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Mining: January 2013
Mining: January 2013
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This chapter addresses the exploitation of minerals and petroleum caused by phosphate mining (Weeramentry 1992; Connell 2006).
hydrocarbons in the island Pacific, extending from Papua Province In New Caledonia mines have been a target for Kanak separatist
in Indonesia to New Zealand. The discussion tends to focus on resistance (Howard 1988) and concerns over their environmen-
mining because in terms of investment, economic contribution, tal and social impact (Pascal et al. 2008; Horowitz 2004; Le Meur
areal extent, and particularly social and environmental change it 2009). New Zealand has seen historically prolonged legal battles by
has generally had, to date at least, a greater impact than oil and gas Maori for the recognition of their land and resource rights in the
production. In the decade since the first edition of this book was Hauraki gold mining area (Williams 2003), the Tainui tribal lands
published, there have been dramatic changes in the global mining in the North Island coal mining areas (Mahutu 1992), and most
industry and mining operations in the Pacific, as well in the extent recently the national foreshore and seabed (Bargh 2006). These
of the literature on mining and oil extraction in the region. Given high-profile, contentious, and significant issues, among others,
the breadth of this literature, as well as the size and complexity of warrant a critical appraisal of the mining industry’s role in Pacific
the industry and the issues that it raises, this review can be little Island development.
more than introductory. The historical development of mining in Early inquiries into mining in the region focused on the mac-
the region, covered in the earlier edition, is excluded here to pro- roeconomic characteristics of mining development and analysis of
vide more scope to discuss contemporary and future developments. the political economy of mining, raising questions about resource
I am grateful to Frank McShane for his kind review and input to the ownership and management and in particular the role of the
first edition of this chapter. state in minerals development (Howard 1988; Henningham and
May 1992). The 1990s saw a much-needed analysis of local-scale
social and economic dynamics and an increased emphasis on the
Digging Deeper: Mining as a Development
environmental practices of mining companies and the issue of
Dilemma?
sustainability (see Denoon et al. 1995). The embroiling of mining
As in other parts of the world, Pacific Island states have often operations in local and regional conflicts and the dynamics of the
found a rich mineral endowment to be a mixed blessing. Papua industry in terms of commodity prices and corporate structures in
New Guinea has been disrupted by a separatist uprising and civil the early years of the twenty-first century have reshaped the mining
war associated with the Panguna copper mine on Bougainville map of the Pacific. The response by the global mining industry to
(May and Spriggs 1990); the oil-rich Southern Highlands Province these challenges (through initiatives such as the Mining, Minerals
descended into chaos from the late 1990s (Haley and May 2007); and Sustainable Development [MMSD] project) has again shifted
the spectacular Mount Kare gold rush of 1987–1989 made global the configuration of the corporate-community-state relationships
headlines; and the Ok Tedi mine attracted international attention in the region.
regarding the environmental effects of its mine waste (Banks and The following sections offer some perspectives on these issues.
Ballard 1997). In the 1990s Fiji was troubled by poor labor rela- First, a summary of the major mineral deposits in the region is pre-
tions and revenue sharing at its Emperor (Vatukoula) gold mine sented. A discussion of the macroeconomic implications of min-
(Emberson-Bain 1994a), then the mine abruptly closed in 2006 ing and the links to resource conflicts is followed by consideration
only to reopen in 2009, the country’s other smaller mines closed, of the politics of resource ownership and the local-scale effects of
and all the while the Namosi copper deposit has seen a number mining on traditional communities and the environment. Finally,
of potential investors come and go over the past twenty years the future of mining in the region and the relevance of corporate
(McShane 1994). The controversial Freeport mine in Papua Prov- responsibility, stewardship, community participation, and the con-
ince, Indonesia, has been the center of international scrutiny over cept of sustainable development for the future of the industry in the
long-standing human rights and environmental abuses (Ballard Pacific is discussed. What emerges clearly is the dilemma created
and Banks 2009). Nauru has witnessed a protracted battle in the by mining, often encouraged by host countries and some commu-
international courts over compensation for environmental damage nities but often introducing unanticipated consequences.
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Figure 31.1. The location of the major mineral and oil deposits in the southwest Pacific Islands.
Mining ■ 381
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leading to full production in 2013. Japanese interests hold a signifi- Table 31.2
cant share of the project, with the two New Caledonian provinces Mining’s Contribution to Some Pacific Island Economies
also both holding equity in the project. In late 2007 Swiss-based
Xstrata announced the development of the Koniambo nickel-cobalt 1990 2000 2007
mine in North Province, with the majority partner being Société Fiji
Minière
du Sud Pacifique, the development arm of the North Prov-
Mining contribution
ince. Full production is due to begin from the US$5 billion invest- to GDP (%)*
0.2 1.5 0.01
ment in 2012. SMSP is a joint venture partner in the development.
These developments will keep New Caledonia among the most Contribution to
12.5 9.2 0.3
export earnings (%)*
significant global nickel producers for many decades.
Freeport McMoRan, an American multinational, operates one Persons employed† 1660 1724 -
of the largest copper/gold mines in the world in Papua Province, Papua New Guinea
Indonesia. In 2008 the mine produced 68.5 tonnes of gold and
more than 540,000 tonnes of copper (more than the entire Papua Mining and
petroleum
New Guinea industry). Elsewhere in Papua, the long-standing oil contribution
14.7 28.8 26.5
industry in Sorong is about to be joined by a massive new natural to GDP (%)
gas operation at Bintuni Bay in West Papua at the western end of
Contribution to
the island.
exports earnings 67 77.4 78.6
The Gold Ridge gold mine on Guadalcanal in Solomon Islands (%)‡
opened in 1997 and by 1999 was producing 3.5 tons of gold a year.
It was closed by the ethnic and political conflict that erupted in New Zealand
2000. A small Australian miner, Allied Gold, reopened the mine Mining and
in 2011. There were also small alluvial deposits being worked at petroleum
1.2 1.3 0.9
Chovohio. Low-grade nickel deposits are reported from other contribution
to GDP (%)§
islands (Government of Solomon Islands 1993). By the start of the
twenty-first century, Nauru’s phosphate production had effectively Contribution to
3 3.3 5.1
export earnings (%)§
ended—production in 2001 was a mere 250,000 tonnes, down from
its peak of 2.3 million tonnes in 1974 (Connell 2006: 54), although
Sources:
production apparently increased again in 2008. * Reserve Bank of Fiji 1994, 2008
Elsewhere in the Pacific there is a lot of interest in the offshore †
UN 1994, PNG Department of Treasury 2008
areas around Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu, Fiji, Tonga, and New ‡
Bank of Papua New Guinea 1995, 2008
Zealand, both as hydrocarbon reservoirs (although apart from New §
New Zealand Yearbook 1996; NZ Statistics, 2001, 2008, includes
Zealand they have failed to produce any major finds to date) and as mineral fuels and precious metals.
a potential source of high-grade deep-sea mineral nodes. The most
advanced of the latter is the Solwara gold and base metal project
operated by Nautilus Minerals off the coast of New Britain Prov- is regarded as a potential source or driver of broader-based growth
ince in Papua New Guinea, which expects to commence produc- for economic development. Table 31.2 indicates the contribution of
tion in 2013. And in late 2007 Neptune Minerals was granted ten minerals production to the economies of some Pacific Island coun-
prospecting licenses covering 914 km2 in the exclusive economic tries in recent years using several common indicators.
zone (EEZ) of Vanuatu to explore for commercial, high-grade, sea- Important in the case of both Fiji and Papua New Guinea, min-
bed mineral deposits. ing has been a significant contributor to export earnings but gener-
It is a sign of changes in broader political and economic pat- ally contributed much less to GDP. Elsewhere, but not included in
terns that whereas the industry in the region used to be dominated the table, are New Caledonia, where nickel contributed 11 percent
by Australian, Canadian, and UK-based multinationals, much of of GDP and 94 percent of export earnings in 2006 (David et al 2010),
the recent interest and investment has come from Asia—China, and Nauru, where until its exhaustion at the turn of the twenty-first
Japan, and Korea in particular. This highlights the changing pat- century, phosphate accounted for virtually all the island’s economic
terns of industrial growth and demand, particularly in terms of the production. Within Papua Province, the PT Freeport Indonesia has
drive for base metals such as nickel and copper. a similar economic presence, accounting for the bulk of exports (90
percent) and a significant component of GDP (50 percent) (Ballard
and Banks 2009). But while a large minerals endowment can be a
Issues in Mineral Extraction desirable national resource, recent history shows that in economic
terms it poses several management challenges.
Mining and the Economy
New Zealand is clearly different in this regard from other
Where minerals have formed a significant part of the national econ- Pacific Island cases. Mining is a relatively limited component of
omy, they have generally been a central component of the formal the formal economy and is much more integrated in the economic
economy and a key sector in terms of planning for economic devel- structure of the country. Much of the coal mined (almost 50 percent)
opment in the respective nation. In short, a minerals endowment is used in energy production within New Zealand, particularly in
Mining ■ 383
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was communal, and, subject to certain rules, all members of the producer. Profits have been reinvested in new capital and a range
clan had access to the resources of the land. of diversifications—agriculture, aquaculture, and hotels (Keith-
The arrival of the European powers and prospectors intro- Reid 1996: 46). Increasingly these forms of local equity, control,
duced new mineral ownership regimes, which vested the owner- and ownership amount to a de facto sovereignty over resources,
ship of precious mineral resources with the Crown or the state. one that is subverting legal categories and definitions and lead-
These new regimes were based on the mineral laws that applied in ing to outcomes more in line with traditional notions of resource
the home country of the colonial power (in Papua New Guinea’s ownership.
case, on the Queensland mining ordinance). Such developments also reshape the relationship between
This fundamental difference in notions of rights to resources, these communities and their respective national governments. In
and the enforcement by the colonial powers and postcolonial Papua New Guinea the legitimacy of the national government is
governments of their own versions, has been implicated in all the questioned in many rural areas, which have seen a decline in health
major mineral resource conflict issues in the Pacific. The estab- and education services over the past twenty years. As a result, when
lishment of the Bougainville mine in the late 1960s saw continued they are involved in negotiations over a mine development, local
conflicts between the administration and the local communities communities are both eager to see an improvement in these ser-
over the rights to mineral resources and access to land (Bedford vices and reluctant to rely on the rhetoric of government alone.
and Mamak 1977). Since independence, there has been a gradual Mine developments since the 1990s have therefore seen communi-
shift in many parts of the Pacific toward local participation in and ties enter into contracts with the government and the mining com-
control over mineral developments. To an extent this represents pany for the delivery of health and other services (see, for example,
the acknowledgment by the governments that the legal regimes Imbun 1994). While this has resulted in some improvements in
relating to minerals do not reflect the realities of ownership in the infrastructure and services for these mining areas, the lack of will
Pacific context. Development of the Porgera mine (Figure 31.3) in and capacity of the government to fulfill its commitments is a con-
1989 saw a significant change in this trend when the Papua New stant source of concern for communities and companies.
Guinea government included the Porgera landowners, the provin- Finally, in parts of the Pacific where specific groups have an
cial government, and the mine developers in negotiations over the identity distinct from the broader national culture (such as the
project (West 1992). Kanak of New Caledonia, the Bougainvilleans within Papua New
Guinea, Papuans within Indonesia, and the Maori in Aotearoa/
New Zealand), these groups are able to use disputes over resource
sovereignty as a focal point for their claims to greater self-determi-
nation. In these situations, questions of resource ownership become
entangled with the discourses of nationalism and international
geopolitics (Howitt, Connell, and Hirsh 1996: 1). On New Caledo-
nia, nickel mining is a central tool in the official policy of economic
“rebalancing” between the wealthy South and the Kanak-domi-
nated Northern Province. The politics of the PT Freeport Indonesia
mine in Papua Province are closely linked to broader questions of
Papuan autonomy and separatism. In New Zealand, resource own-
ership questions are inextricably enmeshed with Maori claims for
land and reparations under the Treaty of Waitangi (Barclay-Kerr
1991; Williams 2003). Decisions over mineral resource develop-
ments in the Pacific have become intensely political for communi-
Figure 31.3. Porgera mine, Papua New Guinea (photo GB).
ties. On the one hand, rights to the wealth under their land, which
most still believe they hold, are abruptly taken from them by the
The outcome of this process was a much greater proportion minerals laws of the country. On the other, they are able to use the
of the mine’s benefits going to the local community in the form of mineral development as a strong bargaining chip in securing access
royalties, equity, and government infrastructure and services (Filer to better infrastructure, services, material wealth, and redress for
1999). In the past two decades this trend has intensified. Policy past wrongs. The outcomes of these processes for local communi-
changes in Papua New Guinea now see all the royalties (currently ties are not always, however, what they anticipate.
set at 1.25 percent of the value of production) from new large mines
go to local communities, along with an option to purchase a car-
Social, Cultural, and Economic Impacts:
ried 5 percent shareholding in the development and their integral
Local-Scale Effects
involvement in development negotiations. Another direction is
signaled by developments in the Kanak-dominated Northern Prov- Mining clearly brings changes to traditional economies, demo-
ince of New Caledonia, where in 1990 an ailing nickel mine was graphic structures, polities, and social organization that have far-
purchased by the new provincial investment company. After five reaching implications for the integrity and identity of local groups
years the mine had increased production tenfold and accounted in the locality of a mine (Filer 1990; Connell and Howitt 1991).
for more than half of New Caledonia’s nickel output, and the com- These changes are the subject of a now substantial literature that
pany, SMSP, is currently the second largest New Caledonia nickel includes nuanced anthropological studies of the ways communities
Mining ■ 385
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Environmental Aspects
A large-scale mine such as the Panguna mine on Bougainville, the
Ok Tedi mine, or the Freeport mine in Papua processes more than
80,000 tonnes of ore per day (much more in Freeport’s case). Of this
amount only the 1 or 2 percent copper and small quantities of gold
are extracted, and the rest (known as tailing) must be disposed of,
along with often even larger quantities of waste rock that is shifted
to gain access to the ore (Figure 31.7). The disposal of both the
tailings and the waste rock requires land, river, or ocean dumping
sites. While the large-scale copper/gold deposits rely primarily on
mechanical processes to recover ore, gold mining in the region has
often utilized chemical processes (involving mercury or cyanide) in
Figure 31.6. Women’s Association meeting, Porgera (photo GB).
the gold-recovery process (Hughes and Sullivan 1992; Sisto 1999).
In discussing these local-scale impacts of mining, three addi-
tional points are worthy of note. First, these impacts have often
been recognized by developers, and attempts, in various forms,
are usually made to address them. The boomtown phenomena are
ameliorated by “fly-in, fly-out” policies that avoid the establishment
of a town at the mine site; community liaison officers are appointed
to address community concerns; funds are established for commu-
nity development; employment preference is often given to local
community members. As will be discussed below, these efforts
are typically not as far-reaching (or as altruistic) as they could be.
Second, reification of the “traditional village” is misplaced. Tradi-
tional societies do not all exist in an absence of social dilemma,
political maneuvering, economic inequality, or the marginalization
of women. The metamorphosis of traditional structures was not
invented by the mining industry; it is part and parcel of the changes
such villages are exposed to. Third, as Emberson-Bain (1994b)
points out, the community opposition to mining and its impacts
takes different paths where the mine is the raison d’être for a settle- Figure 31.7. Tailings from Freeport mine, West Papua, Indonesia (photo GB).
ment in previously uninhabited rural areas and where settlement
existed prior to mining. At Vatukoula in Fiji, for example, the focus Pacific Island environments are certainly sensitive to these
of attention has not been compensation for land access, but wage forms of disruption, although there are also many factors inherent
ceilings, the hierarchical employment structure that favors expatri- within these tropical systems that work to reduce these impacts.
ates, appalling living conditions, and the mine’s fiscal agreements These include the dynamic nature of the physical systems (with
with the government, which benefited expatriate investors at the high rainfall, steep relief, and high natural erosion rates—the Ok
expense of local workers (Emberson-Bain 1994a). Tedi catchment, for example, experienced a massive landslide in
Most corporations and governments, through the various 1989 that added more sediment to the river system over a short
agreements, have sought to channel sustainable benefits, not just period than the mine delivered over several years) and the rapid
cash, to the local level through the use of support grants, business recovery of many of the environments to disturbance. Evidence
programs, infrastructural development programs, and community from the past ten years, though, shows that the sheer scale of dam-
infrastructure grants, among others (Stephens 1995; Imbun 1994; age at Ok Tedi and Freeport (Figure 31.8), and the concentrations
Gilberthorpe and Banks 2012). More recently, there has been an of particularly copper in the tailing, means the effects will persist
increase in the involvement of women in mining projects (Bon- for decades, even centuries (Paull et al. 2006; World Bank 2000).
nell 1995). Yet the expertise and commitment of mining corpora- The large scale open-pit mines bring a range of environmental
tions to the soft skills has been questioned. Burton (1999) and Filer, effects. The most obvious and significant impacts are in the imme-
Banks, and Burton (2008) maintain that despite the rhetoric aimed diate mine area. Land is permanently disturbed and lost for open-
at addressing social impacts, what materializes is often a piecemeal pit mines. On Bougainville a mountain became a pit more than
effort at addressing immediate problems with little coordinated 200 m deep—similar processes are underway at Ok Tedi, Porgera,
long-term planning. Disputes and long-standing grievances that Freeport, and in New Caledonia. On Nauru, a century of phosphate
continue to dog all the major Pacific resource sites demonstrate mining consumed two-thirds of the area of the island, turning it
that a rational, monetized approach is unlikely to capture the into an unusable wasteland with few prospects for rehabilitation
deeply culturally embedded (and often, from a Western perspec- (Dupon 1989; Weeramentry 1992; Connell 2006). In addition, land
tive, hopelessly unrealistic) expectations and aspirations of the is required for the mine’s supporting infrastructure—processing
affected communities. plant, workshops, offices, accommodation, and township etc.
Mining ■ 387
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The Future the rehabilitation, maintenance, and enhancement of public infra-
structure: roads, schools, hospitals, and the like (Government of
There is no doubt that mining will be an integral part of the future Papua New Guinea 2008). This blend of debt repayment (a form
development path of the region. With increasing demand driv- of investment) and developmental spending appears to be a model
ing higher commodity prices, exploration is intensifying in Papua that offers a pragmatic and prudent approach to the translation of
New Guinea and elsewhere in the Pacific. New Caledonia’s nickel mineral wealth into sustainable benefits. The problem, of course, is
reserves are anticipated to last well into the later part of this cen- the realization of these benefits in contexts where governance and
tury. The Papua New Guinea oil and gas industry is set for a mas- capacity is poor.
sive expansion and promising oil seeps have also been located in
Bligh Sound and off the shores of Fiji and Tonga. The economic
potential of the Pacific’s mineral-rich deep ocean nodules is also Environmental Management
likely to be unlocked over the next few decades. Environmental management of such a visible industry (Freeport,
Leon Davis, the former chief executive of Con Rio-Tinto Aus- Ok Tedi, and Lihir are easily viewed on Google Earth these days) is
tralia (CRA), said more than a decade ago that part of the chal- crucial to its public profile and reputation. There is no doubt that
lenge of mining in the twenty-first century will be “re-capturing evolving technologies and practices have improved environmental
the public mandate that we in the mining industry have partially management in the mining sector. As noted earlier, though, there
lost” (Davis 1995). This mandate (which one suspects may not are limits to the effectiveness of these regimes when the fundamen-
have existed among local groups in much of the non-industrialized tal issue is the enormous scale of the impacts. Future developments
world) eroded when it became apparent that sections of the host in environmental management will center around three central
societies derived few benefits from the mining projects on their players—state, corporation, and community—each of which has
doorsteps. Environmental strategies, particularly for waste dis- different approaches, tools, and agendas. Policy and regulation that
posal, have been questionable at best, and there is increasing dis- can be exercised through the minerals agreements and the mining
illusion among Pacific people about whether mining can deliver code to promote environmental “best practice” will continue to be
on its developmental promises: public confidence in mining as a critical, as will the capacity and will of nation-states in the Pacific to
development panacea has diluted considerably. enforce their own statutes. In a similar fashion, governments may
Following the Rio Summit of 1992, the rhetoric of “sustainable opt for command-and-control regulations that control emission
development” has been incorporated into the policy statements of standards (the amount of pollution discharged), quality standards
most governments and mining companies mindful of their pub- (which focus on the quality of the receiving environment), and
lic image. Yet what does sustainability mean in the context of an process and product standards (ISO14001, for example). Alter-
industry based on extracting minerals at the lowest cost and over natively, economic incentives such as reduced taxes for reduced
a finite time span? Robert Solow (1993: 163) states that the term pollution output can be applied. Liability, environmental litigation,
is an “injunction to preserve productive capacity for the indefinite and financial penalties can also be used as economic disincentives
future, [while] society as a whole replaces used up resources with to pollution. Given their relatively novel status in many parts of
something else.” A framework for achieving this has been suggested the world, though, it is unlikely that such approaches will become
by Auty (1995), who maintains that sustainable minerals-driven widespread in the Pacific in the short term.
development requires pragmatic, prudent, and orthodox economic Corporate environmental policies and practices have evolved
policies, substitution of alternative wealth-generating assets for considerably in the past decade and will no doubt continue to do
when the ore is depleted, and incentives to curb environmental so in the future. Despite the well-documented limitations of rely-
degradation. The MMSD project, a two-year global project (cor- ing on corporate social responsibility to improve practice, and
porately funded, in part to recapture some of the public mandate the formidable environmental legacy issues the reputation of the
Davis talked of) came to a similar, albeit broader, set of conclu- industry has to overcome, self-initiated corporate changes (albeit
sions. Some of the mechanisms for achieving these objectives are often under external duress or at least pressure) will be critical to
dealt with in brief below. improving practices in the region, simply because of the continuing
unwillingness or incapacity of the state to do so.
Managing Mineral Wealth And finally, in tandem with the state and corporate trajectories
outlined above, it is inevitable that existing levels of community
The Pacific has seen a number of attempts at the long-term man- involvement in environmental management will increase. Not
agement of mineral revenues, most of which have failed. Nauru is only does this reflect trends elsewhere (O’Faircheallaigh 2007), but
an extreme case (Connell 2006), but other instruments, such as there is now acceptance by corporations and states that inclusive
the Mineral Resources Stabilisation Fund in Papua New Guinea, approaches are more likely to result in more secure and stable long-
have also failed to provide stable, sustainable, resource-derived term partnerships and hence longer-term profit-making mining
revenue flows. The key at the national level remains finding a way operations. Community participation provides greater legitimacy
to translate nonrenewable resource wealth into long-term devel- and acceptance of the decisions that are made, and local knowledge
opment. Recent government policies in Papua New Guinea aim of ecological conditions and traditional interactions with these eco-
to use 30 percent of windfall revenues from the sector (defined as systems in the Pacific can enhance the understanding by others of
revenues in excess of 4 percent of GDP) to repay public debt and these systems. This has been done poorly in the past, ensuring that
the remaining 70 percent to bring forward planned spending on there is considerable distrust and suspicion (often well-founded as
Community Participation
Satisfying community aspirations for involvement in decision
making has been the slowest of the “soft skills” to evolve in the
mining industry. Labonne (1996: 113) remarked that community
involvement has to be enforceable through contracts that guarantee
information access, economic sustainability, the prioritizing of sus-
tainable technologies, and a range of implementation mechanisms
including inspection agreements, external audits of health, safety,
Figure 31.9. Company meeting with community, Porgera (photo GB).
and environmental conditions, and enforcement provisions for
arbitration, dispute resolution, and penalties. Even today, few com-
munity agreements would meet such standards (O’Faircheallaigh and social standards demanded by stakeholders involves a reassess-
2007). ment of the paradigms that have governed the industry in the past,
Several UN charters recognize the community’s “right to internalizing many social and environmental costs, which may in
know,” the “power to act,” and the “principle of subsidiarity” enun- turn mean reduced short-term profit in exchange for greater long-
ciated in the Agenda 21 of the 1992 Rio Summit, which states that term security. Grassroots awareness of the vulnerability of miner-
decisions must be made as close as possible to the level at which als projects to delays forced by community protest, the potency
they impact (Labonne 1996). Many of these principles have since of international media attention, and the financial costs of ignor-
been included in the Berlin Guidelines on Mining and the Envi- ing these issues (A$500 million in the case of Ok Tedi) have now
ronment (United Nations 1992) and became central pillars of the focused stakeholder attentions on the local dimensions of minerals
MMSD project findings (MMSD 2002). The MMSD project con- development. The challenge is to include communities in all stages
cluded that subsidiarity, best practice, capacity building, and collec- of planning and development; the dilemma is how this objective
tive efforts were critical to the industry moving forward in terms of can be achieved in a planning process that is still capital-driven and
its relationships with local communities; interestingly some of the rooted in formal Western knowledge–based ideas of development,
examples of such practices used in the MMSD report came from which may not be shared by Pacific Islanders.
the Pacific region, most notably the Development Forum concept
from Papua New Guinea.
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