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Education Controversy in Wartime Syria

Article · January 2018

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Education
Controversy
in Wartime
Syria
Motaz al-Hinawy and Basileus
Zeno ‫ﻣﻌﺗز اﻟﺣﻧﺎوي وﺑﺎﺳﯾﻠﯾوس زﯾﻧو‬

Education, from a quantitative

and qualitative standpoint, is an
essential tool for any state to devise its national identity and provide future generations
with the necessary knowledge potential and practical experiences to build their future and
that of their country. The challenges facing the education system are not simple,
especially in an era characterized by widespread knowledge and technology, the
communication revolution, readily available social networking, and plurality in sources and
variety of knowledge. Hence, there is a need to develop advanced curricula that keep
pace with the accelerating and substantial changes. In addition to these theoretical
challenges, the most difficult task for a committee commissioned with developing curricula
is formulating educational curricula in a country suffering from declining growth rates and
a gap between knowledge and labor.

As for the Syrian situation, the regression in the education system, negligence of the
education sector, lack of investment in knowledge and research, and the dominance of the
security apparatus all go back to a period long before the destructive civil war and deep
divisions in the society began. These matters made formulating common concepts and

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axioms such as the nation, identity, and geography extremely complex issues that
intertwine with the current situation.

Constructing and developing curricula is an educational, politically-oriented, and organized

project, i.e. the desired objectives are evident and defined, and so are the plans, activities,
and means employed to achieve these objectives. Developing educational curricula
entails sequential steps that start off with setting long-term goals and objectives, which
require a relatively long time to achieve. These goals and objectives are derived from the
government’s general policies and the community’s traditions and values, in addition to
common ethical and humanitarian values.
Consequently, partial and interim !
As for the Syrian situation, the regression
objectives are set based on the main
in the education system, negligence of
objectives, and then specific
the education sector, lack of investment
objectives of each classroom period
in knowledge and research, and the
are set. Choosing the content and
dominance of the security apparatus all
suitable means and methods should
go back to a period long before the
take all of the above into
destructive civil war and deep divisions
consideration. Moreover, an
in the society began.
evaluation and review program "
should be also set on the local level
(district and governorates) and the national level in order to gauge what has been
achieved.

The dilemma here is: What are these goals? What society do these curricula aspire to
reach? In pressing contexts, such as wars, can the education process or curricula be
separated from other aspects of life and the problems and needs of society? Can the
education process be separated from the psychological trauma children have been
through, or the alarming numbers of children who have dropped out of school[1], or even
curricula that have been modified[2] and imposed in areas not under the government’s

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control? Is there a genuine will for change? How will that come to be? Are comparisons
with experiences of other countries valid and feasible? What is the significance of the
current controversy in Syria regarding the curricula in light of a devastated political, social,
and economic reality? Are not the changes in the curricula restricted to formalities that do
not address the essence and content, especially with all the red lines that cannot be
crossed? Is it possible to remove Religious Education and National Education from the
curricula, especially from the early stages of school? So many questions can be asked in
this regard, however, under the current Syrian reality: what is possible and what is not?

Here, we try to highlight the controversy that took place regarding the new curricula, in
addition to the ramifications and reactions in Syria and the media.

Social Media and Ministerial Blunders

The current controversy in Syria regarding the new curricula and the criticism directed
towards them were influenced by posts on social media websites that depicted some
problematic lessons and paragraphs, which later turned out to be fake or not actually
present in the curricula. Instead of reading the new curricula (fifty-two books – not all
grades were covered in the change) and criticizing them scientifically and
methodologically in order to shed light on the validity and value of the information they
contain[3], Facebook posts turned into articles and tools that evoked conflict surrounding
minor details. This reflected the ideological polarization among Syrians, which was already
foreseen. For example, government supporters opposed the use of a poem by poet Yaser
al-Atrash. The poem was then omitted and replaced by another one through a ministerial
decree. At first glance, this appears to be normal news, however, the reason behind the
omission raises questions regarding axioms such as: which Syrians are targeted for
reconstruction. The poem was not omitted because it is not suitable for the children’s age
or typos within it, but rather as a result of public pressure from regime supporters who
refused a poem by a poet affiliated with the opposition! The Education Ministry did not
justify the reason for the omission in its decree and did not even mention the name of the
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poet or the title of the poem. It merely mentioned that it was on page six of ‘Music
Education Book’ for the first grade, however, the same decree named the alternative poem
“My Nation” along with the name of the poet Sa’er Ali Ibrahim[4]. (Figure 1).

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Figure 1: Ministerial decree that provides for the omission of a poem by a poet from the
opposition.

The ministry also issued another decree that provided for re-placing Liwa’ al-Iskandarona
and al-Golan Heights in Syria’s map after objections centered around a map on pages
one-hundred and sixty-nine and two-hundred and four of the Biology and Environment
book (Student’s Book and the Activity Book) for the tenth grade that did not include these
two areas. (Figure 2)

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Figure 2: Ministerial decree that provides for the replacement of the Syrian Arab
Republic’s map with a map attached within.

In an interview with the official Syrian TV, Darem Tabbaa, the Director of the National
Center for Curriculum Development, acknowledged the presence of mistakes in some of
the new book. He mentioned the role of social media in highlighting them in an early

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stage, however, he also confirmed that all the maps are all correct. In an ambiguous
answer, he said that the map that stirred public opinion was “an exercise for students
where only borders were placed without the other elements. A part of it was taken out as if
Liwa’ al-Iskandarona was not present. It was rearranged – only a line was used -, whereas
the other maps in the same book were all complete and they all included Liwa’ al-
Iskandarona. Nobody can cancel them”[5]. In another interview with the weekly program
“Min al-Akher”, presented by Ja’far Ahmad and broadcasted on the official Syrian Satellite
Channel and Souriana FM, the program host began the show by reading a petition of ten
paragraphs in the name of the “Syrian People.” It demanded that the developers of the
curricula be put to trial. He then proceeded to ask, using a tone similar to that of an
interrogator, about the “catastrophes” that took place. In one of the questions, Ahmad
directly addressed the issue of the opposition poet wondering if “the presence of poems
by Yaser al-Atrash reinforce national pride”. Tabbaa replied:

“This is something that simply nobody noticed. They all thought that he belonged to the
reputable al-Atrash family [alluding to the family of Sultan Basha al-Atrash, the leader of
the Syrian Revolution against French Mandate, who is from al-Sweida province, whereas
the poet Yaser al-Atrash is from Idlib province]”[6].

Other objections, from both supporters and opponents of the government, were directed at
the books’ covers which they saw as “spooky”[7]. For example, there was disapproval
surrounding a cover of the history book which showed a statue. Secularists interpreted it
as spooky and containing clear religious implications with its long beard and shaved
moustache; Islamists on the other side interpreted as a “return to paganism” (Figure 3).
There was also an image of a covered lady on the cover of the Arabic Language book[8].
The statue turned out to be that of Kingdom of Mary’s ruler Iku Shamagan (2453 B.C), and
the covered lady was a painting by the Syrian artist Adham Ismail (Figure 4).

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Figure 3: Covers of the new History books, the controversial cover is in the middle.[9]

Some interpretations from regime opponents went so far as to consider that the new
curricula targeted the “Arabic and Islamic Identity.” In an interview on a program called
“Hona Souria/ Here’s Syria” on an opposition channel called Orient TV, the program’s
guest, Mazen Rashid, an Arabic teacher living in Istanbul, described the covers as:
“disgraceful and a concealment of the Arab and Islamic civilization. They are a
continuation of paganism, or rather a reach for paganism… They are a clear message for
people to dispose of the Arab umbrella, a clear message to dispose of the Islamic
message, and a clear message also to work in favor of the Shiite and Socialist
agendas.”[10]

It is not clear what part of the covers that caught Rashid’s attention as clear evidence of
“Shiite and Socialist agendas”, and what brings Shiite and Socialism together?

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Figure 4: Arabic Literature book cover[11]

The situation worsened and a hearing in the parliament was held for the Minister of
Education[12]. TV interviews and seminars were held on the topic, in addition to various
comments, articles, petitions, and criticism that spread like fire on social media.

Formal statements, which considered the discussions a positive thing that strengthens
national dialogue, were a surprise to many. On one hand, many of the quarrels were
based on misguided foundations, for example: sharing images for Koranic verses of
infidels from the curricula of ISIS or the curricula of other countries as images from the

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new curricula; on the other hand, developing educational curricula is commissioned to

academic and professional institutions and committees that possess all the required
power and cannot be influenced by any other party. In the best case scenario, they can
take suggestions presented to them by teachers and supervisors into consideration.

The curricula’s content, although being extremely important, can only be evaluated within
the context of the learning system in its entirety. Schools are more like military posts and
classrooms are overcrowded with fifty students in a single classroom, after most school
were destroyed as a result of bombing and clashes and many people were displaced from
their homes. There is also a shortage in teaching aids, while unsuitable and traditional
techniques are used which rely on literary memorization, in addition to the terrible mental
and economic state of both students and teachers. Collectively, all of the aforementioned
had implications on the outcomes of education. Thus, any serious attempt to promote
education should take into consideration all of these factors, i.e. the theory of systematic
teaching should be implemented as the education process is an integrated system that
has input, processes, output, and evaluation. Any flaw in any part of the system will
negatively affect it as a whole.

Educational Curricula and Formulating an Identity

The French Marxist Philosopher Louis Althusser (1918-1990) distinguishes between

“repressive state apparatus” (RSA) and “ideological state apparatuses” (ISAs), where the
latter comprises a group of apparatuses including the educational ISA represented by
schools[13]. That is why states monopolize the process of developing curricula in order to
establish the national identity and political orientations of their citizens. Curricula are
formulated in accordance with state policies, or rather with the ruling elite, regarding
foreign and internal affairs and within a vision that seeks to reproduce the relations of
production.

This is where compulsory education comes in as a tool for states to declare their

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sovereignty of their borders. They monopolize formulation, restricting what is allowed and
what is not in regards to the mother tongue language, history, geography, and national
identity of the state and society (in addition to religious identity as in most curricula in the
Arab World). Education and curricula also play a major role in reproducing gender roles
and reinforcing the dominant culture[14].

During the rule of the late Syrian president Hafez al-Assad (1970-2000), focus in history,
geography, and Arabic was on society as a whole, within a uniform vision that considered
the Syrian society as an Arab society and an integral part of the Arab World that was
subject to colonial fragmentation and conspiracies that toppled most unitarian projects. At
that time, Syrians had to face contradictions relating to their mere existence in silence or
in the privacy of their homes. They had to memorize lessons about the practice of popular
democracy, rule of the people, and rule of the law amid a culture of daily fear from security
forces, corruption, and stories about detainees and abducted people. Society’s problems
were reduced to the need to confront the “current” external challenges and “exceptional”
circumstances that the nation was going through. Mandatory military uniforms were
imposed on students, in addition to ideological organizations such as “al-Baath Pioneers”
and the “Revolutionary Youth Union” that represented an exclusive framework for student
activities in art, poetry, and music. Moreover, there were commandos training camps and
productive camps during the secondary stage, whereas university training camps were
imposed on (male) university students. All of this was part of a process to militarize society
as a whole and impose the totalitarian domination of the state at the institutional and
individual levels at the expense of developing children and teenagers psychologically and
intellectually. This “education” policy affected entire generations. The subject of National
Socialist Education (Figure 5) represented the ideological guide framework for all political
visions of the one-party state, on the theoretical and official levels leastwise. On the
practical level, however, most students viewed it as a subject they had to pass or another
party book. Despite the dubious secular orientation, due to the absolute power of the Arab
Baath Socialist Party over all sectors and institutions of the state, teaching Islamic and

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Christian subjects remained an essential and compulsory, not optional, part of students’
education.

Figure 5: The index from the National Socialist Education book for twelfth grade,
academic, vocational, and religious branches. Published by the General Institutions for

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Publications and School Books. School year 1996-1997. Private archive.

The goal of the curricula during that period was to construct a uniform society and feed it
with unified concepts that are in line with the hegemonic political ideology and the nature
of the ruling system, regardless of class and social stratification and complexities that
varied from one governorate to another, including ethnic and sectarian diversity. The
Kurdish issue is one of the most prominent examples of that. Despite the distinct Kurdish
cultural and linguistic legacy, the curricula in place did not take that into account. The
Arabic language was the language of education and the Kurdish language was completely
prohibited from being used in schools, which led to the marginalization and exclusion of
the Kurds. On one hand, many Kurds had their citizenship withdrawn due to the 1962
census that was carried out during the period after the separation between Syria and
Egypt, and on the other hand they were forced to adopt an identity and a language
different from theirs, instead of recognizing their own identity as an essential part of the
Syrian identity. However, with the change in the political situation nowadays, we saw that
the first thing that the Kurdish self-administration did[15] impose special education
curricula, especially on the first three elementary grades (school year 2015-2016), that are
based on the Kurdish language for the first time in Syria. This step was justified as
necessary and essential to “restore the Kurdish identity.”[16] This measure was widely
objected and refused by some parents, leading to the closure of some schools, such as
the case in Ghweiran neighborhood in Hasakeh[17]. The ongoing tensions between the
Directorate of Educations, as an official government institution, and the Education
Authority, which is affiliated with the Kurdish self-administration[18], led to the students’
future swinging back and forth between political consensus among all parties and the
possibility that their degrees may not be recognized in case of a political collapse. This
affects future prospects for students who wish to continue their post-graduate studies in
the long run. That’s why the curricula endorsed by the Ministry of Education are still
adopted to a large extent in areas outside government control, with a few adjustments. For
example, Islamic Cham Organization, established in October 2011, adopted the official

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Syrian curricula and republished it after canceling National Socialist Education subject,
which it called National Education and omitting everything related to the ruling Baath party
in Syria and the Assad family. It distributed the curricula in some camps and in Aleppo
(before the opposition lost control over the city), as well as in some schools in Turkish
cities[19].

In addition to all of the previous challenges, there is the identity of individuals as Syrians
after the war ends. Syrians are living in a period of conflicting identities, which will be
fundamental in the formation of their personalities, aspirations, and ideas.

The New Curricula: Difficulties of Life and Research

In a visit I made to one of the schools in Sweida city on 28 September 2017,[20] I headed
for the school administration to see if I could take a look at some old books in the school’s
archive in order to analyze and compare them along with my colleague in the research.
However, the principal informed me that there were instructions for the disposal of books
every five years. She suggested that I check with the janitor who collects these books and
uses them for heating. When I asked my relatives and friends about their school books
(prior to 2000), their answers varied from getting rid of them a long time ago, handing
them to others while they were still accredited by the ministry, or using them along with
their old copybooks for heating during the harsh winters the area witnessed in the last few
years.[21] When I asked the principal about her opinion in the new curricula, she
answered: “Frankly, I don’t see a big difference between the old and new curricula, except
for the music book in first grade, which we dreamed of having in our days. There are some
new teaching methods, as well.”

The principal asked me to pose this question to the teachers in the school, so I went to the
teacher’s lounge where I found two female teachers chatting. After greeting them, I went
on and asked one of them a question. She sat up, changed her voice tone, and replied
using canned phrases as if I were a delegate from the Ministry of Education: “The

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curricula are good and rich. We have taken a course on implementing new teaching
methods, such as learning through playing and activities, and self-learning, and enriching
the child’s intelligence, knowledge, and skills.”

When I asked her to clarify this with examples about the mechanisms that were being
used (or going to be used), she dodged the question by reciting the problems of teaching
and the weakness of available potential. I tried to investigate the opinions of other teacher,
their answers varied from serious and critical to lack of interest and hope in the future due
to the deteriorating economic situation, the war, and social rupture. According to Tamer
(pseudo name, thirty-four years old, history teacher for elementary grades), the problem is
not in the curricula or the teachers, but rather in this “generation of students who don’t
want to learn and don’t appreciate the value of learning.” He went on bemoaning: “in our
days, we dreamed of having just one quarter of what these students have, and yet, we
studied and succeeded despite all difficulties. Nowadays, there are a lot of problems
within the family, which is directly reflected in school. How much can one teacher
handle?!”

What struck me is that Tamer did not mention the war. Despite all the difficulties we went
through, they pale in comparison with the current catastrophic situation.

I also met Rabea’ (pseudo name, forty-five years, employee, driver in the Directorate of
Agriculture) and asked him about the new curricula, since his children are still in public
schools. He answered me frankly: “Damn this country and its schools. If it were not for
compulsory education, I would have made my children quit school and learn a craft they
could live off from. Knowing how to read and write is enough. What benefit will they get
from education? In this country, education will not provide you with enough money to buy
bread. Even if they study and graduate from universities, what are the available work
opportunities for them? They will either hang their degrees on the wall and sit without
working, or they will work in construction works. In the best-case scenario, they might get
a government job with a monthly salary that’s less than what a craftsman earns in a single

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day!”

In an answer that corresponds with Rabea’s daily concerns, Hasan (pseudo name, thirty-
one years, Arabic teacher for elementary grades) was surprised at my question, saying:
“Quite frankly, I don’t care about this matter. Are you serious in your question? The
situation will remain bad and cannot be fixed no matter how much we try. I give my
lessons and do my best. But the most important thing is the salary at the end of the
month. As you know, I work as a taxi driver at night to make ends meet. Although the
salary is worth nothing, it’s still a source of fixed and guaranteed income every month.” As
for Manal (pseudo name, thirty-one years, independent journalist), she condemned
wasting public funds on developing curricula at the expense of investment, as the latter
may benefit people suffering from grave economic situations.

The problems surrounding the old and new Syrian curricula are abundant. However,
according to Rami (pseudo name, thirty-six years, music teacher for elementary grades),
there are sensitive and important aspects that can be summarized in two things: The first
is related to teaching religion at schools, and the second is concerned with developing
creative, artistic, and critical skills for students. Rami explained what he meant by
emphasizing the need to connect between the rationale of the teaching process and the
knowledge students acquire on the one hand and respecting their intellects and ideas on
the other, stating: “How can a student take a Science lesson and learn about Darwin’s
theory of evolution, and at the same time, Religion lessons teach him the opposite of that
when they say that Adam and Eve are the origin of humankind. How can a student take
Geography or Physics lessons about the spherical and rotating Earth, the creation of the
universe, and the nature of matter and elements, only to be confronted with people who
deny all of that? Mental and knowledge contradictions in students, or even psychological
ones, will be catastrophic.” He added: “We can’t just dream of the possibility of cancelling
religion from schools or secularizing the curricula, however, we can teach ethical values
present in religions instead of focusing on doctrines of the religion itself, especially in

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primary levels.”

The authors of this article remember how during their high school studies in Sweida the
Islamic education teacher who happened to be the art teacher as well banned them from
drawing any living beings because this is considered an emulation of “God’s creation”[22].

As for developing creativity and art, Rami denounced treating art and music lessons as
unimportant and insignificant in comparison with essential subjects, and neglecting their
crucial role in building the personality of students; other than that “the methods still used in
teaching are primitive and they don’t nurture free thinking and dialogue or stimulate
creativity.”

In sum, the controversy surrounding the educational curricula reflects several aspects that
cannot be separated from the conflict itself. First, it has to be acknowledged that any
change in the curricula that has occurred/is occurring directly affects Syrians who still live
inside Syria, whether in areas controlled by the government or the opposition, and to a
lesser extent Syrians living abroad or refugees. We do not intend to reproduce the
dominant categorization, which is ideological in its essence, between people “inside” and
“outside” Syria, but rather to implement reflexivity in our evaluation. Millions of Syrians
have left their homes. They have either enrolled their children in the places where they
sought refuge (especially Europe and America), or they suffer from the lack of means to
continue their children’s education (especially in neighboring Arab countries). Therefore,
the ramifications of the current controversy regarding the curricula are more crucial for
Syrians inside Syria, at least in the short-run, and for all Syrians in the medium and long
run.

Second, curricula are undoubtedly not just an educational means, but also a political and
ideological means as well. That is why states monopolize them, or seek to monopolize
them, and make them compulsory. They play a crucial role in formulating presupposed
identities that are in line with the visions and aspirations of the ruling elite and government

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policies.[23] This raises the question about the effectiveness of the curricula and their
objectives in the long-run amid an ongoing war and the displacement of more than half of
the population. During this current war, the drop-out rate has increased. Children,
including those in refugee camps, found themselves using various and altered curricula or
even ones that contradict to their lives. These contradictions, which are planted by these
curricula in the generations of the war, are aggravated throughout the children’s lived-
experience. There is rarely a family who has not lost a dear one at the hands of one of the
fighting parties. The psychological effect of this loss and blaming “the other” is no less
significant than the effect of the educational process itself. Finally, as some teachers’
opinions indicated, developing curricula cannot be substantial unless criticism is directed
towards the essence of the educational process. Otherwise, it will lead to a vicious circle
with the same results no matter how rich the new curricula are with information and new
methods.

[This article was originally published in Arabic on 14 December 2017 on Salon Syria.]

[1] One in every three Syrian children is not enrolled in school, and 1.4 million children are
in danger of dropping out of school. Moreover, one in every four schools has been
damaged, destroyed, occupied, closed down, or used as a shelter. See:

UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). 2017 Humanitarian Needs
Overview: Syrian Arab Republic. December. 2016. p.11.

[2] The official Syrian curriculum is still used in most areas controlled by the opposition,
with some modifications in some areas, where accomplishments of the al-Baa’th party and
the two Assads were omitted. See:

2015 ،‫ ﺣزﯾران‬21 .‫ سوريا حكاية ما انحكت‬.‫ اﻟﻌﻣﻠﯾﺔ اﻟﺗﻌﻠﯾﻣﯾﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻧﺎطق ﺳﯾطرة اﻟﻣﻌﺎرﺿﺔ اﻟﻣﻌﺗدﻟﺔ‬:‫ ﺻﺑر‬،‫دروﯾش‬

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‫‪[3] Syrian historian Sami Moubayed previously criticized the history book for twelfth grade,‬‬
‫‪which is called “New and Contemporary History of the Arab World” for school year 2014-‬‬
‫‪2015, because of the grave historical mistakes it contained. He pointed out twenty-two of‬‬
‫‪them. See:‬‬

‫ﻣﺑﯾض‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻣﻲ‪ :‬ﺗزوﯾر ﻛﺗب اﻟﺗﺎرﯾﺦ اﻟﻣدرﺳﯾﺔ ﻧﺗﯾﺟﺔ ﺧطﺄ أم ﺟﮭل؟! … اﻟﻣؤرﺧون واﻟﻣﻔﻛرون واﻟﺳﯾﺎﺳﯾون اﻟﺳورﯾون ﯾﻐﯾﺑون ﻋن‬
‫‪.‬اﻟﻣﺷﮭد اﻟﺗﻌﻠﯾﻣﻲ! صحيفة الوطن‪ 2 .‬ﺷﺑﺎط‪2017 ،‬‬

‫‪Syrian journalist Sabr Darwish also analyzed the books in the primary stage (first to ninth‬‬
‫‪grade) for school year 2014-2015. See:‬‬

‫‪.‬دروﯾش‪ ،‬ﺻﺑر‪ :‬اﻟﻌﻣﻠﯾﺔ اﻟﺗﻌﻠﯾﻣﯾﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺳورﯾﺎ ﺑﯾن اﻟﺣﺎﺿر وﺑﯾن اﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑل اﻟﻣﺄﻣول‪ .‬سوريا حكاية ما انحكت‪ 19 .‬أﯾﺎر‪2015 ،‬‬

‫ﺗﺷﻛﯾل ﻟﺟﻧﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻟدراﺳﺔ اﻟﻣﻼﺣظﺎت واﻟﻣﻘﺗرﺣﺎت ‪[4] Ministry of Education in the Syrian Arab Republic:‬‬
‫‪.‬اﻟواردة إﻟﻰ اﻟوزارة ﺣول اﻟﻣﻧﺎھﺞ اﻟﻣطورة‪ 16 ،‬أﯾﻠول‪2017 ،‬‬

‫د‪ .‬دارم طﺑﺎع ﻣدﯾر اﻟﻣرﻛز اﻟوطﻧﻲ ﻟﺗطوﯾر اﻟﻣﻧﺎھﺞ ‪ – Saba7na Gheer”:‬ﺻﺑﺎﺣﻧﺎ ﻏﯾر“ ‪[5] Youtube channel:‬‬
‫‪ September 18, 2017. Timecode: 2:10-2:30‬اﻟﺗرﺑوﯾﺔ‬

‫ﺑرﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﻣن اﻵﺧر‪ :‬آزﻣﺔ اﻟﻣﻧﺎھﺞ ھل ﺧطﺄ ﻓﻲ اﻻﺧﺗﯾﺎر أم ﺧﻠل ﻓﻲ اﻟﺗﻔﻛﯾر‪ .‬الهيئة العامة ل;ذاعة والتلفزيون‪ -‬سورية‪[6] 18 .‬‬
‫أﯾﻠول‪1:07:25-1:06:50 .2017 ،‬‬

‫‪.‬ﻓﺎﺿل‪ ،‬ﻋﮭد‪ :‬ﻟﯾس ﻓﯾﻠم رﻋب‪ ..‬ﺑل أﻏﻠﻔﺔ ﻛﺗب ﺗﻼﻣﯾذ ﺳورﯾﺎ!‪ .‬العربية‪ 9 .‬أﯾﻠول‪[7] 2017 ،‬‬

‫ﻋﻧﺟرﯾﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﮭﯾب‪» :‬داﻋش« واﻟﻣﻧﺎھﺞ اﻟﺟدﯾدة‪ :‬اﻟﺳورﯾون »ﯾﻘﺻﻔون« ﻋﺷواﺋ ّﯾﺎ ً‪ .‬اﻷﺧﺑﺎر‪ .‬اﻟﻌدد ‪ 3274‬اﻟﺧﻣﯾس ‪ 14‬أﯾﻠول‪[8] ،‬‬
‫‪2017‬‬

‫‪[9] Source: Website for the National Center for Curriculum Development‬‬

‫‪! Orient TV, 11 September‬ﺗﺛﯾر اﻟرﻋب” اﻟﺻور اﻟﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻟﻣﻧﮭﺎج اﻟﻧظﺎم اﻟﺟدﯾد“ ‪[10] ‘From Syria’ show‬‬
‫‪2017. Timecode: 3:42-4:17.‬‬

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[11] Source: Website for the National Center for Curriculum Development

[12] 2017 ،‫ أﯾﻠول‬21 .‫ جريدة تشرين‬.‫ »ﺿﺟّ ﺔ« اﻟﻣﻧﺎھﺞ ﺑﯾن أﺳﺋﻠﺔ ﻣﺟﻠس اﻟﺷﻌب وأﺟوﺑﺔ وزﯾر اﻟﺗرﺑﯾﺔ‬:‫ ﯾﺳرى‬،‫دﯾب‬.

[13] Althusser, Louis. On the Reproduction of Capitalism: Ideology and Ideological State
Apparatuses, trans. and ed. G.M. Goshgarian (Verso, 2014).

[14] 2012 ،‫ آب‬12 .‫ جيرون‬.‫ ﻧﺣو ﻣدﺧل اﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻲ ﻟﻠﺗرﺑﯾﺔ واﻟﺗﻌﻠﯾم‬:‫ ﺟﺎد اﻟﻛرﯾم‬،‫اﻟﺟﺑﺎﻋﻲ‬.

[15] 2015 ،‫ ﻛﺎﻧون اﻷول‬8 .‫ مدارات ُكرد‬.‫ ﻣﻧﺎھﺞ اﻟﺗﻌﻠﯾم اﻟﻛردﯾﺔ ﻓﻲ اﻹدارة اﻟذاﺗﯾﺔ‬:‫ إﺑراھﯾم‬،‫ﺧﻠﯾل‬.

[16] 2015 ،‫ أﯾﻠول‬28 .‫ نبض الشمال‬.‫ اﻓﺗﺗﺎح اﻟﻣدارس ﻓﻲ ﻣدﯾﻧﺔ ﻗﺎﻣﺷﻠو ﻣﻊ اﻟﻣﻧﮭﺎج اﻟﻛردي اﻟﺟدﯾد‬:‫ أﺣﻣد‬،‫ﻋﺛﻣﺎن‬.

[17] 2017 ،‫ ﻧﯾﺳﺎن‬23 .‫ اﻟﻣدن‬.‫ ﻣﻧﺎھﺞ ﺗرﺑوﯾﺔ ﻣﺳﯾﺳﺔ ﺗﮭدد ﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑل ﺟﯾل ﺑﺄﻛﻣﻠﮫ‬:‫ اﻟﺣﺳﻛﺔ‬:‫ ﺳﺎﻣر‬،‫اﻷﺣﻣد‬.

[18] ،‫ ﺗﺷرﯾن اﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ‬15 .‫ستراتيجية‬O‫ مركز عمران للدراسات ا‬.”‫ اﻟواﻗﻊ اﻟﺗﻌﻠﯾﻣﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻧﺎطق “اﻹدارة اﻟذاﺗﯾﺔ‬:‫ ﺑدر‬،‫ﻣﻼ رﺷﯾد‬
2016.

[19] 2017 ،‫ ﻧﯾﺳﺎن‬17 .217 ‫ اﻟﻌدد‬.‫ عنب بلدي‬.‫ﺗوزﯾﻊ ﻋﺷرة ﻣﻼﯾﯾن ﻛﺗﺎب ﻣدرﺳﻲ ﻓﻲ اﻟﻣﻧﺎطق اﻟﻣﺣررة‬.

[20] In reference to author Motaz al-Hinawi who lives in Sweida, Syria; author Basileus
Zeno lives in the United States.

[21] 2017 ،‫ ﺣزﯾران‬23 .‫ جدلية‬.‫ ﺳﻧدﯾﺎن اﻟﺳوﯾداء وﻟﻌﻧﺔ اﻟﺣرب اﻟﺳورﯾﺔ‬:‫ ﻣﻌﺗز‬،‫اﻟﺣﻧﺎوي‬.

[22] During one of the classes, this teacher asked that we do free drawing or study for
another subject. I drew caricatures of people. When he saw this, he scratched them off,
which made me feel surprised and angry. I asked him why he did that and he answered
that drawing living beings is against religion (haram) and that painters are committing a sin
when they emulate the creator in his creatures. It was a strange explanation for me and I
couldn’t keep myself from laughing, which got me kicked out of the classroom (Basileus

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Jadaliyya 3/26/19, 22)45

Zeno, the incident took place in 1998).

[23] We don’t mean to say here that education is restricted to what the state imposes in
schools. Many indigenous communities and Landless groups (who had their lands taken
by force by the state) in Latin American countries, such as Brazil, were able to impose
their own educational systems that promote their cultural identity in face of the neo-liberal
values being imposed upon them, while emphasizing the importance of education “in
movement” as an essential part of continuous social movements. For further information,
see:

Zibechi, Raúl. 2012. Territories of Resistance: A Cartography of Latin American

Social Movements. Oakland, CA: AK Press. pp. 21-33.

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