NWAOZURU

FOCUS ON JUKUN, KAKA AND MAMBILA ETHNIC NATIONALITIES IN TARABA

STATE, NIGERIA.

2020

BY

NWAOZURU JOHNMAJOR CHINECHEREM

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INTRODUCTION

Prior to the advent of British colonial masters in West Africa, most ethnic nationalities

were independent. The Igbo, Yoruba and so forth are good examples. As the British came to

West Africa, the colonial masters used their military might to subdue all most all the ethnic

groups and brought them under their control. According to Amah (2016), the idea of modern

Nigeria was brought under British rule by 1906 and in the year 1914, the colony of the

protectorate of both the Northern and Southern Nigeria became amalgamated under the

governorship of Lord Lugard. She became an independent state on October 1, 1960 and adopted

a republican constitution on October 1, 1963. The present Nigerian state has many ethnic

groups with diverse culture, customs and traditions. It could be observed that in some Northern

states in Nigeria, there may be up to three to Four different ethnic groups cohabiting in one

state.

For example in Taraba state according to Yaakugh (2019), Taraba state has close to

hundred ethnic groups living in segmented large and small communities and speaking different

languages and dialects. That is, it is heterogeneous in ethnic composition with rich but diverse

historical and cultural heritage. Among the major ethnic groups in the state include: Mumuye,

Kuteb, Ichen, Bandawa, Kambu, Kaka, Karinjo, Fulani, Lo, Tigun Shomo, Munga, Mambila,

Jukun, Ndoro, Bambuka, Hausa, Jenjo, Yandang, Kunini, Chamba, Tiv, Wurkum and so on,

with their various distinct languages. Among these ethnic groups in Taraba state, the Jukun of

Wukari, Kaka and the Mambila ethnic groups will be discussed in this paper. It is necessary to

define the following terms; culture, ethnic group and history.

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Culture

According to Nnatu (2006), E. Taylor in 1871 defines culture as that complex whole

which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, laws custom and any other capabilities and habits

acquired by man as a member of society.

Ethnic Group

Kornblum (2005) explains that ethnic groups are populations that have a sense of group

identity based on a distinctive cultural pattern and usually, shared ancestry, whether actual or

assumed.

History

History is from the Greek word historie, which means inquiry. Obiakor (2013) simply

defines history as the study of man’s past events; how and why they happened.

Brief History of Taraba State

Taraba State was created in August 27th, 1991 by President Ibrahim Babangida. It has

16 local governments namely: Bali, Gashaka, Sardauna, Kurmi, Wukari, Takum, Donga, Zing,

Jalingo, Ibbi, Lau, Karim-Lamido, Gassol, Ardo Kola, Ussa, Yorro. The major towns

include: Jalingo, Wukari, Takum, Bali, Gembu and Zing. Although there are various ethnic

groups with their distinct languages and dialects however, Hausa is widely spoken throughout

the state. Taraba State is blessed with variety of cultural activities, each manifesting itself in

dances, songs, art craft, fashion and general behaviour as well as the traditional and social values

of the various ethnic groups that inhabit in the state. Yaakugh (2019) opines that prominent

among such cultural festivals include: Kati Festival of Gembu (Harvest Festival), Mautau
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Festival (Yam Festival) in Zing, the Kungana in Bali, Purma of Chamba, Kuchecheb Festival

(Thanksgiving Festival to God for a rich harvest) in Takum, Puje of Jukun of Wukari, Nwonyo

Fishing Festival in Ibi and Wukari, Asann Festival of Kona (Festival of Initiation of Manhood an

Fertility), Goge and Akinshe (Wurkum), Malibu and Pepe Festival in Karim-Lamido. The

current Governor is Arch. Darius Dickson Ishaku.

FOCUS ON JUKUN, KAKA AND MAMBILA ETHNIC NATIONALITIES IN TARABA

STATE

This section will focus on the history and cultural practices of Jukun of Wukari, Kaka and the

Mambila ethnic groups in Taraba State, NorthEastern Nigeria.

JUKUN PEOPLE OF WUKARI

Brief History of Jukun People

There are various traditions surrounding the origin, migration and settlements of the

Jukun people. According to Zhema (2017), the Jukun migrated into their present location from

Yemen in the Arabian Peninsula. He contends that, the Jukun entered Nigeria through the

Mandara hills and Lake Chad, where they first established a stronghold at Ngazargamu, which

later became the capital of Kanem Borno. It is suggested that, from there, they moved their base

to Upper Gongola (now Taraba State) Valley and also settled in the middle Benue Valley.

Hinkon (2014) has it that the Jukun migrated together with the Borno people (Kanuri) to Lake

Chad Basin. After a stint at Ngazargamu, the Jukun later moved to the South Western part of

Borno between 9-10 century, and through gradual process, they settled at various places in the

Benue Valley, including Kwararafa and Biepi. The Jukun Kona, in their tradition, holds that, two
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Jukun brothers who came from the east via the Gongola basin founded Kona and Kwararafa. The

elder brother first settled at Akuro near Lau and subsequently established the Kona State, while

the younger one went and established Kwararafa. It is purported that by the mid- thirteenth

century, one section of the Jukun known as the Kona, was established on the Gongola River,

having migrated from Yemen to the far North-east of Nigeria, through Fitri region, Mandara and

the Gongola region.

In contemporary Nigerian history, Zhema (2017) traces that the Jukun of Wukari

Division the Wapan, who are a segment of the Jukun people predominantly found in Wukari, are

widely presumed to be the progenitors of the Jukun people. This presumption is clearly

supported by the fact that, the Aku Uka, who is exalted by all Jukun people is presently found

amongst the Wapan Jukun of Wukari. According to Zhema (2017), the word Jukun is a

derivative of a Wapan expression, Apa-Jukun, which is translated to mean people or human

kind. The tradition contends that the concept of Apa-Jukun came about too, as a result of the

various campaigns that took the Wapan of Kwararafa to the Hausa States of Zaria, Kano and

Katsina. The tradition has it that there were series of wars fought between the Wapan of

Kwararafa on the one hand, and the Hausa people on the other hand. In the course of the

conflict, the Jukun people were said to have exhibited an exceptional fighting prowess that

caught the admiration of the Hausa people. Consequently, the Hausa people demanded to know

who the Wapan people were. In response, they replied in Wapan language Iche Pa-Jukun, (we

are people). It was, therefore, assumed that from that moment, that new phrase was added to the

Hausa lexicon, and the people became known to the Hausa as Jukun. In this regard, one could

easily understand why the concepts Wapan, Jukun and even Kwararafa have been used
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interchangeably in some literatures to either mean the same people or closely related groups.

This tradition, thus, assumes that the concept of Jukun people was a later creation when

compared to concepts like Kwararafa and Wapan. The above tradition seems to be generally

accepted by a cross section of Jukun people located within Wukari town as well as other

subordinating villages, though with some little variation in some instances.

SOME CULTURAL PRACTICES OF JUKUN

Jukun culture comprise of many things such as marriage, family system, burial rites, festival and

so on.

Marriage

Marriage is essential to the survival of any society. Africans have high regard for it.

Hence, they make everything possible to see that an ideal marriage continues to take place

without going into extinction. Marriage occupies an important position in the affairs of Africans;

without marriage, there is no family, and without a family, one could not bear children. Nmah

(2012) defines marriage as a divine agreement or sacred bond in which men and women can live

together in sexual relationship with the approval of their social group.

Zhema (2017) observes that at one end of the scale there are Jukun groups who reckon

descent in the female line, who practice matrilineal marriage, and who follow a matrilineal

system of inheritance. At the other end are other Jukun groups who are wholly patriarchal.

Between the two are the other Jukun groups who are matriarchal in some respects, and

patriarchal in others. Ukaogo and Tanko (2012) discovers that majority of the Jukun dialects

practised cross-cousin marriage. This is a system of marriage in which a man marries his
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father’s sister’s child (daughter). However, marriage with the father’s brother’s child (daughter)

is not allowed. The cross-cousin marriage is considered as the best because it establishes strong

and effective clan organization. Divorce is rare in this system of marriage. Before a marriage in

Jukunland is contracted, there exist forms of traditional forms of communication between the

families of the two youths that want to become one flesh. This involves effective

communication between the two youths preparing to become one flesh, the family relatives

(living and dead) of both of them as well as the entire community or communities are actively

involved.

It could be observed that the greater percentage of the traditional forms of

communication in marriage is non-verbal. Rather, Gani (2018) forsees that meanings are read

from conducts of the participants, sounds of various kinds, items as broad as dowries and so on.

Traditional forms of communication in marriage among the Jukun also make room for

reconciliation in times of crises. The various forms of oral communication will be a veritable tool

aiding the various procedures of marriage rites to be carried out properly. Gani (2018) states that

traditionally, oral communication was the commonly used in various activities or ceremonies

before the advent of written communication even presently it has a great influence when it comes

to fulfilling traditional rites of indigenous people. Oral communication makes it easier for

youths who to be joined as husband and wife to express their feelings, emotions, thoughts and

heart desires to each other. Thus, in Jukun land oral communication in marriage is of paramount

important. From payment of dowry to other marital stages are full of oral form of

communication as the various materials to be used in bride price process have significant
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symbolic meanings. Celebration of the marriage itself is full of music and dance which is full of

symbolic meanings.

Jukun of Wukari traditionally identifies their sons and daughters for being of

marriageable age by puberty signs, respect for elders, her domestic industriousness and character

development. Development of good characters and decent behaviour is of core importance. This

is to say that beside a woman’s outward beauty, a good character is a prerequisite for marriage

All these communicate to them that their son or daughter is mature to get marry or to be given in

marriage. Gani (2018) observes that if a young man is lazy and cannot farm to provide food for

the wife and children, he is not qualified to be a husband to a woman. This is shown in a popular

proverb among Jukun people that says u napan ni wa ba akuu bi ndora re? (Have you mastered

farming that you can call parrot home?). This clearly shows that besides biological satisfaction of

certain mechanisms within the human body leading to procreation, ability to feed the family is

important. This is a very a strong factor in marriage among the Jukun of Wukari.

On how marriage partners are gotten (how they are seen, known or met) among the

Jukun, Gani (2018) lists the following ways; story-telling by moonlight (asun wa dzwa-dzwa

oratsu wa tataswan-tata or inukpii . Story telling by moonlight was of the past. Contemporarily,

places such as farm, market square, river or stream, schools and during festive periods, are

meeting points for people ready to be married. Furthermore, marriage partners could be gotten

by force and forge. Jukun kings and the traditional council members get their marriage partner

through (a) gift or offer (b) suggestion and (c) cultural festival. There are notable signs placed

on any girl or lady or woman set apart by her parents to be given to notable king which

according to Gani (2020), include; (a) scraping of the front hairs that are very close to the ears
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(b) presentation of traditional necklace made of carved precious stones to the would-be queen by

the king The cutting of a female front hair on both sides of the ears symbolizes crown, hence her

subsequent queenship, while the carved stones beads is a symbol of wealth and possession

respectively.

Marriage starts with a negotiation pattern. The negotiation pattern is an instance where a

young man could see a lady and approach her, and if she agrees, relationship has been initiated.

However, he is to inform his parents of his intention to marry her. The parents will carry out

premarital enquiry. If they approve the request of their children, the youths involved will go into

courtship. According to Gani (2018), courtship in Jukunland is known as Agya. The period of

agya, is the time in which the couple to be carefully study each other. There are services needed

from the prospective groom, parents and his relations to his prospective in-laws family such as

build and roof in-law’s house, farm in-law’s farm, fetch fire-wood for prospective bride’s

grandparents to keep warmth at night, cut grasses for the in-laws and many more. On the

conducts and services expected of the would-be bride, parents, and her relations, she must

culturally accord honour and respect to her in-laws. Keeping away from and her refusal to eat in

the presence of her prospective in-laws means that she is a respectful type and equally interested

in the relationship. She is to crack jokes with the prospective grooms family relations and so

forth. If agya (courtship) is successful, comes dowry which will legalise the union. During the

bride price process, Gani (2018) states that the aspiring groom’s parents will bring with them

wrapper known as kyaa or kyadze, (Jukun traditional hand weavon attire not the modern

wrapper) ago wa pa hwan (carved precious stones beads- used as traditional necklace),

baadzwin (cowries), a particular specie of fish called tula. The fish’s bone is used in seeking a
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partner’s hand in marriage. Other items such as 12 bunch of either guinea corn or millet, bambra-

nuts, groundnut, cow-pea, a she-goat a, adan (a weaved grass for fencing), asin wa pyotan

(weaved spear grass for roofing), ahin’atupyu (fire-wood), akwakwa (wild duck), abyu wa

nyunyu (palm oil), atsu (lucust beans), ado (beneseed), ama (salt), shitta (pepper), zajikwen

(guinea-corn) zajimi (millet), asi (yam) are included in the dowry list. Again, the prospective

groom’s parents will prepare and give traditional beer or wine, 12 pieces of meat (smoked bush

meat), tabaa (traditional cigarettes) to the prospective in- laws. The meaning behind the

rendering of such services and giving these items for bride price or dowry include, for the bride’s

family members to be sure that their in-laws are capable of taking care of their daughter by

meeting the basic human needs of shelter, foods and clothing. This implies that the groom and

his family are never lazy; hence, it will allay any form of fear in the minds of the bride’s family

members. It also serves as a sign of a formal departure of the girl from her immediate family

members. Presently, most of these items have been monetised.

On the marriage ceremony, the centre figure to be well dressed is the bride; who is to be

dressed in akya-dze or kwashe or bagidi and her hair will be braided into three only after she

might have been well dressed, she will be veiled. The hair style depicts three personalities of

their theocratic traditional believe system that they pay their allegiance. Abubakar (1980) affirms

that the Jukun people pay allegiance to Ama/Emo/Ande (God the creator), Aku/kuru/uhwe/ukwe

(their own kings) or bacho/washo/basho/banghagyi (elders) and akhi/kyi/uhwefu (death). The

veiling of the bride is a means of showcasing their original migratory outfits as Zhema (2017)

contends that the Jukun migrated from Yemen in the Arabian Peninsula to Wukari. The bride

would given wooden the following items; food parker, wooden cooking spoon and turning stick,
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grinding stone, calabash jugs, clay pots and calabashes of different sizes for different purposes,

mortar and pestle, grain flour, smoked fishes, locust beans, salt made from Angha, broom made

from palm front, shoes made of wood, kwashe and mbufyin (all are traditional hand weaved

attires of the Jukun and many more. This is to show assistance to her and her husband who is

starting a new home.

On marital crisis, the issues of marital crises are of different kinds, there are major and

minor crises and such are resolved in several ways. If it is a major offence like marital infidelity,

both families of the couple and of the man caught in having affair with the woman must all be

seated and involved in the settlement. But when it is a minor crisis, the man or the woman can

take the matter to either of the offending partner’s parents to call her or him to order. It is

worthy to note that early child marriage is dominant in Northern Nigeria of which Jukun is

among.

Child Birth Rites

In African context, bearing children in marriage is very important and Africans value

children in any wedlock. Nwaozuru (2020) affirms that:

Children are the joy of marriage, they are cherished and care is taken to train them

properly, it is seen that any marriage that is not blessed with children is not yet considered

to have achieved its aim. This is why any man or woman who has no child is not yet

considered to be a fulfilling wife or husband. (pp. 35-36).

In Igbo land , it could be observed that childlessness is the greatest calamity that can be

fall an Igbo couple as it may lead to crises. Many without off-springs are regarded as

unsuccessful. Therefore, children could be seen as the greatest asset in marriage and family life.
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In Jukun, when a wife gives birth , the husband's parents and relations are to organise the

traditional naming ceremony of the child according to the Jukun tradition. Gani (2018) narrates

that the child and the mother are kept in a separate room for seven days and no water is to touch

the child’s body throughout this period. For the male children, the general items needed to be

provided for and kept before the woman delivers includes; a bow, arrows, arrow- sheath, knife,

big hoe, gun, a horn and a cock, while that of female children are cotton opener and a hen.

Irrespective of the sex of the child, a clay bathing bowl, water and fresh leaves of ahinkaan or

nyina ka’an or ambten-ikan as known and called by the Jukuns (a particular specie of tree that is

regarded by the Jukun people as one of the strongest within their environment) are required. The

people to perform rites include an elderly woman and the most elderly man from the groom’s

family. If it is a male child that is delivered besides the news passed by the traditional midwives,

the groom’s most elderly man will bring forth the first-four items listed above and hang on the

thatched roof where the child and his mother are kept. If it is a female child, only the first listed

item in her category is hung instead.

On the seventh day which is the naming ceremony day, the nursing mother from the

inside will forward the child to the elderly woman outside who will return the child back to the

mother still from the outside. At the third time, the nursing mother will pass the child to the

elderly woman outside, she is to hold and keep the child. The most elderly man will walk up

towards them with the fresh leave in his hand and declare the child’s name. The ahinkaan or

nyina ka’an or ambten-ikan leave is dipped into the water contained in the clay bathing bowl

and sprinkled on the child three times (if a male), while twice (if a female); each time goes with

the calling of the child’s name and declaration. The symbolic meaning of this is for the child to
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be physically strong and not be a weak or lazy person . After this, the child can now take his or

her first bath with the water. After bathing, the elderly man will again hang and give each of

these items to the child. Also, each of the hanging and giving of the items is accompanied with

the child’s name and certain declarations.

The mother will be accompanied by a young man with whip whipping her legs as she

walks towards a cross road with a cooked traditional (pounded yam and beneseed soup) wrapped

in a leave in her crossed hands. The food is meant to be kept at the cross road. This is like a

thanksgiving sacrifice to Ama/Emo/Ande (God the creator). Other peculiar items are to be

taken back to the room, while a young man with the big hoe will demonstrate the art of farming

towards the elderly woman with the child in her hands three times. The third time, at the blast of

the horn by another elderly man, the other man who has taken these weapons into the room will

hastily bring and hang as well as give them back to the child. Then the cock is slaughtered for the

child and his mother to mark the celebration, the ceremony is closed with a gun shoot three times

for the male child, while twice for the female child. This symbolically means that the Jukun

people have an informal way of initiating military skills to their young male children few days

after birth.

Family Setting
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The connection between marriage and family can hardly be separated among the Jukun.

In recognition of this, Ayisi (1997) writes that the family is then the logical outcome of

marriage. A family consists of a man, his wife, and child or children. By this viewpoint, a

childless marriage is not a family. An individual belongs to at least one family in his lifetime. As

the family serves as a protection to individual. The extended family system in Jukun comprises

the head, his wives and young children, as well as cousins of the compound head and their wives

and children. The master of each extended family played a dual role as chief and priest, and was

responsible for the maintenance of the household cultic deities. Ukaogo and Tanko (2012)

further discover that, the Jukun practise a system of marriage known as marriage by inheritance.

It is pertinent to point out that the Jukun regard a wife as a family property. Therefore, after the

death of her husband, she could be inherited by a member of the family. Upon the death of her

husband, the widow is allowed to mourn the death of her husband by observing some traditional

rites. Usually, such rites are observed under a period of one or two years. As soon as she

finishes mourning her late husband, the members of the family who may wish to inherit her, will

indicate their interests by paying her constant visits with gifts. The one she so much cherish

takes the day by inheriting her. In Jukunland, a man is free to inherit the wife of his deceased

elder brother, cousin, uncle but, it is prohibited for a man to inherit his younger brother’s wife or

his father’s wife or his mother.

Burial Rites
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In Africa, every ethnic group performs burial rite before the deceased is buried.

Nwaozuru (2020) explains burial rite as the appropriate rituals that should be done before

burying a dead person in order for deceased to have rest in the abode of ancestors and also for

the living not be tormented by the dead. Jukun of Wukari perform proper burial rites before the

deceased is buried.

Ukaogo and Tanko (2012) point that death according to the Jukun mythology is the

only thing that determines the end of man’s existence here on earth. The Jukun belief that

Chindon (God) who gives life has the power to take it at any time He wishes. Therefore, they

define death as the work of God – Chindo. They further look at death as an inevitable journey

which every living man must embark upon one day in his life time. Although, they argued that

this journey does not mean the total end of man’s life. They strongly believe that after death,

there is life hereafter in another world. That is why it is commonly believed that once an

individual dies, it means he has gone to join his ancestors in the world beyond. In Wukari, once

an individual dies, the eldest person in the family will first be told. The person that took care of

the deceased while he was ill will go and break the news of the dead person, by telling him that

‘the illness of your brother is over. At that, he will immediately observe a minute silence and

then say death you have finally done your desire. He will immediately dispatch message to the

nearby relations. As they received the message, they start trooping into the compound of the

deceased.

The impromptu appearance of relations will signal both women and children in the house

that something terrible has happened. They will scream and cry. This will attract neighbours,

sympathizers and passersby. They will rush in; some will join the family to cry. Gani (2018)
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enunciates that it is a common practice in Jukun land when an individual dies, that the first stage

in the preparation of the corpse for burial is the washing of the corpse. The corpse will be

washed neatly with warm water. If it is a male corpse, the washing takes place in byeko (an

enclosure). This will be strictly handled by men. When it is a female corpse, the washing is

done by women and in the deceased room. The deceased hair will be loosed and replaited. After

the washing, the corpse will be well dressed in his/her best cloth. While the dressing goes on,

young men will be directed to dig the grave under the supervision of an elderly man in the

family. The Jukun do not keep dead body for long. In the same vein, the corpse cannot be buried

immediately. This is so because relations of the deceased especially, the children, wife or

husband who are living far away must arrive to pay final respect and have a look at the corpse

before it is committed to the mother earth.

Traditional Attire and Symbols

Chu (2003) states that symbols and signs are phenomena which are universally accepted

by groups, including the Jukuns. On traditional attire, the Jukun people are known for high

quality weaving and cloth dyeing tradition. According to Gausa (2005) traditional attire as

practiced by the Jukun is part of their culture which serves as a means of brotherhood

identification. Okunna and Gausa (2014) view that the Jukun people have different types of

cultural attires made from different colours, patterns and weaves. Among types of attire are;

kadzwe, Ayin - po, Adire and Baku. kyadzwe are used by the Jukun rulers for royalty. Jukun strip

weavers used locally spun cotton. Only yarn dyed blue or black was available. These blue

threads were woven with a dull white cotton yarn to produce some block simple geometric

patterns for local people. Weavers among the Jukun produce their materials ranging from narrow
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strips cloth from narrow loom to a large piece of yard for garment making which is used during

their cultural festivals.

More so, the Jukun traditional attire does not bear any cultural symbols, except the ones

that are meant for the ruling class such as the Aku. According to Okunna and Gausa (2014), the

Jukun are known for their symbolic lifestyle. Some of the graphic symbols seen among the Jukun

are signs or images that express meaning indirectly. Symbolic and artistic expression among the

Jukun is based on the functional relationship between religion, agriculture, sorcery and power.

The Jukun people of Taraba state of Nigeria have rich diversity of visual artistic symbols

significant to their cultural life and religious orientation. Gausa (2013) assert that, among the

symbols of the Jukun are the Red colours (Abukhan) which connote the warring nature of the

Jukun nation, Black (Abu pe) which depicts the king as a rain maker; white colour (Abu fyen)

which portrays the Jukun nation as a peace loving people. Symbols are the instrument of

societal development and growth hence, the Jukun keep and sustain their cultural heritage

towards symbolic aesthetic works.

Cultural Festival

Amongst the Jukun people of Wukari Division, there were several traditional festivals that

made them unique. These traditional festivals were the past made present, which as historical

constructs, may legitimize actions of the present. Gani (2018) views that some of these

traditional festivals included: Taza, Ya’uka, Yakukeji, Banuza, Nwotsi, Abo Yaku, Zhema,

Agbonkpa and Hwa Puje. Each of these festivals was designed for a set of purposes and to

address certain aspects of the Jukun society. But in many instances, these festivals were made to

be a special way of appeasing the several gods and goddesses of the Jukun. For instance, Zhema
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(2017) narrates that the Yakukeji was said to be a female spirit in Uka who fell in love with

Zikengyu, one of the Akus. It was contended that it was this relationship that eventually led

Zikengyu to erect a shrine for the worship of Yakukeje. It is the worship of the Yakukeji that

became a festival was celebrated by the Jukun. Similar events were said to have given rise to the

other festivals of the Jukun.

Amongst these festivals, Zhema (2017) is of the opinion that Puje is said to be the most

popular. Historically, Puje, a traditional site of the Jukun located about three 3km east of

Wukari town was established during the reign of Aku Angyu Katakpa, the first Aku Uka in

Wukari after the disintegration of Kwararafa. He reigned between 1596-1615.32 The word, Puje

in Jukun literally means “menstruation booth” and it came to become the name of the Jukun

traditional site when Angyu Katakpa (later Aku) was on his way to Ukari (now Wukari). The

story has it that, while Angyu Katakpa (who was yet to be Aku) was on his way to Ukari as

directed by his father, Agbukenjo, together with the divine king-making apparatus, his wife

menstruated at a particular spot and consequently, a booth was raised for her and she was

confined there for seven days. According to Meek, no explanation was given of the term beyond

the rationalization that women were permitted to attend the ceremony, unlike other Jukun

festivals that women were restricted from attending. After Angyu Katakpa became king, the

Jukun custom demanded that three events must take place at Puje, that is, the Puje festival, Aku’s

procession to Nando and the presentation of a new Aku. The Puje festival during the pre-colonial

days took place annually after all the harvest for the year had been completed and the newly

planted millet had grown up to the height of an adult calf. Later, during the colonial period, it

was observed at intervals of every four years. However, in the post-colonial period, the festival is
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yet to be observed. The Puje festival was a harvest festival to celebrate the ingathering of crops

and also the renewal of the people’s allegiance to the Aku-Uka.

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Abuju (Food)

In Jukunland food is regarded as essential ingredients for the survival of mankind. It

sustains life and makes it worthwhile. There are varieties of dishes and delicacies prepared and

eaten in Jukunland, among which are explained by Ukaogo and Tanko (2012) below:

i. Abodo: This soup is prepared with Ado (Benniseed). First, wash the ado in order to

remove sand, dry it. When it is well dried, grind and mix it with little water. While mixing,

press it to bring out oil. Put water on fire, add palm oil, atsu (dadawa), maggi, onion, fish or

meat, pepper and spice. Allow the water with the ingredients to boil for thirty minutes then, pour

the Ado with little vegetable onto the boiling water. This soup can be eaten with pounded yam,

aki zankpa, aki rogo and so on.

ii. Asonma: This is a root crop. To prepare it, get the asonma, wash and set it on fire.

Get fried groundnut, grind it and pour on the boiling asonma. Add atsu, fish, salt, palm oil

(optional) and spice. Allow the water to dry, then use cooking stick to mix.

iii. Afyeken Wa Gangan (Dakuwa): To prepare this delicacy, fried maize, which will be

grounded into powder. You also need fried groundnut, grind it. Mix the groundnut powder with

the maize and pound it after which, add salt and pepper mix them thoroughly with little water.

Then roll it into ball.

iv. Abo Fyeken: The abo fyeken soup is composed of groundnut, smoke or dried fish,

special spices and palm oil, which is also eaten with pounded yam, garri or aki rogo.

v. Achen. This is a locally brewed beer. The process for the production of achen takes

six days. Achen is usually produced from millet and guinea corn.. It is an important substance of

diet to every Jukun man, woman and child, young and old. It is said to contain nourishing
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property. In fact, most Jukun people do not care much about other forms of food in the day time

provided; they can obtain continued supply of Achen. It is based on the importance accorded to

it that even children at infant age are taught how to drink achen and accept it as the best food.

Achen is the main food of the Jukun. Achen in Jukunland had both economic and religious

values. Achen is used to appease the gods and it could be used for commercial purposes.

Religious Life of the People

Traditionally, Jukun beliefs and rituals are complex, with unique elements. Hinkon

(2014) views that the Jukun owned and worshipped various cultic deities within their extended

families and throughout the kingdom to ensure successful military exploits. One of the family

cults is kenjo, the patron of war and the procurer of victory for the nation during battles and wars.

Another one is akwa, the protector, provider and supplier. However, the universal cult, yaku keji,

is the national goddess of protection and benefactor, and dwelt in the capital. The power of

yaku keji supersedes the family cults, since it controls security and wellbeing of the people. The

Jukun religion includes belief in the divine right of kingship, with the Aku Uka (king) being

considered son of a god. Of several gods, the sun god is paramount. The religion also includes

belief in communicating with the souls of the dead (Ancestors). Zhema (2017) asserts that

between 12th and 13th centuries witnessed the penetration of Islamic influence into the upper and

middle Gongola valleys, which had a concentration of idol worshippers. This provided a fertile

ground for the Islamic crusaders from Hausa land. Thus, the “Kwararafa” people were subjected

to routine attacks for forceful conversion to the Islamic faith. On the advent of Christianity in

Jukun of Wukari, Zhema (2017) elucidates that the first Christian missionaries arrived in 1905,

and the first mission station was opened on 29 May 1906. In 1914 one of the missionaries at the
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station, Rev. W. Maxwell, published the St. Mark's gospel in the Jukun dialect of Wukari

Wapan. Progress was slow, with a small congregation and no indigenous pastors as late as the

1950s. Although many of the Jukun are now Christians, some still practice indigenous religion

while a few are Moslems.

Political Life

Politically, Hinkon (2014) states that the Jukun-speaking peoples perceived their

government as a theocracy governed directly by God or through his messengers. At the apex is

Chindon or Ama (God or Creator), followed by ajô (tutelary spirits or cultic deities), yaku

(ancestors), and then Aku (king) with his governing council (the civil, palace, military and

spiritual officials) under him. The civil, palace, military and spiritual officials in the government

worked in council with the Aku for the politico-religious survival of the kingdom. It is believed

that obedience to law and order was the key to obtaining favours from the ancestors and deities,

resulting in territorial expansion. On the contrary, disobedience and negligence in carrying out

required religious rituals always results in misfortunes; defeats in war and battles. The Aku-Uka

of Wukari, who is the supreme ruler of the Jukun people, exercised political cum religious

influence on other Jukun communities, yet these Jukun communities maintain certain degrees of

their uniqueness. In this sense, one could liken the political system that existed among the Jukun

before the advent of Colonial rule to a confederal system. Meek (1931) narrated that the process

that usually led to the emergence of an Aku Uka was clearly defined. At the initial period, it was

suggested that the Kuvyi (Chief) was the one that picked the Aku Uka, under the direction of

spirit, whenever the stool became vacant. But over time, the four king makers who were Abon

Acio, Abon Zike, Kinda Acio and Kinda Ziken became the central personalities in the selection of
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new Aku Uka. The king makers would inform the Kuvyi (Chief Priest) in the event of the demise

of an Aku, while the Abon Acio held brief for who would eventually emerges as the Aku Uka.

The four king makers were the ones left with the onerous task of driving the process that would

eventually see to the emergence of Aku. Interested princess were invited from the ruling houses

and interacted with. Preliminary screening was conducted on the prospective candidates by the

king makers, after which a seer (Avun) was invited to select one out of the contenders. The Avun,

who was believed to be in contact with the gods identified the most appropriate person that

would become the Aku. Even then, the Avun was expected not to be partial in carrying out his

function on the basis that there were sanctions that usually came to him in the event that he

became bias. To be convinced with the selection by the Avun, another Seer, from a different

place was normally invited in order to validate or otherwise the selection made by the Avun.

Immediately after the selection, the king makers would proceed to the Kuvyi (Chief Priest) and

inform him of the choice. The Kuvyi thereby invited the Avun once more, and requested him to

go through the process of selection again. Once that was confirmed, a day would be fixed for

physical selection and presentation of the new Aku. On that fateful day, all the interested princes

would be invited to a selection ground. While lying down, the Kuvyi and his staff known as

Kinda-Cheku would go round the princes. In the course of going round, whoever the Kuvyi

eventually stood in his front became the Aku Uka. The Kinda-Cheku would lift the person up

and from there, they proceeded to Puje where some rites were performed. It was from Puje that

the new Aku Uka normally proceeded to Wukari to assume the seat. This was the practice that

existed till the 1960. Other political holders and their functions according to Zhema (2017)

includes the Abo-Acio who was assisted by Abo-Zike in the discharge of his many functions, and
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succeeded the Abo-Acio in case of death or vacancy of the position. In this regard, the Abo-Zike

became the second most senior official to the Abo-Acio. The next in the hierarchy was the kinda-

Acio who was in charge of the administration of the palace and cared for the welfare of Aku’s

premises. It was noted that this official was in the close counsels of the king, attended the royal

rite each day, took a prominent share in judicial work, in keeping the walls of city and the

fencing of the royal enclosure in repair, and could also be put in charge of military operation. He

was said to be the younger brother of the Aku and had a court of his own which included Kinda-

Zike (his assistant), Kinda Bi, Kind Kuvyu Nju and Kinda Matswen. The Abo-Acio, Abo-Zike,

Kinda-Acio and Kinda-Zike constituted the traditional kingmakers among the Jukun body and its

functions could be likened to the Oyo-Mesi of the old Oyo Empire under the leadership of

Bashrun.

Besides the above mentioned officials, there were others particularly of high standing

who were considered closed counsels of the Aku. Among this was the Awei-Acio who was the

nominal head of all the palace staff, and thus correspond to modern day Chief of Staff. His duties

included to see that the royal enclosure and the shrine of Yaku were kept in proper repair. He also

oversaw many other staff in the palace administration. Taking cognizance of the theocratic

system of the administration, the priests constituted another important group of administrators

within the Jukun political system. The Ku-Puje Acio with his assistant served as the Chief Priest

of Puje, an important cult among the wapa Jukun. There was the Kenjo cult, the Yaku cult, the

Achu-Nyande and many more. Each of these cults had specific set of functions which they

performed. For instance, the Achu-Nyande served a judicial function in the sense that, being a
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cult of lightning, rites were performed in cases of theft and was believed that lightning would

strike the culprit.

Other officials in the political system of the Jukun Wapa were the Aku-Ke, who was the

leader of war, while the royal diviner was known as the Tsuma. The king’s spokesperson was

known as the Ivene, and the Wanaku was the official head of all agriculturalists. The Kuyu was

the representative of the old royal family of Kwararafa. This family was known as the Ba-Pi, and

has supplied several kings of Wukari. There were as well, other offices and officials such as

Abgyu-Tsi, Angwu Kaku and Wakuku who were regarded as the queen, the official sister of the

Aku and the Aku’s principal wife respectively. They all had share in the administration. The list

of the State offices among the Jukun Wapa of Wukari seemed inexhaustible. It is clear indication

that it was an elaborate political system that gave detail to virtually all aspect of political

organization.

Economic Life

The Jukun right from the early periods to the middle ages and early modern times had

practiced agriculture. Zhema (2017) views that in pre-contact days, the Jukun extracted iron ore

locally, melted, refined and tempered locally; and they made all their farm and domestic

implements. The Jukun rear sheep, goats, dogs, chickens and a few ducks. They also involve in

hunting, fishing and the brewing of Tashi or burukutu was a major pre-occupation of Jukun

women. Jukun also involved in trade and commerce of textile works, crafts industry and salt

production and many more.

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MAMBILLA AND KAKA ETHNIC GROUPS

Mambilla and Kaka ethnic groups live at Mambilla plateau currently Sardauna Local

Government Area, Taraba, Nigeria; which according to Lenshie and Johnson (2012), was part

of the former British Northern Cameroon that voted to join Nigeria after the 1961 plebiscite.

They share largely similar history, culture, tradition and intermixed religion. Other ethnic groups

who settled on the Mambilla plateau are: Fulani, Panso and Kambu and other ethnic minorities

from other parts of the country. Nwaozuru (2020) observes that the common language spoken is

Fulfulde (sic). Lenshie (2014) observes that there has been social, economic and political

struggles for rights and privileges among the ethnic groups in Nigeria, to the point that such

struggles have also led to several ethnic violence, some of which include the Mambilla-

Panso/Kambu conflict in 1982; the Mambilla-Fulani conflict in 1998; and 2001/2001.

MAMBILLA ETHNIC GROUP

History

According to Lenshie and Johnson (2012), the Mambilla speaking people migrated from

French Cameroon. The obvious reason for their migration was said to have been motivated by

the Banyo Jihad in the 19th century. On their arrival, the Mambilla people settled in group of

villages such as Bang, Mbamga, Kabri, Warwar, Ndunda, Chana, Kakara, Leme, Ndarup, Ngya,

Mbar, Gembu and other places. Ngenemi (2012) traces from lingua-historical origin.

Ngenemi (2012) opines that the term Mambilla is divided into two vowel sounds. Mam

and billa which was originally Mambira. In the authorised Mambilla dialect,

Mam means child. During the slave trade many ran into hiding. After the
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abolition of slave trade, the first person who was discovered in this plateau was

a woman named Mbira. As a result of the pressure left behind by the slave

trade, she could no longer identify her native land. She was pregnant and when

she gave birth, she called the child mambira meaning the child of Mbira.

Mambira grew and became popular hence, he decided to trace about his history.

After his enquiry, he latter knew that he was the son of a woman named

Mbira who came to settle in the plateau. Gradually, his name was changed

from Mambira to Mambilla. Later on, the name was applied to the whole area

of the plateau (Mambilla Plateau) and the inhabitants of the land. From 1960-

1976 the plateau was Mambilla local government until it was changed to

Sardauna local government.

Brief History of Christianity in Mambilla Plateau (Sardauna Local Government)

Nwaozuru (2020) observes that unlike in Yoruba and Igbo where

Christianity was brought by European missionaries, it was the American

missionaries that established Christianity in Mambilla plateau. Ngenemi (2012)

states that the survey for the gospel to the Mambilla plateau was done by Banso

people who were traders from Mbem in Cameroon. The Mbem traders belong

to the Cameroon Baptist Convention Mbem Field. Mbem Field missionaries

were sent by North America Baptist Conference (Church Headquarter).

They came first to Bang, Paul Gebeuer a missionary with his interpreter

Abraham Ndama were rejected in places like Bang, Vakude and Chul. They
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were accepted at Warwar and were given a place for them to stay freely in

1930. Gebeuer informed the Church headquarter about his acceptance and miss

Copine a nurse with her servant was sent and they settled at Barki. She began

her medical work which led to the construction of a missionary hospital which

is currently the general hospital at Warwar.

In 1938 a missionary house with administrative block were constructed.

Dr George Albert Dunger was also sent to come and work with miss Copine

during this period, Dunger organised morning and evening prayers with

devotion from the Bible. This was the advent of Christianity in Mambilla

plateau actualised by Dunger in 1938. Many other missionaries were sent from

the headquarter to various places in Mambilla plateau to further spread the

gospel.

CULTURAL PRACTICES OF MAMBILA ETHNIC GROUP

Marriage

Generally, among the Mambila people there is mix marriage between Christians and

Moslems. J. Labon ( personal communication on 19 January, 2020) further states that

traditionally, when a young man finds a young girl he want to marry, he will first of tell the

young girl his intention if she agrees, both will inform their parents. If their parents agree, the

young man will give money (Love Money) to the young girl to give to her parents while the

young girl will give to the man a ring or a small piece of cloth as a mark of acceptance. The

love money is to show the girl's parents that suitor is interested in marrying their daughter. The
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parents of the young man will go for the first time to the girl's parents with a jug of palm wine

to inform them about their son's intention towards their daughter. The next time, the suitor and

his relatives will go to pay the bride price. They will come with items such as; 20 litres of palm

wine, 3-5 hens or cocks, 20 litres of palm oil, a bag of salt, 8-10 boxes filled with cloths, 1-2

containers of quinine, 1-3 creates of soft drinks and so on.

During the bride price process, the suitor will give money to the father, mother and the

elderly sisters' of the damsel he wants to marry. He will also give to the girl's father the

following items; blanket, ten yards of cloth, shoe, cap and so on. For the girl's mother; shoe

cloths and other things. After the dowry has been paid, the young man and the young girl will

agree on the day she will be taken to her husband's house and when the day comes the husband

will take her to his house. The father of the young man will take a fowl and a spear to the

girl's parents and give to them informing them that their daughter has been taken to her husband's

house. The new wife remains indoors for three months without going outside her husband's

house, this is for fattening of the newly married girl. After the three months has elapsed, the

husband will organise a feast where she will come out and dance in presence of family

members, friends and well wishers. After this she is free to move around. Early child marriage

still takes place among Mambilla people especially among the Moslem indigenes of the

community.
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Pregnancy Rite

After marriage has taken place, pregnancy and childbirth is expected to follow suit. In

Africa, during pregnancy period care is taken to observe the pregnancy rites to ensure safe

delivery. Pregnancy rite is not neglected in Mambilla.

J. Labon ( personal communication on 19 January, 2020) explains that traditionally,

when a wife conceives her first pregnancy the wife's father will demand certain things from the

son-in-law such as a jug of palm wine and a cock which he will give to his father-in-law in order

for his father-in-law to receive blessings and be successful in his endeavours like hunting and

palm wine tapping business.

Child Birth and Circumcision Rites

Child birth is a blessing in marriage hence, it is necessary to keep the union going.

Nwaozuru (2019) observes that in Africa, child birth give rise to celebration and training of

children is not done by the parents alone but by the entire community members. This shows that

children are future leaders thus, need adequate training to unleash their potentials. Unlike the

Igbo, male-child syndrome is not common among the Mambila people, although some married

men without male child consider themselves not real fathers and wives who have not given birth

to male child may be sent out of their marriages, yet for others it is God that gives children

whether male or female, children are God's gift (Nwaozuru, 2019). Generally, in Mambila, child

birth gives rise to celebration. When a woman gives birth to a male child, the couples' relatives,

neighbours and friends will come to celebrate, they can lift the husband up and drop him on
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the ground. This signifies that the husband is now a father and has begotten someone who will

continue the lineage of the family.

Traditionally, circumcision is mainly for the male and it is not done eight days after child

birth as it is done nowadays. circumcision is done only to adults especially those ready to marry

( this was mainly witnessed in Bamga) and the circumcised adult could organise a feast for it.

Burial Rite

According to J. Labon ( personal communication on 19 January, 2020), traditionally,

when a person dies especially an old man his relatives (married women) will bring to the

deceased home items such as banana, wood and groundnut. The wood will be used to make fire

while the banana and groundnut will be roasted and be eaten. After that, the married women

will enter into the eldest relative of the deceased who will receive these items they have brought

and he will bless them. Washing of the deceased body parts especially the face and legs with a

leaf and water will be done by the elderly men before the deceased is buried. Sometimes the

deceased family will kill cow or goat for the burial celebration. When this is done the head or

heart of the animal will be given to the eldest man who is a relative to the deceased.

With the advent of Christianity, Mambila people who embraced Christianity no longer

perform the above burial rite rather they do the following. Take the deceased to the Church

where songs and sermon will be administered then the deceased will be buried. The deceased

family members will organise a party for the people to come to drink and dance for one or two

days. After the celebration, they bury the deceased outside the compound. The reason for

burying the deceased outside the compound is for the deceased spirit not to come and be

disturbing the living relatives which the Mambila people believe that it could happen if the
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deceased is buried inside the family's compound. After burial, the family will organise another

feast this is to make the deceased spirit to go away, have rest and not to torment the living.

Festivals

Traditionally, Mambila feasts include: Tirim, Kati, Lintel, Mawii and so on. Tirim is a

festival observed after the harvest of maize. Kati is still celebrated today during harvest of farm

crops between November- December at Gembu. This festival is attended by other ethnic groups

like Kaka, Panso and Fulani.

Traditionally, a Mambilla man carries spear (for hunting) and shield (for

defence against attack). This also shows their brevity in defending their land. A

Mambilla woman carries a hoe (for farming) and a basket (square in shape) for

carrying loads.

A statue showing a Mambilla man and woman in their traditional

farming and hunting outfit

Source: Nwaozuru (2020)

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KAKA ETHNIC GROUP

History

Lenshie and Johnson (2012) traces that the Kaka ethnic groups spanned from the

Yamba areas into the Fumte areas in the Bamenda region as a result of the Jihad raiding of 1804

through to the 1900s into the Sardauna Local Government Area. They are settled in Antere,

Inkiri, Ndumnyaji, Sakaka, Warkaka, Kusuku, Wah, Nguroje, Ma-sumsum, Yerimaru, Furmi,

Tarmnya, Dorofi, Gembu, and Maisamari areas. This ethnic group speak congeries of dialects,

some similar and some others not quite similar, but largely share similar culture and traditional

practices. Traditionally, Nwaozuru (2020) narrates that a typical Kaka man carries a bag made

of raffia from bamboo trees, a spear and a cutlass while going to farm. While a Kaka woman

carries wooden basket made of raffia from bamboo and a hoe for farming.

Kakacarrying
A Kaka woman traditional
making aa bag
basket

Source: Nwaozuru (2020)

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SOME CULTURAL PRACTICES OF KAKA ETHNIC GROUP

Marriage

Marriage among the Kaka is a continues process especially in paying bride price. Yawe,

B. (personal communication on 19 January, 2020) describes that in ancient time, when a young

man requests for a young girl to marry him and the young girl agrees, sometimes during

celebration the young man with his friends may take the young girl to the family of the man.

Then, the father of the young man will go with a jug of palm wine to inform the girl's parents

that his son seeks for their daughter's hand in marriage. While the young girl is in the family of

the suitor, the man will not sleep with her as she will be with the sisters of the man. When the

man has finished paying the dowry, both families will agree on the date of traditional marriage.

After the traditional marriage has been done they can now live together.

Contemporarily, when a young man finds a young girl he want to marry, he will give her

small amount of money (Love Money) to show her parents which indicates that a suitor is

coming for her. If the parents accept the money, then the man's father will go with a jug of palm

wine to the girl's family for three different times. On the third time, the suitor's parents and

relatives will come to girl's compound and make their son's intention known to the parents of the

girl. The suitor will be asked to give some amount of money to one of the girl's sisters who will

serve as a messenger to go and bring the damsel. When she is brought out both the suitor and the

damsel will seat together. Palm wine will be poured into a cup and be given to the damsel to give

to her suitor when she has done it another palm wine will be given to her to give to her suitor's

father which she will do. The suitor will also be asked to present a gift to the damsel he wants to

marry and he will give some amount of money to the damsel. Then dowry list will be presented
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to the suitor's family if they demand for it. After the dowry has been paid, the man will prepare a

meal with 5-13 fowls and carry it to the girl's family along with other items such as; 5- 20litres of

palm oil, 1 bag of salt, 5-10 boxes of clothes, shoes and many more to inform them about the

date of the wedding.

Generally among the Kaka people, Nwaozuru (2020) elucidates that there are certain

things found in dowry list that must not be done immediately during payment of the dowry but

will be done later. A good example is paying money for circumcision of children. A married can

only pay this if his wife gives birth to a male child and once done on the first male born it will

not be paid again for subsequent male children born to him. According to Nyele, E.S. (personal

communication on 21 January, 2020), If a man fails to pay some things in the dowry list as at

when due and did not negotiate or plead with his father in -law, to give him more time as he

will come back to complete the payment. This can cause his wife to be barren, experience

miscarriages or often death of the man's children. When a man fails to pay the bride price, the

children begotten in such cohabitation belong to the wife's family and are not his until he pays

the dowry completely.

Pregnancy, Child Birth and Circumcision

Once a married woman is pregnant for the first time, Achack, R. (personal

communication on 19 January, 2020) states that when a wife is pregnant, the husband will take

10 litres of palm wine, a fowl and a spear to the family of his wife. This is not only to inform

them but for them to pray for safe delivery. When a married woman gives birth to a male child

the elderly relatives could lift up the husband and hit him on the floor. This shows that the man

has truly become a father and has begotten a successor to continue his lineage. The husband
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will prepare a meal with a fowl along with 10 litres of palm wine and take them to the wife's

family to inform them that their daughter has given birth.

Coming to circumcision, a husband can only circumcise his son or son's if he has paid a

certain amount valued for circumcision as listed in the dowry list to the wife's parents. If he

refuses to pay the amount valued for circumcision and goes ahead to circumcise the male child,

the child may fall sick or die. Circumcision is mostly done eight days after child birth.

OTHER CUSTOMS AND TRADITIONS AMONG THE KAKA PEOPLE

There exists numerous customs and traditions of Kaka ethnic group that will be briefly explained

below.

Traditionally, Nwaozuru (2020) affirms that Kaka people just like the Igbo believe that

nothing happens without a cause hence, they result to traditional means (Boka) of finding out the

cause and solution to misfortunes around them. Before the advent of Christianity, some of the

Kaka people were deeply involved in witchcraft activities but with the advent of Christianity,

many have abandoned most customs and traditions that seems to be harmful in the society.

Coming to inheritance, Nwaozuru (2020) further states that both male and female

children will share from the father's inheritance. The last male child will inherit the father's house

or greater percentage of the father's inheritance especially if he is not married. This is to enable

him have the resources for marriage. There exists wife inheritance. Male child syndrome is not

much considered among Kaka people as witnessed in Igbo ethnic group.

Nwaozuru (2020) posits that there is the possibility that during burial celebration some

Kaka people can stop the rainfall. Here one of the family relatives who was in good terms with
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the deceased can take ash, make some incantations and blew it into the air. Once this is done the

cloud will cease to give rain until the burial celebration is over.

There is the belief in spirits such as ancestors, ghosts, witchcraft and many more.

Coming to belief in ancestors, it is the eldest man in the clan that will be the mediator between

the living and the dead.

When the deceased is not given proper burial rite before burial, the deceased can

torment the living family members thus, the deceased member has become a ghost.

People who involve in witchcraft activities sometimes will use the body of another

person especially children to carry out their operations at night.

It is worthy to know that some Kaka people do not cover hot water for bathing while on

fire else it will be used to bath a dead person. They do not take much food stuff from another's

farm without the owner's permission except little to satisfy one's immediate hunger. Some of

them do not go to the stream to fetch water once it is 12 noon dot but can go at other times.

Nwaozuru (2020) observes that two young men from the same immediate family can not marry

from one family because once the first man marries from such family , it is assumed that they

have become one family.

Since Kaka and Mambilla ethnic groups in Sardauna, Taraba State, share similar culture

and live together, there is need to explain their economic, political, religious and socio-cultural

lives collectively.

Economic Activities
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The major economic activities of Mambilla and Kaka are farming, lumbering and other

business activities. The farm products include sweet potatoes ( Dankali), pepper, maize (masara/

butali), cocoyam, Kumbi (indigenous vegetable), green leaf, Mambilla beans (indigenous beans),

Guinea corn, okro, soya beans, melon (egusi), banana, plantain and so on. Nwaozuru (2020)

affirms that due to the rocky nature of the land and lack of farm lands, farming does not yield

much profit hence most commercial farmers settle at Gashaka Local Government during farming

season. Gembu and Nguroje are the major commercial towns. The economic trees include;

Timber, Kola nut, palm wine and so on.

Socio-Religious Activities

There exist cordial relationship among the two ethnic nationalities as they inter-marry.

The people are hospitable to strangers living at Mambilla plateau. The writer confirms that it was

the generosity and hospitality shown to him during his National Youth Service Corps (NYSC)

programme at Mambilla plateau that motivated him to research and document some of the

customs and cultural practices of Mambilla and Kaka ethnic people. Before the advent of Islam

and Christianity in Mambilla plateau, indigenous religion dominated. Contemporarily, the two

major dominant religions are Islam and Christianity although there are few traditionalists.

Political Activities

The political administration in Mambilla Plateau according to Nwaozuru (2020) is

steered by the First Class Chief of Mambilla Dr. Shehu Audi Baju II. There are about seven

kingdoms under him, one of which is Kam Kam Kingdom, Kakara under the kingship of Alh.

S. Usman Kakara (The Mbondua Chief of Kam Kam Kingdom). Each of the Kingdoms have
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several villages ruled by village heads under them. For instance in Furmi village, Pst. Emma

Sochi Nyele III is the Jauro (Village Head) and Furmi is under Kam Kam Chiefdom, Kakara.

Kaka and Mambilla people involve in political activities, during the just concluded 2019

General Elections many people from the two ethnic groups contested for various political

position. Examples include: Abel Peter Diah former Speaker Taraba State House of Assembly,

Jedua Ahmed Dawud Honourable Member Taraba State House of Assembly (Gembu

Constituency), David Abel Fuoh Honourable Member House of Representatives(Gashaka,

Kurmi and Sardauna Federal Constituency). Garvey Yawe has held various political posts in the

state and was the former Secretary to Taraba State Government and so on.

Festivals

The major festival celebrated is Kati Harvest Festival at Gembu. During Sallah and

Christmas celebration, they party and dance. During marriages, child naming ceremonies, send

forth parties, burial celebrations and so on.

CONLUSION
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Nigeria has over 250 ethnic groups which are brought into one nation as a result of

British colonialism in early 18th century. During the writer’s NYSC programme at Furmi

Sardauna Local Government Taraba Sate, North Eastern Nigeria, he was able to discover that

there many minor ethnic nationalities with diverse languages and culture fused into Northern

Nigeria under the umbrella of AREWA Consultative Forum. Hence, the writer conducted a

research on the cultural practices of Jukun of Wukari, Mambilla and Kaka ethnic groups leading

to the writing of this paper.

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THE BEAUTY OF MAMBILLA PLATEAU (TARABA STATE) NATURE’S

GIFT TO THE NATION

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