings and thereby paving way for new

avenues of organizational conflict. Due to its fragmented character the movement

witnessed many past leaders and cadres making a comeback as though from

oblivion. This aspect of Naxal organizational politics is very important to

understand as it also enabled the reemergence of a whole range of questions that

were supposed to have been already resolved once and for all.

lt1 order to understand the current phase of Naxalism we need to

understand different aspects of organizational transformation that occurred within

the Naxal Movement. Though the period of study taken up for this work is from

1990 to 2005, yet for a comprehensive analysis we will examine the period

starting from 1980. Because the genesis and the current phase of the Naxal

movement is a reflection of continuity and change. To understand the continuity

96
 Naxal Movement and. ..

ofNaxal movement over the decade one has to understand its dynamics of change,

similarly to understand the changing nature of Naxal Movement one has to

understand the factors responsible for its continuity. And this reestablishes the

dynamic character of the movement.

Following comprehensive table contains the details of the organizations

who some way or the otl1er are part of the Naxal Movement.

Table No. 4.1: Current Maoist or Mao-influenced Organizations in India

Name A!lias Publication Political Line Status

All India Founded in 1992.
People's AIPRF Focuses mainly
Resistance on democratic
Forum rights, opposition
to imperialist
globalization etc.
Some view it as a
front organization
ofPW, while
others view its
·. programme as an
alternative to that
ofPW.
Communist CLI (ML) La! Tara Founded on
League of India February 20,
(ML) 1978.
Communist CPI Engaged in Formed on
party ofindia (Maoist) guerilla war September 21,
(Maoist) in many 2004 as a merger
states. ofCPI (ML) PW
and MCC (I).
This is the largest
and most
important
revolutionary
party currently
engaged in
·.
guerilla warfare
in India.
, Communist CPI (ML) Centrist. Formed in
Party ofindia (?) January 2005 by
(ML). (A new a merger of CPI
formation as of (ML) Sanyal

97
 Naxal Movement and. ..

2005). group and CPI

(ML) Red Flag.
CPI (ML) S.R. Formed in 1990.
Bhaijee Group. Bhajijee Active in Bihar.
Group.
'

CPI (ML) Surkh Formed in 1977.

Central Team. Rekha. In August 1994
the Punjab
section ofCentral
Team merged
with 3 other
groups to form
CPRCI (ML), but
the Maharashtra
.. and West Bengal
section refused to
go along.
CPI (ML) CPI (ML) Janashakti. Guerilla War Formed in July
Janashakti, People's 1992 by the
Ranjana Group, Power. merger of six CPI
Ranadheer (ML) groups.
Group, Active in at least
Chandra Pulla 8 states. After a
Reddy group period of initial
and 6ther confusion it
factions. seems to have
settled on a
strategy of
guerilla warfare.
CPI (ML) Jan CPI (ML)
Samvad. People's
..
Dialogue.
CPI (ML) Liberation, Electoral Claims to be the
Liberation ML Update Focus main continuation
ofthe original
CPI (ML).
Backed away
from armed
struggle in 1970s.
Active in may
states including
Assam, West
Bengal and Bihar.

CPI (ML) CPI (ML) Bharater Split from CPI

Mahadev (MM) Iskara (ML) 2nd CC.
Mukherjee. They claim to be
·. the real CPI

98
 Naxal Movement and. ..

(ML). Small,
doctrinaire and
idiosyncratic;
they continue to
support Lin Biao.
CPI (ML) ·. Mostly active in
Maharashtra. Maharashtra.
CPI (ML) Nai
~aha!.
CPI (ML) Naxalbari. Advocates CPI (ML) MUC
Naxalbari immediate merged in to this
People's War. group in April
1999. After 2000,
asp! inter group
from the CPI
(ML) Red Flag,
led by some one
named Rauf,
merged with CPI
(ML) Naxalbari.
Raufis the
Secretary of this
..
group. It is
affiliated with
CCOMPOSA and
RIM.
CPI (ML) New CPI (ML) New Possibly in Formed in 1988
Democracy Prajapandha. Democracy, flux. by Yatendra
Pratirodh Ka Kumar. Active in
Swar. Bihar and
elsewhere. Say
they favor the
'revolutionary
mass line', but
also leaning more
toward guerilla
warfare lately.

CPI (ML) New ..

Proletarian
CPI (ML) CPI (ML) Said to be active
Organizing Organization in Bihar under the
Committee. Committee. leadership of
B.N. Sharma.
(Unclear ifthis is
the same group
that merged into
CCRI in 1988.)
CP! (ML) People's Engaged in
Prajaa Retribution. Armed

99
 Naxal Movement and ..

Pratighatana. Struggle.
CPI (ML) CPI (ML)
Prajashakti. People's
Power.

CPJ (ML) CPJ (ML) Pratighatana. Engaged in Split from CPJ

Pratighatana Retribution; Armed (ML)
CPI (ML) Struggle. Prajapratighatana.
Phani
Baghchi.
CPI (ML) CPI (ML) Fora New Prob. centrist.Formed in I 977
Provisional PCC ' Democracy. with the merger
central ofCPJ (ML) S.N.
Committee Singh group and
the CPI (ML)
Unity Committee.
The CPI (ML)
Central Team
split off in I 978.
In I 980 C.P.
Reddy Group
split off. Active
in Bihar etc.
CPI (ML) CPI (ML) Formed around
Shantipal. Shanti Pal 1972 in northern
Group. West Bengal.
Also active in
Bihar, etc.
CPI (ML) CPI (ML) Formed in 1972
Second Central 2ndCC by Mahadeo
Committee. Mukherjee, who
was later
expelled. Active
in Bihar, etc.
Communist CPUSI. Engaged in Split from CPI
Party of the Armed (ML) Janashakti
United States struggle. in 1997. Wanted
oflndia. more attention to
Caste issues.
Communist CPRCI Surkh Advocates the Formed in 1994
Party (ML) Rekha, The 'revolutionary by merger of 4
Reorganization Comrade. massline'. groups: the
Centre of India Punjab unit of
(ML). CPI (ML) Central
Team; Centre of
Communist
Revolutionaries
oflndia;
Communist Unity
Centre of India;

100
 Naxal Movement and. ..

.. and the Marxist-

Leninist
Organizing
Center.
Communist Communist
Revolutionary Biplabi
'
Centre. Kendra.
Communist CRLI Small Party in
Revolutionary West Bengal.
League of Founded and led
India. by former CPI
(ML) student
leader Ashim
Chatterjee. May
now lean towards
social democracy.
Marxist MCPI·. People's MCPI is a
Communist Democracy splinter group
Party oflndia from the
revisionist CPI
(Marxist).
Although its
Maoist
credentials are
weak, it seems to
be exploring
unity with several
centrist Maoist
groups.
Marxist- ML Seems to be a
Leninist Committee small middle of
Committee the (i.e. not
engaged in
.. guerilla warfare) .
Active in the
eastern part of
Andhra Pradesh.
Revolutionary RCCI This may be a
Communist (MLM) separate
Centre, India organization from
(Marxist- the RCCI
Leninist- (Maoist), which
Maoist) merged with
l:!' MCCI in Jan.
2003. Affiliated
to CCOMPOSA.

Revolutionary RSPI (ML) Formed in 1969.

Socialist Party
'

101
 Naxal Movement and ..

of India (ML)
Unity Centre of UCCRI Proletarian Mass Formed in I 975
Communist (ML) Path Revolutionary and led by T.
Revolutionaries Line Nagi Reddy
of India (M-L) 9who died in
..
1976) and D-.V:
Rao. The Punjab
Coordination
Committee of
Communist
Revolutionaries
merged with
UCCRI in I 976.
Source: "Maoist-Influenced Revolutionary Organizatzons zn Indza" at
<http://www.massline.info/India /Indian_ Groups.htm>.

Among the organizations listed above there are certain organizations that

have a very limited presence in very limited pockets yet they are the inseparable

part of the movement and. hence come under the purview of our theoretical

exploration. However, as per the scope of this study we will examine those

organizations around who revolves the pattern of organizational politics in the

Naxal Movemel)t. Broadly speaking such organizations can be put under the

following categories in terms of their ideology, strategy, tactics and modus

operandi.

1: The Militant Groups:

• Communist Party oflndia (ML) People's War. (PWG)

• Maoist Communist Center. (MCC)

• Communist Party of India (Maoist). (CPI-Maoist)

• Communist Party ofJndia (Marxist-Leninist) Janashakti

• Communist Party of United States ofJndia

• Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Naxalbari

• Communist Party ofJndia (Marxist-Leninist) (Mahadev Mukherjee)

102
 Naxal Movement and. ..

Although the PWG and MCC are merged now and formed CPI (Maoisti, yet we

would treat them as separate groups in many parts of this chapter as it would

allow us to study the interorganizational and intra organizational confiicts with in

the Naxal movement in a better perspective.

2: The Moderates:
·.
• Communist Party oflndia (Marxist-Leninist) Liberation

• Provisional Central Committee, Communist Party of India (Marxist-

Leninist)

• Communist Party oflndia (Marxist-Leninist), led by Kanu Sanyal

• Communist Revolutionary League oflndia

• Marxist-Leninist Committee

3: Middle-Category:

It consist of parties such as Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist)-New

Democracy who combine legal methods with armed struggle.

Naxal Movement in the new era of Organizational Confiict:

As stated above there are three broad currents through which Naxalism operates.

For the reasons, which will become obvious from the following discussion, we

w-ould examine here the Communist Party of India (ML) Liberation, Peoples War

Group (PWG), Maoist Communist Centre (MCC) and the Communist Party of

India (Maoist). We would examine the circumstances, in which these Naxal

groups were formed, what are their ideological basis and programmes, what are

5
The PWG and MCC merged on September 16, 2004, and formed the Communist Party of India
(Maoist).

103
 Naxal Movement and. ..

the similarities and dissimilf1rities. We would especially look into different aspect

of organizational politics in relation to these Maoist organizations and try to locate

their impact on the course ofNaxal Movement during 1990-2005.

Following are the main issues on which there appears to be considerable

difference among the Naxal groups and which is a primary cause of conflict

among them.

• The analysis ofthe first phase (1967-71) ofthe Naxalite movement and the

line of annihilation that was followed.

• The position that armed struggle is the principal form of struggle and that

armed guerilla squad is the primary unit of struggle.

• Because the principal form of struggle is armed struggle, the entire activity

of the agrarian struggle should be underground.

• Whether the contradiction between feudalism and Indian masses is the

principal form of contradiction in Indian society or whether India has

emerged as a capitalist state and hence, the contradiction between

capitalism and general public is the principal contradiction.

• Whether forming a ··united front with various forces and movements like

the dalit movements, farmer's movements, ethnic and regional movements

and ecological movements, etc. advisable. 6

However these are not the only issues, several other issues pertaining to

ground ·level reality and control of territory are crucially linked with the

functioning ofNaxal organizations.

6
Praksh Louis, People Power: The Naxalite Movementin Central Bihar, Wordsmiths, Delhi, 2002,
p. 277.

104
 Naxal Movement and. ..

Communist Party oflndia (Marxist-Leninist) Liberation:

Historically speaking, the origin of CPI (ML) Liberation dates back to, 1974.

However, the post emergency phase of 1977, when most leaders of the

Communist Movement were released from the jail was the time when the activity

of Liberation was first noticed. The Party Central Committee (PCC) in a move to

unite the splinter groups owing their origin to CPI (ML) called a meeting during

30 January-2 February 1981. However the meet could not derive the expected

results. "From this point onwards whereas the PCC group goes on to become

irrelevant and splits up into various factions, the M-L movement begins to

polarize between the Marxist-Leninist line of CPI (ML) (Liberation) and the

anarchist line of CPI (ML) (People's War)."7 During 1982 Indian People's Front
'•

(IPF) was launched in New Delhi at a national conference. In due course of time,

IPF became Party's open political platform actively intervening in national

politics. At the end of the year the Third Party Congress takes place at Giridih,

Bihar where the issue of participation in election is clinched. This shift in the

outlook of CPI (ML) Liberation proved to be vital in designing later course of

activity within the Naxal Movement. As one scholar observes, "Even though the

Liberation group considers itself the true inheritor of the CPI (ML) legacy, its

political line has changed dramatically from that ofthe original CPI (ML)." 8 With

this strategic shift in functioning the CPI (ML) (Liberation) recorded its first

electoral victory under banner of IPF in 1989 and "Ara (one Lok Sabha

Constituency in Central Bihar) sends the first "Naxalite" member to Parliament."9

In a special conference convened in July 1990, the party decided to resume open
7
Thirty Years ofNaxa!bari, an undated publication ofCPI (ML} Liberation.
8
Bela Bhatia, Naxa!ite Movement in Central Bihar, Economic and Political Weekly, April 9 2005.
9
History of Naxa!ism, Hindustantimes.com

105
 Naxal Movement and. ..

functioning. This decision was formalized at its fifth Congress in December 1992.

In 1994, the Indian People's Front was disbanded. The Election Commission

recognized the party in 1995, and since then the CPI (ML) is contesting success_ive

elections at national and state levels.

The CPI (ML) Liberation, though functioning over ground within the

Pari iamentary Democracy set up, has not completely disbanded the path of armed
'
rebellion. "The Party does not rule out the possibility that under a set of
\

exceptional national and international circumstances, the balance of social and

political forces may even permit a relatively peaceful transfer of central power to

revolutionary forces. But in a country where democratic institutions are based on

essentially fragile and narrow foundations and where even small victories and

partial reforms can only be achieved and maintained on the strength of mass

militancy, the party of the proletariat must prepare itself for winning the ultimate

decisive victory in an armed revolution. A people's democratic front and a

people's ariny, therefore, re~ain the two most fundamental weapons of revolution

in the arsenal of the Party." 10 This again points out at the dilemmas within the

ultra left movement, which is very often reflected, in the unpredictable character

ofthe Naxal movement.

Leadership and Organization

Subrata Dutta alias Jauhar is being widely regarded as the founding father of CPI

(ML) Liberation. However, it is Vinod Mishra and Nagbhushan Pattnaik who

transformed both the ideological and operational face of the Party. The apex

10
A Party document ofCPI (ML) Liberation titled The General Programme.

106
 Naxal Movement and. ..

decision-making body of the Party is known as the Central Committee. Presently

the Central Committee ~f CPI (ML) Liberation has the following members. 11
1. Dipankar Bhattacharya, General Secretary.

2. Swadesh Bhattacharya, Member of Polit Bureau, Vice President, All India

Agricultural Labour Association.

3. Ram Naresh Ram, Member of Polit Bureau and Leader, Bihar Legislative

Party Group.

4. Kartick Pal, Member of Polit Bureau, Secretary of West Bengal State

Committee.

5. Ram Jatan Sharma, Member of Polit Bureau and Secretary of Bihar State

Committee.

6. D.P. Buxi, Member of Pol it Bureau, in-charge of Working Class Front.

7. Rubul Sharma, Member, Polit Bureau, In-charge of Hill District Party

Committee, Assam.

8. Akhilendra Pratap Singh, Member, Polit Bureau, and Secretary of Uttar

Pradesh State Committee.

9. Nand Kishor Prasad, Member of Po !it Bureau and District Secretary, Patna

(Rural).

10. Arindam Sen, Member, Editorial Board of Party's central English organ

"Liberation" and Director oflndian Institute of Marxist Studies.

I I. Ramji Rai, In-charge of Cultural Front.

I2. Kumudini Pati, General Secretary of All India Progressive Women's

Association.

I 3. V. Sankar, In-charge ofKarnataka, Kerala and Pondicherry.

11
List obtained from the CPI (ML) Liberation Party Head Quarters in New Delhi.

107
 Naxal Movement and. ..

14. B Sivaraman, Member Editorial Board of Liberation.

15. Rameshwar Prasad, General Secretary, All India Agricultural Labor

Association.

16. KD Yadav

17. Amar, District Secretary, Bhojpur, Bihar.

18. Saroj Chaube, Secretary, Patna Town Committee.

19. Partha Ghosh, West Bengal.

20. Kshitish Biswal, Vice President, AIALA, Secretary, Orissa State

Committee.

21. Jayanta Rongpi, Secretary, Hill District Spl. Committee, Assam.

22. Brij Bihari Pandey, Incharge, International Relations Department and

Editor, Samkalin Lokyudh.

23. N. Murthy, Secretary of Andhra Pradesh State Committee.

24. Bangar Rao, National Secretary, AIALA and District Secretary, East

Godavari, Andhra Pradesh.

25. S. Balasundaram, Vice President, AIALA, and Secretary of Tamil Nadu

State Committee.

26. S. Kumarasamy, Working President of All India Central Council of Trade

Unions (AICCTU).

27. Krishna Adhikari, Vice President, AIALA.

28. Rajendra Pratholi, Secretary,

•,
Delhi State Committee.

29. Swapan Mukherji, General Secretary of All India Central Council of Trade

Unions (AICCTU).

30. Srilata Swaminadhan, Party In-charge of Rajasthan and President, All

India Progressive Women's Association (AIPWA).

108
 Naxal Movement and. ..

3 .t. Mrinmoy Chakraborty, Secretary, Tripura State Committee.

32. Jatlardan Mahato, District Secretary, Palamou, Jharkhand.

33. Ibnul Hasan Basroo

34. Subhendu Sen. Secretary, Jharkhand State Committee.

35. Malleshwar Rao, District Secretary, Raygada, Orissa.

36. Kunal, Incharge ofChamparan region, Bihar.

37. Meena Tiwary, National Secretary, AIPWA.

3 8. Dhirendra Jha,' In-charge Student-Youth Front and In-charge,

Mithilanchal, Bihar.

39. Prabhat Kumar, Central Office Secretary, Delhi.

40. Raja Ram, Chairperson, Central Control Commission.

The Peoples War Group (PWG)

PWG is the most important among all the splinter groups representing Naxal

movement because today the dominant line within the Naxal politics is the PWG

line of thought. Though it is popularly known as PWG or PW its official

nomenclature is Communist Party of India-Marxist-Leninist (People's War). If

Naxalism today is being considered as the greatest internal security problem, and

if today Naxals are claiming of running parallel government in different parts of

the country, its credit mostly goes to PWG. "The CPI (ML) (People's War) was

formed on the Lenin's birth anniversary on April 22, 1980." 12 Kondapalli

Seetharamaiah, one of the most influential Naxalite leaders from Andhra Pradesh

and a member of the erstwhile Central Organizing Committee of the Communist

12
30 years of Naxa!bari, An undated Maoist literature, Vanguard Publication, p.30. Vanguard was
the organ ofPWG.

109
 Naxal Movement and. ..

Party of India-Marxist-Leninist, (CPI-ML), is the founding father of PWG;

ironically however he was later expelled from the group.

"The Programme of our Party has declared that India is a vast 'semi-

colonial and semi-feudal country', with about 80 percent of our population

residing in our villages. It is ruled by the big-bourgeois big landlord classes,

subservient to imperialism. The contradiction between the alliance of imperialism,

feudalism and comprador-bureaucrat- capitalism on the one hand and the broad

masses of the people on the other is the principal contrad1ction in our country.

Only a successful People's Democratic Revolution i.e. New Democratic

Revolution and the establi.shment of People's Democratic Dictatorship of the

workers, peasants, the middle classes and national bourgeoisie under the

leadership of the working class can lead to the liberation of our people from all

exploitation and the dictatorship of the reactionary ruling classes and pave the way

for building Socialism and Communism in our country, the ultimate aim of our

Party. People's War based on Armed Agrarian Revolution is the only path for

achieving people's democracy i.e. new democracy, in our country." 13 Rejecting

the Parliamentary Democratic System of the country and branding individual

annihilation as individual terrorism, PWG declares people's war is the only path

to bring about a people's government in the country.

13
'Path of People's War in India - Our Tasks!', a comprehensive PWG party document
highlighting its aims, objectives and strategies. The document was adopted by All-India Party
Congress, 1992. We obtained this document from one ofthe principal ideologue of the PWG.

110
 Naxal Movement and. ..

From the above quote of an important PWG party document it is clear that there

Was a set of organizational, strategic and tactical conflict going on within the CPI

(ML), which paved the way for the split and creation of a more radical, party.

Broadly speaking the party programmes of CPI (ML) Liberation were mostly

focused on the cause of peasants, while the group led by K. Seetharamaih wanted

the party to be a platform for peasants, workers, tribal and other weaker sections

of the society. It was the prime agenda of Liberation to build up a political front

focusing on peasant struggles, whereas PWG was more interested in the formation

of mass organizations instead of any democratic front. One of the renowned

guerrilla leaders of the erstwhile PWG summarizes the essence of conflict

between CPI (ML) Liberation and CPI (ML) People's War. "In the Liberation

group, which at one time was one of the strong groups defending Charu

Mazumdar's revolutionary line, after the martyrdom of Com. Johar, with the

leadership falling into tne hands of Vinod Mishra, they began betraying the Indian

revolution. As part of a conspiratorial plan, a once revolutionary party was

gradually changed into a revisionist party, like the CPI and CPM. The armed

resistance struggles against the state's attacks, taking place under the then

leadership of Liberation, was ended. The armed struggle to crush the feudal

private armies was made a secondary task. In this way, they diverted the entire

group away from the basic path outlined by the unified CPI (ML), and particularly

of its founder, Com. CM -that of protracted people's war - into becoming

agents of the ruling clas;;es, by surrendering them to the parliamentary path. They

converted the Com. Johar-led Liberation, from being a revolutionary movement,

111
 Naxal Movement and...

into a legalist, reformist and parliamentary movement; and changed the

14
underground organization into an open opportunist and revisionist organization."

The above two official statements of PWG clearly suggest that the birth of PW,G

which resulted due to another split within the CPI (ML-Liberation) was mostly

designed due to the dynamics of conflict among lots of its cadres. For a

considerable period after its birth PWG's activities were limited to Andhra

Pradesh only where as CPI (ML) Liberation continued to hold its turf in Bihar. It

was during this period another organization came into existence on January I
'
1982. It was named as Communist party of India (ML) Party Unity, which came

into existence with a merger between CPI (ML) Unity Organizations and Central

organizing Committee CPI (ML). Here after the Left Wing Extremism in India

witnessed some of the worst ever conflicts which again forced many of the

organizations to take a position and adopt new tactics. Bihar has always remained

a strong battleground for Naxal operations and ironically in Bihar most of the

clashes were between CPI (ML) Party Unity and CPI (ML) Liberation. Following

table contains the details of conflict between PU and Liberation in Bihar.

Table No. 4.2: Conflict History of CPIML (PU) and CPIML (Liberation) in
Bihar

Year Number of clashes Number of deaths.

1994 05 08 (PU 5, Lib 3)
1995 16 13 (PU 8, Lib 5)
1996 36 24 (Lib 19, PU 5)
1997 21 16 (Lib 13, PU 3)
Note: 1997 figures are up to October. Source: Times of India, Patna, 7 December 1997,
p.ll.

14
Sharvan, the then Secretary Bihar State Committee of CPI (ML) Peoples War, in an interview
given to People's March, Volume 2, No.3, March 2001.

112
 Naxal Movement and. ..

When these conflicts were taking tolls on the cadres of both sides, another

development was taking place simultaneously. In August 1998, Party Unity

merged with CPI (ML) People's War Group and the group came to be known as

People's War. "The merger of the two parties is the culmination of the unity

process which began in March '93 and continued for over five years during which

differences on several political, ideological and organizational questions were

resolved through thread-bare discussion." 15 The statement continues, "The

emergence of the united Party-- the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist)

[People's War]-- does not mark the completion of the process of unification of the

'genuine communist revolutionary forces in India. The newly Unified Party will

continue its efforts in right earnest to achieve this unification. We also call upon

the other genuine revolutionary elements in the various M-L parties in India who

are being led astray by both right and left opportunist leadership, to fight against

these deviations and rally under the banner of the United Party. The United Party

pledges itselfto avenge the death ofthousands of martyrs who fell in the course of

the ongoing democratic revolution in India paved with blood by these martyrs

until their cherished goals are accomplished. This is the era ofRevolutions." 16

By this merger PWG became another force to reckon with in Bihar and in

other areas where PU had a presence. Further developments suggest that with this
'
merger the armed rebellion path of the Naxal Movement became stronger, while

on the other hand with its parliamentary practices Liberation was loosing its turf

to PWG. The same Liberation who once was controlling the whole of Central

Bihar was loosing its territory and supporters to PWG and MCC. Not only in

15
People's War literature titled 'Joint Declaration by Communist Party of India (ML) People's
War and CP I (ML) (Party Unity) ', August 1998.
16
Ibid.

113
 Naxal Movement and. ..

Bihar, but everywhere Liberation was being systematically reduced from the map

ofNaxalite politics. By participating in electoral methods and by not being able to

make an impressive mark the Liberation way of movement became weak and the

PWG's armed operation started gaining momentum.

So when the Liberation with its changed modus operandi was being

reduced to any other small . political party, PWG in the same period managed to

register its presence outside Andhra Pradesh and gradually made strongholds in

different areas of Bihar, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand, Chattisgarh, and

Maharashtra. Of course due to this conflict between PU and Liberation, both the

groups suffered in terms of loss of considerable number of their cadres, but as we

saw this conflict also resulted in the merger of PU and PWG and ultimately

resulted in the violent consolidation ofthe movement.

The formation of People's War also resulted in tactical changes in several

aspects of the Naxal movement in general. 'In our agenda for a new democratic

revoiL:tion, there are two aspects -- the agrarian revolution and fight for

nationality.' 17 This statement shows the amount of organizational change

witnessed by the Naxal movement in all those years. In 1967, it started in the

name of agrarian revolution, which gradually took the stance of replacement of

the Parliamentary form of government, but the question of nationality was never

there. This reflects the pattern of conflict between PW and Liberation. By

questioning nationality PW wanted to make it clear that it wanted a broad

revolutionary pattern and 'land to tillers' could be a programme but not the sole
·.
agenda of the revolution.

17
Interview ofMuppalla Lakshmana Rao alias Ganapathy, the then head of the Communist Party
of India-Marxist-Leninist People's War. http://www.rediff.com/news/1998/ocll07gana.htm

114
 Naxal Movement and. ..

In between 15-30 November 1995 the PW conducted an All India Special

Conference in some unknown locality of Dandakaranya. There it adopted two

important party documents. The 'Party Programme' as adopted in the Conference

reads, "India is a semi-feudal, semi-colonial society; here the New Democratic

Revolution (NDR) has to be completed victoriously paving way to the Socialist

Revolution and to advance towards the ultimate goal of Communism. The Indian

people are weighed down by three big mountains: feudalism, imperialism and

comprador bureaucrat capital; these are the targets to be overthrown in the present

stage ofNDR. The four major contradictions in the present-day Indian society are:
'
the contradiction between feudalism and the broad masses; the contradiction

between imperialism and the Indian people; the contradiction between capital and

labour and the contradiction within the ruling classes. While the first two are

fundamental contradictions to be resolved through the NDR, the contradiction

between feudalism and the broad masses is the principal contradiction at the ·

present stage. India is a multi-national country--a prison-house of nationalities and

all the nationalities have the right to self-determination including secession. When

NDR is victoriously completed, India will become a voluntary and genuine

federation of all national people's republics." 18

The second document, which was adopted in the conference, was the

document on the 'Strategy and Tactics'. It reads that, "The political strategy to be

pursued in the present stage of NDR in India is one of forming a broad united

front of all the anti-feudal, anti-imperialist forces--the working class, the

18
This report on the Special conference was posted in a website (www. cpimlpwg/repression.html)
which claimed itself as the unofficial website of PW. The website has been withdrawn. During its
existence the site claimed it to be the unofficial website of PWG. But during my interaction with
many PW rank and file I found that it was no less then their official website.

115
 Naxal Movement and. ..

peasantry, the petty bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie--under the leadership

of the working class to overthrow the common enemies--feudalism, imperialism

and comprador bureaucratic capital. The military strategy or the path of Indian

Revolution is the path of protracted people's war i.e., liberating the countryside
' of power establishing guerilla zones and base areas
first through area wise seizure

and then encircling the cities and finally capturing power throughout the country.

The unevenness in the economic, social and political development of Indian

society calls for different tactics i.e., forms of struggle and organization, to be

pursued in different regions of the country, while the political tactic line

throughout the country remains the same. In urban areas the political and mass

work should be carried out observing utmost precaution and the organizational

work should proceed keeping in view the long-range perspective. Caste is a

peculiar problem in India;·· and appropriate forms of organization and struggle

should be evolved vigorously to fight out untouchability, caste discrimination and

to finally root out the caste system. The tactics of boycott of elections have to be

pursued for a long time in the prevailing conditions in India; and participating in

parliamentary and assembly elections under any pretext only weakens the class

struggle." 19

These two documents containing different organizational aspects of PW

makes a clear-cut demarcation for the issues pertaining organizational conflict

b~tween the Liberation and'PW. The People's War, on the basis of its assessment

of the people's level of preparedness for an armed struggle, discarded total

annihilation of 'class enemies' as the only form of struggle and stressed on

floating mass organizations. It established several front organisations. During the

19
Ibid. Opp. Cit.

116
 Naxal Movement and. ..

1980s, the Radical Students' Union and Rayatu Kuli Sangham had emerged as

organisations with an impressive mass following and most of the PWG's present

base and political cadres had developed through that practice. However,, during

the 1990s, growth of militarization became the characteristic feature of the PWG.

The formation of People's Guerrilla Army (PGA), special guerrilla squads,

Permanent Action Team (PAT) and Special Action Team (SAT) were the

distinctive features of PWG activities for quite some time before it merged with

' . ) .20
MCC to form the CPI (Ma01st

Leadership and Organization

After expelling its founding father K. Seetaramaiah in 1992, Muppala Lakshman

Rao, alias Ganapathi established himself as the undisputed leader of PWG. He

heads the highest policy making body of the group that is the Central Committee

(CC). Elections to the CC were last held in March 2001 in which the following of

its leaders made it to the highest body of the group.

I Muppala Lakshmana Rao alias Ganapathi-General Secretary.

2 Cherukuri Rajkumkar alias Devanna alias Uday alias Madhu.

3 Mallojula Koteswara Rao.

4 Naveen Prasad, of Party Unity that had merged with the PWG.

20
ln response to a government decision to launch coordinated action against the Naxalites by police
forces of the various Indian States affected by Naxal violence, the PWG formed the PGA, its
military wing in December 2000 by reorganizing its guerrilla force. The PGA functions under a
single operational command, the Central Military Commission. In the Indian State where the PGA
has a presence, there is a State Military Commission and in special guerrilla zones there is a Zonal
Military Commission. A Regional Military Commission supervises a group of State Military
Commissions or Zonal Military Commission Each Regional Military Commission reports to the
Central Military Commission. All armed cadre of the PWG. are organized under the PGA. Ref:
"People's Guerrilla Army",
http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/indialterroristoutfits/peoples_guerrilla arms left wing ex
tremists.htm - - - -

117
 Naxal Movement and...

5 Nambala Keshava Rao @ Ganganna, also a member of the Central Military

Commission.

6. Katakatn Sudarshan alias Anand.

7. Former Karnataka State Committee Secretary.

8. Mallojula Venugopal alias Bhupathi.

9. Jingu Narasimha Reddy alias Jampanna, Secretary of the North Telengana

Special Zone Committee (NTSZC).

I 0. Sande Rajamouli alias Prasad, earlier Andhra Pradesh State Committee

Secretary, Full Timer in the Central Committee.

II Lanka Papi !~eddy alias Lachchanna, Secretary, Dandakaranya Special Zone

Committee (DSZC).

I2. Akkiraju Harahopla alias Rama Krishna, Andhra Pradesh State Committee

Secretary.

I3. Wadkapoor Chandra Mohan alias Devanna, Secretary, Andhra Orissa Border

Special Zone Committee and member ofthe Central Military Commission.

14. Central Committee Member belonging to Karnataka, Full Timer.

Ramesh alias Balaji

15. The Bihar State Committee Secretary.

I 6 The West Bengal State Committee Secretary.

17. Tippadi Tirupati alias Devuji, Secretary, Dandakaranya Area Committee.

18. Sumit, of Party Unity that had merged with the PWG.

19. Surjit, ofParty Unity that had merged with the PWG.

20. The Maharashtra State Committee Secretary

2 I. The Tamil Nadu State Committee Secretary.

I I8
 Naxal Movement and. ..

Apart from these 21 there are also six alternate members who participate in the
21
meeting in case of absence or death of any permanent member.

As far as it's functioning is concerned PWG functions purely on a

bureaucratic model. Adopting the approach of functional specialization, the PWG

at the top is divided i~to two wings, i.e. Political and Military wing. On the

political side the organizational hierarchy of the PWG consists of the Central

Committee at the apex, Regional Bureaus, Zonal or State Committees, District or

Division Committees and Squad Area Committees. In the military sphere, the

Central Military Commission (CMC) headed by the General Secretary Ganapathi

stands at the top. And there are military commissions parallel to the political

committees at each level. At the bottom is the Village Defence Squad, consisting

of a handful of people in a village, organized as a people's militia, and possessing

basic training in handling small arms. At the political level, the Village
22
Governance Committee is the mirror committee.

Andhra Pradesh is the red cradle that nurtured the movement and served

for long as the main guerilla base for PWG. Orissa, Chhatisgarh, Madhya Pradesh,

Bihar, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh, Jharkhand, and West Bengal are

other states where the PWG has established a strong guerilla network.

The range of activities undertaken by the PWG involves, but IS not

restricted to, land grabbing, political assassinations, elimination of "class

enemies," theft of weapons from police stations, kidnapping police officers,

21
As documented by the South Asia Terrorism Portal titled, "Left Wing Extremist Groups-
People's War Group". Also the same list is available with the Observer Research foundation,
http ://wv..;w .o bserveri nd ia .com/reference/pwg. htm
22
Ibid.

119
 Naxal Movement and...

assauhing civilians, extorting money from construction firms, and vandalizing

infrastructure. Overall Naxal activities result in about 1500 incidents and over 500

deaths each year.23

Maoist Communist Centre (MCC)

The next important group within the broad spectrum of naxal movement is the

Maoist Communist Centre (MCC). Among a number of organizations it stands

apart as conventionally speaking it never was part of the CPI (ML), which many

claim as the mother of all Naxal organizations. "The MCC, while supporting the

Naxalbati struggle, did not join the CPI (ML) because of some tactical differences

and on the question of Party formation."24 The MCC was formed on October 20,

1969, during the same time when the CPI (ML) was formed, however during

those days it was known as Dakshin Desh. It was in 1975 that the group renamed

itself as Maoist communist Centre. In 2003, MCC merged with the Revolutionary

Communist Centre of India-Maoists (RCCI-M) to form the Maoist Communist

Centre-India (MCC-I).

Right from its inception, the MCC stood for taking up armed struggle as

the main form of struggle and waging protracted people's war as the central task of

the party. This position of MCC has been repeatedly expressed and emphasised by

a number of Maoist literatures. "This armed revolutionary war is the war of the

armed people themselves; it is 'Protracted People's War' as shown by Mao Tse

Tung. The concrete economic and political condition of India leads to the very

23
Ministry of Home Affairs, Annual Report 2004-2005 (New Delhi: Ministry of Home Affairs,
2005) p. 41
24
30 years of Na.xa!bari, p.36.

120
 Naxal Movement and...

conclusion that the path shown by the great leader and teacher, Mao Tse Tung, the

path of the Chinese Revolution, that is, and to establish a powerful people's army

and people's militia and' to establish dependable, strong and self-sufficient base

areas in the countryside, to constantly consolidate and expand the people's army

and the base areas, gradually to encircle the urban areas from the countryside by

liberating the countryside, finally to capture the cities and to establish the state

system and political authority of the people themselves by decisively destroying

the state power of the reactionaries-- this very path of the protracted People's War

is the only path of liberation ofthe people of India, the path of victory ofthe new

democratic revolution. "25

Leadership and Organization

If Kanhai Chatterjee is regarded as the founding father of MCC, his fellow

comrade Amulya Sen is seen as the architect of the organizational set up of MCC.

Other notable leaders who had the honour to lead the group are Shivenji, Pramod

Mishra and Sanjay Dusadh. At the top of the organizational structure there is one

Central Committee headed by the General Secretary, which is followed by Zonal

Committees, Sub-zonal committees, Regional committees and Village

committees. Krantikari Kisan Committee (KKC), the Red Defense Corps and the

Youth and Women Fron'ts are the three underground units ofthe party. Apart from

a military wing the MCC over the years have formed several font organizations,

25
Red Star, Special Issue, p. 20. Red Star is the English language organ of the MCC, as quoted by
Aloke Banerjee in a pamphlet titled "Inside MCC Country", dated June 2003. Red Star was the
English language organ of the MCC. Also quoted in 'MCC India Three Decades Leading
Baftafions of the Poor', one article published by A World to Win
(http://www.awtw.org/back_issues/mcc_india.htm). Though it denies but many treat this as the
unofficial organ of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM.)

121-
 Naxal Movement and...

viz. the Naujawan Pratirodh Sangharsh Manch, Krantikari Budhijivi Sangh,

Krantikari Sanskritik Sangh, Krantikari Chhatra League, Communist Yuva

League, Naari Mukti Sangh and Mazdoor Mukti Sangh.26

MCC has a formidable base in different areas of Jharkhand, Bihar, and

Orissa. It does have a varying degree of influence over certain areas in Uttar

Pradesh, and West Bengal.

"The KKC exercises power in the villages. This involves distributing land

and crops seized from the class enemy, organizing improvement works, such as

digging ponds for fish production, resolving disputes and ensuring the security of

the people. Cultural teams use song and dance as one means to carry the line of

the revolution."27 A closer look into MCC's modus operandi during the past

decade or so reveals that like the PWG, the MCC-I is also involved in land

grabbing, political assassinations, elimination of"class enemies," theft of weapons

from police stations, kidnapping police officers, assaulting civilians and extorting

money.

Formation of the Communist Party of India (Maoist)

Naxal Movement in India entered into yet another phase of organizational

transformation with the merger of two of the principal armed organizations, viz.

People's War (PW) and the Maoist Communist Centre of India (MCC-1), which

. resulted in the formation, of the Communist Party of India (Maoist). "The

formation of the unified Communist Party of India (Maoist) is a new milestone in

26
Data compiled by South Asia Terrorism Portal.

27
MCC India Three Decades Leading Baua/ions of the Poor.

122
 Naxal Movement and. ..

the history of the revolutionary communist movement of India. A unified Maoist

party based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is a long delayed and highly cherished

need of the revolutionary minded and oppressed people of the country, including

all our ranks, and also all the Maoist forces of South Asia and internationally.

Now, this long-aspired desire and dream has been transformed into a reality."28

This statement given by the first Secretary of CPI (Maoist) Ganapathy, assumes a

great deal of importance as it reflects the organizational politics that was going on

all these years between these two organizations representing the Naxal movement.
'
The improvised aim of the CPI (Maoist) as announced on the occasion of its

formation is to establish a compact revolutionary zone stretching from Nepal to

Bihar to Andhra Pradesh and beyond. While continuing their goal of people's

democracy the ultimate aim of the CPI (Maoist) is to seize power through

protracted armed struggle. According to the press statement issued on the event of

announcing the merger, "The immediate aim and programme of the Maoist party

is to carry on and complete the already ongoing and advancing New Democratic

Revolution in India as a part of the world proletarian revolution by overthrowing

'
the semi-colonial, semi-feudal system under the neo-colonial form of indirect rule,

exploitation and control. This revolution will remain directed against imperialism,

feudalism and comprador bureaucratic capitalism. This revolution will be carried

out and completed through armed agrarian revolutionary war, i.e. protracted

people's War with the armed seizure of power remaining as its central and

principal task, encircling the cities from the countryside and thereby finally

capturing them. Hence the countryside as well as the PPW (Protracted People's

War) will remain as the 'center of gravity' of the party's work, while urban work

28
Ganapathy, in an Interview given on the on the occasion of the fonnation of CPI (Maoist).
People's March, Vol. 5, No.I 1-12, November-December 2004.

123
 Naxal Movement and...

will be complimentary to it.29According to the same press release, the CPI-

Maoists ""will still seek to unite all genuine Maoist groups that remain outside

this unified party."30

It is important to examine the significance of the merger particularly when

earlier attempts were not successful. In fact, the merger is largely being seen as a

result of the gradual convergence of views of these two groups on areas such as

the role of the party, approaches to revolution and adoption of strategies and

tactics. In the formative years, Charu Mazumdar and Kanhai Chatterjee

represented two irreconcilably different lines and approaches to 'revolution'. At

the time of the formation of, the Communist Party oflndia (Marxist-Leninist) CPI-

ML in 1969, the Dakshin Desh, earlier form ofthe MCC, remained opposed to the

process due to sharp differences with the CPI-ML over issues such as formation of

a communist party, existence of revolutionary mass struggle and preparedness of

the people to participate in it. The joint press statement released by the erstwhile

General Secretaries of PW and MCC (I) highlighted the essence of merger. "In the

past history there were many splits within the M-L movement. But splits are only

one side of the coin; the brighter side was that there were continuous efforts to

unify the revolutionaries. The CPI (ML) (PU), though it had its origins in Bengal,

it spread and strengthened by unifying several revolutionary groups. The CPI

(ML) (PW), though it originated in Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu, it unified

with revolutionaries in almost all the states where it was working. The MCC too,

had originated in Bengal, unified many revolutionaries groups in it in many States

29
"Maoist-lntluenced Revolutionary Organizations in India" at <http://www.massline.info/India
/1 ndian_ Groups.htm>
30
"Maoist-lnfluenced Revolutionary Organizations in India" at <http://www.massline.info/lndia
/Indian_Groups.htm>

124
 Naxal Movement and. ..

and became the MCCI."31 This statement underlines the continuous process of

organizational politics with in the broad spectrum of Naxalite movement in the

process which resulted with the organizational conflict.

Looking back, the need for a joint unified platform was felt by the

leadership of both the Rarties as early as 1981. "The PW and MCC began unity

talks from their very first meeting in 1981. However, the reason for the delay in

the process was the lack of continuity of leadership. The arrest of Comrade

Kondapally Seetaramaiah (KS), the leader of the PW, and later the internal crisis

of the PW and split in the Central Committee (CC) delayed the unity process. for

several years. In the early eighties, the MCC lost its two top leaders Comrades

Amulya Sen (AS) and Kanhai Chatterjee (KC), which had some negative impact,

resulting in further delay in the unity process."32

From the above discussion we can derive the following conclusions. First,

the history of Naxal Movement is the history of a continuous process of

organizational conflicts, splits, and mergers. Second, the Naxal Movement

essentially represents simultaneous but not so peaceful coexistence of many

streams, and looking from this angle the movement does have a presence in all

parts of the country. Third, the growth of Naxal movement is closely linked with

the ongoing process of organizational conflict. Because the ultimate political

objective behind all this organizational exercise as according to the statements of

various senior Naxalite leaders, is to build a leftist alternative and mobilize people
'
on issues such as increased 'imperialist intervention' and 'pro-imperialist policies'

31
Ganapathy, in an Interview given on the on the occasion of the formation ofCPI (Maoist).
People's March, Vol. 5, No.ll-12, November-December 2004.
32
Ibid.

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 Naxal Movement and. ..

pursued by the Union government in support of 'revolutionary war' based on

Chinese leader Mao's theory of organized peasant insurrection. Similarly, the

history of Naxal movement right from its first phase of 1967 demonstrates that

even if there has been a continuous evolution in terms of their understanding of

Indian situation, focus of the movement, character, fighting capabilities and

financial resources of these groups, .they have remained more or less consistent as

far as their core ideology is concerned. Barring the Liberation they all reject

parliamentary system of governance and want to bring about a fundamental

change in the nature of the Indian State. For this they have adopted the strategy of

protracted armed struggle, which entails building up of bases in rural and remote

areas and transforming them first into guerrilla zones and as liberated zones,

besides area-wise seizures and encircling citiesand finally seizing political power

and achieving nation-wise victory. Fourth, the history of Naxal Movement so far

has been the history of conflicts and splits; however, one cannot deny that it also

represents the history of mergers. This implies that the organizational conflict,

which has remained an inseparable character of the movement, has really helped

the movement to grow in different areas. For example the organizational conflict

between PU and MCC in one hand and Liberation and PU in the other really made

PWG to come closer to both PU and MCC. In the process first PU merged with

PWG to form PW and then MCC merged with PW to form CPI (Maoist). There

has been a marked increase in the violent incidents after the formation of CPI

(Maoist). During 2003, 513 people were killed due to Naxal violence whereas in

the year 2005 the death toll was 669.

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 Naxal Movement and. ..

However, this is not to suggest that the formation of CPI (Maoist) is the final stage

ofthe Naxal Movement. As one official Maoist document puts it, "Revolutions

never proceed in a straight line. The history of all successful revolutions shows

this. The path is zig zag, there are ups and downs, there is victory and defeat

repeated a number of times ..... before final victory. Of course, there is no final
33
victory until the stage of communism is .reached." However, the above-

mentioned analysis makes one forceful plea that other than anything Naxal

Movement essentially is a political problem and it needs to be examined from the

perspective of organizational politics.

• State Repres~ion,
33
this is the title of the document which was posted at www.
cptmlpwg/represston.html. The website has been withdrawn. During its existence the site claimed
it to be the unofficial website of PWG. But during my interaction with many PW rank and file I
found that it was the official website.

127