TODAY'S PAPER | SEPTEMBER 14, 2020

Sugar inquiry
Editorial | 14 Sep 2020

WITH the court cases challenging the formation of the sugar inquiry commission and
the report it had produced out of its way for now, the National Accountability Bureau
has initiated its investigation into the shortages of the sweetener last winter that saw
its domestic prices shoot through the roof. The NAB probe is one of multiple inquiries
Prime Minister Imran Khan had sanctioned in June against sugar mill owners on the
basis of the comprehensive findings of a forensic audit report prepared by the
commission. That was an unprecedented move because the government had decided to
investigate an entire industrial sector that had been operating as a cartel for decades.
The report had brought to light the various systemic issues in the industry,
underscoring the fact that the powerful mill owners had for years cheated poor
farmers, evaded taxes, secured massive government subsidies and committed
corporate fraud. And yet, they got away with these crimes because of their clout over
political parties and successive governments. Thus, it was but natural that the mill
owners moved the courts to stop the government from conducting investigations that
could lead to their incrimination.

Politicians of all hue have a stake in the sugar business and operate collectively to get
massive financial favours from the government at the expense of hapless taxpayers and
consumers. It is for the first time in the country’s history that a government has taken on this
powerful mafia and initiated multiple probes into different types of frauds committed by the
industry. Given the reputation of NAB, many suspect that its inquiry against the sugar mills
could turn into a witch-hunt of certain politicians belonging to the opposition parties or
those who have fallen out with the ruling party’s leadership. It is therefore important for the
anti-graft agency to ensure that no one gets away or gets punished because of political
affiliations. That will not only further damage NAB’s image but could also hurt efforts to
bring to book those who have looted the national exchequer and consumers.

Published in Dawn, September 14th, 2020

 TODAY'S PAPER | SEPTEMBER 14, 2020

Afghan peace talks

Editorial | 14 Sep 2020

AFTER much uncertainty and delays, the Afghan peace talks have finally got off to a
start in Doha, Qatar. The Afghan government delegation is led by Masoom Stanekzai
while the Afghan Taliban team is headed by Shaikh Abdul Hakim Haqqani. Those in
attendance at the talks also include American Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, US
Special Envoy for Afghanistan Zalmay Khalilzad, chief of the High Afghan Council for
National Reconciliation Dr Abdullah Abdullah as well as Afghan Foreign Minister Hanif
Atmar. Prime Minister Imran Khan has welcomed the intra-Afghan dialogue saying
Pakistan has fulfilled its commitment and now Afghans should work towards a durable
peace through a negotiated settlement of the dispute. The talks kicked off on Saturday
with a long line of dignitaries from various countries welcoming the delegates and
wishing them well. Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi also addressed the
gathering through video link and called for an end to violence while saying Pakistan
would back the consensus that emerged from the talks. The talks faced delays on the
release of some Taliban prisoners but as a result of sustained pressure from all
stakeholders, the Afghan government finally relented and allowed the detainees to
walk free.

After decades of incessant hostilities and war, Afghanistan is at a historic moment that can
herald the long-awaited peace. These talks represent the best chance for a settlement
between factions that have fought each other with the support of external players. It is also
an opportunity for the United States to bring to an end its longest running war that has led to
the death of thousands of people and the near destruction of Afghanistan. Pakistan has
played a very positive and constructive role in facilitating these talks and this role has been
duly acknowledged by the United States, United Kingdom and other stakeholders. However
the crucial stage has begun only now. There is much that could go wrong. The dangers of
violence breaking out yet again remains alive. One incident could derail these negotiations.
It is therefore important for all stakeholders, including Pakistan, to remain deeply engaged
in these intra-Afghan negotiations to ensure that talks cross over any hurdles that may come
up, and lead to a consensus that can see a power-sharing arrangement in Afghanistan. If
peace can return to the war-ravaged country it would enable the people of Afghanistan to
start rebuilding their lives and future. This benefits everyone, including Pakistan.

Published in Dawn, September 14th, 2020

 TODAY'S PAPER | SEPTEMBER 14, 2020

Bahraini recognition
Editorial | 14 Sep 2020

AFTER the UAE became the third Arab state in decades to recognise Israel last month,
it had been predicted that this would create a domino effect, with other Arab and
Muslim states following suit. Sure enough, Bahrain joined this growing cluster of states
on Friday, while other Arab/Muslim countries may be waiting in the wings for an
opportune moment to publicly announce their embrace of the Zionist state. Like the
UAE move, President Donald Trump gleefully announced the ‘breakthrough’ on
Twitter, heaping accolades on his “GREAT friends” Israel and Bahrain. Indeed, out of
all the Arab states, the Gulf sheikhdoms are prime contenders where the recognition of
Israel is concerned, with or without the resolution of the Palestine question. The Gulf
Arabs are under the American security umbrella with many — including Bahrain —
hosting major military bases, while several among them are also on poor terms with
Iran. Therefore, there is little surprise that these states are willing to accept Israel,
with the US offering friendly ‘advice’ on the benefits of doing so.

The Palestinians, expectedly, are not so happy about the move, with the PLO describing the
Bahraini decision as a “betrayal of the Palestinian cause”, while Hamas has called for the
“virus of normalisation” to be resisted. And while their rulers are describing the decision in
glowing terms, many Bahrainis have expressed their dismay on social media with Manama’s
move. Indeed, any consensus on the Palestine question within the Arab/Muslim world is
very quickly dissolving. At a recent online Arab League meeting, foreign ministers of the
bloc were not able to come up with a resolution condemning last month’s normalisation of
ties between Israel and the UAE. This indicates that some powerful players in the League
clearly feel uneasy about condemning the deal, and thereby upsetting the US.
The aforementioned developments indicate the existence of two very distinct camps in the
Muslim world; the pro-American camp, which includes the Gulf Arabs, has no qualms about
jettisoning the Palestinians’ legitimate demands and getting on the next plane to Tel Aviv.
The other camp, which includes Iran and Turkey, is very vocal about the Palestinian issue
and has condemned those rushing towards normalisation. In such a situation, the OIC or a
similar forum of Muslim states needs to debate the issue thoroughly. The Palestinians and
their supporters must be given such a forum to express their reservations about
normalisation without a just resolution to the Arab-Israeli dispute. The UAE and Bahrain
should also be allowed to express their justifications for establishing relations with Israel.
Making peace with Israel is not impossible, as long as the Palestinians are satisfied that their
national and human rights will be guaranteed in any peace deal. Moreover, external powers
should not be allowed to use diverging views on the Israel issue within the Muslim world to
isolate certain states, such as Iran.

Published in Dawn, September 14th, 2020

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 TODAY'S PAPER | SEPTEMBER 14, 2020

Foreign Office needs reform

Maleeha Lodhi | 14 Sep 2020

The writer is a former ambassador to the US, UK and UN.

NO institution can perform effectively unless it is able to adapt to changes around it,
leverage the opportunities offered by a globalised world and learn new skills to deal
with emerging challenges. Periodic review and reform are essential to reinvigorate any
organisation and make it fit for purpose. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is no
exception to this rule.

For decades little has changed in its working methods, structure, training of personnel and
mode of recruitment — and thus in its outlook and approach. If foreign policy is the
country’s first line of defence, Pakistan’s foreign service needs serious attention and reform.

A frequent and justified lament heard from the ministry is that over the years it has steadily
lost its centrality in the foreign policy-making process to other stakeholders in the country’s
hybrid civil-military system. But the answer to this is to make the ministry more relevant,
even pivotal, by improving the quality of its policy inputs and by showing initiative to stay
ahead of the curve. After all, demoralisation only disempowers the institution.
Leadership by the head of the service, the foreign secretary, is the key to revival of its once
central role. But this has long been in short supply as careerism has been prioritised over
professionalism. An unnecessarily timid and subservient attitude towards other
stakeholders has characterised the conduct of recent holders of this office. This is a far cry
from the 1990s and 2000s when foreign secretaries stood their ground to a military ruler and
assertively gave policy advice to prime ministers even when that did not accord with their
views.

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As a first step a task force should be

appointed to propose reforms for the PM’s
approval.

The foreign secretary’s principal role is to lead, inspire and motivate the service by offering
intellectually sound advice and resist any politicisation of decisions and personnel policy by
the government of the day. A culture of open internal discussion should be fostered not of
discouraging independent, out-of-the-box thinking.

Beyond behavioural changes, a number of structural measures are essential. An adequately

resourced ministry that has financial autonomy is crucial to the performance of its basic
functions. It must have the means to adapt quickly to changing needs and for that it needs
greater financial authority, within its allocated budget. The numerical strength of the service
also needs to expand especially as the number of missions has risen, complexity of
international issues has increased and so have avenues for diplomacy. The financial cost can
be offset by cutting down the support staff of a tail-heavy service.
A second structural change is to reduce the centralisation that has occurred over the years
with decisions on even minor administrative matters concentrated in the foreign secretary’s
office. Empowering additional secretaries and giving them greater policy responsibility will
encourage initiative and fresh thinking. The director general should be the tier assigned to
initiate new ideas and become the thinking post for the concerned division.

Three, working methods should be substantially overhauled to improve communication

within headquarters, between divisions still operating in silos, and with Missions. The
information flow is either too slow or absent, seriously handicapping mission work.
Ambassadors can only be effective if they are kept regularly briefed. Sharing of timely
information is hobbled by a communication and feedback system that needs urgent
modernisation, without compromising security. It also needs a change in mindset from one
that prizes monopolising information over sharing it. Clear lines of communication have to
be instituted for the information flow.

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Four, training requires major reform in several areas. The generalised initial training has to
be replaced by more specialised training in which practical aspects of diplomacy should be
taught along with knowledge of foreign policy. In other words, training modules should be
focused on how to negotiate, communicate, practise public diplomacy and deal with a
complex media landscape — modern tools every diplomat needs. Diverse expertise is now
required on a complex array of global issues. Training should cater to these rather than be
mired in mental maps of the past. The ministry’s lack of legal expertise also needs to be
addressed at the training stage. This weakness was tellingly exposed during Pakistan’s
representation at the International Court of Justice in the Kulbhushan Jadhav case.
As economic diplomacy acquires more importance, diplomats, who have long thought this
wasn’t their job, need exposure to the country’s trade and business environment to be
knowledgeable and effective. Above all a know-your-country (not just its foreign policy)
approach is essential as sometimes diplomats appear out of sync with the domestic
dynamics of a changing Pakistan.

Short courses at mid-career can also be introduced on public diplomacy especially as new
opportunities open up to deploy soft power in a more globalised world in which diverse non-
state actors increasingly shape a country’s foreign policy outlook. Certainly, use of the social
media should be in the diplomat’s toolkit, but as of now, the foreign ministry has yet to
evolve any rules for its use.

Promotions and postings are issues that generate much controversy and in-house
resentment as they are either predicated on narrowly defined criteria (eg length of service)
or favouritism rather than performance. A truly merit-based policy will lift the service’s
sinking morale by rewarding the best officers, rather than those politically connected or
favoured by the ministry’s top echelon.

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Finally, a longer-term reform to consider is direct recruitment to the foreign service rather
than through a generalised civil service examination. Long discussed, this has always been
discarded for involving cumbersome changes including in the law. But as foreign service
work is very different from that of other government departments its entrance exam should
serve specific service requirements. This would attract better candidates and make the
initial training process focused on the skills needed for diplomacy. The process can remain
entrenched in the Federal Public Service Commission.
The menu of reforms to make the Foreign Office fit for purpose is extensive but aversion to
change should not stand in the way of measures to make Pakistan’s diplomacy more
effective and able to capitalise on the opportunities unleashed by a more multipolar and
multi-stakeholder world. The government can take the first step by appointing a task force to
propose reforms for approval of the prime minister within a specified time frame.

The writer is a former ambassador to the US, UK and UN.

Published in Dawn, September 14th, 2020

 TODAY'S PAPER | SEPTEMBER 14, 2020

Policing online forums

Anum Malkani | 14 Sep 2020

The writer is a development and technology policy

consultant.

THE authorities that govern the use of technology in Pakistan seem to be on a moral
crusade of late. The intentions were apparent earlier this year when the Citizen
Protection Rules were announced. Although the fate of these Rules is still unclear,
regulation of online content is becoming increasingly draconian under the sanction of
the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (Peca) 2016. The internet regulation model
Pakistan is currently following will prove to be damaging not just for us — the users —
but also for tech firms and the digital ecosystem at large.

‘Web 2.0’ is the term used to describe the internet as we know it today: an interactive virtual
world which empowers users to access more information than ever before and create their
own content, giving a new life to the ideas of freedom of speech and expression, right of
access to information, and democratic participation.

Regulation of Web 2.0 is a unique challenge and our understanding of how to regulate it is
continuously evolving. Regulatory challenges vis-à-vis social media platforms include
curbing anti-competitive practices and ensuring a level playing field for new entrants, data
protection, blocking fake news and removing illegal content. On these issues, online
platforms are often at odds with regulators — agile and innovative legal approaches are
needed to resolve these challenges.

Social media platforms — or intermediaries — such as Facebook, Twitter and Google are
often held accountable for the content generated on their platforms. Governments around
the world frequently ask them to remove content deemed unlawful. Some types of content
— such as videos that depict violent acts, fake news, or content that may infringe someone’s
privacy — must be monitored, regulated and blocked. Social media companies employ teams
that are tasked with the job of scouring these platforms for such content and diligently
removing it.

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Along with education, Web 2.0 is the new

battlefield where alternative voices must be
suppressed to maintain the national
narrative.

Beyond such obvious cases of unlawful content, there are grey areas. Where authorities may
view a social media post to be against the “integrity, security or defence of Pakistan”, the
user may view it to be an opinion and her right to post it integral to the idea of freedom of
speech. How should the intermediary respond to the request for removal of such content?

Should the intermediary bend to the murky legal requirements, no matter how flawed, or
should it uphold the spirit of Web 2.0 and of Article 19 of the UN’s Universal Declaration of
Human Rights, “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; the right
includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart
information and ideas through any media regardless of frontiers”. The latter may result in
all-out bans of the platforms as has happened in countries such as Pakistan and China.

Central to this issue is the debate around intermediary liability regimes. Should online
platforms be held liable for third-party content? In assessing the costs and benefits we can
define three stakeholders: the government, the intermediary, and the users. An intermediary
liability regime works well for authoritarian governments — it is easy to regulate content on
platforms when you can hold the platform liable for everything posted on it.

For the intermediary, such a regime imposes unsustainable operational costs. According to
the Citizen Protection rules, intermediaries would be required to open an office in Pakistan
and appoint a focal person to liaise with the regulators. They would also be held responsible
for all content posted on it to comply with Section 37 of Peca — regardless of any other
standards or rules the company upholds — and shall act to remove within 24 hours any
content deemed to be in violation of Pakistani law.

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It would be cumbersome to monitor every post to ensure it is in compliance with ambiguous

regulations — depending on who is interpreting it, any content may be deemed illegal. In
fact, Peca is designed to do just that: leave a massive grey area allowing action against
anything deemed to be against “the glory of Islam or the integrity, security or defence of
Pakistan public order, decency or morality”.

Moreover, the number of requests to take down content and to hand over user information
would render social media platforms useless and the requirement to abide by Pakistani law
regardless of any other community standards or guidelines would defeat the purpose of
such a platform.

Next, consider the users. In a recent article on the Single National Curriculum, Dr Faisal Bari
wrote: “The state has always had a deep interest in managing the national narrative. This
has usually been done by using religion and nationalism to suppress alternative voices. ... If
they do not fit the religious/nationalistic frame that has been forged by some elements of the
state in Pakistan, they would be rejected. And education has been a battlefield for this
rejection.”

Along with education, Web 2.0 is the new battlefield where alternative voices must be
suppressed to maintain the national narrative. Web 2.0 puts power in the hands of the user
— power to voice opinions, expose truths, access unfiltered information. This is perhaps one
of the greatest threats to the national narrative. When intermediaries are required to
remove content, it is the users who suffer as freedom of speech and access to information
are diluted.

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The question of how to regulate social media platforms and what online content is
permissible are not easy to answer. What is clear is that blanket bans, threats and
censorship are not the right path. Intrinsic to the idea of Web 2.0 is decentralisation and
democratic participation — trying to divorce these ideals from the medium will be a great
disservice to the people of Pakistan who deserve to benefit from and be empowered by new
technologies.

The writer is a development and technology policy consultant.

anummalkani@gmail.com
Twitter: @anummalkani

Published in Dawn, September 14th, 2020

 TODAY'S PAPER | SEPTEMBER 14, 2020

Talking Turkey
Zarrar Khuhro | 14 Sep 2020

The writer is a journalist.

WHEN the UAE-Israel deal was announced, the two Middle Eastern countries that most
vociferously condemned it were Turkey and Iran. While Iran’s position is consistent
with its policies, and informed by the already intense tension between it and the Arab
states and Israel, Turkey’s anger at the UAE requires closer analysis, as it is a factor of
the growing, and relatively under-reported regional rivalry between Turkey and the
UAE.

This may seem like an odd match-up but increasingly, this rivalry is becoming a defining
feature of Middle Eastern politics and beyond. It isn’t exactly a recent phenomenon either,
and is tied to the competing visions the two countries have for the region. For the UAE, any
hint of democracy in the Middle East is anathema as, in their view, it will first propel the
Muslim Brotherhood into power and — even if it doesn’t — will weaken the autocratic hold
of the Gulf monarchies.

Turkey, despite the authoritarian leanings and nationalist policies of President Erdogan,
remains a democracy and at least ideologically has a degree of sympathy for the Muslim
Brotherhood. And so, in the 2000s we saw that while Ankara warmed to the Brotherhood
and allied causes, the UAE conducted purges against the movement’s members and
suspected sympathisers, removing them from positions in the state and educational
institutions. This culminated in a major crackdown on the MB by the UAE in late 2011 and in
2014, the MB was declared a terrorist organisation.

But before this had come the ‘Arab Spring’, which sent the Gulf monarchies into panic mode
as they saw an existential threat to their rule emerge. Turkey, on the other hand, saw it as
something of a godsend and acted accordingly, extending moral support to the protesters.

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The UAE and Turkey are confronting each

other in a variety of theatres.

When elections took place in Egypt and Mohamed Morsi took power, it seemed for a
moment that things were going Turkey’s way. It didn’t last, of course, and the reaction of the
two countries to the Sisi coup was predictable: Turkey condemned it and the UAE welcomed
it, shoring up the new regime with large amounts of cash and diplomatic support.

In the aftermath of the attempted coup in Turkey in 2016, suspicions grew in Ankara that the
UAE — which showed thinly veiled delight at the coup — had in fact supported the
putschists. Along with hints from Erdogan himself, Turkish media ran with stories alleging
that the UAE had spent as much as $3 billion in the effort which it said was in line with the
kingdom’s support for reactionary elements in Egypt and Sudan.

It has only gotten worse since then, and today we see the UAE and Turkey confront each
other in a variety of theatres as the former tries to stymie Turkish plans at every
opportunity. Take Syria: Ankara is bitterly opposed to the Assad regime and supported not
only the initial anti-government protests but later also the rebel movements against Assad.
In contrast, the UAE was more sympathetic to the Assad regime and has allegedly funded the
Kurdish PKK — considered a terrorist organisation by Turkey, the US and the EU —in an
apparent effort to strengthen it against Turkey.

Along with offering words of support for the largely Kurdish YPG, the UAE also labelled the
Turkish 2019 offensive across the Syrian border (aimed at curtailing the activities of the
YPG) as “a threat to peace”, sparking another diplomatic war of words. Significantly, Turkey
sided with Qatar when its relations with Saudi Arabia and the UAE soured, sending relief
goods and stationing 5,000 Turkish troops in the beleaguered state.

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The latest theatre of this expanding conflict is Libya, where the UAE has opened its
considerable coffers in support of Khalifa Haftar, the heavily medalled general whose
Lebanese National Army’s months-long offensive on Tripoli recently ended in defeat despite
all-out support by the Gulf states, Egypt and France. According to a UN report, the UAE
conducted dozens of secret flights to Haftar-controlled airbases supplying him with cutting-
edge weapons. Here we see Turkey again on the opposite side, supporting the UN-recognised
Government of National Accord.

It’s not just about ‘flipping’ countries into your camp to act as ideological allies, because for
Turkey a friendly Libya offers further ingress into the Mediterranean. And if Turkey wants
something, you can bet the UAE will try to prevent it, and so in the latest tensions between
Turkey and Greece in the eastern Mediterranean we see the UAE predictably throwing its
full support to Greece, even sending four F-16s to Crete for joint training with the Greek
military. The stakes are high for Turkey here, as it drills for much-needed gas and energy
supplies but faces increasing opposition from European powers, notably France, aiming to
curtail its interests and expand their own, making them ready allies for the UAE. Turkey, on
the other hand, has fewer regional allies and will have to modulate its strategic policy very
carefully in the coming decade.

The writer is a journalist.

Twitter: @zarrarkhuhro

ARTICLE CONTINUES AFTER AD

Published in Dawn, September 14th, 2020

 TODAY'S PAPER | SEPTEMBER 14, 2020

Thoughts on SNC
Waqas Younas | 14 Sep 2020

The writer is an author and an entrepreneur.

THE debate on the Single National Curriculum (SNC) is ongoing. As a parent and a
product of our education system, I have some concerns and thoughts.

My first concern about the SNC is that some of our most qualified, knowledgeable, respected
and experienced academics were not part of the SNC development team. Some of these
academics have devoted all their lives towards better education. The SNC should have taken
advantage of the experience of people like Dr Anjum Altaf, Dr Pervez Hoodbhoy and Ms
Zubeida Mustafa.

And though I don’t doubt their intentions, some of those leading SNC efforts have not been in
academia for years, and this concerns me a great deal. We need, and this need has never
been greater, all possible experience and prudence to plan how to educate our children at
this point.

My second worry is that forming such a large group — the SNC team consists of 400 people
— was not the best way to come up with a good solution to such a complex problem.
According to studies by notable team effectiveness researcher Richard Hackman, the team
size should not exceed single digits. The necessary increase in communication in such a
large group undermines productivity.

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We need all possible experience to plan our

children’s education.

It also raises questions such as: how did such a large group work? How was the input from
all members taken? How did such a group deliberate that input? How were decisions made?
What, according to this group, are the failures of our education system? Where can I and
other people find such information?

My third concern is that the education debate thus far excludes any meaningful discussion
on how we should teach our children science and technology. In this era, when drones are
employed to deliver groceries, robots are developed to perform intricate surgeries, and
artificial intelligence (AI) is used to fight disease, how is the SNC going to prepare our
children?

With respect to AI, computer programming will play a central role. I do not think the SNC
has issued any guidelines about how best to teach our children how to programme. Even
many of our expensive private schools are clueless about how to introduce programming to
students, or which programming language should be taught first. Also, they are unsure how
children should be introduced to deeper programming concepts over time. The problem is
worse in public schools. When children in public schools are introduced to programming
books or tutorials in English, it confuses them. How the SNC will handle this remains to be
seen.

Further, given our ever-fragile economic situation, our educational system should not only
produce consumers of science and technology tools (eg drones, robots, and programming
languages) it should also create makers of them. Yes, the minimum our education system can
do for our children is to teach them to use technology tools well. But the best it can do for
our children is to teach them how to create these tools. That is where the fun and
opportunities for upward mobility lie. Without a great foundation in science, problem-
solving and communication skills, one cannot make complex technology tools. It is
important that this solid foundation is laid out in schools.

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How is the SNC going to ensure that this foundation is built? How is it going to ensure that
students do not cram, but develop the intuition behind concepts in science and technology?
To deliver this intuition, good teachers are needed. How is the SNC going to ensure good
teachers teach our children?

Moreover, designers of the curriculum consider it important to teach morals. I wonder why
they do not consider the way the ancients taught morals, using the works of Cicero, Seneca
and Aesop. Such works, if taught well, can influence children to remember the virtuous
lessons contained and live by them. Making such works accessible in Urdu would be a
notable contribution. It would be a demanding task indeed, but the SNC can address it.

SNC experts should also seek input from children, because should we not all lose sleep over
the fact that our children detest school? They mostly go to school not in a happy mood but in
a sad and sullen one. This should change. They deserve better. Sometimes children can offer
amazing insights. But for that, you have to ask them.
The SNC team could consult parents too. More than anyone, parents are the ones who want
to fix for their children all mistakes and faults that parents believe hindered their own lives.
By getting their input, the SNC could discover solutions, or at least enrich their
understanding of the problems.

ARTICLE CONTINUES AFTER AD

Lastly, the SNC team should aim to create a curriculum that fosters good knowledge. For it is
good knowledge that leads to good actions. And good societies come into being because of
good actions by the masses. It will be highly unjust if we fail posterity in their quest for good
knowledge.

The writer is an author and an entrepreneur.

www.wyounas.com

Twitter: @wyounas

Published in Dawn, September 14th, 2020

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