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Civic and Ethnic Nationalism Habib
Civic and Ethnic Nationalism Habib
Comparative Politics
What are the differences between civic and ethnic nationalism? Answer the question
The 19th century conception of nationalism is broad in its defining nature as historically it
has used the cultural, political and economic wellbeing of a group of people over others. The
contemporary world face challenges in organizing a collective solidarity within their borders
where regionalism and cosmopolitanism appears to be the obvious threats. Then how can we
define nationality? What makes one nation different from another. The nation-state is defined as
the geo-political collusion of the nation and the state which served as basis to nationalist
and gemeinschaft. The American and French revolutions gave rise and promoted their collective
unity which was translated into political and economic interests. While in Europe, Napoleon
Bonaparte promoted French nationalism with his underlying ideas of “liberty, equality,
fraternity” with idealizing expansionism and Otto von Bismarck started his efforts of unifying
Germany in 1871. These events sparked debates and notions of national identity and racial
superiority which resulted in fascists regimes later in Europe. Nationalism has also been
prominent in the past few years when Donald Trump and Narendra Modi got elected where the
former is applying his ‘America First’ agenda while the latter is establishing ‘Hindutva’ in India.
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There are these notions of ‘civic nationalism’ and ‘ethnic nationalism’. Trade wars and
protectionist policies reflect the economic nationalism of countries as visible in case of United
States amending its foreign policy towards the rising China. The theory of civic nationalism is
defined as a person can belong to a nation based on his choice to live there. On the other
extreme, ethnic nationalism considers the blood, soil, history and culture of a person to be
regarded as of one nation. There are these notions of ‘civic nationalism’ and ‘ethnic nationalism’.
Ethnic nationalism is perceived as backward-looking and eastern type which mainly includes
Germany, Russia and India. Whilst civic nationalism is considered as rational and forward-
looking ideology associated with the west such as France. Edward Shils uses the term
‘Primordialism’ and argues that national identities were natural, ineffable and attributed to the
ties of blood. Many primordial theorists including Clifford Geertz does not perceive national
identity as a social construct but spiritual, mystical, unchangeable that has been present since the
Modernists argue that the national identity as idea have grown generally over the most recent
two centuries at the same time modern concepts like capitalism, industrialization, democracy and
urbanization.. Civic and ethnic nationalism will keep emerging in countries which will depend
upon their national interests resulting in the alteration of the citizenship laws and national
The definition of nationalism is constantly evolving and in order to attain a broad picture
necessary. Anthony D. Smith defines nationalism as “an ideological movement for attaining and
maintaining autonomy, unity and identity for a population which some of its members deem to
History, 2001, p.9). Smith believes that the ethnic and civic aspect of nationalism can co-exist
but most of the times one dominates the other. Smith believes that most of the modern states are
the result of their ethnic core values. He also believes that those states had pre-existing origins
before the definition of them as a ‘new nation’. On the contrary, Hans Kohn defines nationalism
as “Nationalism is a state of mind, in which the supreme loyalty of the individual is felt to be due
to the nation-state.” (Kohn 1965). Kohn relates ethnic nationalism to eastern Europe while civic
nationalism to western Europe and believes it to be the region where the ‘state of mind’ of
nationalism originated. The most prominent modernist civic nationalists include Ernst Gellner
and Benedict Anderson. For Gellner, modern nationalism is a distinct and clear result of the
western industrialization in the 19th century. The difference between the modern and premodern
world is that physical work in its pure form has disappeared and the term ‘manual labor’ has
Technical industrial machinery requires a certain level of proficiency and thus ‘meritocracy’
developed. Gellner writes that “a modern society, in this respect, like a modern army, only more
so. It provides a very prolonged and fairly thorough training for all its recruits, insisting on
certain shared qualifications: literacy, numeracy, basic work habits and social skills…The
assumption that anyone who has completed his generic training common to the entire population
can be re-trained for most other jobs without too much difficulty’” (Gellner). Benedict Anderson
published his book “Imagined communities” in the same year of the “Nations and nationalism”
of Gellner in 1983. Anderson stresses upon the point that nation is a socially constricted concept
and even the smallest members of a nation will never get to know to all other members but
would themselves as to be the part of the same nation. Anderson believes that the idea of
continues national identity was perfect to replace a religious worldview that has been dominant
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in the medieval period. He argues that the printing press has been crucial in presenting the
nations as a continuous story where the collective mentality could be manipulated and controlled.
Anderson argues that the combination of capitalism and print media has created imagined
geographical network where the people in streets would read the same newspapers and would
know the same political stories resulting in creating an imagined community. Nationalism, both
civic and ethnic, is very particularistic in nature but at the same time it constitutes an ideology if
general application.
For comparative analysis of the analytical concepts civic and ethnic nationalism, we will
Germany and United Kingdom as practical examples. Since both the countries have different
histories and geographies but both have been dealt with the influx of immigrants in which have
shaped their citizenship laws and national identities. After WW2, Germany has been facing the
influx of immigrants and the number were in 80,000 in 1950s and increased to 1.5 million
between 1988 to 1995 (cite). In order to compensate somehow their previous government
actions, the article 16(2) of the Federal Constitution of 1949 states “No German may be
extradited to a foreign country. The politically persecuted shall enjoy the right of asylum” ("The
Basic Law of the FRG (23 May 1949) - CVCE Website"). This policy was civic in nature and
accommodated a lot of immigrants of the war, but social tensions and the racial outbreaks
increased in late 1990s. This led to the amendment of the Federal Constitution of the 1949. After
the new law of citizenship in 1999, the principle of Jus sanguinis was taken in consideration. It
stated that the people born in eastern Europe who can demonstrate their German ancestry will
have greater rights than the second or third generation of the people of other nationalities born n
German soil. The debates between the ethnic and civic nationalists has been sliding the German
immigrants polices along the spectrum. Violence was also spread through the fragmentation of
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the national identity after the unification of Germany against immigrants, asylum seekers etc.
These acts were mostly motivated by the Federal German Republic when it offered ‘ethnic
citizenship’ to Democratic German Republic for the greater purpose of unification in 1990.
Konrad Adenaur, the first chancellor of West Germany, he also played a vital role in promoting
the concept the Germany was a European instead of a national entity. Similarly, Jurgen
Habermas put forward the idea of constitutional patriotism which implied the form of national
identity having the characteristics of civic nationalism. This was however creating the notion of
universalistic principles of democracy and justice which might ignore the differing political
beliefs. Unlike United Kingdom, Germans expression of either patriotism or nationalism has
been hindered by their brutal past of holocaust and WW2. According to European union polls
“Public opinion polls taken in the 1950s by the allies showed a perhaps shocking reality: In 1945
in the US zone 53% of Germans thought Nazism was a good idea. In 1947 55% believed it to
have been a good idea despite the fact that this was following the Nurenberg trials. In the 1950s
over 50% of Germans believed Hitelr was the greatest statesman ever” ("Civic Ethnic
Nationalism"). ("Civic Ethnic Nationalism"). Despite of the trend moving towards the
national identity and citizenship laws. Although Germany s moving towards more civic
nationalism, there are still a huge proportion of elements promoting their ethnic values.
The British has a long imperial history, ruling directly or indirectly about half a billion
people who were treated like subject rather than citizens. The white supremist notion in early
Britain empire reflects the significance and implication of ethnic nationalists’ values. After
WW2, Britain has been open to immigrants in order to encompass post imperial people and to
build its economy again. The shift towards civic nationalism led to the redefinition of the British
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nationality. The conservative and ethnic nationalists saw this as a threat to the British people and
to its economy as it created competition for jobs in Britain. The Commonwealth immigration act
1962 and immigration act 1971 were passed to redefine immigration policies and limit
immigrant’s entry. The United Kingdom does not have any restrictions on dual citizenship like
Germany. By permitting double citizenship, the UK has supported multiculturalism. In any case,
this has likewise had the impact of making various residents who might not really observe any
devotion, other than for practical political reasons, to Britain. Non-citizens can take part in the
political activity in the United Kingdom. The citizens of European Union and Commonwealth
can vote which gave the possibility to the legal immigrants to maintain their civic/political
relationship with United Kingdom. Talking about how the British Empire have destroyed the
national identities of its colonies and the white man’s burden which created these refugee crisis,
Richard Drayton explains “We hear a lot about the rule of law, incorruptible government and
economic progress – the reality was tyranny, oppression, poverty and the unnecessary deaths of
countless millions of human beings.” (Drayton 2011). Despite the citizenship, the United
Kingdom is still very divided land. Scotland, Northern Ireland, wales and England define their
national identities in a very different manner. The civic nationality is preserved by their political
participation and legal rights but the regional identities of the Scottish, Irish and English are
deeply rooted in their ethno-cultural sphere. There are lot of ethnic minorities in the British Isles
and majority of them associate them in ethnic terms rather than being British. The English refers
themselves as ‘British’ in writings and public to show their hegemony on the rest of the British
Isles. Krishan Kumar writes that it “tells of the difficulty that most English people have in
distinguishing themselves, in a collective way, from the other inhabitants of the British Isles.”
(Crick 2003). Britishness was a non-national political identity of the inhabitants if the United
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Kingdom before the 1981 Nationality Act. The ethnic nationalists surge to put blood and heritage
in the definition Britishness points back to our thesis statement that the they have turned again to
ethnic nationalism to control the flow of immigrants. The current Prime minister, Boris Johnson
has also been struggling to withdraw Great Britain from the European Union until it got ratified
on 31st January 2020. The United Kingdom will face economic troubles while it will be fully in
Eric Hobsbawm argues in his Marxist reading on nationalism argues that national myths
are perpetuated by elites through repetition and continuity of the past which justifies itself
through its ability to conserve. It promotes the kind of mentality that ‘It has worked before so we
should keep doing that’ sort of mentality on the grassroot level. He exemplifies this by analyzing
the construction of the British in a gothic style even though it was built in the 19 th century to
imply it was a long standing and trusted institution. He argues that these sorts of authoritative
myths are embodied statues, education, public holidays etc. to give the impression of the long-
standing continuity. Hobsbawm being a Marxist, nationalism and national identity are inherently
linked to class for him. Rabindranath Tagore argues that “the process of its formation/invention
further makes it a potent site of power discourse; although it is meant to stand for a horizontal
comradeship, exploitation and inequality remain a daily occurrence in its body, and the nation
never speaks of the hopes and aspirations of its entire ''imagined community”” ("Tagore and
nationalism" 2013). He was much more wildly restricted to India appropriating the thought. He
believed, it would bargain India's history and culture, and make it a ''begger of the West"(cite).
His predictions have worked out as expected, despite the fact that India is currently politically
free, it is joining the fleeting trend of nationalism has thrown the shadow of western civilization
over it. The allocation of nationalist philosophy has eradicated the feeling of India's distinction as
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a general public equipped for remaining all alone; and the manufacturing of connections with the
West has permitted neo-colonialist controls to work over the nation both directly and indirectly,
spelling political and cultural doom for its people. Tagore took the view that “since nationalism
politics and commerce’ that brings 'harvests of wealth,' or 'a carnival of materialism,' by
spreading tentacles of greed, selfishness, power and prosperity, or churning up the baser instincts
of mankind, and sacrificing in the process ''the moral man, the complete man… to make room for
the political and the commercial man, the man of limited purpose''”("Tagore and nationalism"
2013).
In a nutshell, the terms national interest and national identity have common grounds with
capitalism in general. I agree with Gellner and Anderson on national identity and nationalism
being socially constructed to foster businesses and economic growth among geographical
spheres, initially through industries and now through economic zones. Capitalism took different
transitions in France and Great Britain form top to bottom while in rest of the Europe, a bottom-
up approach. Ethnic nationalists’ views have been dominant in most of the historical times and
even today Trump, Modi, and even Boris Johnson have adopted nationalistic approaches and
specifically ethnic nationalism. The justification of their policies and actions is just by providing
an abstract concept of Clifford Geertz and other primordial theorists, that pluralism or civic
nationality is just letting other people take advantage of our resources. When Germany realized
that it cannot take proper use of the Turks, Indians and other minorities living there, they turned
towards civic nationalistic citizenship laws and later made amendments. Similarly, United States
has been turning towards protectionist trade policies to minimize its interdependency from the
rising China. I think more specific and well-defined national identities lead to more simple and
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applicable policies which leads to more control. Contemporary governments are not fixed on
their policies and civic and ethnic nationalists regimes will keep appearing and disappearing
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