Violence Against Women

Volume 14 Number 7
July 2008 759-785
© 2008 Sage Publications
10.1177/1077801208320365
Gender Violence http://vaw.sagepub.com
hosted at
Among Teenagers http://online.sagepub.com

Socialization and Prevention

Rosa Valls
Lídia Puigvert
Elena Duque
CREA, University of Barcelona

This Spanish-based study found that some adolescents link attractiveness with violence.
Previous research showed that a socialization process within teenagers’ contexts pro-
motes this association. The results suggest that this link is one of the possible causes of
the high rates of gender violence among youth. Debates regarding this research already
have had political repercussions. Although the 2004 Spanish Act Against Gender
Violence—the first of its kind in Europe—acknowledged violence with romantic part-
ners or ex-partners, the 2008 Catalan Act on the Right of Women to Eradicate Chauvinist
Violence also recognizes gender violence in dating, and considers preventive socializa-
tion as a main measure. This study provides key knowledge to support this purpose.

Keywords: adolescents; attractiveness models; gender violence

T he Act Against Gender Violence in Spain (Organic Law No. 1, 2004), the first
law of this nature in Europe, was approved in 2004 within a social context that
attributed gender violence to romantic partners or ex-partners of economically
dependent older women with a low level of education. At the time, the international
scientific community had already proven that this stereotype did not reflect reality
(Piispa, 2004). Today, there is evidence that gender violence is also highly prevalent
in dating relationships and among economically independent young women with a
high level of education. The Act Against Gender Violence (Organic Law No. 1,
2004), however, did not take this into account. As a consequence, violence perpe-
trated against women who were involved in sporadic relationships with their aggres-
sors is not legally classified as gender violence because the perpetrators are neither
their partners nor ex-partners. The special courts established by the Act for gender

Authors’ Note: We are grateful for the collaboration of the Safo Women’s Group, CREA research cen-
ter, and especially Jesús Gómez, who during the last years of his life was besieged because of his theo-
retical and practical coherence and commitment to overcome violence against women.

759
760 Violence Against Women

violence cases are achieving more and better trials, but they have not been able to
decrease the number of cases. On one hand, the restriction of gender violence to
partners and ex-partners has made a clear limitation to the trials. For instance, a
judge could not convict for gender violence a man who hit a woman whom he used
to date, because the man was not her romantic partner. On the other hand, this
restriction is a consequence of a conception that gender violence is caused only by
female economic dependence or men’s failure to adapt to the independence of their
female partners, without taking into account the link some people make between
attractiveness and violence.
At the same time that this Act was being written, the first prize for the Eurovision
Junior Song Contest 2004 (a European children’s music contest) was awarded to a
song with the title “Better Dead Than Plain,” sung by María Isabel, a nine-year-old
girl, who has become a point of reference for girls her age. In the analysis of chats
about this song, eight-year-old girls constantly repeat this motto and apply the lyrics
to their lives (Valls, 2005). In Catalonia, a debate has arisen that has led to the cre-
ation of a new Act on the Right of Women to Eradicate Chauvinist Violence (LLEI,
2008) by the Catalan Parliament, which identifies gender violence as occurring not
only as domestic violence (in a stable relationship) but also as dating violence (in
sporadic relationships). This Catalan Act also indicates that preventive socialization
against gender violence should be the main action to be carried out. Besides improv-
ing the legislation and resources for current and potential victims, it is also neces-
sary to work on prevention to diminish the number of cases of gender violence that
are currently growing, especially among young people. In Spain, 30% of the
reported number of battered women are 30 years old or younger. The scientific com-
munity needs to contribute with an analysis of the factors that could help to explain
the enormous recurrence of these types of cases.
Prior research has studied Spanish teenagers’ socialization processes into gender
violence as part of a research program on preventive socialization of gender vio-
lence. This research explores possible contributing factors and provides suggestions
for preventive measures (Oliver & Valls, 2004), a topic that today strongly engages
young Spanish feminists (A. Flecha, 2005). Our study is framed within this program
and demonstrates that there are adolescents who establish a link between attractive-
ness and violence. This link promotes relationships in which gender violence can
arise. We have based our line of argument on the results from a study about how
these adolescents form their values, tastes, and preferences in their affective-sexual
relationships, as well as what their attractiveness models are. In this article, we pre-
sent the main results of the study,1 as well as the implications for the education of
teenagers in secondary schools. We look at the interactions among adolescents, and
between them and other social groups, to explain the association between attractive-
ness and violence that some of them make. We also look at the extent to which the
attractiveness models these adolescents have are characterized by values connected
to abuse, aggression, power relations, and suffering or, in contrast, the extent to
 Valls et al. / Teenage Gender Violence 761

which they are related to dialogue, equality, and respect. The main findings pre-
sented in this article are to be included in the current work on preventive socializa-
tion of gender violence.

Background and Relevance

The role of women in society and equality of opportunity between men and
women have progressed in areas related to education, employment, and social recog-
nition. Nevertheless, the younger generations are still experiencing or are at risk of
experiencing situations that involve violence. International research has shown that
the incidence of gender violence among the youngest sectors of the population is
high and that gender violence occurs not only in stable relationships (married cou-
ples or boyfriend-girlfriend) but also in more transient dating situations.
Gross,Winslett, Robert, and Gohm (2006), for example, show that the evidence of
sexual victimization of women on college campuses is common. From a sample of 903
undergraduate female college students aged 17 to 25 they found that 27.2% of women
reported having unwanted sexual experiences since enrolling in college and 9.1%
indicated they had had unwanted sexual intercourse. Similarly, Banyard et al. (2005)
contend (1) that women between the ages of 16 and 19 are in the highest risk group
for date rape, followed by women between the ages of 20 and 29, and (2) that
approaches oriented toward prevention and intervention against the problem of sex-
ual victimization on campus are needed. Small- and large-scale representative sample
surveys have shown that a significant number of undergraduate women are at high
risk of being abused by their boyfriends and/or dating partners (Brener, McMahon,
Warren, & Douglas, 1999; DeKeseredy & Schwartz, 1998a; Koss, Gidycz, &
Wisniewski, 1987; Smith, White & Holland, 2003). This is the case not only in
Western countries but also among youth around the world (Straus, 2004). In the
International Dating Violence Study,2 Straus (2004) found a higher rate of physical
assault among dating couples than married couples. He points out, for instance, that
29% of the students from his sample had been physically assaulted by a dating part-
ner during the 12 months prior to the beginning of the study.
Although most research that shows the high rates of violence among youth has
been conducted with college students, there are also studies indicating that adoles-
cents’ relationships are a starting point. For instance, in the survey Faith, Hope,
Battering (Heiskanen & Piispa, 1998), carried out in Finland, 40% of adult women
interviewed had been victims of physical or sexual violence and threatening behav-
ior perpetrated by males, or had been forced into sexual relationships after their
15th birthday, but 29% had had these experiences before the age of 15 (Heiskanen
& Piispa, 1998). Similarly, in their study of college-aged women, Brener and col-
leagues (1999) found that 71% of women who had had forced sex were raped
before the age of 18 and most of these experiences took place during their teens. In
762 Violence Against Women

addition, studies focusing on college men’s violence highlight boys’ development

of hostile attitudes toward women or admiration for violence during high school,
before reaching college (DeKeseredy & Schwartz, 1998b; Forbes, Adam-Curtis,
Pakalka, & White, 2006).
In a study of high school students (average age 16.2), Fineran and Bennett (1999)
found that 84% reported having experienced sexual harassment by peers at school.
From their study, they establish links between beliefs supporting male dominance
and the perpetration of sexual harassment in high schools and suggest the need to
pay more attention to the hostile environments created by peers. In another study of
sexual harassment in U.S. public schools, the American Association of University
Women (2001) found that 8 in 10 students experience some form of sexual harass-
ment at some time during their school lives. They had defined sexual harassment as
unwanted and unwelcome sexual behavior that interferes in students’ lives, ranging
from sexual comments or jokes to forcing someone to do something sexual.
Similarly, a study of dating violence among California adolescents found that 9.7%
of the sample of 4,560 adolescents had experienced situations involving gender vio-
lence (Center for School-Based Youth Development, 2004). Several studies have
stressed the fact that dating violence is highly prevalent in this population (Lavoie,
Robitaille, & Hébert, 2000; Silverman, Raj, Mucci, & Hathaway, 2001).
There is a wide body of research that provides evidence about the high rate of gen-
der violence among young people and the prevalence of gender violence in adoles-
cents’ dating relationships. Some research has focused on identifying and analyzing
possible factors that lead to gender violence, although there is still much to be done in
this area. Jiwani (2005), for instance, argues that people are more or less vulnerable to
violent acts because of their race, sexual orientation, disability, or class, and also as a
consequence of a clash between the values that are prioritized in the dominant society
and those that are specific to the aforementioned social groups. Jiwani also points out
the impact of isolation from peer groups and the family as a factor contributing to vul-
nerability. Other studies, however, stress the impact of gender-related expectations,
attitudes, and stereotypes as a main factor in violence and hostility toward girls, as well
as the sexism maintained in these youths’ belief systems framed within the patriarchal
value system that supports gender inequalities (Forbes, Adams-Curtis, & White, 2004;
Mahlstedt & Welsh, 2005). DeKerseredy and Schwartz (1998a) highlight male peer
support as one of the most powerful determinants of woman abuse in postsecondary
school dating. According to these authors, attachment to male peers provides some
men with norms, values, and behaviors that influence their relations with women in
dating relationships and that, in most cases, encourage and legitimate woman abuse.
Lavoie et al. (2000) conducted an interesting study on the teens’ views of violence
in intimate heterosexual relationships, through focus groups with boys and girls
from 14 to 19 years old. Among their findings, they highlight the influence of three
dimensions: individual factors (both from the aggressor and the victim), factors
regarding the couple (as the existence of communication problems or of tendencies
 Valls et al. / Teenage Gender Violence 763

to sadomasochism), and social factors (the influence of pornography and peer pres-
sure). In their analysis of the reasons that might lead to violence among these teens,
they argue that violence should not necessarily be seen as synonymous with abuse.
They argue that some boys and girls narrated the role of consensual use of aggres-
sion in sexual relationships to give pleasure or the desire to explore rough sex; some
also mentioned being influenced by pornography, and others shared an acceptance
of sadomasochism. Drawing from these findings, they suggest the need to discuss
the concepts of consent and desire in prevention programs as well as to open a dis-
cussion of the role of violence in sexuality in these programs.
The idea Lavoie et al. (2000) stress about the consensual use of aggression among
teens, although interesting for the debate on teen violence in relationships, is not the
focus of this article. In the study we conducted, we targeted only nonconsensual vio-
lence (which involves imposition and abuse) and, more precisely, the link between
attractiveness and violence among teenagers. We did not focus our analysis on the
desire for violence (i.e., sadomasochist practices), but rather on the attractiveness felt
by some teenagers toward boys who might be violent. The teenagers interviewed in
our study rejected violence, although they chose to be with persons who use vio-
lence; they felt attracted to them and wanted to be with them, but did not want to be
the subject of their violence (see also Duque, 2006).
There are studies that have explored the connection between love—even “perfect
love”—and forms of violence (Borochowitz & Eisikovits, 2002; Towns & Adams,
2000). Others have studied attractiveness as a personality variable that can be linked
to anxiety (Mathes, 1975). Another recent study analyzed the connection between
delinquency and romantic involvement in adolescents (Rebellon & Manasse, 2004).
Using data from the National Youth Survey with a sample of 1,725 American ado-
lescents aged 11 to 17, the researchers concluded that delinquency increases dating
outcomes by making the delinquent more attractive to prospective mates, because
risk-taking adolescents attract the romantic interest of others. The link between
attractiveness and risk taking is an element of interest for our study. However, we
focus on the connection between this attractiveness and values held in the hegemonic
masculinity model, particularly those related to domination.
Most literature on hegemonic masculinity explains its dominant construction and
its relation to dominance.3 In our study, we are relating this dominant construction of
hegemonic masculinity (and mainly its violent expression) with attractiveness.
Robinson (2005), for instance, explores the relationship between the dominant con-
struction of masculinities and the sexual harassment of young women in Australian
secondary schools. The researcher explains how the successful development of hege-
monic masculinity is often measured by dominance, aggression, and intimidation
toward the gendered “other” (i.e., girls and women or those boys and men who take
on less dominant masculinities). According to Robinson, sexual harassment and
sexual violence could be considered legitimate ways to express this form of hege-
monic masculinity. Along these lines, Connell (1995) defines hegemonic masculinity
764 Violence Against Women

as the configuration of gender practices that embody the current legitimacy of patri-
archy, which involves the dominant position of men and the subordination of women.
He remarks, however, that many men have some connections with the hegemonic pro-
ject, but do not embody hegemonic masculinities. They draw the patriarchal dividend,
but also respect their wives and mothers. They benefit from gender privilege and from
the overall subordination of women, but they are not violent toward women. He main-
tains that hegemonic masculinities are not fixed types, but configurations of practice
generated in concrete situations and, therefore, are also susceptible to change.
Given the relevance of the models of masculinity that young people learn, as well
as the impact of peer interactions and taken-for-granted beliefs in the explanation of
sexual harassment, Gómez (2004) studied socialization processes in adolescents’
sexual and affective relationships. By analyzing magazines, films, and the Top 40
songs among teenagers in Spain, he demonstrates that there is a socialization of
attractiveness into a hegemonic masculine model that includes domination and that
is linked to the double standard. Furthermore, although some theories link love and
attraction to instinct or an irrational emotion or “sexual chemistry” (Beck & Beck-
Gernsheim, 1995; Giddens, 1992; McDonald, 1998; Salecl, 1998; Sternberg, 1998),
Gómez argues that love is the result of a socialization process, and therefore any
feeling experienced is amenable to change. Our study focused on discovering the
extent to which this attractiveness model posited by Gómez is assumed by teenagers
and whether it is incorporated into their social interactions.
Our study Education on Values Towards the Prevention of Gender Violence in
Secondary Schools (Valls, 2004-2005) focused on identifying and analyzing values
attributed to people perceived as attractive, as well as the connections between these
values and abuse. We thus analyzed perceived attractiveness, which is associated
with the model of hegemonic masculinity. We found adolescents attracted to people
who embodied that model, reproducing values of domination and submission. This
study, therefore, suggests that the link between attractiveness and violence is one of
the possible causes of the high rates of gender violence among youth.

Method

The methodology of this study has a communicative-critical orientation (R. Flecha

& Gómez, 2004), one that substitutes the concept of research from a subject/object
relationship for one of intersubjectivity. We chose this methodology because it not
only contributes toward gathering rich information about adolescents’ experiences
but also facilitates the possibility of contrasting existing knowledge about gender
violence among young people in the scientific community with adolescents’ own
descriptions about attractiveness within the context of their lives. This contrast
already begins in the data collection stage, where researchers and the adolescents
 Valls et al. / Teenage Gender Violence 765

being researched interact through an intersubjective dialogue in which both contribute

their knowledge, as part of a shared process of reflection and self-reflection.
According to Habermas (1984), validity depends on the arguments provided
rather than on the power positions. Validity of scientific findings is then reached
when researchers’ interpretations are contrasted through dialogue with those of the
social actors researched. The critical communicative methodology has been previ-
ously used in conducting research with cultural groups and other social groups, ori-
ented to the analysis of overcoming inequalities (Gómez & Vargas, 2003; Touraine,
Wieviorka, & Flecha, 2004). This methodology has been used in a number of stud-
ies funded by the European Commission’s Framework Program for Research,4 as
well as by the Spanish and the Catalan Women’s Institutes.
In accordance with this methodology, in the study presented here we used quali-
tative data collection techniques with a communicative orientation. This study
focuses on heterosexual relationships among adolescents who attend secondary
school (aged 12-16) in Catalonia. We selected a sample of 7 secondary schools dis-
tributed geographically (5 in the province of Barcelona, 1 in Tarragona, 1 in Lleida),
or by location, either rural or urban (3 rural, 4 urban), and by their families’ socio-
economic status (SES; 3 low-middle, 2 middle, and 2 middle-high). The selection
also took cultural diversity and the existence of concern about the prevention of gen-
der violence into account (all seven schools have culturally diverse classrooms and
interested and concerned staff).
The research techniques used to fulfill the research objectives were 7 commu-
nicative focus groups (one per school) and 10 communicative daily life story ses-
sions. All of these meetings were conducted with the inclusion of the adolescents,
who are the subjects of this research. By using a communicative orientation toward
life stories and focus groups, adolescents are able to contribute their experiences,
worldviews, knowledge, and observations from their lives and contrast them with the
theories and previous research provided for the study through the researchers’ sci-
entific backgrounds. Furthermore, the study also included 12 semistructured inter-
views (6 with family members and 6 with teachers). We did not use a communicative
technique for these interviews because both families and teachers provided a more
institutional framework for their own stories (i.e., family and academic frameworks).
Although these people were not the focus of the study, they contributed useful infor-
mation and insights that complemented the research results as a whole.
The selection of subjects to participate in the fieldwork took place through prior
contact and dialogue with the principals and their teams (i.e., teachers, students, and
relatives who were members of the School Board) in each secondary school. They
were informed in advance about the objectives and content of the study. We agreed
on possible students, teachers, and family members who would be suitable for
the study. Adolescents were selected in accordance with gender balance as well as
interest and a predisposition to participate in the study. Families and teachers were
selected according to their knowledge and/or concern about the topic of the study
766 Violence Against Women

(the prevention of gender violence) and interest as well. Among the seven commu-
nicative focus groups, 3 were composed of girls, 2 of boys, and 2 were mixed in
terms of gender. A total of 35 adolescents participated, 21 girls and 14 boys, between
the ages of 14 and 17. The 10 communicative daily life stories were conducted with
5 girls and 5 boys. The interviews were conducted with 4 mothers, 2 fathers, and
6 teachers (3 male and 3 female).
Table 1 summarizes the distribution of the sample and the techniques used. It
includes the location and average SES of each school, as well as the codes that will
be used later in the Results section.
To collect and analyze the data, we used the categories in Table 2.
Information from the focus groups, everyday life stories, and interviews was
recorded and transcribed. We identified the above three categories from the inter-
pretations the subjects made in their own words, and we coded the same interpreta-
tions by looking at whether they were reproductive or preventive. In this study,
reproductive interpretations are those that maintain and reproduce the values and
beliefs about attractiveness that are associated with domination, instinct, and the
double standard present in current models of hegemonic masculinity. Preventive
interpretations are those that oppose the hegemonic models and provide alternative
models. In this study, we consider that the former include elements that promote vio-
lence in affective and sexual relationships, whereas the latter include ways to over-
come this type of violence.
In this study we understand the categories of domination, instinct, and the double
standard to be:

Domination. The link between attractiveness and lack of independence, respect, and
freedom from the teenagers who fit into the hegemonic masculine model. This dom-
ination includes both psychological and physical violence. This category accounts
for two sides of the same coin: attractiveness associated with domination as well as
attractiveness dissociated from friendship and care.
Instinct. The perception of attractiveness as an instinct or a chemical reaction in which
one cannot intervene or make decisions about it. This determinism justifies the
impossibility of breaking up with violent partners.
Double standard. We use this category because the double standard justifies present
temporary relationships that include violence with the idea that in the future they
will choose a good boy with whom to create a family.5

Finally, to increase research coherence with the implementation of a commu-

nicative orientation, we created an advisory council that monitored the research
process, from the original research idea through the analysis of the results and the
conclusions. This advisory council was composed of two adolescents, one teacher,
and one mother. Their function was to review documents, provide their knowledge,
and provide guidance and assessment of the research process and its conclusions.
 Valls et al. / Teenage Gender Violence 767

Table 1
Data Collected in the Selected Secondary Schools
Communicative
Communicative Everyday Life Interviews Interviews
Focus Groups Stories With With With
School Characteristics With Adolescents Adolescents Families Teachers

1. Federica Montseny SS G1:D (3 girls) R1:H E1:P E1:Eh

Urban
Low-Middle SES
2. Cervantes SS G2:D (8 girls) R2:H E2:M E2:Ed
Rural R2:D
Low-Middle SES
3. Sant Jordi SS
Urban G3:H (5 boys) R3:H E3:M E3:Ed
Middle SES R3:D
4. Picasso SS G4:DH (4 girls R4:D E4:M E4:Ed
and 3 boys)
Rural R42:D
Low-Middle SES
5. Clara Campoamor SS G5:D (4 girls) R5:H E5:P E5:Eh
Urban R5:D
Middle-High SES
6. La Fageda SS G6:DH (2 girls R6:H E6:M E6:Eh
Rural and 2 boys)
Middle-High SES
7. Pau Casals SS G7:H (4 boys)
Urban
Middle SES

Note: SS = Secondary School; SES = socioeconomic status; G = communicative focus group; R =

communicative everyday life story; E = interview; D = woman; H = man; M = mother; P = father;
Eh = male teacher; Ed = female teacher. The names of the secondary schools are pseudonyms.

According to Beck-Gernsheim, Butler, and Puigvert (2003), the dialogue with the
“other women” provides a valuable contribution for the development of feminist
theory. Along the same lines, these persons’ involvement with the research team con-
tributed a valuable perspective that increased the impact of the results of the study
on the end users.

Results

Most boys and girls who participated in the fieldwork link attractiveness with vio-
lence. Many of them associate attractiveness with the values of domination included
768 Violence Against Women

Table 2
Data Analysis Categories
Data Analysis Codes Domination Instinct Double Standard

Reproductive interpretations
Preventive interpretations

in the hegemonic masculinity model. They also believe that attractiveness depends
on instinct and, in this sense, violent relationships are justified because they cannot
be explained and cannot be changed, even when there is suffering. In addition, this
attractiveness is present in the double standard: Some teenagers in the study separate
people for formal relationships, perceived as less attractive and related to monotony,
from other people for sporadic relationships, associated with attractiveness and dom-
ination. (Although interviews with family members and teachers provided rich com-
plementary information, we will not analyze this information in this article. All the
results presented here focus only on the adolescents’ interpretations.)

Attractiveness Is Associated With Domination and Abuse

The most important result obtained from the fieldwork with these adolescents is
that there is a link between attractiveness and violence, grounded in aspects of the
hegemonic model of masculinity such as domination, aggressiveness, lack of sensi-
tivity, and power relationships. There is a general agreement among the teenagers
interviewed that the “model man” to which they attribute more attractiveness is what
they call a “bastard,” a “macho,” or a “show-off.”
The hegemonic model of masculinity is the traditional model of what is perceived
as a “real man.” This model has changed throughout history, especially in its exter-
nal format. The model of the dominant-protective man of former ages is now openly
perceived as “out of date” in our society; however, such a model continues to be pre-
sent in a different external form, but with the same characteristics. From the
teenagers’ words we can identify characteristics of the masculine model to which
they attribute attractiveness. This coincides with some values associated with the
hegemonic masculine model.

Bastards. A number of adolescents said they liked boys whom they defined
as being “bastards,” and many said they like these boys precisely because they are
bastards. The description of a “bastard” often coincided with that part of the hege-
monic model of masculinity associated with dominance and abuse. It is also important
to highlight that when this characteristic arises, the physical appearance of a boy is
considered secondary. It is more important to be a “bad guy” than to be good-looking.
 Valls et al. / Teenage Gender Violence 769

Anna6 is a 16-year-old girl in 10th grade at the Cervantes Secondary School. In a

communicative daily life story she reflected on the characteristics of the boys more
attractive to her:

Anna: I really like this guy. I’m going out with him, and he looks a bit rough and he is
a bastard and he`s really got the gift of the gab.
Interviewer: And you never think about leaving him?
Anna: No.
Interviewer: And what do you like about him?
Anna: His personality . . . you see! (R2:D)7
Interviewer: The most successful guys, what are their characteristics, what are they like?
Anna: Show-offs, they spend all day messing with people. . . . I don’t know why but I
always liked the troublemakers the most. They’re smarter. (R2:D)

Andrea is also 16 and a very good student in the same secondary school. Similar
to Anna, she said in a focus group:

I always see the best-looking guys as the ones who’re the biggest bastards, the coolest
dudes, and the biggest show-offs. . . . So you say: cool, you see? All the girls are after
him, and he’s already got a big head about it. (G2:D)

Furthermore, according to Anna, boys also perceive that the attractiveness is associ-
ated with domination, so they decide to act in accordance with this model. She
explained how this process shapes some boys’ behaviors:

So more and more . . . the other guys say, “Christ! Look at what this bastard gets up to
and they all wanna be with him,” so then they are like, “well I’ll be a bastard too.” So
in the end we’ll all end up being . . . . (R2:D)

Untouchable and aloof. There is an idea that what is easy to get is not attractive.
According to most teenagers participating in our study, what really creates excite-
ment and motivation is the challenge to get someone who is out of their reach or
someone who ignores them. Excitement is therefore linked to the time spent, the ten-
sion felt, and the worry caused by trying to win over the hard-to-get boy or girl, or
the dream of being chosen by him or her in the end. They say that sentimental inter-
est in an uninterested person may cause suffering; however, suffering is often asso-
ciated with love. People who do not make them suffer are less attractive or provoke
fewer emotions in them.
Judith, for instance, a 16-year-old girl attending the Clara Campoamor Secondary
School, shared her take on this issue: “I guess there should be a little suffering. When
it is too easy it loses interest.” (G5:D)
Raúl is a 15-year-old boy now repeating 9th grade at the Federica Montseny
Secondary School.
770 Violence Against Women

Interviewer: What do you think girls and boys are searching for?
Raul: They are looking for something which is difficult to get.
Interviewer: Like a challenge?
Raul: Yes, the more difficult it is the more you want it.
Interviewer: And what happens when you get it?
Raul: Then it’s different.
Interviewer: Why?
Raul: You really experience love when you are trying to get somebody you like, but not
when you’ve already got him or her. (R1:H)

Some girls also highlight the fact they do not like boys who pay too much atten-
tion to them, who care about them; instead, they prefer boys who act and decide
things without asking them. Ignoring someone and showing no interest in him or her
is thus a value associated with attractiveness. In relation to this, Núria, a 15-year-old
girl from the Cervantes School, commented:

With friends, you know . . . it’s really hard. With older boys, who’re the ones we wanna
be involved with, they just go straight for what they’re after, they are not like, “Hi, how
are you, how are you feeling? (G2:D)

Some girls consider that having a relationship with these boys makes them feel
special and chosen. Although they are men who show a lack of interest in them, the
young women place high value on being chosen by them. The girls feel attracted to
boys who are able to despise people, but they themselves do not want to be despised.
Georgina and Berta are 17 and 16, respectively, and they are both in 10th grade at
the Picasso School. In a communicative focus group, they shared this belief:

Georgina: I think it’s cool if he is somebody who doesn’t give a shit about most people,
but with you he’s different. He can be a typical macho guy but when he is with you, I
don’t know.
Berta: He makes you feel special. (G4:DH)

Leadership and dominance. A characteristic attributed to attractive boys is to be

a leader and have power. For instance, to show a capacity to give other people orders
and to achieve what they want is valued as an indication of being the best within a
group. Imposing decisions rather than sharing decision making is viewed as an indi-
cator of strength and power and is valued positively. Meritxell, for instance, a 9th
grade student at the Federica Montseny School, explained to us her understanding of
the leader’s attractiveness:

A leader, like for instance in a group, ok? It can be a group of boys or a group of girls,
and there is always somebody who . . . like . . . is not exactly in charge, you know, but
somebody who is always getting all the attention, showing off, know what I mean?
 Valls et al. / Teenage Gender Violence 771

Like, I was with some friends I used to have, and there was that typical boy who, you
know, whatever he said was what we did, you know? Because he was, no way, he was
the best! (G1:D)

Similarly, Joan, a 16-year-old boy in 11th grade at the Pau Casals School, com-
mented:

Lets see, when you’re like 13 or 14, usually the most successful guys are the macho
ones, the show-offs, who wind people up, who go around getting themselves noticed
and feeling like they are the coolest guy in the world. (G7:H)

Liars. Some adolescents explained that these boys, who embody the model of
hegemonic masculinity and are socially perceived as attractive, hide information and
their actions and lie to the girls they are involved with. The girls also argue that
although they were deceived, they were still in love. Being a liar is a characteristic
repeatedly attributed to boys toward whom the girls feel attractiveness and with
whom they have relationships, even though they do not value this feature positively.
Paula told us her experience with a boy who lied to her. At the time of her story she
was 14, and attending 8th grade at the Federica Montseny School:

Paula: . . . all my friends were telling me about it, that he was with another girl, and I
didn’t believe them, and it was true.
Interviewer: Did you talk to him?
Paula: Yes, and he told me they were lying, and then I realized it was true. . . . Well,
then he got involved with another girl and he told me again that that was not true, and
I was silly, I was blind with love for him, you know? And then one day he suddenly left
me. (G1:D)

Anna (16, 10th grade) told a similar story:

Two months. He was with another chick and with me at the same time, and I remem-
ber that I used to go to his place on Wednesdays and Fridays, and he was like, “Oh it’s
because my parents are here,” and I said, “but you never cared about that before,” or “I
have to get my homework done.” . . . Liar! You never finish it! Well, I was like what’s
going on here? When I went to his home he would say, “Come up,” but then . . . “I am
on the computer” . . . but he can’t mess about with me, one day he wants me and
another day he doesn’t. (R2:D)

Tough and aggressive. Some girls value the fact that the boy with whom they are
having a relationship will be able to defend them, to fight for them. The boys need to
be not “too good” and they feel proud when they observe the fact that their boyfriend
can fight with others. Regarding this issue, Anna spoke with the researcher:
772 Violence Against Women

Interviewer: Do you see any good in him?

Anna: Good . . . well, maybe a bit, what can I say? He is . . . he’s one of those guys
who when you’re around he’ll defend you.
Interviewer: Do you think girls need somebody who makes us feel protected?
Anna: If he can protect me it’s fine, and if he can’t that’s also okay . . . but wait, now
that we’re talking about it, I think he’s actually a punk! Nobody dares to pick on him,
or on me! (R2:D)

Ruth, a 15-year-old girl who attends the Federica Montseny School, said:

. . . for instance, with my boyfriend, I’m not saying that he should be cocky when he’s
with me, but I like the fact that he’s cocky when he needs to be cocky, you know? I
don’t know, at least I feel like that with my boyfriend, he is the best in the world, he is
an angel, you know? But then when we go anywhere, I mean, let’s see who’s got the
balls to say anything to me! (G1:D)

Beyond this, adolescents interviewed also described situations they know in

which girls are involved with dominant and violent boys. These girls are even
insulted or beaten up, but they do not end their relationships. Cristina is another 15-
year-old girl from the Cervantes School. She told the group about a situation involv-
ing this domination from a boy and the reaction of the girl:

There is this one girl, ok? And she was with a boy, ok? And he took her away from her
friends, and from her family, she was like, “I’d like to go . . .” and he said, “No, no,
you have to stay with me, ‘cause I know you best . . . you stay with me” and the girl
stayed with him, even though he was beating her up. But she didn’t care, she stayed
with him. (G2:D)

Josep, 16, from the Clara Campoamor School also shared his opinion about this
issue: “When they argued, sometimes, I don’t know, he would go too far, he often said
things he shouldn’t say to her . . . he never hit her but he used to insult her.” (R5: H)

Jealousy. Jealousy is another characteristic found in some adolescents’ stories in

relation to people who exemplify the hegemonic model of masculinity, and it is usu-
ally seen as a sign of love. They attribute dominant behavior toward girls (such as
ordering them to do something or forbidding them from wearing something or going
somewhere) to boys who are extremely jealous. Therefore, they justify dominant
behavior as strong love. Josep, for instance, said:

Well, I think it’s good to feel some jealousy . . . not to any extreme though, you know
what I mean? Let’s say for example . . . that you don’t like the fact that she dresses in
a certain way because people say things to her, or she attracts too much attention. I
think this is good, isn’t it? Because that way you are also showing that you love her.
(R5:H)
 Valls et al. / Teenage Gender Violence 773

Miriam, a 16-year-old who studies at the Picasso School, told a story of jealousy
involving her cousin. She explained:

This boy he didn’t allow her to wear . . . tangas, tight trousers, skirts, or anything. He
once took away all her clothes . . . well, he lived in Calella and she used to go there to
visit him with a suitcase, and he hid her suitcase, and then my cousin had to go to high
school dressed in sports clothes. And this was all because he was very jealous, very
jealous. (R4:D)

Not a friend. Adolescents in our research also described a masculine model in

opposition to the hegemonic one. They attribute the characteristics of friendship,
trust, and understanding, among others, as positive aspects in such a person.
However, the analysis reveals that this masculine model, associated with “a friend,”
is totally detached from attractiveness and sexual appeal. Excess of trust and support,
for instance, is often perceived as a way to lose sexual interest in a person. We spoke
with Anna regarding this issue:

Interviewer: You say he had a good body, but had no success, why?
Anna: No, because he was soft.
Interviewer: What do you mean by a soft guy?
Anna: I was with this guy and he was such a good guy that I left him in the end, yes,
because . . . we like the fact that they are in love with us but we like them to pretend
that they’re not, got me? And when they are already stuck on you . . . and I was tired
of him, I got so tired! But then when they ignore me . . . it’s so strange! Don’t you think
so? (R2:D)

Luís, a 16-year-old boy from La Fageda School, had a clear opinion of how some
girls dissociate friendship from love:

Usually girls do not fall in love with their friends, because they know them too well,
and then, there is nothing else to know, I mean, you already know everything about
him. (R6: H)

Attractiveness Is Perceived as Instinctive

Among the adolescents’ stories, the perception of attractiveness as something
irrational was significant; attractiveness was considered something instinctive that
cannot be controlled. They used this perception to explain (and justify) why some
girls are attracted to boys who do not treat them well and who make them suffer,
but the girls nevertheless stay in the relationship. In addition, adolescents believe
that feeling attracted to a particular person and not to another is something one
cannot avoid; it just happens, without the individual’s considering what kind of
person the boy or girl is. For this reason, many argued that when one falls in love,
774 Violence Against Women

one is not able to detach oneself from the relationship or to move away from it, a
situation that might be unequal or involve suffering. Lola and Cristina, both 10th
grade students at the Cervantes School, explained in a focus group how they
understood this feeling:

Lola: This is what I’m saying, that it comes, and it came. After that, maybe you don’t
want to but you have a crush on them, and you fall in love, and maybe when you are in
love then you think: This guy is a bastard and he is fucking up my life, but you are in
love and you can’t do anything about it. (G2:D)
Cristina: In these matters you don’t have any control; your heart is what leads you. You
know this person may hurt you, but you have that feeling inside . . . (G2:D)

In addition, some associate this “chemistry” with attractiveness, which is under-

stood as something physical, almost biological or instinctive, which cannot be
avoided. And they contrast this irrational attractiveness with love, which is under-
stood as something spiritual or closer to caring. About her understanding of love,
Miriam, 16, from the Picasso School, said:

I believe when it’s called love at first sight, I mean, the kind of love that comes along
suddenly, that is not really love. . . . I would say, it’s more of an attraction, and that’s
it. Love is something continuous, which is always on your mind, I mean, it’s something
else, it’s no longer lasting. (R4:D)

The issue of attractiveness is often perceived and presented by these teenagers as

instinctive. On that basis, they also recognize the implications of such feelings in sit-
uations of inequality: Assuming that attractiveness is instinctive, when a girl feels
attracted to a violent boy she can do nothing to change it. This is what is popularly
known as a “fatal attractiveness.” There were just a few participants who associated
it with rationality and the ability to make decisions when involved in a situation of
domination and/or abuse. By defining attractiveness as an irrational feeling, these
teenagers may have an explanation for staying in a relationship that involves hate,
abuse, and suffering. Cristina and Veronica, both 15, from the Cervantes School, par-
ticipating in a communicative focus group, said:

Cristina: You can fall in love with anybody. (G2:D)

Veronica: You can fall in love with the biggest cocky bastard who beats you up, or with
the biggest nerd who doesn’t even dare to raise his voice to you. (G2:D)

Raúl and Josep also confirmed these ideas in their communicative daily life sto-
ries. Raul attends Federica Montseny, and Josep attends Clara Campoamor School:

Raul: Love is like a feeling, like something which goes on inside and you cannot
explain it. (R1:H)
 Valls et al. / Teenage Gender Violence 775

Josep: You mean suddenly? That is passion! Passion comes and it lasts for a short time,
it’s like a beam of light, you see it briefly and then it disappears. Love is not like that.
That is passion. You can love someone for your whole life, like your parents and any
other relation, you can love them and . . . but passion I think it comes, for a short time,
and then it goes. (R5:H)

To believe that love and passion are something instinctive, unavoidable, and
irreparable is a way of justifying attractiveness toward the hegemonic masculine
model. Therefore, there is no consideration of social interactions that socialize
teenagers into this model of attractiveness; rather, attractiveness is attributed to haz-
ard, instinct, and biology. Teenagers’ perception of attractiveness as an instinct is an
important element in their acceptance of a dominant attractiveness model that can
lead to the acceptance of gender violence.

Attractiveness Is Perceived as Temporary

Attractiveness in the hegemonic model of masculinity has been historically main-
tained through the reproduction of the double standard. Some adolescents today
express the possibility of having short or sporadic relationships with dominant males
who manipulate women, but they nevertheless consider them attractive, or they think
that they can change them later.
The traditional double standard establishes two types of relationships: stable, seri-
ous relationships, with love and affection, but which are also boring and lacking in
passion; and exciting, foolish, passionate relationships, with an irresistible attractive-
ness regardless of whether love is involved, but which are also superficial and manip-
ulative. Such dichotomous and reductionistic divisions classify people into two
contrasting models: people with whom one can maintain a serious, long-term rela-
tionship, and people with whom one maintains a foolish and passionate relationship.
The appropriation of the double standard can thus justify getting involved in rela-
tionships characterized by mixed feelings of excitement and suffering, because they
are perceived as temporary. Some adolescent girls explain that they choose “bad”
boys only for sporadic relationships because they will look for “good” boys later for
stable relationships, thus following the traditional double standard. Meritxell, Paula,
and Ruth, all 15, from the Federica Montseny School, discussed this double standard:

Paula: Let’s say for instance that you see a guy in class who is sitting in the front row
all day and he doesn’t open his mouth, and later you meet, don’t know, Oscar, for
instance, hanging around there in the corridor, and he comes over and kisses you on
both cheeks, and he is like, “You look really good,” and so on and so forth, so he draws
your attention more, rather than the guy who is sitting down and does not move.
Interviewer: And if you think about relationships in the future, which one would you
choose?
Ruth: Hey! I would choose the quiet one! (G1:D)
776 Violence Against Women

Interviewer: But . . . would you choose these macho boys to have a relationship with?
Paula: I don’t know, it depends, that’s something very . . . for instance, I would choose
Lopez, well I’ve known him since I was a baby, but I would not choose Oscar.
Interviewer: Why not Oscar?
Paula: Because he is really bad, wicked, he’s a rebel.
Ruth: He flirts with all the girls!
Paula: He likes flirting with all the girls.
Meritxell: . . . because he is not serious enough for a relationship. (G1:D)

Anna, from Cervantes School, similarly reflects on this idea:

For a one-night stand, I would choose the most . . . guy, but to go out with, well, I would
choose someone who is more focused, someone who has not been with a lot of girls. (R2:D)

Ismael and other 11th grade boys from the Pau Casals School confirmed this per-
ception in a communicative focus group:

Ismael: Yeah, when you are 14 you like the macho guys . . .
Pere: Later on, you look for someone who is a good person, who is nice . . .
Ismael: Girls look for stability in a relationship, and they know they will not get it with
boys like that, that’s what happens. (G7:H)

Some girls said they could be involved with a boy who does not treat them well
but to whom they feel attracted because they think he will change or they will change
him in the end. This belief leads many adolescents to stay in relationships in which
they suffer and are submissive. Thus, many of them think it is worth staying with
boys whom they regard as attractive, regardless of whether they are having a good
or bad time with them. Georgina (17), Marina (16), and Maria (15), all in 10th grade
at the Picasso School, commented in a focus group:

Interviewer: But then, if somebody is a bastard . . . before they say “he’s so sexy,” do
they know he is a bastard?
All the girls: Yeah! Usually you know that.
Interviewer: So why do you fall for him?
Georgina: Because we are naïve.
Marina: Because we are silly.
Marina: Because you think maybe I’ll change him, but you can’t change him because
this guy will always be the same. (G4: DH)

In such cases, some adolescents may get used to these practices and feelings and,
once internalized, the situation is no longer temporary, but rather part of the person’s
life experience. In fact, the unbridled and intense attractiveness that some adolescent
girls feel for dominant boys (or “bastards”) is something they say will stay with them
 Valls et al. / Teenage Gender Violence 777

for the rest of their lives. Their experiences are part of their more conscious memo-
ries, but also part of their learning process about sexual-affective relationships – that
is, part of their process of socialization. They may decide to look for a “friend” with
whom to have a stable relationship, but they have already been socialized into the pre-
vious model, and for them, passion remains linked to that memory. Paula, 15, talking
to us with Meritxell and Ruth from the Federica Montseny School, explained:

He is somehow the worst guy around here, and I know he is the worst, but it was the
best kiss ever, I will never forget it. I will never forget that first kiss. It was three years
ago, but I won’t forget it, ever. And see, the guy I’m talking about, I had so many prob-
lems with him, my parents had to intervene, because he is a drug dealer, and my best
friend told me so but I was like, she’s wrong. His best friend warned me, but I also told
him he was wrong. And one day he called me and well, he started calling me every
name under the sun, he insulted me . . . my mother was right there, and I was in an
awful mess, and she asked me what was going on, and I told her, and she told me that
that was the end, she said the best option was to leave him and not to talk to him any
more. . . . Then, he started to threaten me and my best friends. (G1:D)

In the appropriation of the double standard we see sporadic relationships based on

the manipulation of a person and the perception of the person involved in this rela-
tionship as a sexual object. This is what some adolescents often describe as “flings”
or “making out” with somebody. In these relationships, the key element is that the girl
is ready to be “used,” to be chosen, generating submissive behavior by the girls.
Sporadic relationships should not imply manipulation of people; however, some spo-
radic relationships in which adolescents get involved reproduce the traditional divi-
sion of exciting versus boring relationships, with the former being associated with
hegemonic masculinity that objectifies women, and the latter with sensible men who
care about them. Regarding this issue, Miriam, 16, from the Picasso School, said:

Well, most boys say they like girls who go out and party, who let themselves go and
allow them to do what they want with them, and who are sexy. (R4:D)

However, the image of men and women who are involved in these kinds of rela-
tionships is not the same. When girls are involved in these sporadic-manipulative
relationships, their reputation changes. The image of these girls becomes negative,
whereas that of the boys acquires popularity and attractiveness, reproducing interac-
tions that involve domination and submission. Adolescent girls are often not aware
of the extent to which this behavior can affect their future relationships. Josep, 16,
for instance, from the Clara Campoamor School explained:

I mean, it’s different for a guy, if a man goes with lots of girls his friends say, “ole,”
don’t they? Something like congratulations, right? But if a girl goes with loads of guys,
the guys are like “she is a whore, she is such and such.” (R5:H)
778 Violence Against Women

We questioned Quim and Ismael, 16, from Pau Casals School:

Interviewer: And how did you see that relationship?

Ismael: From his side . . .
Oscar: There was no passion, no stability, nothing . . . it was just something to fill his
spare time with.
Ismael: His attitude was like, “I have somebody here to make out with and in front of
my friends I put her down all the time.” And the girl was crazy about him . . .
Ferran: She didn’t realize what was happening.
Ismael: I never understood how she was able to put up with that. (G7:H)

Finally, although we found links between aspects of hegemonic masculinity and

some models of attractiveness, we also found adolescents who, in their life stories,
pointed to trust and openness to dialogue as features they attributed to the males
whom they consider attractive. They, therefore, also respond to a nonhegemonic
masculine model of attractiveness that does not include men who look down on and
abuse girls with whom they have relationships. However, we must point out that
these accounts were only given to researchers in personal interviews, never in groups
or in front of other adolescents. Miriam, from Picasso, said:

A person who trusts you, who you can talk to about anything . . . I believe this is what
I like. I don’t like guys who go around with their friends showing off and saying,
“Today I was with this girl, and later on with another girl.” (R4:D)

The social assumptions into which adolescents are socialized (i.e., domination
as an attractiveness model, attractiveness as an instinct, and the double standard)
are not new; they have been present historically and have formed the foundations
of our culture and our society. Obviously, there are many traditional cultural
assumptions about sexual and affective relationships that have changed over time,
in the same way that the traditional roles attributed to men and women have also
changed. However, research shows that many of these assumptions are still pre-
sent in people’s relationships today. Although relationships have externally
changed a great deal, the base on which they are built continues to reproduce
inequalities. According to the double standard, the division into two separate gen-
dered models—one for sporadic exciting relationships and another one for stable
relationships—generates dislike toward the former and limitations to the latter.
This dichotomy damages the sexual freedom of women and contributes to the
legitimization of gendered violence. None of these relationships involve violence
in and of themselves; rather, this study demonstrates that when there is violence
or abuse associated with the double standard, it appears to be more difficult to
change the situation.
 Valls et al. / Teenage Gender Violence 779

Limitations

These research findings are limited in terms of generalizability to the larger pop-
ulation of teenagers. On one hand, the qualitative nature of the research design, as
well as the sample selected, contribute rich information about some adolescents’
experiences and perceptions in relation to attractiveness. The teenagers were
selected from secondary schools located in urban and rural areas, from different
socioeconomic backgrounds, but with no intention for representativeness of this
population in Spain. Furthermore, the study was conducted mainly among adoles-
cents from the dominant cultural group and, therefore, lacks cultural diversity.
Further research should be conducted to examine the link between attractiveness and
violence among larger groups of teens from different cultural backgrounds. Future
analyses could also be conducted with nationally representative samples to confirm
these findings on a wider scale.
There are also limitations in terms of the scope of the study. Drawing from previ-
ous research on socialization into violent models of attractiveness, we focused on find-
ing out whether these models were actually present in teenagers’ lives, from their own
experiences and practices. Our study thus targeted the link between attractiveness, as
perceived by teenagers, and violence. However, we did not analyze the processes or
the channels through which these adolescents might become socialized to accept this
link. Media, for instance, are powerful socializers of youth in which we can find a
model of attractiveness related to features of hegemonic masculinity that includes
domination. It is normal to watch scenes in a film or a series where passionate sexual
relations are preceded by violence, tension, arguments, or fights within a couple.
Similarly, the lyrics of many love songs that are at the top of the charts often talk about
possessiveness or suffering. The Internet has become another important channel of
communication and socialization among teenagers. The connections that teenagers
such as those participating in our study might make between these socialization agents
and their own practices and preferences should be further explored to better understand
the relationship between attractiveness and violence. Further research is needed to
explain not only the causes of gender violence but also what influences youth’s mod-
els of attractiveness, and how (or whether) they make the connection.

Discussion and Conclusions

The main contribution of this article is the identification of a link between attrac-
tiveness and violence, which has a strong influence in the relationships that the
teenagers we interviewed are constructing. This link can be seen in different daily
contexts. Boys who develop dominant attitudes are often seen by girls as attractive,
rather than disagreeable or undesirable. There is a general agreement among these
780 Violence Against Women

teenagers that the model of a man to which they attribute greater attractiveness is the
“bastard” or the “macho” (models of masculinity associated with domination), one
who is commonly considered a leader and power holder.
Other findings in this study also point to this link between attractiveness and vio-
lence. Some adolescents believe that attractiveness is instinctive, which leads them
to justify feeling attraction to a person who can exert violence, although they do not
want to experience this violence. On the other hand, some teenage girls do not see
“good boys” as attractive and identify them instead as “good friends,” with whom
they do not see themselves having romantic relationships. They also explain the lack
of attractiveness of “good boys” as instinctive, and therefore something they cannot
change. This study demonstrates that this association reproduces the traditional dou-
ble standard in current relationships among teenagers. Most adolescent girls inter-
viewed often select “bad boys” for passion and “good boys” for stability or caring.
In this way, they reject nonviolent boys for passionate relationships and reinforce the
link between attractiveness and violence.
Prior research has shown that adolescents are socialized into an attractiveness
model that includes violent behavior. The attractiveness models displayed in the
media, the social images constructed around them, and teen interactions using these
models appear to influence adolescents’ choices and experiences. We argue that the
link between attractiveness and violence we found in the present study is a product
of this type of socialization. During adolescence, boys and girls are immersed in a
multitude of interactions that help shape their identity. Teenagers’ personalities are
formed in schools, within their families, in youth clubs, and in associations and other
spaces where they start to assume and develop particular patterns of behavior. We
found that for many adolescents attractiveness is linked with values and attitudes of
domination that are part of hegemonic masculinity. Dialogue, affection, and tender-
ness are associated with behavior that has negative connotations (such as being pas-
sive or monotonous), which results in lack of interest or unattractiveness. Further
research is needed to address how the processes of socialization influence the link to
violence we found in adolescents’ perceptions of attractiveness.
In Spain, research on socialization into the use of gender violence is being trans-
lated into preventive practices within the field of education. Some schools are
already working from the perspective of preventive socialization. For instance,
schools that belong to the Learning Communities project are working on a dialogic
model of violence prevention. This model works by developing consenting norms
through different dialogue stages with the students and the community. Throughout
this process, questions about these issues emerge and they are then reflected on, dis-
cussed, and resolved through dialogue among students and between them and their
teachers and families. In one school, for instance, the dialogic process produced the
following norm: “No person can be harassed because of how she/he dresses.” This
process also encourages the development of new social interactions that contribute
to the transformation of assumed values of domination and hate.
 Valls et al. / Teenage Gender Violence 781

Results from studies on socialization into gender violence have already found
resonance in women’s associations and movements, such as the Catalan Platform
Against Gender Violence, a social platform that includes more than 60 organiza-
tions working to eliminate violence against women by promoting social awareness.
In recent years, the focus of this platform’s work has shifted toward raising aware-
ness of gender violence among youth and in teen dating, as well as promoting activ-
ities for preventive socialization of gender violence among teenagers. Raising
critical awareness about socialization agents that associate violent values and per-
formances with attractiveness is now one of the key goals of the platform. The
Association of Young Feminist Women, “Nayades,” for instance, which belongs to
this platform, works along these lines. They conduct workshops with teenagers to
discuss attractiveness models through activities such as the analysis of Top 40
songs. They explain that in these workshops they often see adolescents’ astonish-
ment when discovering the models of attractiveness underlying the songs they like
and have listened to a thousand times.
Through the analysis of the link between attractiveness and violence as one of
the possible causes of the high rates of gender violence among teenagers, this study
suggests the need to promote educational interventions and preventive socialization
measures to break this link. Some important work has been done on the prevention
of gender violence by redefining and promoting new and more egalitarian gender
roles. This work is necessary, but it is not sufficient. Working to promote new mas-
culine gender roles that are more egalitarian but without a concern for making them
appear attractive does not help break the link between attractiveness and violence.
Current work analyzing attractiveness models in films, songs, publicity, teen mag-
azines, television programs, and the Internet is also important to question and
unmask the violence in them. The main contribution of this study to the field of
youth education is suggesting preventive efforts that imbue attractiveness to nonvi-
olent models and egalitarian relationships based on dialogue and respect. We can
find in the media nonviolent masculine models that are presented as referents or
goals to achieve, but according to our study, it is also necessary to ensure that these
models are portrayed as attractive. This would also help to undermine the assump-
tion of the double standard and to depict relationships in which care and passion are
portrayed as compatible.
A task for preventive socialization, therefore, is not only to condemn violence in
relationships or to unmask violent models in society, but also to strip them of their
attractiveness. At the same time, preventive socialization measures should also
include constructing the attractiveness of respect, dialogue, and equality, and pro-
viding examples of the link between these values and passion and sex appeal—that
is, providing nonviolent masculine models with attractiveness and sex appeal. Doing
so may help eradicate gender violence among adolescents.
782 Violence Against Women

Notes
1. This article is an elaboration of one part of the study Education on Values Towards the Prevention
of Gender Violence in Secondary Schools (Valls, 2004-2005) conducted by the authors and funded by the
Catalan Women’s Institute and the Department of Universities and Research of the Catalan Government.
Rosa Valls was principal investigator.
2. Murray Straus is continuing to develop his International Dating Violence Study with students older
than 18 in different colleges and universities in 30 countries around the world, including countries in Asia,
the Middle East, Australia-New Zealand, Europe, South America, and North America.
3. The masculine gender has been historically attached to virility, a social and cultural attribute that has
often been associated with biological explanations. According to Gilmore (1991) these sexual images need
to be understood beyond genetics, and the cultural norms and moral schemes into which we are socialized
need to be examined. In most cultures, hegemonic masculinity is associated with a permanent demonstra-
tion of a “masculine” condition, which includes domination and control. In this sense men need to contin-
uously demonstrate their masculinity, and children are socialized within this type of interaction (Kimmel,
2000). Bourdieu (1998) also contends that the nature of this authority comes from the cultural representa-
tions assigned to men’s behavior. These attitudes, he adds, imply women’s submission, manifested through
emotional and passive representations such as looking down, being shy, or giving way to others.
4. The Framework Program for Research (European Commission) is considered the most competitive
research in Europe. Research funded under this program must demonstrate high scientific excellence. An
example of a study conducted with this methodology is INCLUD-ED: Strategies for Inclusion and Social
Cohesion in Europe From Education, an Integrated Project (large-scale research) involving 25 European
member states. This methodology has also been used in the Daphne Program, the European research
program that specifically targets violence. One example is the study Secondary Education Schools and
Education in Values: Proposals for Gender Violence Prevention (Elboj, 2006-2008).
5. The double standard has been traditionally understood as looking for one kind of person and rela-
tionship for caring and a different kind of relationship and person for passion.
6. The names of the adolescents and the schools are pseudonyms.
7. The codes, which appear in Table 1, are: G = communicative focus group; R = communicative
everyday life story; E = interview; D = woman; H = man; M = mother; P = father; Eh = male teacher; Ed
= female teacher.

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Rosa Valls, PhD, is a professor in pedagogy and associate director of CREA at the University of Barcelona.
Her research is dedicated to support educational centers to prevent gender-based violence. Among other
studies, she has directed Education on Values Toward the Prevention of Gender Violence in Secondary
Schools (2004-2005) funded by the Catalan government, and the R&D project Gender Violence in Spanish
Universities (2006-2008) funded by the Spanish National Women’s Institute. Her publications include
Violencia de Género: Investigaciones Sobre Quiénes, Por Qué y Cómo Superarla [Gender Violence:
Research on Who, Why, and How to Overcome It], with E. Oliver (El Roure Editorial, 2004).

Lídia Puigvert, PhD, is a lecturer in sociology at the University of Barcelona. Her research has focused
on sociological theory and women’s studies, specifically the development of dialogic feminism. She has
 Valls et al. / Teenage Gender Violence 785

served as the main researcher in several R&D projects in these fields and has participated in research pro-
jects funded by the EU Framework Programs. Among many publications, she has published with J. Butler
and E. Beck-Gernsheim, Women and Social Transformation (Peter Lang Publishing, 2004), and with M.
Sanchez and L. Botton, The Inclusion of the Other Women (Kluwer, 2005).

Elena Duque, PhD, is a research associate at CREA, University of Barcelona. Her research interests
revolve around youth socialization in discotheques, particularly processes of youth attraction to persons
with violent versus loving values. Her relevant publications include Aprendiendo Para el Amor o Para la
Violencia: Las Relaciones en las Discotecas [Learning to Love or to Violence: Relationships in
Nighclubs]. (El Roure, 2006), and “Discotheques: From Liberation to Commodification of Pleasure” in
the Encyclopedia of Contemporary Youth Culture (Greenwood, 2006).