The federal government has decided to deploy Pakistan Army in Karachi to drain

rainwater from the city's roads, alleys and residential areas. This was disclosed by
Sindh Governor Imran Ismail after a recent meeting with Prime Minister Imran Khan
who also confirmed this via Twitter messages.
According to the governor, the Prime Minister has signed an order on July 30 instructing
various military and paramilitary institutions to develop a comprehensive strategy
containing short-term and long-term measures to deal with the emergency situation
caused by the rains in Karachi in the last few days. Under this order, Pakistan Army,
National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) and Frontier Works Organization
(FWO) have been instructed to work together to alleviate the sufferings of the citizens of
Karachi.
This federal government move has certainly exposed the poor performance of local and
provincial administrations in Karachi but, at the same time, it raises concerns that it may
intensify the already ongoing military interference in civilian affairs.
Another controversial aspect of the army's deployment in Karachi is that various military
and paramilitary institutions have been working to maintain law and order in the city
since the 1990s. During all these years, they have conducted military and paramilitary
operations in several local areas and have been accused of extrajudicial killings and
enforced disappearances. There are also reports of their meddling in local politics,
showing their bias for or against certain political elements.
In such a situation, the army’s failure to make the city clean could lead to criticism and
opposition from the political elements who are already not happy with its continued
presence in Karachi. Similarly, if the army succeeds in clearing some areas but many
other areas remain as they are, it is quite possible that the residents of those areas will
blame this on the army's past and present political priorities in the city.
In a way, this debate is already taking place. Imran Ismail and several other local
leaders of the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) have been indicating for days that their
party's federal government would take whatever strong measures might be needed to
clean up Karachi. On the other hand, the provincial government of Pakistan Peoples
Party (PPP) may present the army’s deployment in the city as an undue interference by
the federal government in provincial affairs -- especially at a time when both the
governments are already openly opposing each other over the handling of the corona
virus pandemic.
The military itself may not want to rush into this situation. Instead of being directly
involved in civilian affairs, it may follow the same approach it has adopted in combating
the corona virus pandemic -- avoiding military deployment in public places but
maintaining a firm hold on policy-making by playing a decisive role in administrative and
financial affairs.
To understand this practice, it is necessary to go into some detail.
“Modern day militaries assist the state in labor intensive non-defense related activities.
Where the military already exercises hegemonic control, possession of such auxiliary
capabilities can potentially provide an avenue to extend the military’s jurisdiction and
further strengthen its dominance.”: Dr Rabia Chaudhry
In April 2020, Prime Minister Imran Khan directed the Armed Forces under Article 245
of the Constitution of Pakistan to cooperate with the civil administration in controlling the
corona virus pandemic. He did so after accepting requests from the governments of all
the four provinces, Islamabad Capital Territory, Gilgit-Baltistan and Azad Jammu and
Kashmir which asked for the deployment of troops to control the spread of the deadly
virus.
A Pakistan Army spokesman later said that the Armed Forces would “make every effort
and use all resources in this regard”. But troops have not been seen enforcing
lockdowns in any place, not even in areas where the civil administration has failed
miserably to take precautionary measures against corona.
In contrast, not only is the corona’s National Control and Command Center in Islamabad
fully managed by the army, but NDMA, headed by a serving lieutenant general., has
also been given the authority to import virus-related equipment from abroad and
distribute it within Pakistan.
It is also worth mentioning here that the previous democratic governments, which called
on the army to resolve the civil issues, sooner or later realized that this is the proverbial
Bedouin’s camel which gradually takes over the entire tent if it is allowed to just get its
nose in it.
The most important example of this came about when the provincial government of
Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif set up military monitoring units between 1997 and 1998
to eradicate corruption and improve the performance of government agencies in Punjab.
In addition to overseeing hospitals and identifying ghost schools, these units would also
take action against illegal electricity connections and fined those who stole electricity.
Similarly, the army was also given the task of removing silt from irrigation canals in
Punjab and many serving and retired army officers were made heads of various federal
and provincial departments.
Consequently, it took less than a year for the army to take over the whole country.
Ironically, when the army took over power in October 1999, overthrowing the
government of Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PMLN), one of its first steps was to
send Shahbaz Sharif and his brother Nawaz Sharif behind bars.
As Dr Rabia Chaudhry, a Germany-based scholar, puts it: “In addition to defending their
countries, modern day militaries assist the state in labour intensive non-defence related
activities. These range from disaster relief to providing administrative assistance. In
countries where the military already exercises hegemonic control, possession of such
auxiliary capabilities can potentially provide an avenue to extend the military’s
jurisdiction and further strengthen its dominance.”