3-Kolb and Kalogeropolou - in Defense of Ballet

In Defence of Ballet: Women, Agency and the Philosophy of Pleasure
Author(s): ALEXANDRA KOLB and SOPHIA KALOGEROPOULOU

Source: Dance Research: The Journal of the Society for Dance Research, Vol. 30, No. 2
(WINTER 2012), pp. 107-125
Published by: Edinburgh University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/23326529
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In Defence of Ballet: Women, Agency and the
Philosophy of Pleasure
ALEXANDRA KOLB and SOPHIA KALOGEROPOULOU
This article offers a novel approach to conceptualising ballet practice as a leisurely activ
exudes pleasure. It argues that the notion of pleasure in ballet has been neglected in
research which criticises ballet for its negative impact on the physical and mental
dancers, its authoritarian teaching methods and its trivial aesthetic that objectifies t
body and perpetuates the construction of stereotypical gender roles within a patriarcha
This study focuses on the lived experiences of female amateur ballet participants, em
their agency. It provides first-hand accounts to illuminate the significance of ballet
dancers' personal growth, development and psychological wellbeing, drawing on sociolog
Caillois's categorisation of pleasures involved in games and play. Overall, the article
the multiple types ofpleasure associated with ballet dancing as a key motivational f
rationale for participation.
But look-under the skirts, under the tricots are dancing deformed muscles.
still further - underneath the muscles are deformed bones: a deformed skeleton
is dancing before you. This deformation through incorrect dress and incorrect
movement is the result of the training necessary to the ballet.
(Isadora Duncan 1903:14-15)
Ballet, like no other dance form, has been subject to an array of invective over
the last twenty or so years. American dance critic Lewis Segal's catchily-titled
article 'Five things I Hate About Ballet' (2006) summarises several widespread
criticisms of ballet's state of the art. And what we might term 'ballet bashing' is
not limited to the popular press: in scholarly literature, ballet is called to account
variously for its detrimental effects on the physical and mental health of dancers,
its elitist implications, its aesthetic triviality and highly authoritarian teaching
methods-to mention just some concerns.
Dance Research 30.2 (2012): 107-125

Edinburgh University Press
DOI: 10.3366/drs.2012.0042
© Society for Dance Research
www.eupjournals.com/drs
108 ALEXANDRA KOLB AND SOPHIA KALOGEROPOULOU
Particularly strong accusations have been levelled a

writers such as Ann Daly, Sondra Fraleigh and Cynt
to them, the ideas expressed in ballet, elements of its pr
to create an ideal body are degrading to women who
to fit into stereotypical patriarchal roles, and moreo
oppression in a way wholly inconsistent with emancip
we accept these allegations at face value, we reach a
do a vast number of women (the authors included) s
with the art form not only as viewers but also, not
Adult classes are frequently packed with women
age groups who exercise regularly using more or
vocabularies.
We contend that research on ballet has overlooked an essential
feature which explains its importance in many women's lives: the

of pleasure. This article thus offers a novel approach to concept
ballet practice. Focusing on the lived experiences of adult practition
pursue ballet as a leisure activity, it analyses pleasure with refe
the testimonies of female amateur dancers within a theoretical framework
developed by social scientist Roger Caillois. The article also presents
the results of ethnographic fieldwork carried out in three countries — the
UK, Germany and New Zealand —involving questionnaires and interviews,
which are studied and analysed through a philosophical lens. Guiding the
discussion is a fundamental belief in the importance of listening to and
acknowledging the voices of participants to illuminate the role of ballet in
women dancers' personal growth, development and other aspects of their
lives.
We recognise that ballet should not be categorised as a purely female

art form and that men also participate at all ages and levels. Many points
we make about pleasure apply to male and female dancers alike. However, a
main inspiration for this article was the feminist critique focusing on female
practitioners, which seemed to us to deny women's own agency and the pleasure
they take from dancing. We therefore chose to focus primarily on women
amateur dancers, who in fact constitute the majority of over-18s involved
with ballet. Of course there are also specific issues that arise in terms of
gender and sexuality for male dancers which we do not have space to explore
here.1
The paper is structured as follows: It first introduces three commonplace
criticisms of ballet to define the background for the argument. It then offers a
workable definition of pleasure and considers reasons for the marginalisation
of pleasurable experience in Western thought, with particular reference to
physical activity and dance. The sociologist Roger Caillois's categorisation of the
pleasures involved in games and play will be introduced and subsequently used
to interpret the data collected during the fieldwork. Finally, the article outlines
the multiple types of pleasure associated with ballet dancing as a key motivational
factor and rationale for participation.
IN DEFENCE OF BALLET 109
THE CASE AGAINST BALLET
The following paragraphs present thumbnail notes on three of the mo

concern pertaining to physical health, pedagogical practices, and
feminist critique with respect to ballet:
Physical health
Discussions abound in the dance world, supported by a considerab

of quantitative scientific literature, about the negative health impl
ballet dancers' excessive leanness and frequent chronic restriction
intake. Scientific evidence shows that young ballet dancers' quest
specific physical ideal can lead to body image disturbances and di
eating disorders such as anorexia, slow cognitive development, and ame
(associated in ballet dancers with under-nutrition, low calcium le
decrease in oestrogen) (Steinberg et al. 2008: 306, Hamilton cited
2000: 431). During intense ballet training, the bones, joints, muscles an
are subjected to severe stresses caused by the demands of high leg e
jumps and the enforcement of a 180-degree turnout, whereas the h
of a normal person averages between 110 and 120 degrees. Ballet
vulnerability to injury is significantly increased when the turnout posit
their available bilateral passive hip and external rotation range of
(Goplan 2002), often resulting in damage to the knee's medial lig
cartilage (cf. Huwlyer 2002: 87).
Furthermore, overuse or 'overload' (for instance where individual t
thresholds are exceeded) can lead to stress fractures of the skeleton, de
of the toes and feet, and 'early arthritic changes and bone spurs
et al 1994: 431) caused by pointe work. Researchers have pointed ou
particularity of individual techniques significantly defines the type of i
frequency of occurrence. For instance, the style of the New York C
influenced by Balanchine's legacy, requires very fast footwork, making
impossible for the dancers to place their heels on the floor, and issuing
transmission of the impact of landing to the muscles, tendons and bon
and legs (Ryan and Stephens 1997: 101).2
Educational philosophy
Complementing the bleak picture painted of the physiological ram

of ballet dance, its reputedly austere teaching environments and di
protocols have similarly attracted criticism. Drawing predomi
Foucault — notably his notion of the 'docile body'— numerous schol
1998, Green 2002, Lakes 2005) have theorised the dance classroom a
imbued with authoritarianism and surveillance. Clyde Smith, for instan
that 'the dance classroom with its mirrors, watchful teachers, and self
students, is a key site for both the external and internal surveillance o
bodies' (1998: 131). The organisation of students into r

skin-fit tights and leotards, among other factors expose
criticism by peers, teachers, and — most fiercely of all on
internalised — the dancer herself.
Moreover, ballet training is attacked for its (

monotonous routines which rely on repetitive practic
use of the imagination which is deemed to stunt danc
RAD and similar syllabus-based systems necessitate repeti
lengthy period to drill students for their final-year exam
consequence, 'we see RB, RAD, and NYCB-trained dan
peas in a pod" with nothing whatsoever to differentia
Williams 2001). Arguably, a method of dance educati
examinations has a de-pleasuring effect, as students are s
principle similar to those of elite athletes and school c
learning is graded and evaluated according to stringen
to this the fact that in some countries, such as the U
class —for instance when correcting students' posture —
issue, we may have to concede that teaching is becomin
and experiential; and ever more detached from the indivi
requirements and self-discovery (see Schwarz in Marshall
Feminist implications
Underscoring the perceived physiological and psycholo

feminist critics have also done much to discredit the
underlying this work is a view of ballet as reflecting or
patriarchy. Ann Daly's influential 1987 article about '
set the tone for much future research, advancing the cla
Four Temperaments as illustration — that ballet 'denies w
(1978: 17). Cynthia Novack (1993: 39) concurs, highlig
gender which perpetuate representations of women as fr
by powerful men [that] are connected to a training syste
technical and rigorous'. In a similar vein, criticism
reinforcement of traditional gender roles (Adair 1992: 89
the ballerina's body (Fraleigh 1999: 204), the symbolism
analogous to 'foot binding' (Fraleigh 2004: 155), and the
of the allegedly male-connoted sense of sight over the
(Copeland 1993).
Hence, with a few exceptions such as Banes (1998)
scholarly consensus that ballet is demeaning to w
dependency on the male sex. Granted, it is unlikely that
existence of pleasure in association with ballet altogether
Romantic ballet, for instance, pleasure was at the core of
Theophile Gautier's reviews of French ballerinas are full o
delectable physiques. Howev

as gratifying male voyeuris
in subsequent writings by d
critical rethinking of ballet i
These three perspectives le
biological, pedagogical, and
dancer as subject to phy
commonality: the implicit o
not) take pleasure from ba
invaluable contributions to
mechanisms underlying m
perspectives are one-sided
pleasurable sensory activit
against pleasure in much We
PLEASURE AND ITS MARGINALISATION
Pleasure is a complex concept which eludes a stable definition, partl

it is difficult to provide a precise definition of any private mental or e
state. In philosophy, the social sciences and neurobiological literatur
the term 'pleasure' relates to a state or feeling of happiness and sati
including gladness, which results from an experience which is seen as en
or in some way attractive. This paper understands the notion of ple
broad, inclusive sense to mean a positive affect. According to an enc
entry,
Pleasure is a term used to describe a range of positive affective, emotional, and physical
sensations. [...] For example, a state of gratification implies a more sensate or physical
pleasure, whereas a 'source of delight or joy' implies an emotional state. (Johnson 2009:
704)
It must hence be acknowledged that the term extends to cover intellectual

satisfactions (see below), pleasure taken in achievements etc., in addition to purely
physiological satisfactions (such as those afforded by food or sex). However, our
account will unapologetically vindicate pleasure as encompassing the senses, even if
it is not limited to them, thus underscoring the importance of the biological body.
We also reject a one-sided definition of pleasure in terms of an absence of pain
(see Katz 2005), as numerous examples, such as S/M practices or fear-inducing
roller-coasters, illustrate that pleasure and pain are not necessarily mutually
exclusive. We also recognise that experiences of pleasure may be 'simultaneously
the product of certain forms of training or disciplining' (Pringle 2009: 214).
Indeed, the body can be disciplined to feel pain and yet enjoy it, re-evaluating
a commonly negative sensation to produce pleasurable experiences. Pringle
uses the example of the bruising physicality experienced in a rugby scrum: few
people unacquainted with rugby would understand the attraction of the feelings
themselves (indeed, they are often painful). But due to their conditioning under a
strict training regime, players often associate it with

achievement, victory and so forth.
Recent research in Physical Education has begun
with reference to sporting activities such as surf
2009 article). Why, however, have writers and scho
experience of physical pleasure for so long? The
Western philosophical and some religious traditions
sensory and physical pleasures. While many philoso
as a driving force or motivating factor in people's
commonly rated as inferior to intellectual ones. Pla
sensual, physical pleasure with the lowest part of
the highest life is deemed one of (intellectual) cogn
instance 439d and 586e—587a). John Stuart Mill distin
pleasures of 'the intellect, of the feelings and ima
sentiments' on one hand, and the lower, animalistic p
on the other (which he tellingly associates with 'swine
Discourses on ballet by modern dance artists an
from the early twentieth-century mirror such d
foregrounding the notion of the mind subordinating
authors provide poignant depictions of the body's
subjugation to the mind's demands (see Kolb 2009: 7
Walser's 1907 text To a Trainee Dancer thematises
imbued with physical and psychic violence in the pur
the limb and abuse it when it threatens to flag in unf
1986: 45). Alfred Doblin's extraordinary short story The
1910, depicts the forcible subordination of a ballet
under an authoritarian teacher's watchful eyes. Her
succumbs to tuberculosis: 'She could have spat at he
at it bitterly; she sickened at its bad flesh to whos
(Doblin 1979: 18). The tale culminates in her comm
herself with a pair of scissors, establishing in death t
her body beneath her will.
Thus, the erasure of sensual 'physicality' (paradoxic
dance is essentially the most corporeal art form in
ascetic existence of many dancers does much to explai
to embrace pleasure as a concept associated with, o
ballet.
PLEASURE IN BALLET
Defences of ballet are disproportionately under-represented in compar

its criticism, and often take a stance on the perceived contrast bet
and modern dance. The balletomane Lincoln Kirstein, writer and c
with Balanchine of the Ballet Society (later renamed New York Cit
promoting ballet's virtues

expressionism, idiosyncracy
but pleasure did not feature
Heppenstall maintained in h
concerned [...] with beauty
that is superhuman enough t
the only dancing' (Heppen
reasons for preferring balle
Such accounts eulogise b
distinction must be made
appreciating ballet and th
attention to practitioners
specifically French philoso
to offer an alternative appr
Foucauldian (or otherwise cr
1958 book on Man, Play and
categorisation of activities w
our notions of culture. Pla
life, and generally is engage
is, its domain is 'a restrict
activity' which an individua
lose its quality as a source
by rules, especially when th
arbitrary; because games on
and it makes little sense to
company' (40) and hence ar
Caillois distinguishes four
functions. Agon refers to t
most sporting contests wh
running faster, or scoring m
or roulette where the gam
refers to simulation as seen
to be someone else perhaps t
state produced on many fair
coaster.
In accordance with their roles, the types of pleasure derived fro

four categories also differ. The pleasure of agon lies in competition with
and 'it would quickly lose its capacity to amuse if there were no com
or spectators, at least potentially' (37). In mimicry, the 'pleasure lies
or passing for another' (21). The pleasure of ilinx is found in the fe
intoxication induced by vertigo, which 'momentarily destroys the st
perception and inflicts a kind of voluptuous panic upon an otherwise luc
(23) —as when a child whirls around rapidly or rides on a swing. Caillois
clear about the pleasure of alea, but seems to suggest that the thrill is f
the irrelevance of work, experience or qualifications to games of chance,
thus create equality by making everyone similarly

stroke of luck.
Even within the four categories, games or play

different poles: at one extreme, the principle
improvisation, and carefree gaiety' (13) and stands
(33) and anarchic nature of play. At the opposite en
of binding play 'with arbitrary, imperative, and purp
[...]. [It] requires an ever greater amount of effort, pa
(13). The latter is complementary to paidia in that it i
on otherwise spontaneous playful activity. It is in essen
an arduous effort to preserve calm and equilibrium' (3
Dance practice in many facets can be seen as a fo
of the above characteristics: it is more or less reg
style (nightclub dancing, for instance, is clearly le
or Graham technique class). It is invariably done
separate from the mundane responsibilities and work
Indeed, Caillois mentions the 'hobby' as a special fo
and gratuitous activity, undertaken and pursued for p
occupation that is primarily a compensation for the i
by bondage to work of an automatic and picayune
distinguishes people for whom dance is a recreational
dancers; for the latter, dance ceases to be a relief
constitutes the very essence of their labours. It th
activity, replete with obstacles and problems' (45)-pos
to in books such as Gelsey Kirkland's hyper-critical D
dance, especially when undertaken as a leisure pur
benefits for instance in terms of wellbeing (see below),
a spontaneous expression (e.g. when nightclubbing), it
Similarly, it is easy to see how the four categories
and ludus, can be aligned with dance (and indeed C
to illustrate some of the concepts). Agon appears
dance competitions, such as ballroom tournaments
Prix de Lausanne. For alea, one of its most importa
use of chance procedures and other choreographic m
principles. Mimicry refers to the escape from the
another as witnessed in many staged, 'make-believe' d
incorporates a fairy, a pirate or a nymph. Additio
identification or empathy of spectators with a charac
is associated with the dance of the whirling dervish
which in extreme cases can lead to states of ecstasy.
Paidia is dominant in some dance forms or manifestations while ludus
characterises others. Unregulated dances such as spontaneous or tumultuous
expressions of joy are clear examples of the former. A little further down an
imaginary sliding scale are improvisational dance forms and creative dance, or,
to give a historical example, Rudolf von Laban's loosely pre-choreographed mass
dances with amateurs durin

the other end of the spect
which are characterised b
illustrate ludus. It is thus e
improvisational dance to
different kinds.
BALLET STUDENTS' LIVED EXPERIENCES
Very few scholars have tackled the lived experiences of ballet practit
an interesting attempt to counter unbalanced critiques of ballet as m
Anna Aalten's article on 'Embodied Experiences in Ballet' (2004)
alternative feminist perspective based on interviews with dancers
lived experiences and corporeal sensations. However, Aalten's con
limited in scope as it focuses exclusively on professional ballet dan
fraction of participants whose practices are of a very specific ki
Paxton's unpublished text 'Like a Haven: Not Work, not Home' (20
ballet as an escape ritual for middle-class working women, focusing s
on those with children. A worthwhile project which contributes usef
into the rationale for attending adult ballet classes, it falls short of p
viable theoretical framework and its findings are based on a sample o
of just one ballet teacher in the author's locality.
This paper argues that it is important to investigate the expe
the vast majority of women who entertain ballet as a leisure time
amateur, activity (i.e. a 'hobby') and whose notions of 'ambition' a
excellence' (Aalten 2004: 274) may differ considerably from thos
in Aalten's paper. In order to gather material on this topic, we
ethnographic fieldwork in three countries during the period of Augu
December 2011: in the United Kingdom (Windsor), New Zealand
and Germany (Diisseldorf). The nationalities canvassed includ
New Zealander, German, Spanish, Canadian, Chinese, Turkish
Taiwanese and Australian. The rationale for choosing participants
different countries and social contexts was to eliminate factors such
teachers or teaching methods, cultural values and syllabi, which migh
undue influence on how ballet is perceived. Data were collected by dis
hard or electronic copies of questionnaires to women who attend
'adult ballet classes' and/or syllabus classes.3 Twenty-one question
returned. To obtain a more in-depth insight into the motivatio
practice in adulthood, we also conducted three detailed interviews:
the respective countries.
During the time of the study, most of the participants attended c
average just once or twice a week and no-one was a professional da
ages ranged from 18 (the minimum age to qualify as an 'adult' for ou
to 67. The average age of the twenty-four participants was 38 (37.5) y
woman with the least experience had danced for 2 yea

women in the sample had taken classes for approxima
number of years' experience was an impressive 23
questionnaires and interviews enquired into the motiv
classes as an adult, the feelings or mental states ass
(also in comparison with other forms of dance or phy
of pleasure, and teaching styles (see questionnaire in a
The majority of answers were overwhelmingly p
enjoyed ballet and found pleasure in various aspect
detailed below. Just one notable exception, a nati
the New Zealand classes, sounded a more critical n
of inadequacy due to her body shape, eating disord
although even she claimed to take pleasure in the beau
ballet's degree of difficulty. (She identified authoritar
youth as a cause of her critical attitude, and gave u
completion of the study.)
The reasons most frequently cited for particip
enjoyment of discipline (mentioned in 10 out of the 2
challenge, sense of achievement and/or determinat
form (one or more of these closely-related concept
were closely followed by the perceived harmony of mi
8), and notably by all but one of the German respond
were music (7), expressivity (6), escape, beauty, and re
social aspect of attending classes (3).
As these results show, 'discipline' is one of the top
university student Camilla, for instance, wrote tha
and routine of the movements — it's good to clear
rating may seem surprising given that much recent r
regimes in negative terms as generating docile bo
denying autonomy and demanding subservience to
contradicts commonplace notions of enjoyment bei
faire ('anything goes') environment, and in the contex
directed, egalitarian style of learning where instructo
than unidirectional teachers. Clearly, however, man
welcomed a more 'traditional' approach to teaching
both middle-aged professionals, expressly cited the re
reason for enjoying classes. Moreover, Cornelia, the G
that
I seek constant critique by the ballet teachers; I love this, I need this, I live on this.
Somehow I think it's great when somebody gives me some criticism and perhaps, as a
result, I manage to do it, then I have achieved something, and I'm happy about this-it
gives me satisfaction. I expect a lot of discipline from myself and also from others. Perhaps
that reflects my personality because I am such a disciplined, nit-picking person myself and
have high expectations, and like making an effort.
The teacher's 'watchfu

surveillance, especially in th
and Punish. But it is equall
beneficial terms as generat
(b) because many people t
expert, and (c) as related
is not to say that this art
teaching methods. Several
behaviour were reported an
considering quitting. This
success in class depend larg
differences exist between
Vitally, classes imbued wi
experienced as pleasurable
they provide for achievem
concurred with the Germa
I'm talking about discipline, i

over again until you get it
discipline. I'm not talking ab
of discipline. If you go away
just says 'yes' all the time: 'Yes
to get anything back, because
You actually don't want to be
shown exacdy what's right. I
Rather than echoing the

need to recognise its impor
relatedly, as a key motivat
in closely with two of Caill
are required to master ver
Caillois mentions, but also
and injuries: 'An ascetic e
involves a regime of seve
continuous repetition of th
reflexes and faultless respo
It might appear parado
disciplinary regime can be
and thereby experience p
body cannot. However, w
instance the sonnet, with it
for encapsulating 'lofty' em
seems to be provided by th
a symbolic language, whic
nature of the emotional st
construct to which all participants can relate. Or as L

with reference to pleasure in ballet:
It involves perhaps the technique's particular clarity of linea

the sense of centring the self within a body attuned to seem
harmony and order. (1997: 142-3)
Our respondent Camilla noted that she enjoyed 'con

alongside a 'connectedness to your emotional body'. B
thus seems to usher in a form of expression which is so
still allows the individual dancer a range of personall
that is both physically and mentally satisfying. The int
more 'generic' rhetoric of affects, culturally shared and
aficionados, and the sense of an individual, self-expre
through ballet's codified language is clearly a major stim
Testing skills and recognition of one's accomplis
agon (competition), the second of Caillois's categori
here, and for which 'discipline and perseverance' ar
practice of agon presupposes sustained attention, approp
application' (15). Unlike sport, ballet is not an intrinsica
Yet competition is explicitly found in contests such
Lausanne, or syllabus exams where pupils are tested
standards. And even when 'play' is not directly comp
satisfaction may be taken from 'reaping glory from a p
equal' or 'accomplishing unpublicized feats' (11). Such
imbues many ballet classes where participants strive to
performance, or outdo others in training situations a
Amelia, a mother of teenage children and artist, recogn
are motivated by it' (i.e. competition), while Cornelia
with other women as a positive thing'.
As discipline and continuous teacher feedbac
achievement of personal goals, it is no coincidence
attraction was considered to be challenge/determin
Zealand interviewee Kristen, who is in her mid-twenties
I think the reason I get so much pleasure from it is more st

accomplish something [sic]. I personally find that quite rewa
move from doing a double to a triple pirouette, for example.
that pleasure that you get from dance, you can just forget a
not sure how to explain it, sorry.
Later she added: 'I do love other dance forms as well,

it fun, but I don't find it as challenging, and maybe
it as rewarding.' Lia from Taiwan who also particip
classes suggested that ballet is the 'most challenging one
dedicated to this art form'.
The sense of challenge an

of pain and moments of fr
the process towards achiev
dancers may be conditione
the more difficult and ard
accomplishment. But chal
while many sports (such
being mindless and unim
as intellectually challengi
because you are always th
your brains, I often think
body' (Amelia).
This focus on challenge
younger participants in
femininity, such as fragilit
literature on ballet. Admit
of the female characters
constructed by male chor
ballet productions rather
dancers themselves. The no
situations t is moot due to
across the three countries
non-typical attributes of f
the testing of one's limit
Furthermore, the participa
using control, which stand
dance, can (though much
the latter. Namely, by aff
(i.e. non-intellectual, corp
reinforced, rather than d
(Kolb 2009: 281).
The stimulation of the ra
expression through ballet,
cited in the questionnaires.
suggested that ballet is the
ported and reiterated by t
body (the third top answer
alienated from their emotio
thus belied by the results o
cal exercise, but one that e
Marie-Anne from Germany
'Ballet offers the opportun
here support Aalten's con
fessional dancers, that wom
synchronizing of physicali
This harmonising of faculties can also explain why

means of articulating their personality or identity. L
'ballet expresses my personality and feelings better th
Karen, now resident in New Zealand, also emphasis
classes:
I have returned to ballet classes mainly because it is a conn

I hear the music and complete the exercises I am transpo
in my heart. I gain a lot of pleasure from participating in
identity, who I am, what lifts my soul.
Ballet, then, functions as an important cultural resour

image. It is notable, moreover, that such remarks unde
stunting women's personalities or impeding their self
bodies and minds into a single uniform mould. By the
odds with the collectivist ethos often associated with
body is seen as being instrumentalised as part of a unif
movement practices of, for instance, modern dance w
on individuality.
Lastly, the reasons why performances, as opposed to
are seen as pleasurable require a somewhat differ
German interviewee, spoke at length about finding re
ability, acquired over a long process of training, in pe
I find it intriguing when I get offered the chance to da

myself there in some form. Not that I am not terribly fr
not doing it well enough or forgetting everything, but I wan
and enjoy showing this to others [...]. I show them how to
happy when they like it. That, in turn, pleases me.
The portrayal of another character on stage and the ac

is afforded particular significance:
I love dressing myself up for stage, that is so different. Whe

me, I'm someone else. I look into the mirror and find mys
that's also very exciting, so tingling, I think that's great, a
person that doesn't have to be connected with me, Cornelia
oneself [...] Also this whole preparation, putting on makeu
This idea of toying with identities and the pleasure of

also mentioned in Amelia's interview, where it is expr
memories of playing:
Because I think it's one of those primal things back to whe

were children. You would play somebody else. Let's play do
you wanted to be. I think that's come to your adulthood,
you can still play without being made a fool of [...]. So tha
could dress up, and put a bit of makeup on for fun. Leave
your real self.
Amelia's description of a
corresponds to Caillois's no
of play. Recall that mimi
play: liberty, convention,
time' (22). While studio cl
personalities, performanc
and explore alternative iden
both cases, however, balle
from mundane routines an
CONCLUSION
In reconceptualising ballet practice in terms of pleasure, this study ha

that its practitioners' motivations are multifaceted. Comprising at
of Caillois's categories of play {agon, mimicry and ilinx), the various as
ballet training and performance provide numerous types of pleasure as
above. Often the reasons for pleasure may seem contradictory: both
and freedom, hard work and diversion from work, control and
concentration and serenity were all cited as factors. But clearly a k
of different attributes makes ballet attractive and inspiring for women
ages.
For reasons of space, this article has not addressed every conceivable
pleasure derivable from ballet. Physical health, for instance, has been a key
omission, but suffice it to say that all correspondents (with the one exception
noted earlier) reported positive health benefits such as the strengthening of
the core (abdominals/stomach), supple muscles, avoidance of back problems,
strengthening of the legs, good body posture and a general feeling of fitness and
wellbeing. However, scientific enquiries into the favourable physiological effects
of amateur ballet dancing on the human body are still largely lacking.
While our fieldwork has shown that a disciplinary approach to ballet
training is generally viewed positively (provided the threshold to expressly
authoritarian teacher behaviour is not transgressed), interesting comparisons can
be drawn between those who had only ever pursued it as a leisure activity,
and the few who had held professional career ambitions in the past. The
former tended to associate it with purely positive feelings and almost invariably
saw it as relieving tension, while the latter often expressed more ambivalent
sentiments, also reporting feelings of frustration, pain and occasionally stress.
This underscores how vital it is, when considering ballet practice, to take into
account the strict separation of the realm of play, i.e. a voluntary activity (doing
ballet as a hobby), from that of work, i.e. ballet as a profession: a distinction that
previous research has failed to draw. When play 'is contaminated by the real
world in which every act has inescapable consequences' (Caillois 2001: 45), it
can easily morph into drudgery and fail to provide an alternative vision from
one's mundane life. An amateur dancer, for example, may change ballet schools
or teachers whenever they please, or cease taking cl

professional dancer is usually tied to a company or teach
This project has also demonstrated that female a
decidedly do not view themselves as passive victims o
-dominated environment. Rather, they appreciate th
context and its physical as well as intellectual challenges
an increased self-confidence; indeed one German par
her overcome anxieties. A critical voice might respo
collaborating in their own suppression, or at least fa
harmful ballet really is to them. Such 'false consciousne
falsify as they appeal to a supposedly higher-order pers
interests that they themselves are deemed to be wholly
But one might at least reply that to adopt such a belittlin
dancer's self-professed experiences and values is to reite
attitude that is supposedly being critiqued.
Ultimately, there does appear to be an aspect of th
ballet dancing that participants find hard to explain in
spell which exerts its power over beginners and advance
point during our interview, Amelia exclaimed: 'I love
about it. I like the smell of the shoes. I like the clothes.
Also, consider these lyrics from Billy Elliot's song 'E
explain it, I haven't got the words [...]. And suddenly
bird, like electricity sparks inside me' (John, Hall & D
may be a fictional character, but his words are echoed i
is hard to explain! Sometimes when a sequence works wel
feels beautiful and sort of magical.' Or Sabrina who sim
Let's go flying!'
APPENDIX: QUESTIONNAIRE
a) First name:
b) Date of Birth:
c) Nationality:
1. For how many years have you attended ballet lessons?

2. How often do you attend ballet classes on average?
3. Why did you first go and why are you still attending classes now?
4. What feelings or mental states do you associate with doing ballet?
5. Do you experience pleasure or fun when you go to classes? If so,
attempt to explain your experience of pleasure within the context of
6. How do the feelings stated under 4) differ from those produced by ot
of dance, or physical activity, you may be involved in?
7. What style(s) of teaching have you experienced (i.e. friendly, auth
disciplined etc.)? How has this affected your attitude to ballet?
8. Does ballet ever change your mood on a day (for instance, do yo
changes in your mood as a result of attending a class, and if so what
changes?)?
NOTES
1. For examples of academic literature on this topic, see Gard (2006) and Juhasz (2008)
2. In her autobiography, Gelsey Kirkland writes that in her early years she 'did not yet
that there might be a connection between my increasingly painful physical ailment
his [Balanchine's] technical approach to dance. After all, the artist was supposed to s
(1986: 39).
3. The dance students in New Zealand participated in adult community classes offered by
the local university, while those in Britain and Germany attended private ballet schools or
training centres. The syllabus offered in Windsor was Cechetti-based; German participants
were taught open classes that were loosely Russian-based, and while the classes in New
Zealand were also open and Vaganova-influenced, many participants had a background in
RAD.
4. It should be noted that three women in the UK were teachers of ballet who still attended
classes to 'keep it up', one German woman had been trained in a vocational academy in
her teenage years, and two women in New Zealand were pursuing non-vocational Dance
Studies university courses. All the remainder were amateurs in every sense of the word,
although several were trained to a very high level.
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In Defence of Ballet: Women, Agency and the Philosophy of Pleasure

Author(s): ALEXANDRA KOLB and SOPHIA KALOGEROPOULOU

ALEXANDRA KOLB and SOPHIA KALOGEROPOULOU

(Isadora Duncan 1903:14-15)

Dance Research 30.2 (2012): 107-125

Particularly strong accusations have been levelled a

feature which explains its importance in many women's lives: the

We recognise that ballet should not be categorised as a purely female

THE CASE AGAINST BALLET

The following paragraphs present thumbnail notes on three of the mo

Discussions abound in the dance world, supported by a considerab

Complementing the bleak picture painted of the physiological ram

bodies' (1998: 131). The organisation of students into r

Moreover, ballet training is attacked for its (

Underscoring the perceived physiological and psycholo

delectable physiques. Howev

PLEASURE AND ITS MARGINALISATION

Pleasure is a complex concept which eludes a stable definition, partl

It must hence be acknowledged that the term extends to cover intellectual

strict training regime, players often associate it with

Defences of ballet are disproportionately under-represented in compar

promoting ballet's virtues

In accordance with their roles, the types of pleasure derived fro

thus create equality by making everyone similarly

Even within the four categories, games or play

dances with amateurs durin

BALLET STUDENTS' LIVED EXPERIENCES

woman with the least experience had danced for 2 yea

The teacher's 'watchfu

I'm talking about discipline, i

Rather than echoing the

construct to which all participants can relate. Or as L

It involves perhaps the technique's particular clarity of linea

Our respondent Camilla noted that she enjoyed 'con

I think the reason I get so much pleasure from it is more st

Later she added: 'I do love other dance forms as well,

The sense of challenge an

This harmonising of faculties can also explain why

I have returned to ballet classes mainly because it is a conn

Ballet, then, functions as an important cultural resour

I find it intriguing when I get offered the chance to da

The portrayal of another character on stage and the ac

I love dressing myself up for stage, that is so different. Whe

This idea of toying with identities and the pleasure of

Because I think it's one of those primal things back to whe

In reconceptualising ballet practice in terms of pleasure, this study ha

or teachers whenever they please, or cease taking cl

1. For how many years have you attended ballet lessons?

Coplan, Julie A. (2002). Ballet Dancer's Turnout and its Re

Ryan, Allan J. and Stevens, Robe

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