Chapter 5

POLITICAL PERFORMANCE OF
TELUGU DESAM PARTY AT STATE
AND NATIONAL LEVEL
 Since the inception of Andhra Pradesh the Congress party ruled the State
without any interruption. The other political parties which confronted with the
Congress party to assume power in the state failed to achieve their desired goals due to
disunity among them. At one stage it was believed by the Congress high command
that no one is able to shatter it fortress and as such it dictated terms on the politics of
the state. But their hopes were belied with the emergence of Telugu Desam Party on the
political scene of Andhra Pradesh. After the formation of the regional party in the State,
the elections to the State Legislative Assembly were held seven times till date. Out of
which Telugu Desam Party secured absolute majority in four Assembly elections and
formed the government. The present chapter discusses the political performance of
Telugu Desam Party and its role in state and national politics since its inception.

The Shattered Fortress Assembly Elections of January 1983

The time-tested fortress of Congress power in Andhra Pradesh was shattered in
1983. The process apparently began with Mrs. Gandhi's decision to change Chief
Ministers in Andhra Pradesh like in the game of musical chairs without following
democratic processes.
The State Assembly elections of January 1983 were truly an epic battle between
the Congress Party under the leadership of Smt. Indira Gandhi and Telugu Desam Party
under the stewardship of N.T.Rama Rao. Both of them are charismatic leaders on the
political scene at national and state level respectively The hero of 300 Telugu films,
NTR was at the peak of his career when, all of a sudden he launched the Telugu Desam
Party in March, 1982 and got success within nine months to bring back the glory of the
3,000-year old heritage of the Telugu people.1

NTR took to politics, and to put it in his own words, “to do something for the
people of Andhra Pradesh who admired him and made him rich and famous during his
35-year film career”.2 Whenever he went on tours during his nine-month campaign, he

drew unprecedented crowds and travelled over 35,000 kilometres and was seen and
heard by more than thirty million people. He highlighted the failures of the Congress
Government, its corruption and decay. The main reason why the Telugu Desam caught
public imagination is that it appealed to Telugu sentiments, which was reflected in its
Election Manifesto.
Unlike the Congress (I)'s campaign which depended solely on 'Prime Minister
Indira Gandhi's routine warning against regional parties, NTR made much headway

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focusing on pressing problems like corruption, miscarriage of justice, interference by
.self-seeking politicians in day-to-day administration, subsidy of rice supply, free mid­
day meals for poor school going children, security and property rights for women and a
thorough reform of the police set-up.
The majority of the Congress (I) candidates depended upon the Indira Gandhi’s
charisma. They did not, therefore, bother to visit their constituencies to sort out the
problems of the people as frequently as they were flying to Delhi for consultations with
the Party High Command. The frequent changes of Chief Ministers by Delhi and the
activities of dissidents in the Capital were some of the reasons which made the people
skeptical. Lack of internal democracy also played a major role in exposing the
Congress (I) party.

Efforts for Pre-poll Alliance

In 1983 elections NTR made several attempts to make pre-poll alliance with
non-congress (I) parties in the state. NTR started negotiations with left parties, for seat
adjustments. The left parties under estimated the strength of NTR. Hence, they
demanded 150 seats out of 294. But NTR argued that it is essential for TDP to get
majority of the seats in Assembly for proper implementation of its promises. NTR also
held negotiations with Janata Party and BJP on seat adjustments. But all his efforts to
bring unity among non-congress (I) parties failed, due to over confidence of these
parties. At last, TDP made an electoral alliance with Sanjay Vichar Munch of Maneka
Gandhi. The TDP contested in from 289 seats and left 5 seats for Sanjay Vichar
Munch.
Undoubtedly, there were landslide victories in the past but not on such a
massive scale. The Janata wave in North India in 1977 was nothing in comparison to
the NTR wave. The triumph of the Telugu Desam broke all previous records. Table 5.1
clearly depicts the party positions in 1983 elections.

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 Table 5.1
Positions in January 1983 elections in Andhra Pradesh
Seats Seats
S.No. Party Percentage
contested won
1 Congress (I) 294 60 33.8
2 TDP 289 202 46.30
3 Congress (J) 80 1 0.47
4 BJP 70 3 2.76
5 CPI 48 4 2.79
6 Janata 42 1 0.84
7 Lok Dal 30 0 0.92
8 C.P.I. [M] 28 5 2.01
9 Congress (S) 11 0 0.21
10 Sanjay Vichar Morcha 5 4 2.81
11 MIM 22 5 2.09
12. Others 823 9 5.00
Total 1742 294 100.00
Source: Sadhana Sharma, State Politics in India, 1992.

The table 5.1 reveals that the congress (I) Party contested all 294 seats and
secured only 60 seats. The newly emerged Telugu Desam Party contested 289 seats and
won in 202 seats. The Communist Party of India (Marxist) and MIM contested in 28
seats and 22 seats and emerged victorious in 5 seats each. The CPI and BJP contested
in 48 and 70 seats and bagged 4 and 3 seats respectively. The Congress (J) and Janata
Party bagged one seat each. The tally of Lok Dal and Congress (s) is nil. The TDP
Sanjay Vichar Macha bagged 4 seats by securing 2.81 votes. The Telugu Desam Party
has given preference and allotted seats for educationally qualified persons unlike the
Congress Party. The educational qualifications of TDP MLAs are given in the Table
5.2.

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 Table 5.2
Educational Qualifications of TDP MLAs
S.No. Educational Qualifications No. of TDP MLAs Percentage
1 Graduates 125 61.88
2 Post-Graduates 28 13.86
3 Medical Graduates 20 9.90
4 Engineers 8 3.96
5 Others 21 10.40
Total 202 100.00
Source: I.Venkata Rao, “Oke Okkadu”, (Telugu version), 2000, p.272.

An analysis of the table 5.2 reveals that Telugu Desam legislators consisted of
125 graduates, 28 post-graduates, and several professionals like doctors, lawyers and
engineers. To be precise there were 20 medical graduates, and 8 engineers.
The 15-member Council of Ministers includes seven law graduates and five
other graduates. Five of the Ministers had been former Samiti presidents, one was a
community leader, .and one was a Municipality chairman. Only four members in NTR's
Ministry, including the Chief Minister, had no background in political activity.
Soon after taking reign of Government NTR's immediate problem emanated
from the task of fulfilling many of his populist financial commitments. A particularly
thorny problem was to implement the mid-day meal scheme for the State's 6,20,000
school children. The scheme had originally been mooted by Rama Rao, but former
Congress (I) Chief Minister Venkatram also supported it in a bid to pre-empt the
Telugu Desam. This imposed a serious drain on the State exchequer, which was already
burdened with a deficit which reached Rs.100 crores at the end of the financial year, a
Moreover, NTR went ahead with implementing his pre-poll promise of limiting the
subsidised price of rice to Rs.2 a kilo for certain sections of the people, the cost of
which was Rs.105 crores annually.
The film star-tumed-politician's amazing victory over a charismatic leader like
Mrs. Gandhi has no precedent in world history. The defeat of Congress (I) in the state
was a great shock to the then Prime Minister and her son, Rajiv Gandhi, because they
took the election in the state a Congress bastion since' Independence-as a matter of
personal prestige and undertook a relentless campaign by Air Force aircraft, helicopters

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and by road. The ramifications of Indira’s Party defeat at the hands of a film star
virtually unknown outside his state was certainly a shattering blow to her.

The First Political Crisis in TDP

When N.T.Rama Rao became the tenth Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh on 9-
1-1983, the general public expected that he will provide the State with a stable and
clean administration that is ever responsive to the welfare of the people.
But within a month the new Chief Minister lost the good will of the vocal
section of the people when he reduced the retirement age of the government employees
from 58 to 55 years. He further irritated the bureaucracy by indiscriminately
suspending some senior I.A.S. officers on charges of corruption. He created a new
position called 'Dharma Maha Matra' to go into the charges of corruption against
government employees. The raids conducted by the 'Dharma Maha Matra' on the
residences of the senior officials created a mood of sullenness in the secretariat and
hampered the smooth functioning of the government.
The members of the legislature belonging to the Telugu Desam Party were also
not happy with the attitude of the Chief Minister since they were treated as school
children. It was reported that at the second 'Mahanadu' of the Telugu Desam Party held
at Visakhapatnam in May 1984, Rama Rao openly castigated the MLAs of his party
saying that they are prepared to eat grass, meaning thereby that they were prone to
corruption. Naturally these remarks irked MLAs who were already chaffing at the
'dictatorial behaviour' of the sons-in-laws D.Venkateswara Rao and Chandra Babu
Naidu of the Chief Minister. Here, it may be stated that the main complaint against the
Chief Minister was that he allowed his sons-in-laws especially the latter who was a
minister in Congress (I) Cabinet of T.Anjaiah and had fought and lost against Telugu
Desam Party in the elections of January 1983 to take major policy decisions of the
government.4

The Chief Minister has alienated another important section of the public namely
village officers like 'Karanam and 'Munisiff by abolishing their hereditary positions.
Thus, within fifteen months of his rule, Rama Rao lost the sympathy and support of the
urban elite and the rural functionaries. However, he was able to keep in tact the solid
support of the poorer sections of the society by supplying them rice at rupees two a
kilogram.

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 Rama Rao's style of functioning was resented by some of his cabinet colleagues.
The Chief Minister suspected that one of his ministers, M.Ramachandra Rao, was
corrupt. So, he sent a police official to the residence of the minister to pose as an
industrialist and offer bribe of Rs. 10,000 to the minister. The conversation between the
minister and the police official was tape recorded. The minister was immediately
sacked on charges of corruption. This episode no doubt for a time halted the downward
popularity curve of the Chief Minister, but its political consequences was disastrous.
Ministers hesitated to function freely and take quick administrative decisions lest they
may be dubbed as corrupt. As a result the administration became sluggish.

Differences with Nadendla Bhaskara Rao

The Chief Minister failed to maintain rapport with Nadendla Bhaskara Rao, his
colleague in the cabinet. Bhaskara Rao who was a lawyer by profession hailed from
Guntur district of the Coastal region. He was a member of the Congress (I) Party and
had very close links with Sanjay Gandhi. He served as a minister in the Cabinets of
Chenna Reddy and Anjaiah. He nurtured an ambition to become the Chief Minister of
Andhra Pradesh, but could not reach the top. Therefore, he left the Congress (I) party
and succeeded in making Rama Rao to leave the film world and take a plunge into
politics. He regarded himself as the co-founder of the Telugu Desam Party and used to
refer himself as the co-pilot of the Telugu Desam Party, the pilot being Rama Rao.
When Rama Rao formed the government in January' 1983 after his great
electoral victory, Bhaskara Rao was made a minister but not designated as Number
Two in the Cabinet. This naturally irked Bhaskara Rao but he could do nothing. He
bidded his time.
Rama Rao left for U.S.A in June 1984 for a surgical treatment of his heart
ailment. Even though he had to be away from the country for nearly two months, Rama
Rao did not designate any minister of his cabinet as number two to preside over the
meetings of the Cabinet in case of emergency.5

Communal Riots in Hyderabad City

The riots between the Hindus and Muslims of Hyderabad old city became
endemic since 1978. During July 1984, once again the old city of Hyderabad was
rocked by communal riots. Unlike the previous occasions when the riots subsided
within few days of their occurrence, the riots of July 1984 continued for weeks

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together. The government could not bring the riots under control and strangely enough
N. Bhaskara Rao who was the Home Minister was divested of law and order. Under
these circumstances he could do nothing.
Bhaskara Rao wanted to capitalize on the prevailing situation in Hyderabad old
city to achieve his long cherished ambition of becoming the Chief Minister of the State
and this became so evident to Rama Rao that he cut short his stay in the U.S.A. and
returned to Hyderabad on 14 August 1984.

Resignation of Bhaskara Rao

Soon after reaching Hyderabad, Rama Rao informed the Governor Ram Lai of
his intention to dismiss Bhaskara Rao from his Cabinet. Meanwhile Bhaskara Rao
resigned from the Cabinet. Three other ministers namely Jeevan Reddy, Ramamuni
Reddy and Satyanarayana also resigned in support of Bhaskara Rao. A number of
MLAs belonging to the Telugu Desam Party hailed the action of Bhaskara Rao. Thus
there was a vertical split in the Telugu Desam Party. Bhaskara Rao claimed that 90
MLA’s of the Telugu Desam Party and 15 other MLA’s supported him. The Congress
(I) which had 59 MLA’s in the house of 294, decided to extend its support to Bhaskara
Rao. Only 38 MLA’s were with N.T.Rama Rao then.

The Dismissal of Rama Rao

On the Independence Day, i.e. 15 August 1984, the Governor of Andhra
Pradesh Ram Lai satisfied himself that Bhaskara Rao has the support of the majority of
legislators and asked Rama Rao to resign. The Chief Minister refused to oblige the
Governor as he felt that he still enjoyed the support of the majority of the legislators
and was prepared to prove it on the floor of the Assembly within 48 hours. The
Governor, however, dismissed Rama Rao and Bhaskara Rao was sworn in as the Chief
Minister on 16 August, 1984.

Public Reaction
The engineered dismissal of Rama Rao and the patently partisan action of the
Governor, Ram Lai, created volatile situation in Andhra Pradesh. The people felt that
Rama Rao was betrayed by Bhaskara Rao and rallied round him in his "fight to the
finish". In fact the dismissal came to Rama Rao as heaven sent opportunity to renovate
his tarnished image in the state.

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 For the national opposition parties also, the dismissal of Rama Rao came very
handy at a very crucial time. The opposition Parties which were shuddering to confront
the ruling Congress (I) Party at the coming general elections of December 1984 tried to
capitalize on the political situation in Andhra Pradesh. At last, they got an opportunity
to make Prime Minister Indira Gandhi the focal point of an ugly controversy at a time
when her prestige and popularity among the people reached the zenith following the
Blue Star’ operation in Amrithsar.6

Struggle for Restoration

The spontaneous support of the people of Andhra Pradesh and national
opposition parties emboldened Rama Rao to launch a campaign to reverse the
Constitution coup carried out by Ram Lai and stage a come back as the Chief Minister.
Rama Rao proceeded to New Delhi along with 161 MLAs who supported him
and met President Giani Zail Singh on 21 August, 1984. Rama Rao and the opposition
parties submitted a memorandum to the President demanding the "recall of Governor
Ram Lai, dismissal of Nadendla Bhaskara Rao and the re-installation of NTR as the
Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh."7 The President answered Rama Rao that he "shall
abide by the Constitution and uphold democracy."8

After parading the legislators supporting him at New Delhi, Rama Rao took
them to Bangalore and not Hyderabad lest some of his followers defect to Bhaskara
Rao's group.

Resignation of Ram Lai

On 24 August 1984, the three days after Rama Rao met President Zail Singh at
New Delhi, Ram Lai resigned his position as the Governor of Andhra Pradesh. He had
no option but to resign especially when the President was reported to have reprimanded
him for his ‘carelessness’.
The resignation of Ram Lai came as a shot in the arm of Rama Rao's supporters
who were sulking at their enforced stay in Bangalore. They felt that their Delhi trip has
not gone waste and one of their demands was met.
But Bhaskara Rao, the new Chief Minister, won a phyrric victory when the
Speaker of the Assembly. T.Satyanarayana and the Deputy Speaker Bhim Reddy who
were in the vanguard of the much publicised parade of the MLAs before the President
at New Delhi defected to his side. The defection of the Speaker was a psychological

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blow to the much harassed Rama Rao. It was feared that some of the MLAs supporting
Rama Rao and camping at Bangalore and Mysore may switch over their allegiance to
Bhaskara Rao once they reach Hyderabad.

Rama Rao's Tour of Andhra

While the MLAs supporting him stayed at Bangalore and Mysore, Rama Rao
undertook a whirlwind tour of Andhra Pradesh from 26 August to 3 September 1984.
The tour was a grand success.

The Come Back of NTR

After the resignation of Ram Lai, Shankar Dayal Sharma was appointed as the
Governor. The new Governor summoned the Legislative Assembly to meet on 11
September at Hyderabad to test the claims of Bhaskara Rao.
The supporting MLA’s of Rama Rao reached Hyderabad on 10 September
when the city was under curfew following the violent communal riots. The Assembly
met on 11 September at 10.30 A.M. with M. Baga Reddi as the pro-tem Speaker. The
session was adjourned to next day following pandemonium in the House. During the
next two days also the Assembly was adjourned since it became impossible to transact
any business in the House. On 13 September Baga Reddi resigned his position as pro-
tem Speaker out of'revulsion' at the unruly behaviour of the members.9

The resignation of Baga Reddi caused much consternation in the camp of Rama
Rao's supporters as the one month time given by Ram Lai to Bhaskara Rao to prove his
majority in the Assembly expires on 14 September. Some observed that since the
Assembly has met for three days, the Governor has the power to prorogue the house for
six months. It meant that Bhaskara Rao could continue for six more months without
proving his majority if the Governor prorogued the Assembly.
After the resignation of Baga Reddi, Sultan Salauddin Owaisi, leader of the
Majlees Itahad Musalmeen (MIM) group in the Assembly, who does not speak Telugu
or English, was appointed as the new pro-tem Speaker. Owaisi set 20 September as the
date for the next sitting of the Assembly.

Rama Rao Re-instated

After the appointment of Owaisi as the pro-tem Speaker, the supporters of
Rama Rao felt that they had to gear themselves up for a long struggle. But to their
pleasant surprise events took a rapid and happy turn. The new Governor, Sankar Dayal
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Sharma, who was upset at the delaying tactics of Bhaskara Rao told him that as the one
month period given to him by Ram Lai to prove his majority in the legislature has
expired on 14 September, he should either resign or face dismissal, Bhaskara Rao
thereupon resigned.
On 16 September the Governor invited Rama Rao to assume office as the Chief
Minister once again and prove his majority in the Legislative Assembly within one
month.
It is presumed that the Governor’s decision to recall Rama Rao was prompted
by the decision of the All Party Action Committee to organize Bharat Bandh on 20
September. Further, Rama Rao supporters gave an ultimatum to the Governor that they
will take the issue to the people. The Governor, perhaps, thought these developments
would cause an upsurge of Telugu emotion and plunge the state into chaos. Rama Ro
proved his majority on the floor of the Assembly on 21 September.

Mid-Term Assembly Elections, 1985

Realizing the Telugu Desam popularity in 1984 Lok Sabha elections, the State
Cabinet in Andhra Pradesh at an emergency meeting, resolved in favour of mid-term
polls for the Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly. The then Governor, Dr. Shankar
Dayal Sharma accepted the resolution of the State Cabinet. The twenty three month old
State Legislative Assembly was then dissolved on November 22, 1984. The mid-term
Assembly elections were scheduled for March 5, 1985.
NTR continued his strategy of continuing seat adjustment with the non-
Congress (I) opposition parties such as Communist Party of India, CPI (M), Janata, BJP
in Andhra Pradesh, who stood by him during the time when he was out of power in
1984. NTR launched his election campaign with a scathing attack on the Congress (I)
and its policies. The Telugu Desam Party leader NTR said that Congress (I) had
deteriorated over the years and it was high time that the discredited party was to be
defeated in all most all the constituencies of the State. In its election campaign it
charged that the Congress and its leaders polluted the political atmosphere by resorting
to corruption for their selfish ends. The party also felt that when the State Government
launched several welfare measures to improve the lot of the poorer sections in the State,
the Centre tried to create hurdles, when the Centre got the money from the State and it
was the duty to provide aid for the welfare of the state.

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 Telugu Desam party utilized the Assembly elections in the State as a
referendum on the performance of the two-year old NTR's government. It opined that
the main issue before the electorate was whether or not they wanted to retain the TDP
in power and Rama Rao as Chief Minister. Another issue before the electorate was the
August 1984 episode in the State when the majority government of NTR was toppled.
The TDP felt that the Prime Minister had insulted the people's sense of judgment in the
Lok Sabha elections when they interpreted the Telugu Desam Party's victory as the
State going out of national mainstream.10

Congress (l)'s main criticism was on the deteriorating financial position of the
State. The then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in his election campaign in Andhra
Pradesh said that Andhra Pradesh which was a model State before 1980s was now in
financial doldrums though the Central assistance being given to it was the higher. Rajiv
Gandhi claimed that the Centre had given 10 lakh tones of rice for Rs.2 per kilogram
while the Government distributed it for Rs.2 per kg. He also sought to drive the point
home that regional parties and coalition governments could not give strong and stable
governments and asked the people not to be misled by false propaganda of the State
Government. With this campaign the two parties (Congress (I) and TDP) as main rivals
contested in 1985 elections. In this election TDP made a pre-poll alliance with Left
parties, Janata Party and BJP. The performance of various political parties in 1985
Assembly elections is given in the table 5.3.
Table 5.3
Performance of Political Parties in Mid-Term Andhra Pradesh Assembly
Elections of 1985

Seats % of votes
S.No. Party Seats won
contested secured
1 Telugu Desam 250 202 46.21
2 Congress(l) 290 50 37.25
3 CPI 15 11 2.69
4 CPI (M) 12 11 2.31
5 BJP 10 8 1.62
6 Janata Party 5 3 0.76
7 Lok Dal 15 0 0.07
8 Democratic Telugu Desam Party 222 0 0.16
9 Independents and others 1,375 9 8.93
(including MIM)
Total 2176 294 100.00
Source: V.B. Singh and Sankar Bose, "State Elections in India', : 4and Book on
Vidhan Sabha Elections. 1952-85 (Sage Publications, New Delhi, 1988).

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 As per the table 5.3, the mid-term elections of 1985 gave a clear mandate to
NTR and his party, which on its own contested 250 seats and rode back to power by
winning 202 seats. It was more than two-thirds of all the seats in the state Assembly.
Of the 42 seats contested by its allies they won 34. The Communist Party of
India (CPI) improved its position from 4 to 11, the Communist Party of India (M) from
5 to 11, the Bharatiya Janata Party from 3 to 8 and the Janata Party from 1 to 3. Two
independents supported by the Telugu Desam also won the elections. It is worth noting
that N. Bhaskara Rao, who had enjoyed the position of the Chief Ministership in the
State for a month during August and September 1984, and established the Democratic
Telugu Desam Party contested 222 seats out of 294 seats in Assembly Elections. His
humiliation at the hustings was complete, with himself unable to retain his Assembly
seat. All the candidates’ set-up by him lost their security deposits, and he himself was
defeated by Indrasena Reddy of BJP, an electoral ally of Telugu Desam by well over a
margin of 17,000 votes, in Malakpet Constituency, which had a predominant
population of Government employees and Muslims.
The Congress (I) could manage to get only 50 seats against 60 in the previous
Assembly Elections. The most crushing defeat for Congress (I) was in Telangana area
where it secured only 34 per cent of the votes and got 14 seats. In 1983 elections, it
secured 50 per cent of the votes and bagged 43 seats. In fact Ramayampet and
Sattupalli, the home constituencies of former Chief Ministers, T. Anjaiah and J. Vengal
Rao, respectively, fell to Telugu Desam and its allies. In Coastal Andhra, the Congress
(I) contested for 135 seats and secured 20 by securing 39 per cent of the votes
compared to its performance in Telangana, its position comparatively showing Coastal
Andhra was better than Telangana regions in Andhra Pradesh.
In spite of the tragic assassination of Mrs. Gandhi in October 1984 and the
sympathy it evoked in the minds of the electorate, the people of Andhra Pradesh
preferred the TDP to Congress (I). If the sympathy wave that followed Mrs. Indira
Gandhi's assassination did not reach Andhra Pradesh in 1984 elections, it was largely
because of the Bhaskara Rao’s factor, which also played, a significant role in 1985
Assembly elections held soon after the Lok Sabha polls.
Since the Assembly elections were held immediately after the Lok Sabha poll
the Congress (I) did not find time to rejuvenate itself and it accepted the impending
defeat in the elections much before the polls while the Telugu Desam Party faced the
elections more confidently.
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 It is believed that the implementation of the subsidized rice scheme and the
abolition of the age-old village officers system have attracted many voters towards the
Telugu Desam Party in Telangana region. Above all, as in the Lok Sabha elections,
NTR powerfully championed the regional cause even if was only rhetoric. In his
campaign NTR repeatedly stressed the lack of resources for the State Governments and
their dependence on the Centre for the implementation of welfare programmes. In the
politically more articulate Coastal Andhra, the voters saw in Telugu Desam Party a
champion of regional development and an advocate of more powers to the State. In
Rayalaseema, though the issue of the under-development of the region for several years
was evident the promise of NTR in the election campaign that he would improve the
people of the area within the framework of an integrated State appeared to have
worked.11

State Assembly Elections, 1989

During the period of 1985-89, the Congress regained its lost ground by
attacking the functioning of N.T.Rama Rao and his party. The encouragement given by
the Central leadership, the patronage available for it to bestow upon the State leaders of
Congress party and the opportunity to use the institution of Governor in creating
embarrassing situations to the ruling party helped the State Congress (I) to regain its
strength in the state.
In 1989, elections to the Lok Sabha and State Assembly were held
simultaneously. Actually, the term of State Legislative Assembly ends in March, 1990.
But NTR took a hasty decision to go for early polls to State Legislative Assembly,
along with Lok Sabha. TDP leaders thought that the weak position of Rajiv Gandhi
due to ‘Bofors’ scandal, internal bickerings in State Congress (I) party and Charisma of
NTR will lead the party to victory. But the results proved that their estimations were
wrong. The Congress party succeeded with thumping majority with 182 seats out of
287. The performance of various political parties in 1989 elections is presented in the
table 5.4.

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 Table 5.4
Party Positions in Assembly Elections of Andhra Pradesh, 1989
Seats Seats % of votes
S.No. Party
contested won polled
1 Congress (I) 287 182 47.22
2 TDP 243 74 37.10
3 CPI 19 8 2.78
4 CPI (M) 15 6 2.08
5 Janata Dal 4 1 1.37
6 BJP 12 5 1.78
7 MCPI 1 1 0.36
8 M1M 36 4 1.99
9 Independents and others 904 13 5.32
Total 1521 294 100.00

Source: V.B. Singh and Sankar Bose, "State Elections in India', Hand Book on Vidhan
Sabha Elections. 1952-85 (Sage Publications, New Delhi, 1988).

A close analysis of the table 5.4 makes it clear that the Congress (I) Party
contested 287 seats and by securing 47.22 per cent popular vote won in 182 seats after
7 years of sitting in opposition. The then ruling Telugu Desam Party with 37.10 per
cent votes, was able to get only 74 seats, out of 243 seats contested by it. The both
Communist Parties by securing 4.86 per cent of votes bagged 14 seats out of 34 seats
contested by them. The Bharatiya Janata Party and Majlis Party secured 5 and 4 seats
respectively, out of 48 seats contested. The Janata Dal and MCPI parties won 1 seat
each and they contested for 5 seats. Where as Independents and others got 13 seats. In
this election NTR contested from Kalvakurty and Hindupur constituencies. But he
faced defeat from Kalvakurthy through he could win from Hindupur in Anantapur
District of Rayalaseema Region in AP.

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Causes for the decline of TDP in 1989 elections
The following were some of the major causes for the defeat of the TDP in
Andhra Pradesh.
They are
1. Within one month after assuming office, NTR gave a rude shock to government
employees by reducing the age of retirement from 58 to 55. About 20,000 were
asked to retire without any advance notice. A long and protracted legal battle in
the Supreme Court and the strike by government employees including Gazetted
Officers, teachers and other sections of employees and non payment of salary for
strike period, transfer policy of the government, Anti-corruption Bureau raids on
the corrupt employees and alleged harassment of the top-civil servants led to a
strained relations between NTR and the employees. NTR called the government
employees as bandicoots eating public revenue. He dismissed four prominent
leaders of NGO's Associations. Thus, he antagonised the government employees
who had to carry out his policies and programmes.
2. NTR's inherent authoritarianism, over centralised administration,
autonomy given to the police leading to 'police excesses', 'lock-up deaths',
"encounters' with Naxalites, attacks on Civil Liberties groups.
3. NTR has been authoritarian towards party cadre, MLAs and ministers. He
dismissed in a dramatic way the entire ministry of 33 in December 1988 and
inducted 21 new ministers without any experience of any sort in administration.
This step was evidently arbitrary, undemocratic and indeed became the cause of
resentment against the leader.
4. The class of brokers, and middlemen which become prominent group in Indian
politics was not treated properly and its dissatisfaction played its own role.
5. NTR alienated himself from every organised section of the
society, like the NGO's, the teachers, the village officers, the priests,
businessmen, theatre owners, cine producers, students, Naxalites, civil liberty
groups, unemployed, youth educational institutions and co-operative housing
societies. Almost every above organised section which used to get benefits under
the Congress rule and opposed NTR in various ways. They agitated, protested,
resorted to series of legal battles, indulged in sabotage, strike, violence etc.
6. The ruling groups particularly Brahmins and Reddys were dissatisfied with the
treatment meted out by the government. Particularly, the latter group which had
 lost power for the first time after many years was restless. NTR and his caste
group also antagonised the Kapus, an organised farming community and SC’s.
The cold-blooded murder of Vangaveeti Mohan Ranga Rao, MLA in Vijayawada
and rape, arson and murder of SC’s in Padirikuppam, Chirala, Neerukonda and
other places forced the communities to organise and display their strengths.
7. Almost all the important decisions of the government were challenged in the High
Court and Supreme Court, by Congress, the employees, the civil liberties groups
and private individuals. While much of the energy of the government was
diverted to defend its decisions, the opposition could harass the government and
weaken its position in the public image.
8. Many of the decisions of the government were either declared null and void by
the judiciary or recommended amendments and some were stayed for a long time.
9. Given strained relations with the Centre the State could not get cleared a number
of industries/projects and get adequate financial assistance. NTR was the first
Chief Minister in India who walked out of National Development Council against
the dominant role of the Centre in Indian planning. But the state lost much of the
Central cooperation and assistance. Above all the factors worked against for the
success of Telugu Desam Party in 1989 Assembly Elections in Andhra Pradesh.12

1994 Assembly Elections

After his defeat in 1989 Assembly elections, NTR coordinated the formation of
National Front Government at Centre. But leaders of national parties did not give due
recognition to NTR, as his party gained only two seats 1989 Lok Sabha elections. As
such he came back to Hyderabad within one day. Mean time, in the state Dr. M.Cherma
Reddy was sworn in as Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh on December 3, 1989. The
new Chief Minister abolished all the policies introduced by his immediate predecessor,
NTR. The dissident leaders within Congress (I) party in the state reported to their high
command about misrule of Chenna Reddy. So, he was replaced by N.Janardhan Reddy
on 17th December 1990. NJanardhan Reddy, a new Chief Minister took certain
unpopular decisions like, enhancing the subsidy rice rate from Rs.2 to Rs.3.50,
enhancement of electricity charges of farmers from Rs.50 to Rs.150 etc. Besides he
also made futile attempts to destabilize TDP legislature party. The leasing of
Cheemakurthy granites lease to his kith and kin led to severe criticisms. It gave an
opportunity to the opposition party leader, namely NTR and he started his campaign

144
against misrule of Congress Chief Minister. Mean time mid-term elections to Lok
Sabha were held in May 1991. During this elections campaign, Rajiv Gandhi was
assassinated at Perumbur in Tamil Nadu. The assassination evoked strong protest all
over India. In Andhra Pradesh the Congress (I) activists attacked the properties of NTR
in Hyderabad. In this Lok Sabha elections, TDP bagged 13 seats, in spite of sympathy
waves in favour on Congress Party. After completion of these elections NTR started
silent hunger strike at Tank Bund in Hyderabad, to pressurise his demand of judicial
enquiry against the damage of his properties in Hyderabad. But the government turned
deaf ear to his demands. During NTR’s opposition tenure the murder of TDP legislator
in Hyderabad on August 7,1993 jolted the position of Congress in the state.13

Meantime, interesting developments took place in the personal life of NTR. The
biographer of NTR, Smt. Lakshmi Parvathi came closer to NTR. The free interactions
between them led to their marriage. NTR married Lakshmi Parvathi on September 11,
1993. The marriage became the fundamental cause for the split in TDP in 1995. Soon
after her marriage, Lakshmi Parvathi entered into politics, to help her better half. In
1994 election, she played crucial role in selection of candidates to Assembly. She also
actively participated in several party meetings. On the other hand N.Janardhan Reddy
the Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, due to dissident politics within the party, failed
to provide clean administration to the people and similarly Kotla Vijay Bhaskar Reddy
who succeeded N.Janardhan Reddy could not provide an administration which was
appreciated by the people. Under these circumstances elections to the State Legislative
Assembly were held in 1994.
The 1994 Assembly elections restored the Telugu Desam Party to power once
again. Out of the total of 294 seats in A.P, Assembly elections were held for 292 seats
in two phases on December 1 and December 5, 1994 and elections for two seats were
countermanded due to the death of contesting candidates. The table 5.5 gives a clear
view of party positions in 1994 Assembly elections.

145
 Table 5.5
Details of Party Positions in General Assembly Elections of Andhra Pradesh, 1994
Seats Seats % of votes
S.No. Name of the Party
contested won polled
1 Congress (I) 292 26 33.56
2 TDP 251 219 42.09
3 CPI 21 19 3.45
4 CPI (M) 16 15 3.07
5 BJP 285 3 3.89
6 BSP 274 0 1.42
7 Independents and others 184 10 12.52
(including MIM)
Total 1323 292 100.00
Source: V.B. Singh and Sankar Bose, "State Elections in India', Hand Book on
Vidhan Sabha Elections. 1952-85 (Sage Publications, New Delhi, 1988).

The table 5.5 explains the contested party positions in 1994 Assembly Elections
in Andhra Pradesh. The Congress (I), contested to all the 292 constituencies, and
secured only 26 seats by getting 33.56 per cent of votes. It is important to note that
there was a difference of 9.43 per cent popular vote between TDP and the Congress (I)
and as a result TDP secured three-fourth majority and the Congress (I) was forced to be
content with less than one-tenth of the seats. In a way the 1994 elections signified a
repeat performance of TDP in 1983 andl985 elections.14

There were many reasons for the debacle of Congress (I) and the success of the
TDP in 1994 Assembly elections. Though the Congress party came back to power in
1989 it did not seem to have leamt any lessons from its past mistakes. It continued with
the old culture of internal bickering and factional conflicts resulting in frequent change
of Chief Ministers. These factors in a significant sense contributed to the TDP's
comeback to power in the 1994 elections.
TDP's overwhelming victory in the 1994 Assembly elections could be attributed
to the promises like prohibition of sale of liquor, subsidized rice, allotment of house
sites and the supply of subsidized Janata cloth. These promises could capture the
imagination of the weaker sections, especially the SCs and BC's. Factors such as State
wide women's movements against arrack and the dilution of the subsidized rice scheme
by Congress (1) Government, budgetary cuts to welfare and developmental schemes
resulted in heavy loss to Congress (I) Party.
146
 The schemes of Telugu Desam Party appealed to the electorate, especially the
women voters in rural areas, most of women voted for the TDP. In the 1994 elections,
there was also a clear shift of Muslim votes from the Congress to the TDP. It could be
because the Muslims in the State held the Congress (I) and the BJP equally responsible
for the demolition of the Babri Masjid at Ayodhya. Added to this, NTR's earlier tenure
as Chief Minister (1983-89) was remarkable for its maintenance of communal
harmony.15 But the internal bickering within the party led to the second major split in

the Telugu Desam Party later..

Second Major Split in Telugu Desam Party
NTR was able to successfully overcome his first political crisis, by mobilising
public opinion in his favour and having the support of national leaders of Opposition
Parties, because it was a political coup staged with Congress (I) support. However, he
became a victim of the second political crisis, in which the people had no role to play.
NTR was embroiled in a struggle for power between Nara Chandrababu Naidu, his
second son-in-law, and Lakshmi Parvathi, whom he married in his 70th year. NTR was

defeated by his own family, consisting of his seven sons, four daughters, and two sons-
in-law, who were able to mobilise Telugu Desam MLAs on the slogan of helping NTR
distance himself from Lakshmi Parvathi. NTR stood alone, isolated in his house, misled
by senior officials whom he trusted, that the revolt was only against Lakshmi Parvathi
and not against himself.
NTR saw the crisis coming, but he was blinded by his own soft comer for his
sons and daughters who, he thought, would never stab him in the back. If only he stood
firm, the MLA’s would fall in line, he thought. He had no contingency plans in case the
MLA’s rose in revolt against his leadership, and when the actual revolt materialized,
NTR was caught off guard and he made clumsy attempts to retain his power. He was
easily outmaneuvered by Chandrababu Naidu, with the support of all the Opposition
parties in the State.
Party leaders routinely met Lakshmi Parvathi before meeting NTR, and
Chandrababu Naidu’s influence in the Party and Government started to diminish. At a
function to honour Lakshmi Parvathi, organised by a womens organization. NTR said,
in the presence of Jayalalitha, who came as Chief Guest that he wished to see Lakshmi
Parvathi as a people's representative. NTR won from two constituencies, Hindupur and
Tekkali, and NTR resigned from Tekkali, and so a by-election was due there on May
27. Lakshmi Parvathi was keen to contest.
14/
 NTR's family sensed danger in Lakshmi Parvathi becoming an MLA, because
she would then want to become a Minister, and ultimately usurp NTR's legacy. So,
NTR's son, Harikrishna, who drove NTR's Chaitanya Ratham in all campaigns from
1982 onwards, demanded that he should be considered for the Tekkali seat. NTR did
not anticipate such a demand from Harikrishna, but he understood the implication, and
deferred the idea of making Lakshmi Parvathi an MLA. But the growing influence of
Lakshmi Parvathi in the Government, and her daily visits to the Secretariat with a lunch
basket for NTR, made NTR's family become more and more suspicious. They always
considered her an usurper but did not understand what made NTR fawn on her.16

Chandrababu Naidu started to sound each MLA whom he trusted about

Lakshmi Parvathi's role. This was the beginning of the crisis. NTR warned two
Ministers, Kadiam Srihari and G.Nagesh, and suspended 8 MLAs for defying the party
whip. These MLAs were close to Chandrababu Naidu, and had acted under
Chandrababu's instructions.
Chandrababu displayed an open defiance of the leader, when he put up a show
of strength while he travelled in a convoy of about 40 cars in Visakhapatnam with big
fanfare, quite unusual for a Minister, while NTR was in town. At Visakhapatnam,
Chandrababu wanted to confront NTR along with a number of Ministers and MLAs,
and complain against Lakshmi Parvathi.
The theme on which MLAs rallied behind Chandrababu was that Lakshmi
Parvathi had created a situation in which NTR was no longer able to act according to
his judgment, that she was an ambitious woman who wanted to be declared as NTR's
political heir and she was keeping away from him all those who worked closely with
him since 1983. The MLAs saw that all the sons, sons-in-law and daughters supported
Chandrababu's coup, and they thought this was in the best interest of the Party.
On August 23rd, 1995, a majority of MLAs were with NTR, and NTR had the

opportunity to consolidate his hold on the Party and could have diffused the crisis by
taking preemptive action. But NTR was Chief Minister, and depended too heavily on
official intelligence and lacked political advisors who could have devised methods of
keeping the MLAs intact. Further, Lakshmi Parvathi was no match to Chandrababu in
political maneuver.17 On August 24th; a virtual exodus took place to Chandrababu

because of a wrong, step taken by NTR.

Events moved fast on August 24th, 1995, at NTR’s house and Viceroy Hotel.

NTR tried to reach out to his son, Harikrishna, offering him the post of General
148
Secretary of TDP but the latter rejected it. NTR's hopes rested on having the Governor
dissolve the Assembly. On August 28th, S.Ramaehandra Rao an Advocate General

under N.T.Rama Rao as Chief Minister, argued before a division bench of the Andhra
Pradesh High Court that NTR had no legitimacy or Constitutional authority to continue
as Chief Minister after the Speaker upheld Chandrababu's claim.
At 7 am on August 25, NTR presided over his truncated Cabinet meeting with
21 Ministers, which adopted a resolution, seeking dissolution of the Assembly, and
NTR went to Raj Bhavan to hand over the letter to the Governor, Krishna Kant. The
Governor advised him to take a vote of confidence in the Assembly on August 31, but
NTR asked for time till September 15 for the confidence vote, citing the instance of
Governor Ram Lai giving one month to Nadendla Bhaskara Rao during a similar crisis
in August 1984. But Krishna Kant rejected the demand. Later that day, the TDP MLAs
supporting Chandrababu came in three buses to Raj Bhavan for a parade, but the
Governor directed the Speaker of the Assembly to verify their claim that 144 MLAs
were supporting Chandrababu Naidu.
Then on August 31, the date set by the Governor Krishna Kant for NTR to
prove his majority in the Assembly, NTR had a pain in his chest, and was admitted in
the Medicity Hospital. Hundreds of people gathered outside the Hospital when they
came to know of his illness, but there were no major incidents in the towns of Andhra
Pradesh. At about 10 am that day, the Governor visited NTR in the Hospital - and took
the letter of resignation from him.
On September 1, 1995, Chandrababu Naidu was sworn in as the new Chief
Minister at a lack lustre function because it was held under NTR's huge shadow. He
took NTR's son Harikrishna into his Cabinet but left Dr D.Venkateswara Rao, his co­
son-in-law and MP, out.
Chandrababu won his vote of confidence in the Assembly on September 7,1995
with 227 MLAs voting for him, with 28 MLAs supporting NTR being suspended from
the House for unruly behaviour, and 31 remaining neutral. Chandrababu got the support
of 183 Telugu Desam MLAs, five Independent MLAs, 34 MLAs belonging to CPI and
CPI (M), and four MLAs belonging to Majlis. Though NTR’s chapter as Chief Minister
of Andhra Pradesh ended, he kept up a barrage of legal issues trying to focus public
attention on the subterfuge and political backstabbing that marked the change of power
in the State.18 The overwhelming consensus against this group led the Election

Commission to recognize it as a break-away faction under the party's original name.

149
Rama Rao vowed to go to the people, seeking a fresh mandate after this humiliation.
However, within a year, he died, on January 18, 1996. Chandrababu Naidu continued in
office for 9 years as Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh upto May 2004, when TDP lost
power in 2004 A.P. Assembly elections.
The 1999 Assembly Elections
The 1999 Assembly elections assumed special importance due to changed
alliance of TDP party. After 1998 Lok Sabha elections, under the pretext of the non­
viability of another election, the TDP declared, that it would extend its support to the
BJP led NDA Government at the centre from outside. The TDPs support to the BJP
government became critical to its Muslim support base. It could be seen in the exit of
prominent Muslim leader and Cabinet Minister Bashiruddin Babu Khan from TDP
party. The opposition parties thought that this will reduce the popular share of TDP
party.
Table 5.6
Details of Party Position in General Assembly Elections of Andhra Pradesh, 1999
Seats Seats % of votes
S.No. Name of the Party
contested won polled
1 Congress (I) 293 91 43.00
2 TDP 270 179 46.00
3 CPI 59 0 01.00
4 CPI [M] 38 02 01.00
5 BJP 24 12 03.00
6 TDP [NTR] 97 0 00.16
7 TDP [Anna] 89 0 00.77
8 Mahajana Front 60 0 0.21
9 M.I.M 10 04 01.11
10 M.D.I. 08 0 00.36
11 Independents and others 115 05 03.39
Total 2103 293 100.00
Source: K. Ramachandra Murthy, ’arties, Elections and Mo >ilization, Anmol
Publications, New Delhi, 2001, p. 130.

But the simultaneous elections held to Lok Sabha and State Legislative
Assembly in 1999 proved that the popularity of TDP not declined. The position of
Congress (I) at Central as well as State level was weak. Under these circumstances

150
election have been held to State Legislative Assembly in 1999. The party wise position
in 1999 elections is given in the table 5.6.
The table 5.6 reveals that the history was repeated once again in the State
Legislative Assembly elections. This is the second time that TDP won in two
consecutive general elections of the state (First in 1983 and 1985). The TDP on its own
contested for 270 seats and secured 179 seats with 46 per cent vote share. On the other
hand Congress (I) contested to all 293 seats and able to get 90 seats with 43 per cent
vote share. When compared to 1994 election, the Congress (I) improved its position
from 26 seats to 90. Another peculiar feature of this election is the downfall of Left
Parties popularity. Both parties together secured only 2 percent of votes only. The CPI
failed to open it’s account, where as CPI (M) secured only 2 seats. The ally of TDP
party in these elections is Bharatiya Janata Party. Due to this alliance it secured 12 seats
by securing 3 per cent votes. This is highest tally for the party in the state. The two
break away groups of TDP i.e TDP (NTR) and TDP (Anna) utterly failed. Besides
these two parties the newly emerged Mahajana Front and MDI also failed to open the
account. MIM party secured 4 seats and other got 5 seats in these elections.

2003 Assassination Attempt

In the mean time on October 1, 2003, Naidu survived a land mine blast, which
was believed to be part of an assassination attempt, planned by a naxal outfit, Peoples
War Group, now known as CPI Maoist. He escaped with a fractured left collared bone
and a hairline fracture to two of his right ribs. The incident occurred around 16:00 (1ST)
when Naidu was traveling in a convoy, heading to the Lord Venkateshwara temple in
the Tirumala hills for the annual Brahmotsavam festival.
The State Information Technology Minister B. Gopalakrishna Reddy, Telugu
Desam legislators R. Rajasekhar Reddy and Ch. Krishnamurthy, as well as the driver
Srinivasa Raju, were also injured. After an extensive investigation Naidu's survival was
attributed to the armored vehicle in which he was traveling.19

151
Reasons for TDP Victory
The following are the major reasons for the consecutive victory of TDP.
1. The disunity among opposition parties, especially the Congress (I) party.
2. The relentless support extended by women, especially women members of
Self-Help Groups (SHGs).
3. The welfare and developmental programmes implemented by Telugu Desam
Party Government reached the needy. As such the poor and marginalized
sections of the society cast their vote in favour of TDP.
4. The TDP supremo and the then Chief Minister Mr.N.Chandrababu Naidu’s
hold on administration made it possible for common man to have access to
Government offices/officers. This improved access of common man to
administration helped for speedy remedy of the problems of masses. So the
rural masses extended their support to TDP.
5. The initiative taken by Mr.Chandrababu Naidu for speedy file clearance and
frequent video conferences also yielded good results to develop the concept
of clean administration.

2004 General Assembly Elections in AP

The TDP lost in the simultaneous elections held to the Lok Sabha and Andhra
Pradesh Assembly in April, 2004. Chandrababu Naidu suddenly opted for the
Assembly elections, immediately after he survived the deadly landmine blast planted by
the Peoples War Group naxalites at Tirupati. He had a comfortable majority in the
Assembly. There was no one to challenge his leadership in the party. He had a firm
relationship with the Central Government, as the TDP being an important partner in the
NDA Government. Yet he decided to go for an early election, because he thought that
the attack had generated sympathy for him, and he wanted to capitalize on this
'sympathy factor'. However, the Election Commission refused to oblige him for an
early election in February 2004 in the state. Meanwhile, the BJP too wanted to hold
early elections to the Lok Sabha, and so the state went to simultaneous polls to the Lok
Sabha and the Assembly. Thus, the state witnessed a highly prolonged election
campaign this time, for nearly six months.
Mr.Chandrababu Naidu once again campaigned on his achievements in making
Andhra Pradesh a model state in India by balancing delicately the economic reforms
and welfare programmes. As usual, he sought to project himself as the representative of

152
the forces of progress and development and the Congress as a party of self-seekers and
representing regressive forces. The TDP's election campaign was mainly based upon
three issues: development, peace and order in the society, and the need to keep a
unified state. The first issue aimed at claiming credit for whatever development had
taken place, the second was to counter the growing threat of the naxalite movement,
and the third was to counter the Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS) which entered the
election fray in a big way with a single agenda of securing a separate state for the
Telangana people.20 Naxalite movement and the demand for separate Telangana were

linked to the issue of development as the TDP sought to project these two as major
obstacles to the development of the state. However, none of the three themes worked in
the way the TDP leadership expected.
For a long time in Andhra Pradesh the TDP had an alliance with the CPI and the
CPI (M). To some extent this helped the party to keep a progressive image, even when
it was fighting the Naxalites. The estrangement of the Communist parties in the wake
of Chandrababu Naidu's support for the BJP government at the centre after the 1998
Lok Sabha elections, coupled with the reforms agenda gave the TDP a pro-rich image.
Chandrababu Naidu ridiculed the Communists for hanging on to the outdated ideology
of Communism.
The political situation was also different this time from the previous election in
1999. For the first time, two alliances fought against each other making it the most
intensely fought elections in a polarized situation after nearly 20 years. The Congress
forged alliances with the Left parties, which had been in the forefront of campaigns and
agitations against the economic and governance reforms of the TDP government. While
the CPI renewed its alliance with the Congress after a gap of more than 25 years, this
was the first time that the CPI (M), which always took a strident anti-Congress position
since its inception in 1964, had a seat adjustment with the Congress in the state. The
alliance with the TRS generated a momentum in Congress favour, although from
hindsight one might say that the Congress would have won the elections even without
such an alliance. The calculation of the TDP chief to catch the Congress off-guard by
announcing sudden elections to the Assembly did not prove fruitful. Under these
political circumstances 2004 election results were declared. In these elections the party
wise position is given in the table 5.7.

153
 Table- 5.7
Performance of Political Parties in 2004 Assembly Elections
S.No. Name of the Party Seats Seats Vote
contested Won share
1 Congress 234 185 38.50
2 TDP 267 47 37.50
3 TRS 54 26 6.75
4 CPI 12 6 1.53
5 CPI(M) 14 9 1.84
6 BJP 27 2 2.63
7 AIMIM 7 4 1.05
8 Janatha Party 37 2 0.86
9 Samajwadi Party 19 1 0.27
10 Bahujan Samaj Party 160 1 1.23
11 Independents & Others 1065 11 7.84
Total 1896 294 100.00
Source: Election Commission of India.
The table 5.7 shows that the Congress (I) party bagged 185 seats by securing
38.50 per cent votes. So it secured the seats to necessary to form the government nearly
after 10 years. The TDP’s tally touched the lowest point of 47 seats since its formation
in 1982. But the difference between Congress (I) and TDP vote share is only 1 per
cent. The allies of Congress (I); viz, TRS, CPI and CPI (M) together secured 41 seats
by securing 10.12 per cent of votes. BJP bagged only two seats by sharing 2.63 per cent
of vote share. Janata party emerged victorious in two seats out of 37 it contested.
AIMIM also fared well by securing 4 out of 7 seats it contested. Samajwadi Party and
Bhaujan Samaj Party opened their account with winning on seat each other. The
remaining 11 seats were secured by independents and others.

154
 Table- 5.8
Region wise party performance in 2004 Assembly elections in Andhra Pradesh

Party Seats contested Seats won in

Costal Andhra Region
Congress (I) 132 74
TDP 128 36
Telangana Region
Congress (I) 54 48
TDP 88 11
Rayalaseema Region
Congress (I) 48 38
TDP 51 14
Source: Election Commission of India
It can be inferred from the table that from two regions of the state namely
Telangana and Rayalaseema regions, TDP contested in more seats than the Congress (I)
party, in Coastal area it is vice versa. This can be attributed to the fact that in Telangana
region the Congress (I) has pre-poll seat sharing with a sub-regional party namely TRS,
as such the number of seats it contested is less than TDP. In Rayalaseema region, the
other allies of Congress (I) Party namely CPI and CPI (M) contested in some seats.
Coming to seats won by the two major parties in three regions of the state we
can see a clear edge to the Congress (I) party over its rival TDP. In coastal region, it
bagged 56.06 per cent of seats it contested. The performance of TDP in Telangana
region is limited to 12.50 per cent. In Rayalaseema regions it won 31.44 per cent of
seats it contested.
Table- 5.9
Age-wise Party Performance in 2004 Assembly Elections in Andhra Pradesh

S.No Age Congress TDP

1 25-40 47 63
2 41-55 124 140
3 55-80 63 64
Total 234 267
Source: Election Commission of India

155
 It is crystal clear from the table 5.9 that large number of contestants from both
parties hail from 41—55 years age group. To be more precise about 53 per cent from
Congress (I) Party and about 52.5 per cent from TDP hail from 41-55 years age group.
This age group is followed by 55-80 years which in turn is followed by 25-40 years age
group. It is clear that both the parties preferred 41-55 year age group in 2004 elections
rather then other age group.
Table-5.10
Gender Wise Party Performance in 2004 Assembly Elections in Andhra Pradesh

s. Gender Congress TDP

No Contested Won Contested Won
1 Male Contestants 217 171 220 40
2 Female Contestants 17 14 47 07
Total 234 185 267 47

Source: Election Commission of India

The table 5.10 reveals that the Telugu Desam Party allotted more percentage of
seats to women in 2004 elections. On the other hand Congress (I) allotted only 7.26 per
cent of seats to women. But the number of women, who turned victorious from the
Congress (I) Party is high. 14 out of 17 constituting 82.35 per cent emerged victorious.
Whereas, only 7 seats and won from TDP. About 48.28 per cent of total men contested
victorious. Whereas from TDP 18.18 per cent of men emerged victorious in Congress.
Table-5.11
Party wise Position of Reserved Constituencies in 2004 AP State Assembly
Elections

Category Total seats Congress(I) TDP TRS CPM CPI IND

SC 31 19 05 05 02 — —

ST 13 04 03 03 01 01 01
Source: Compiled from the Data of Election Commission of India
It is evident from the table 5.11 that the Congress (I) is leading in case of both
SC and ST reserved constituencies. But the edge is very clear in case of SC reserved
constituencies as it won 61.29 per cent of seats. TDP and TRS secured 5 seats each and
CPI (M) secured two of the SC reserved seats. In case of STs the edge among various
parties is not wide. The Congress Party won 4 out of 13 ST seats. TDP and TRS
secured 3 seats each and 1 seat was won by CPI, CPI (M), Independents respectively.

156
 The most important development, which can be observed in 2004 state general
elections is that in Congress (I) Party, the only Charismatic leader Dr. Y.S.Rajasekhara
Reddy came to fore-front and shouldered the responsibility to regain popular support
for Congress (I) party. For this purpose, he undertook ‘Padayatra’ through out the
state and practically came to know the problems of farmers, labourers and other
deprived sections of the society. Dr. Reddy stated, in the public that if the Congress (I)
party come to power, the new government will mitigate the problems of common man.
This resulted for landslide victory of Congress (I) party in 2004 elections.

2009 Assembly Elections

The TDP emerges as the main gainer in 2009 Assembly elections, though it lost
over nine percent of votes it gained as many as 44 seats The TDP’s loss of votes was
due to the ‘Grand Alliance’ with the Telangana Rashtriya Samiti (TRS) and the left.
Over 80 per cent of those fully satisfied with the performance of UPA government
voted for the Congress in this election. The party also benefited from the inability of the
opposition, especially the TDP, to pose a credible alternative in terms of policies or
leadership. The TDP-led alliance was supposed to do well in the Telangana region,
where, the TRS and the left have a base, but the Congress managed to win 50 out of the
119 seats.21

The failure of the Grand Alliance was partly also due to the fragmentation of the
non-congress vote with the emergence of two new parties. The Lok Satta party,
launched by former Civil servant Jaya Prakash Narayan in 2006, made a promise of
ushering in a new kind of politics. It polled only two per cent of the vote. Although it
won only one seat in the Assembly, it was a serious contender in at least 50 Assembly
constituencies. The Praja Rajyam Party, launched by film actor Chiranjeevi, promised
to herald an era of social justice and clean, responsive and accountable administration
in the State. (Later he merged his party with Congress) Primarily, it emerged out of the
aspiration of the elite of the Kapu community to see their man at the helm of State
politics. With its vote touching almost 16 per cent, the PRP took away a sizeable chunk
of the anti-incumbency vote in the State.
If we compare voter choice in 2004 with 2009, an interesting pattern shows up
while over 16 per cent of those who voted for the TDP last time shifted to the PRP, 18
per cent of the TRS voters and more than 28 per cent left parties voters shifted to the
I

157
Congress this time. It means that the Grand Alliance was not so acceptable to some
sections.22

In terms of social base, the Congress, the TDP and the PRP received majority
support from the communities from which their leadership emerges. Support from the
backward castes was slightly more in favour of the TDP. But the Congress received
greater support from the Dalits, especially the Malas, as well as Muslims. About 50 per
cent of the Muslims voted for the Congress. The table 5.12 gives the picture of electoral
performance of various political parties in 2009 assembly elections.
Table-5.12
Position of Political parties in 2009 AP State Assembly Elections
Seats Seats Vote
S.No. Name of the Party
contested Won share
1 Congress 294 156 36.56
2 TDP 225 92 28.12
3 PRP 288 18 16.22
4 TRS 45 10 3.99
5 CPI 15 4 1.31
6 CPI(M) 18 1 1.35
7 BJP 271 2 2.84
8 AIMIM 8 7 0.83
9 Lok Satta 246 1 1.80
10 Independents & Others 2245 3 6.98
Total 3655 294 100.00
Source: The Hindu, May 26,2009.
It is evident from the table 5.12 that in this election the tally of Congress (I)
declined, even though it got seats necessary to form the government. The Congress (I)
party secured 156 seats by sharing 35.56 per cent votes. The position of TDP improved
as it got 92 seats by securing 28.12 per cent of votes. But its vote share declined from
37.50 per cent to 28.12 per cent, which is -9.38 per cent. The newly emerged party
PRP secured 18 seats by sharing 16.22 per cent of popular vote. On the other hand, Lok
Satta won in one seat by securing 1.80 per cent vote share. For the allies of TDP
namely TRS, CPI and CPI (M) in 2009 elections vote share as well as seats declined
heavily, when compared to 2004 assembly elections. The TRS strength is limited to 10
(-15) seats only and it’s vote share is 3.99 per cent (-2.74 per cent). The tally of CPI
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(M) fell from 9 to 1 and it’s share in popular vote is also showing downward trend of
0.49 per cent. The strength of CPI is also reduced to 4 and it shared only 1.31 per cent
of popular vote. The BJP which contested in these elections without any allies secured
only 2 seats out of 271 it contested. AIMIM improved it’s position by securing 7 seats,
which is the highest for it, since it’s formation. Independents and others secured 3
seats.
Table- 5.13
Region wise party performance in2009 assembly elections in Andhra Pradesh

Party Seats contested Seats won in 2009

Costal Andhra region
Congress (I) 123 74
TDP 114 36
PRP 123 13
Telangana Region
Congress (I) 119 50
TDP 62 39
PRP 113 2
Rayalaseema region
Congress (I) 52 32
TDP 49 17
PRP 52 3
Source: Election Commission of India
It is evident from the table 5.13 that the Congress (I) Party won in more than 60
per cent of seats in coastal and Rayalaseema Region which is dominated by Reddi
community. In Telangana it won 42.02 per cent of seats it contested. The percentage
won by TDP in Telangana region is 62.90 of the seats it contested. In Coastal and
Rayalaseema regions it won 31.57 and 34.69 per cent of the seats it contested. The
influence of new party PRP in coastal, Rayalaseema and Telanagana Regions is
gradually decreasing as it secured 10.56, 5.77 and 1.77 per cent seats respectively.

159
 Table-5.14
Voting Pattern in 2009 Assembly Elections
Social Background Congress Grand Alliance PRP
Gender
Male 44.9 33.3 11.5
Female 41.3 37.2 13.5
Economic Class
Very Poor 45.5 41.2 8.6
Poor 42.9 39.6 12.6
Lower 43.6 38.1 12.3
Middle 42.2 33.2 14.0
Upper 43.0 27.8 10.9
Caste-Community
Upper Castes 38.2 33.7 4.5
Reddys ,65.9 20.1 3.4
Kammas 21.0 63.7 7.3
Kapus 30.8 16.2 53.1
Yadavas 35.0 45.9 10.8
Gowdas 36.4 40.3 10.8
Other BCs 38.3 37.7 15.5
Malas 51.0 28.8 13.5
Madigas 47.7 46.1 4.7
Scheduled Tribes 54.3 33.3 7.2
Muslims 50.7 24.8 6.9
Source: The Hindu 26th May 2009.
It is evident from the table 5.14 that majority of both males and females voted
for the Congress (I) party. The TDP and other parties of grand alliance shared 33.3 per
cent and 37.2 per cent of male and female votes. On the other hand PRP secured 11.5
per cent of male and 13.5 per cent of female votes. In case of economic classes, there is
a clear edge for Congress (I) party over other parties and allies. About 45.5 per cent of
very poor and 42.2 of the poor voters voted for Congress. Whereas, the grand alliance
able to get 41.2 and 39.6 per cent of very poor votes and PRP secured 8.6 and 12.6 per
cent of very poor and poor votes. In case of lower and middle class economic groups

160
Congress (I), Grand Alliance and PRP manage to get 43.6 and 42.2 per cent, 38.1 and
33.3 per cent and 12.3 and 14 per cent votes respectively. In case of upper economic
class the grade alliance and PRP combined vote share is less than that of Congress (I)
vote share. The caste and community wise analysis data in the table 5.16 reveals that
except 3 communities all other communities gave clear edge to Congress (I) party in
the state. In case of Kammas, Yadavas and Gowdas the grand alliance secured majority
of votes. In case of all other castes the dominance of Congress (I) party is clear. More
than 50 per cent of Reddys, Malas, Muslims and Scheduled Tribes voted for Congress
(I) party. On the other hand, grand alliance secured more than 50 per cent of the votes
of Kammas. The newly launched PRP party supremo hails from Kapu community and
as such PRP secured more than 50 per cent of that community votes.
Table-5.15
Qualification wise Elected Members in 2009 in Assembly Elections in Andhra
Pradesh

Sl.No Qualification Congress TDP PRP

1. Elementary Education 02 03 0 5
2. SSC 20 09 01 30
3. Inter 11 10 02 23
4. Graduation 56 42 10 108
5. Post Graduation 27 12 03 42
6. Engineering 14 08 01 23
7. Medicine 11 03 00 14
8. Diploma 01 01 00 2
9. Doctors 03 02 00 5
10 Others 11 02 01 14
Total 156 92 18 266
Source Praja Prathinidulu 2009-201'*

The data in the table 5.15 shows that a good number of MLAs elected to Andhra
Pradesh State Assembly are well educated. Among them general graduates are
dominating the scene with 40.60 per cent. About 8.65 per cent and 5.26 per cent of
elected representatives are engineering and medical graduates. The post graduates
constitute 15.79 per cent. About 13.16 per cent completed school education. Among
them 1.88 per cent completed elementary education and 11.28 per cent completed high
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school education. About 8.65 per cent studied upto higher secondary level. Diploma
holders and doctors constitute 0.75 per cent and 1.88 per cent respectively. Incase of
various political parties the trends appear the same with minor variations.
Table-5.16
Primary occupation of Major Political Parties Representatives in 2009 in
Assembly Elections in Andhra Pradesh

Sl.No. Occupation Congress (I) TDP PRP Total

1. Agriculture 46 26 06 78
2. Business 26 23 06 55
3. Lawyers 10 07 01 18
4. Doctors 09 03 00 12
5. Industrialist 02 00 00 2
6. Engineers 05 01 00 6
7. Teaching Field 03 03 00 6
8. House Wives 05 03 00 8
9. Cinema Field 01 01 01 3
10. Air force Pilot 01 00 00 1
11. Govt Employee 03 00 00 3
12. Journalist 00 00 01 1
13. Contractor 01 00 00 1
14. NA 44 25 03 72
Total 156 92 18 266
Source Praja Prathinidulu 2009-2014.

The table 5.16 makes it clear that majority of elected representatives are coming
from agricultural background families. They constitute 29.32 per cent of total elected
representatives. They are followed by businessmen with 20.68 per cent, Professional
like lawyers, doctors, engineers together constitutes 13.54 per cent. House wives
constitute 3.01 per cent. One each from contract field, journalism and air force pilot got
elected to state Legislative Assembly. One member from each party comes from
cinema field. The occupation of 27.07 per cent is not available.

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Performance of Telugu Desam Party in National Politics
The role of a Regional Political Party at national level in federal government
largely depends on two factors. Firstly the strength of a particular regional party in both
Houses of parliament. Secondly the type of government functioning at Central level. If
the Central government, is run by a single party with its own strength, then the role of
regional party will be very limited. On the other hand, if the government is a coalition
or minority, then there is a scope for regional party to play significant role. Now let us
examine the first factor, i.e the strength of Telugu Desam Party in Lok Sabha since its
inception. When the Telugu Desam Party was launched, the seventh Lok Sabha had
been functioning since 1980. The first Lok Sabha election that was faced by TDP is the
eighth Lok Sabha election held after the assassination of Indira Gandhi in 1984. The
table 5.17 gives the details of party wise strength in 1984 Lok Sabha election in Andhra
Pradesh.
Table 5.17
Performance of Political Parties in 1984 Eighth Lok Sabha Elections in
Andhra Pradesh

Seats Seats Vote

S.No. Name of the Party
contested Won share
1 Congress 42 6 41.8
2 TDP 34 30 44.8
3 CPI 3 1 1.9
4 CPI (M) 2 1 1.8
5 Socialist Congress 1 1 1.0
6 Samajwadi Janata Party 1 1 1.2
6 BJP 2 1 2.2
7 Independents & Others 19 1 5.3
Total 104 42 100.00
Source: I.Venkata Rao, “Oke Okkadu”, (Telugu version), 2000,p.272.
It is evident from the table 5.17 that in 1984 Lok Sabha elections, the Congress
(I) party which ruled the state since 1956, contested for 42 seats and bagged only 6
seats by securing 41.8 per cent of votes. It is the least tally for the party in the state
since 1956. On the other hand the newly emerged Telugu Desam Party won in 30 seats
out of 34 seats it contested. It is the first highest tally for TDP in Lok Sabha elections
held between 1984 to 2009. It shared 44.8 per cent of popular vote in these elections.

163
Left parties together secured 2 seats, out of 5 they contested. To be more precise CPI
contested from three Lok Sabha segments and won in one seat by securing 1.9 percent
vote share. Samajwadi Janata Party, Socialist Congress, BJP, Independents and Others
were limited to one seat each.

NTR’s Role in National Politics

It is pertinent to note here that the TDP emerged second largest party in Lok
Sabha, after Congress (I). In spite of second position, the TDP leader NTR never
thought of departing from other non-Congress (I) parties at national and state level. At
the same time, he is not so adamant towards Congress (I) due to prevailing political
environment. When Rajiv Gandhi became Prime Minister, in October, 1984, NTR
looked forward to have a friendly working relationship with him, and extended
complete support for the Anti-Defection Bill introduced in Parliament, the only
Opposition leader to have done so. Rajiv Gandhi reciprocated by abolishing the
Legislative Council of Andhra Pradesh. But soon, the attack on NTR continued both at
the national and State level, through a series of agitations, court cases, allegations of
corruption, casteism and so on within the Assembly and outside.23

The Telugu Desam Party emerged by challenging the misrule of the then ruling
Congress (I) party in the state. Since it’s inception in 1982, the party bitterly criticized
the policies and programmes of Congress (I) party. The Telugu Desam Party repeatedly
criticized that the state Congress (I) leaders were mortgaging the Telugu pride in the
streets of New Delhi, in the name of high command. The sudden dismissal of the NTR
Government in 1984 proved that the ruling Congress (I) at the centre was showing
hatred and envy towards the Telugu Desam Party in the state. So, NTR took active
interest to weaken the popularity of Congress (I) Party not only in the state but also in
India. To this end he developed friendship with non-Congress (I) parties at national
level and brought them on to single platform at the centre to defeat Congress (I) party
in 1989 elections.
NTR was chastened by the August 1984 political crisis and the next five years
of his term as Chief Minister was marked by a constant fight with the Congress (I)
Government at the Centre, and with Congress (I) leaders in the State. He had a bad
press and appeared to be always at the receiving end. NTR concentrated on building up
a national alternative to the Congress (I).

164
 First Opposition Conclave which NTR organized was in May 1983. NTR in this
conclave attacked Indira Gandhi's authoritarian attitude towards non-Congress
Governments in the States, asserting that the Centre discriminated between States ruled
by Congress and non-Congress parties in the matter of grant of Central funds for
welfare schemes and so on. NTR criticised the Operation Blue Star, when Indian Army
marched into the Golden Temple at Amritsar, and the subsequent killing of Sikhs,
saying that it was not the way to deal with the problem.
Since its formation in 1983, the TDP has been demanding for more regional
autonomy. In several meetings NTR stressed this point and has taken the cognizance of
other parties. As such Indira Gandhi appointed Sarkaria Commission to submit a report
on Central and State relations.
After the appointment of the Sarkaria Commission, NTR demanded for the
amendment of its terms to make allotment of funds for welfare programmes in the
States according to a formula in which the Centre had no discretionary powers to
increase or decrease amounts.24

The next meeting of non Congress (I) Parties was held in Delhi in 1984 and 45
leaders from 16 other parties attended it. The Congress (J) stalwarts Jagjivan Ram,
D.K.Barooah of Congress (S), Chandra Rajeswara Rao of CPI, E.M.S.Nambudiripad of
CPI (M), H.N.Bahuguna of Democratic Socialist Party, Chitta Basu of Forward Block,
Chandrasekhar and Madhu Dandavate of Janata, Chowdhary Charan Singh of Lok Dal,
Dr Farooq Abdullah of National Conference, Tridib Chowdhary of RSP (I), R.S.Gavai
and B.D.Khobragade of Republican Party and Ratubhai Adani of Rashtriya Congress
attended the meeting. NTR invited Jagjivan Ram to preside over the meeting, but the
latter said there was no need for anyone to preside and talks could be informal.
The leaders took note of ominous pronouncements of the Prime Minister against
the Opposition, mainly the remark that "existence of the Opposition itself was the cause
for the present state of affairs in the Country".25 The leaders said that the Centre was

encroaching upon the states powers contrary to the spirit of the Constitution, and called
for a review of the Centre-State relations. The leaders demanded that the scope of the
Sarkaria Commission should be enlarged, and its terms of reference decided only after
consultations with the State Governments and the Opposition parties in the Parliament.
There was a lull in his unity moves during 1984, because of his own political
crisis in which he lost power during a Congress (I) supported coup for a brief period of
one month, the assassination of Indira Gandhi in October, 1984 and the general
165
elections of December, 1984. NTR's bitter experience brought him closer to national
Opposition leaders, who visited Hyderabad to express their solidarity during his
political crisis, such as Atal Behari Vajpayee, Jyothi Basu, E.M.S.Nambudiripad,
Indrajit Gupta, Farooq Abdullah, Chandrasekhar and M.Karunanidhi.
In January 1986, NTR assembled Opposition leaders at Hyderabad wherein
leaders of 13 parties issued a statement criticising Rajiv Gandhi's speech at the
Congress Centenary celebrations. These Opposition leaders said that "instead of
observing it as a national event, it was used to launch an intemperate and irresponsible
attack on non-Congress (I) parties, especially regional parties, dubbing them as anti-
national" Dubbing the democratic aspirations of the people of several States as anti­
national "is itself a gross anti-national act. Patriotism is not the monopoly of any
particular party", they said.26

This declaration was signed by three Chief Ministers, N.T.Rama Rao of A.P,
Ramakrishna Hegde of Karnataka and Suijit Singh Bamala of Punjab, besides
K.P.Unnikrishnan of Congress (S), Dinesh Goswami of Asom Gana Parishad, Abdul
Rashid Kabuli of National Conference, C.T.Dandapani of DMK, Ram Naresh Yadav of
Samata Party, B.B.Lyngdoh of Meghalala among others. They criticised the lop-sided
economic policies of the Centre, the elitist approach of the 7th Five Year Plan

document, the Centre's discriminatory attitude towards non-Congress Governments etc.

They congratulated Asom Gana Parishad for winning elections in Assam, and
demanded dismissal of a "defectors Government headed by G.M.Shah in Jammu and
Kashmir".27

In 1988, the National Peoples Front finally took shape. Representatives of six
political parties met at Delhi on July 12th and 13th, 1988 and approved a draft, and NTR

circulated the draft of the Constitution of the National Front. The original draft
described it as a "Front of like-minded political parties - both national and regional -
with the parties retaining their respective identities".28 In Parliament, members

belonging to National Front parties were to form into a single group. The Group will
elect a leader in each House. There will be a chairman and other office bearers for the
Parliamentary group consisting of Members of both Houses. Among its aims and
objectives were: "to build up a Democratic, Secular and Socialist State in India and
provide a clean and efficient administration for the country with emphasis on equality
and social justice. It will ensure decentralisation of economic and political power in the
true federal spirit".29 There were seven constituent parties - the Janata, Lok Dal,
166
Congress (S), Telugu Desam, Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, Asom Gana Parishad and
Jan Morcha. NTR was elected Chairman, while V.P.Singh was the Convener. NTR
convened a meeting of the seven parties in the Andhra Bhavan in Delhi on August 6,
1988 to approve the draft Constitution, and here the name of the front was changed
from ‘National Peoples Front’ to ‘National Front’.
By then, the probe ordered by V.P.Singh as Defence Minister into certain
defence deals, and the Bofors issue came to the top of agenda. NTR said that the quick
succession of these events that rocked the nation cannot be dismissed as some isolated
aberration in the conduct of national affairs. "The Punjab issue continues to be a
smoldering cauldron. The festering sore of the foreigners issue in the North East
continues to elude a solution. The non-Congress (I) States continue to nurse the feeling
of distrust, discrimination and deprivation by the Centre."30

On August 10, 1988, NTR went to Calcutta to participate in a symposium

organised by the then West Bengal Chief Minister, Jyoti Basu, on "Why a national
alternative and how?" In this symposium NTR expressed that, for five years he had
been constantly striving to unite all the elements of Opposition in order to deliver a
frontal attack on Congress (I) and dislodge it from the "commanding heights of power
and authority".31 NTR further declared that; "My opposition is not to Congress (I) as

such. My opposition is to bad Government, mis-govemment and a corrupt Government.

The question to be debated should not be why there shall be a national alternative, but
why we have made such inordinate delay in building it up", NTR said.3A

Finally, the National Front was launched at a big rally organised by DMK in
Madras on September 17, 1989 a rally so huge that it took three hours for the
procession to cross a point. Four Chief Ministers addressed the public meeting - NTR,
(AP) S.R.Bommai (Karnataka), P.K.Mohanta (Assom), Devi Lai (Haryana) besides
V.P.Singh and M.Karunanidhi. NTR told in the public meeting that "the Congress
rules, not with the authority of popular will, but through the weakness and disunity of
Opposition, not by virtue of efficiency and moral statue, but with the help of money
and muscle power. Its writ cannot run any more".

1989 Lok Sabha elections

NTR was successful in uniting non-Congress (I) parties at national level but
NTR suffered a setback in his home state, Andhra Pradesh, when Telugu Desam was
defeated by Congress (I) in the Assembly elections which were held simultaneously

167
with Lok Sabha elections In this elections Telugu Desam Party made an alliance with
Left Parties. The table 5.18 gives the detailed performance of various political parties in
1989 Lok Sabha elections in Andhra Pradesh.
Table-5.18
Performance of Political Parties in 1989 Ninth Lok Sabha Elections in
Andhra Pradesh

Seats Seats
S.No. Name of the Party Vote share
contested Won
1 Congress 42 39 51.00
2 TDP 33 2 36.50
3 CPI 2 0 2.00
4 CPI (M) 2 0 2.40
5 BJP 2 0 2.00
6 AIMIM and others 5 1 6.10
Total 86 42 100.00
Source: I.Venkata Rao, “Oke Okkadu”, (Telugu version), 2000, p.273.
In 1989 Lok Sabha elections, Congress (I) party won in 39 seats, by securing 51
per cent of votes out of 42 seats. Anti-incumbency factor on TDP government is one of
the major factors for the success of Congress (I) party in the state. The then ruling
Telugu Desam Party contested for 33 seats and secured only 2 seats by sharing 36.5 per
cent popular vote. The CPI and CPI (M) did not win any seat. The MIM party secured
one seat and other parties or independents failed to secure any seat.
NTR was astonished, but still he wanted to do his duty as Chairman, and went
to Delhi for a day to chair a meeting of the National Front, but returned to Hyderabad
the same evening. The public focus was on V.P.Singh, and NTR felt sidelined because
of his defeat in his home turf state. In spite of that NTR continued his relationship with
National Front, till the defeat of V.P.Singh in vote of confidence in Lok Sabha.

1991 Lok Sabha elections (Mid-Term Elections)

After the debacle of National Front Government, the puppet Government of Mr.
Chandra Sekhar came to power, with the outside support of Congress (I) Party. This
Government also collapsed within three months. So, elections have become inevitable
to Lok Sabha. In these elections NTR campaigned through out the state by criticizing
dramatic role played by Congress (I) Party in dethroning National Front Government.

168
During the Tenth Lok Sabha elections campaign Rajiv Gandhi was assassinated. By the
time of Rajiv Gandhi assassination, the first phase of elections in the state was
completed. In the second phase elections sympathy among voters reduced the chances
of TDP to win more seats. Party wise performance in these elections was given in the
table 5.19.
Table-5.19
Performance of Political Parties in 1991 Tenth Lok Sabha Elections in Andhra
Pradesh

Seats Vote
S.No. Name of the Party Seats contested
Won share
1 Congress 42 25 45.6
2 TDP 35 13 32.3
3 CPI 2 1 1.9
4 CPI (M) 2 1 2.4
5 BJP 41 1 9.6
5 AIMIM and others 11 1 8.2
Total 133 42 100.00
Source: I.Venkata Rao, “Oke Okkadu”, (Telugu version), 2000, p.273.
It can be inferred from the table 5.19 that the tally of Congress Party was
reduced from 39 to 25, in spite of the sympathy waves aroused by the assassination of
Rajiv Gandhi, Majority of the seats it gained were from those constituencies which
went to polls after the Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination. In comparison to its performance
in 1989, when it secured 51 per cent vote and 39 seats, the Congress lost 5.4 per cent
popular vote and 14 seats. On the other hand the performance of TDP improved
significantly in the case of securing seats, but its vote share decreased by 4.2 per cent. It
bagged 13 seats by sharing 32.3 per cent vote share. The CPI and CPI (M) secured one
seat each by sharing 1.9 and 2.4 per cent popular vote. The BJP secured 1 seat out of 41
seats it contested. But its vote shared increased to 7.6 per cent, when compared to 1989
general elections. As usual AIMIM secured one seat in these elections.
After these elections no party was able to secure majority of seats in the Lok
Sabha to form the Government. The Congress (I) Party emerged as the single largest
party and it formed minority Government headed by P.V.Narasimha Rao. The
installation of P.V.Narasimha Rao from South India, made NTR feel very happy and he
extended his greetings to him. NTR also denied to field TDP candidate against

169
P.V.Narasimha Rao from Nandyal Lok Sabha constituency, because he was the first
man from Andhra Pradesh adoring the highest office in the country. After these
elections the role of NTR in national politics was limited to criticizing unpopular
policies of Central government. Mean time internal bickerings in Telugu Desam Party
started after NTR’s marriage with Lakshmi Parvathi, which finally led to the division of
party after 1994 Assembly Elections. The backstabbing of his close associates during
1995 crisis deeply shocked NTR. While rejuvenating his break away party he died on
January 18, 1996 due to heart attack. From 1982 to till his death, he continued his
efforts to bring unity among the non-Congress (I) Parties.

Chandra Babu’s role in National Politics

The anti-Congress stance of N.T.Rama Rao was inherited by Chandrababu
Naidu when the latter became the Chief Minister in 1995. When NTR was Chief
Minister, antagonistic Congress (I) Governments were at the Centre, headed by Indira
Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi and P.V.Narasimha Rao, and NTR virtually fought a running
battle with the Congress (I), first when they destabilised his Government in August,
1984, then through a series of encounters with Congress (I) leaders who tried to insult
and humiliate him, and then through a series of events such as the case against him in
the High Court on charges of nepotism, casteism etc.
Chandrababu was-lucky to have friendly Governments headed by H.D.Deve
Gowda, I.K.Gujral and Atal Behari Vajpayee at the Centre. Chandrababu made the best
use of this development, and tried to get maximum aid for the State. But his fortunes
were inverted after the defeat of TDP and NDA in 2004 as well as 2009 elections.
The prevailing political conditions in the state marked Chandrababu's approach
to national politics. Chandra Babu is basically a regional leader, but he looked at the
national politics from his own perspective of whether it would help him politically,
whether he can get more funds from the Centre for Andhra Pradesh development, and
whether it was good for his Telugu Desam Party in the long run. Chandrababu became
the Convener of United Front, which gave two Prime Ministers to the nation, and he
gave crucial outside support to the National Democratic Alliance Government of
Vajpayee. He was the least troublesome ally of the NDA. Both Vajpayee and
L.K.Advani found it easy to settle political matters with Chandrababu, because he made
no political demands except that NDA stick to its common agenda and was satisfied
with a grant of relief or sanction of a project.

170
 In the wider context, the National Front leaders were in an embarrassing
position as their efforts to save their Chairman (N.T. Rama Rao) from the ignominy of
defeat proved infructuous. V.P. Singh, S.R. Bommai, H.D.Deve Gowda, and the Janata
Dal M.P., Sharad Yadav had discussions with Rama Rao, urging him to play a greater
role in the national politics as Chairman of the National Front, leaving the state to his
men', but there was not much headway. Chandra Babu Naidu never aspired for power
in the Centre but his strong will was to prevent the Congress Party from power and find
a stable government by the opposition at the Centre. After 1996 Lok Sabha elections
Naidu's role as the convener of the United Front is worth noting in choosing all
acceptable suitable candidates for the Prime Ministership, President, Vice-president and
the Speaker.
The then Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, Naidu rose to the occasion and
played a significant role in National Politics. He soon became a prominent leader in
United Front and was unanimously chosen the Convener of United Front.
In the power game politics, Naidu had succeeded in winning the hands of the
top political leaders and remained a national figure with his rare virtue of political
diplomacy. As a firm believer of secularism and the staunch supporter of the socialistic
pattern of society, Naidu invited all the interested parties to work against Congress (I)
and BJP. While speaking to the media persons, he stated, "Anyone who is interested in
taking on Congress (I) and BJP, seriously in the State by joining secular forces should
extend support to me".34

Naidu's Role in the Formation of United Front Government

With his unfailing stewardship as the leader of the Telugu Desam Party, he had
scored the winning smile in the Eleventh Lok Sabha Elections in 1996. Significant to
the understanding of the 1996 Lok Sabha elections in Andhra Pradesh is the split in the
TDP and the demise of TDP patriarch, NTR. These elections not only reflected the
struggle between the two rival Telugu Desam groups but also the attempts by both the
Congress (I) and the BJP to benefit from this and thereby expand their support base.
The 1996 elections saw a three cornered contest between the Congress (I), the TDP (N)
and its allies the CPI and CPI (M), TDP (LP) supported by the Janata Dal and the BSP.
In the electoral battle of 1996, fiercely contested by the rival TDP groups, the final out
come was something of a surprise. The table 5.20 gives the picture of 1996 Lok Sabha
election results in Andhra Pradesh.

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 Table-5.20
Performance of Political Parties in 1996 Lok Sabha Elections in Andhra Pradesh

S.No. Name of the Party Seats Seats Vote

contested Won share
1 Congress 42 22 39.7
2 TDP 36 16 32.6
3 CPI 3 2 1.98
4 CPI (M) 3 1 3.32
5 BJP 39 0 5.7
6 AIMIM and others 16 1 16.7
Total 139 42 100.00
Source: Karli Srinivasulu, Party Competition and Strategies of Iv obilisation: An
Analysis of Social Coalitions in Andhra Pradesh, p.147.

The table 5.20 reveals that the share of popular vote and seats of Congress (I) (-
5.9) and BJP (-3.9 per cent) parties declined in these elections, when compared to
previous Lok Sabha elections. The Congress (I) secured 22 seats by securing 39.7 per
cent votes. The TDP gained 3 seats when compared to previous elections and its vote
share increased only by 0.3 per cent. In this election, the total tally of party was 16 out
of 36 seats it contested. The BJP failed to open its account, in spite of its vote share
which is higher than the left parties. AIMIM secured one seat i.e. Hyderabad Lok
Sabha Constituency.
In these elections, at national level, the Congress (I) suffered a debacle and the
BJP felt woefully short of a clear majority. In contrast, the Telugu Desam Party did
well, the DMK and TMC were swept off at the polls in Tamil Nadu, and the AGP,
fared well in Assam. Naidu lost no time in taking the initiative for forging a
combination of like-minded parties. Naidu said, "Only regional parties could
effectively articulate the felt needs of people."35 As a member of the high power

steering committee of the United Front, Naidu felt that the experiment of a coalition
Government would succeed at the Centre. Naidu stressed, "He was not interested in
fighting any one, because fight should be only at the time of election, and now was the
time to enlist the support and cooperation of all political parties for the development of
the State."36

172
 Naidu was widely acknowledged as a trouble solver at the national level and
attracted the attention of the national leaders as an instrumental figure for the interest of
the people of Andhra Pradesh in particular and the nation's interest in general.
In the national politics, Naidu inaugurated a federal structure in India knowing
the smooth cordial rapport between the Centre and the State. The Nation's future was
finalised with the induction of coalition government at the Centre due to the fractured
nature of the verdict of the 1996 elections. Naidu did yeomen service for the
unification of all other regional parties to fight against the Congress (I) and BJP. He
said, "He would hold confabulations with the other regional parties - the DMK, the
TMC, the AGP and the Akali Dal, to see how the Congress (I) and the BJP, could be
stopped capturing power."37

Naidu played a crucial role in National Politics and won 16 seats for the Telugu
Desam in the Eleventh Lok Sabha elections, helping the CPI, and the CPI (M) win
three more seats and wresting former Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao's Nandyal
seat in the by-election. And it also proved that all Telugu Desam Party followers at the
grass- root level were with Naidu and he had acquired political legitimacy and
overcame his initial handicap of capturing power through manipulative politics by
dislodging his father-in-law in a 'family coup'.
The Lok Sabha Elections of 1996 proved his calibre and political destiny as the
leader of the Telugu Desam Party. Naidu felt the elections not only established the
successor of Rama Rao's political legacy but also constituted and endorsed the good
governance provided by him. Believing his party as a key instrumental bridge to decide
the fate of the Government at the Centre, he said, "It is a vote for a National
Government at the Centre"38. He said that the regional parties were more 'nationalistic'

than some national parties and were committed to unity and stability of the country. To
decide and dictate the political power punch at the Centre he was accompanied by the
newly elected MPs went to New Delhi to decide which party or group they would have
to support to form the coalition Government at the Centre. Naidu was chosen as central
figure to formulate the policies at the National level in order to work out a joint strategy
for installing a 'Clean and Stable' Government at the Centre.
Naidu’s name was proposed up by United Front as the prospective candidate for
the Prime Ministership. Estimating and analysing the future prospective position of the
state, he declined the offer. Some of the leaders at the National level felt, "Naidu
however, would have major role to play at the National level".39
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 Naidu had expanded his political philosophy in deciding the dispute and
confronting attitude among the National Front, Left Front leaders over the Prime
Ministership candidature. He had played a crucial role in choosing his counterpart Deve
Gowda, Chief Minister of Karnataka, for the post of Prime Ministership in an
unopposed manner from the leaders of the different parties. Naidu delved deep into the
national politics. He thought of bringing all secular parties on to a common platform.
Telugu Desam Party played a significant role both at the State and National level
politics.
Naidu was able to score a major victory in the unification of all the regional
parties for supporting Deve Gowda’s selection by creating ‘Third force’. In a fire­
fighting mission, he definitely acted as the true instrument in welcoming and securing
the staunch support from the four regional parties, the DMK the TMC the Telugu
Desam Party and the AGP in governing arrangements in Delhi.
As an able politician Naidu was going too far “in projecting Deve Gowda’s
candidature even after the CPI (M) declined the United Front invitation to lead the
Government at the Centre”. 40 Naidu had taken the initiative in bringing the non-

Congress secular forces together, thus paving for the election of Deve Gowda the leader
of the United Front.
Naidu put his utmost effort for the establishment of Centre-State relations for
the proper foundation of federal structure in India. He felt that the regional parties were
more realistic and nationalistic than the national parties. For political stability at the
Centre, Naidu decided to come with an unrelenting stand against the BJP in order to
safeguard the country’s secular image.”41

The United Front Ministry, headed by H.D.Deve Gowda, was sworn in on May
30, 1996 He extolled the capacity of Naidu for the coalition of national and regional
parties at the Centre. In the United Front Government headed by H.D.Deve Gowda,
K.Yerram Naidu got a cabinet berth on his first election to the Parliament. S.Venu
Gopalachary, another first timer in the Lok Sabha, was allotted the Ministry of power.
Prof. U.Venkateswarlu the TDP Politburo Member, was given the State rank i.e., in
charge Minister of Agriculture and B.Ramaiah got the Commerce Portfolio. Naidu was
successful in meeting his demands for the interests of the State with the national
leaders. As a believer in the federal structure of India, he had installed the Centre-State
relation issue as a main agenda of the United Front Government. 43

174
 With one year of functioning, United Front Government, the outside supporter
Congress (I) demanded for the change of Prime Minister. Reacting to the Congress (I)
leaders' latest decision of the change of leadership in the United Front, Naidu
categorically rejected the suggestion made by Sitaram Kesari, the then Congress (I)
President for a change of leadership as the first step towards the resolution of the
political crisis triggered by the Congress (I)'s decision to withdraw support to the
United Front Government. To find out a way out of the political crisis, Naidu
reportedly told that the United Front was solidly behind Deve Gowda and the timing of
the Congress (I) move was totally wrong. At the same time Naidu had ruled out the
possibility of the Telugu Desam Party's joining a coalition government in which the
Congress (I) was a partner.
Naidu acted as a bridge between the Congress (I) and the United Front to have
co-ordination committee to resolve the crisis in the interest of the Nation. Naidu asked
members of the committee to deal with the present crisis and matters were to be
decided by consensus among the partners of the United Front. As a Chief Minister of
the democratic set up government, Naidu took much mental labour to settle issues
through discussions, among the partners of the United Front.44

As the Convener of the United Front, Naidu ruled out Congress (I)'s
participation in the new Government at the Centre. He adopted the policy of coalition
to have democratic spirit of government at the Centre giving priority to the State
Government, the coalition government at the Centre would be more stable than the
single largest party. Naidu, a man of ideas and ideals, never deviated from his path of
political justice in equipping himself. While talking to the media persons he made it
clear that there was no question of the Telugu Desam's joining the BJP led coalition at
the Centre. Naidu hoped that the United Front would remain united and strengthen the
new leader. For the fresh mandate, Naidu was prepared for mid-term elections. But
some United Front constituents were not prepared to face the elections.
As Naidu was in constant touch with both the leaders in the United Front and
the Congress (I), he took the initiative to pressurise Deve Gowda to step-down to pave
the way for the formation of another Government under a new leader. Naidu was
believed to have taken the United Front leaders into confidence about the latest letter he
received from the Congress (I) President Sitaram Kesari on the Congress Working
Committee decision. Naidu devoted his undivided attention, though he was busy in
national politics, to the job of pressuring and building up the credibility of his party and
175
his home state. Naidu had made an extensive support for the formation of new
government at the Centre by the new leader inviting the support from the Congress
party.45

The job of selecting Deve Gowda's successor was complicated as the number of
aspirants multiplied. Naidu suggested the formation of a sub-committee of the core
group for consultation with all constituents in a bid to arrive at a consensus on the
choice of successor to Deve Gowda.
The task of speaking to all the leaders and bringing about a consensus to find a
successor of Deve Gowda, Naidu as a convener of the United Front and Federal Front,
Naidu moved swiftly to sort out the issue by persuading the Congress (I) leadership to
draft another letter. Naidu declared that LK.Gujral was emerging as the consensus
candidate of the Front constituent as a successor to Deve Gowda. Naidu prepared to
form a team with the Congress (I) and the United Front and even to have a permanent
arrangement for continuous co-ordination but it was completely against the Congress
(I)'s participation in the new ministry. Naidu asserted, "The philosophy of United Front
is to strengthen secular and democratic forces against the rise of communalism."46

Naidu was an architect of the unanimous selection of I. K. Gujral as a new

leader of the United Front Parliamentary party. He was visibly successful over the
smooth handling over the United Front mantle. While commenting on the extraordinary
political persuasive skill of Naidu, I.K.Gujral said, "He is conducting the process of
evolving a consensus considering the fact that Naidu is many years junior to me in age,
the way he has conducted the exercise has impressed me a great deal."47

After electing I.K.Gujral, a delegation of the United Front headed by Naidu,

called on the President and handed over him a letter, signed by leaders of 16 Front
partners supporting I.K.Gujral's claim to form the Government. Naidu who had worked
tirelessly for the agreed choice, expressed the hope that the new Government under the
leadership of I.K.Gujral, would prove to be more stable in view of the realisation
among various parties on the arrival of the era of coalition and the need for co­
operation with one and another.
Three distinct power-centres had emerged in the United Front while I.K.Gujral
was the leader of the Front, Naidu continued as convener of the United Front.
Strangely, Deve Gowda was allowed to continue the Chairman of the United Front
though he was saddled down from the Prime Ministership. Due to internal bickerings
and Congress (I) power game the United Front Government collapsed.
176
 Naidu felt that the Central Government had failed to live up to the expectations
of the people on at least on four counts being sensitive to the Federal dimensions of the
country, on attempting a comprehensive restructuring of Centre-State financial
relations, transferring more funds to the state and enhancing the autonomy of the states
by allowing them to design schemes reflecting local priorities, problems and resources.
Deploring the tendency to tinker only at the margin, Naidu felt that even under the
United Front Government, the Centre 'continued to exercise its hegemony over the
states'.
Naidu called for total change in the present system and favoured increasing role
in financial relations of the states. He further called for abolition of centrally sponsored
schemes and said that the states should be free to plan their priorities. Suggesting that
the Chief Minister designate should seek the vote of confidence after of receiving the
invitation from the governor, Naidu felt in case of competing claims by more than one
party coalition, the President and the Governor should ask the supporting parties to
indicate their stand openly.

Naidu's Role in the Election of the President of India

The Vice-President, K.R.Narayanan was the joint candidate of the Congress (I)
and the United Front for the post of President in the election scheduled for July 14,
1997. While the Congress (I) working committee authorised Sitaram Kesari to take a
decision on the Presidential election, the United Front deputed Naidu to convey to the
Congress (I) President, the decision of the steering committee to back the candidature
of K. R. Narayanan, a dalit for elevation to the post of the President. Ultimately, it was
agreed that Naidu should make an announcement about the decision to back the
candidature of K.R.Narayanan at Andhra Bhavan after conveying the same to Sitaram
Kesari. The Congress and the United Front decided to project K.R.Narayanan as their
joint candidate.
Another crucial issue, which cropped up for discussion at the core committee
meeting was the stand of the United Front on election to the office of the Vice-
President. The Vice-President K.R. Narayanan emerged as the unanimous choice of the
United Front for the post of President and he was elected to the top post with an
overwhelming majority with the active involvement of Naidu.
Meanwhile, another important issue came up for the discussion that was the
issue of Krishna Kanth, Governor of Andhra Pradesh as the next Vice-President of

177
India. In a straight contest against Suijit Singh Baraala, Krishna Kanth emerged
victorious with a comfortable margin of 168 votes. While giving an interview to the
Hindu, Naidu said that he would continue to play an active role since it was his duty as
the United Front Convener to work for smooth functioning of the Front and sort out
problems among the constituents”.48

1998 Lok Sabha Elections (Mid-Term Elections)

The 12th Lok Sabha elections, necessited by the withdrawal of the support of the
Congress (I) to the United Front Government in less than two years. The 12th Lok

Sabha elections were marked by two significant developments viz; firstly the role of the
Regional Parties in the national politics; secondly, the realignment of political forces in
Andhra Pradesh. A significant development in the 1998 Lok Sabha elections was the
alliance of the BJP with the TDP (Lakshmi Parvathi). The 1998 elections thus turned
out to be a fierce three-cornered contest between the Congress (I), the TDP (N), Left
Parties and the BJP-TDP (LP) combine. The final outcome of 1998 elections are
shown in the table 5.21
Table - 5.21
Performance of Political Parties in 1998 Lok Sabha Elections in Andhra Pradesh
S.No. Name of the Party Seats Seats Vote
contested Won share
1 Congress 42 22 38.5
2 TDP 35 12 32.0
3 CPI 4 2 3.6
4 CPI (M) 2 0 1.9
5 BJP 7 4 18.3
6 AIMIM 2 1 2.1
7 Janata Party 2 1 1.98
8 Others 15 0 1.62
Total 109 42 100.00
Source: Karli Srinivasulu, Party Competition and Strategies of Mobilisation: An
Analysis of Social Coalitions in Andhra Pradesh, p.147.

178
 It is evident from the table 5.21 that the Congress (I) party regained its tally of
22 seats in this election out of 42 contested. But the share of its popular vote declined
from 39.7 per cent to 38.5 per cent. The strength of TDP declined to 12 from 16 seats
and its share in popular votes also declined by 0.6 per cent. In this elections, the major
turning point came to BJP. It bagged 4 seats by securing 18.3 per cent of vote share.
Ever since its formation, it is the highest share for the BJP in Andhra Pradesh. The
reason can be attributed to its alliance with TDP (LP) in this elections. In this elections
CPI got 2 seats by securing 3.6 per cent of votes. But another left party namely CPI (M)
failed to open its account. Another notable feature of this elections is that Janata Party
bagged one seat by securing 1.98 per cent of votes AIMIM also won one seat and its
secured 2.1 per cent of votes.
The 1998 elections had also thrown up a hung Lok Sabha and the strength of the
United Front declined from 170 to 90. Naidu lost 4 seats to the BJP, in Andhra Pradesh.
But, then, the BJP alliance was just 22 short of a majority and Naidu found that he was
still a king-maker because the BJP continuance in the office would depend on whether
his 12 MPs remained neutral or voted against the BJP. An informal meeting of the core
committee of the Front at the residence of the CPI (M) General Secretary Harkishan
Singh Suijeet was of the view that it was left with no option but disassociated itself
from the Telugu Desam Party and asked the United Front Convener Naidu to step down
from the post as the Telugu Desam Party had decided to abstain during the confidence
vote to be moved by A,B.Vajpayee on March 26,1998.
Naidu's contention was that when the Congress (I) itself was unwilling to
shoulder the responsibility of forming the Government at the Centre and there were
differences in perceptions among National Front regarding the continuance of United
Front there was no point in enforcing an unpalatable decision on the Telugu Desam
Party in the name of consensus. The crack in the United Front could become open when
the BJP’s planned to execute a deal with the Telugu Desam of Naidu. The BJP had
offered the Telugu Desam Party the post of Deputy Speaker of the twelfth Lok Sabha in
return for a positive vote in favour of a Speaker of its choice.
The BJP's official stance was that it would work for a consensus for the post of
Speaker but the post must go to the nominee of the ruling coalition as is the normal
practice. In the light of this fact, the BJP had already declined to propose the name of
P.A.Sangma for the Speaker's position on the plea that it was unilaterally declared by
the Congress (I) and therefore he could not be a consensus candidate. If there was any
179
chance for a consensus emerging the BJP, and its allies could also support the
candidature of S.S.Bamala of the Akali Dal, but he was reported to be reluctant to
accept this job.49

A senior BJP leader expressed the hope that the Telugu Desam would respond
favourably? The party had already stated that it would abstain during the confidence
motion. Surprisingly, Naidu was reluctant to field questions relating to national politics.
He repeated and stated that his party had problems both with the Congress (I) and the
BJP and that it could not be expected to support the Congress (I). Naidu said he had no
difference with the United Front leaders, nor was there a communication gap. He could
not play a key role because the United Front’s strength had gone down from 170 to 96
in 1998 Lok Sabha elections.
Naidu said, "The Telugu Desam Party has not taken any decision on the election
of the Speaker."50 The deep thinking among the leaders of United Front to expel

Naidu's party was only natural but a formal expulsion from the United Front could not
take place because primarily the United Front had never been single cohesive unit in
the strict sense of the term.
Further, Naidu said he continued to be the Convener of the United Front and
agreed with a question that he should convene meetings of the United Front. Naidu said
he was in touch with various United Front Parties but no communication was sent.
Naidu declined to specify the Telugu Desam's stand on the Speaker's issue, despite
persistent questions from the press. Reacting to the statements made by the press
persons, Naidu kept on saying, "we are not for power, as I have repeatedly said
earlier."51 Reviewing the national polities, Naidu said that he would prefer a consensus

candidate for the Speaker but there was no formal proposal to him about the
candidature of P.A. Sangma.
In the light of confusion and consternation at the national politics, Naidu
resigned as Convener from the United Front which let to a barrage of charges of
betrayal and politics of opportunism. As a nominee G.M.C.Balayogi, a second term
dalit MP from Amalapuram, Andhra Pradesh, managed to file his papers just three
minutes before the closing time as the flight was delayed by an hour. G.M.C.Balayogi
was known for his mild manners and shy nature. Naidu proved himself as a sincere
politician in establishing socialistic pattern of society with the inclusion of
G.M.C.Balayogi as the Speaker of Lok Sabha. The main political shifting strategy
behind the Telugu Desam's decision as a part of a political deal with the BJP, was
180
evident from the fact that his nomination papers signed by A.B.Vajpayee and Union
Home Minister L.K. Advani.
Naidu rose to the National level by sheer political intellectual prodigious efforts.
Later on Madanlal Khurana, Union Minister of Parliamentary Affairs announced the
historic decision of the B.J.P., to back the candidature of G.M.C.Balayogi,
A.B.Vajpayee, Prime Minister of India, spoke to Naidu and got his consent for his party
nominee contesting the Speaker's election. This clearly shows Naidu's unshakable faith
in his party cadre at the National level. L.K.Advani informed Naidu about the decision
of his party to support the Telugu Desam Party candidate for Lok Sabha Speaker. In the
light of these facts, many controversial things cropped up for discussion regarding the
seniors on the political scene in Andhra Pradesh. The CPI (M) General Secretary,
Harkishan Singh Surjeet said the action of the Telugu Desam Party would have a
disastrous effect on the political scene in Andhra Pradesh. Most of the prominent
leaders at the national level criticised the decision taken by Naidu in electing his
nominee G.M.C.Balayogi as the Speaker of Lok Sabha with the support of BJP. The
United Front spokesman Jaipal Reddy described the decision of Naidu as totally
incorrect and unfortunate.52

Further, the BJP, and its pre-poll alliance partners had about 250 seats in the
Lok Sabha, about 60 seats more than the seats secured in the 1996 elections. The
Telugu Desam leaders were felt that it would be unfair to block the chances of the BJP,
alliance to come to power, as was done in 1996. With this assessment, Naidu remained
cool towards the United Front's choice to vote against A.B. Vajpayee during the trust
vote or at least during the Speaker's election. Having known for far-reaching
consequences in the Andhra Pradesh, Naidu was talking formally about fighting the
Congress (I) and never agreed to support any Congress (I) led government at the
Centre. He was less strident in his criticism about fighting communal forces and the
BJP in particular. By deciding to enter into an arrangement with the BJP in the election
for the Lok Sabha Speaker and feeling his own party's M.P, G.M.C. Balayogi as the
BJP, alliance's candidate. Naidu had changed the course of politics in Delhi.
The election of the Speaker of the Lok Sabha had demonstrated that the BJP,
led Government had the sufficient numbers to survive. The confidence test had now
become a mere formality, but even so the party was taking no chances and sparing no
effort to see that its Government not only to survive but also do so comfortably. The
numbers made it clear that the Telugu Desam Party had played a vital role in helping
181
the BJP, survive the first test of the election of the Speaker, and in the second one, it
had become clear that had it not been for the Telugu Desam Party, the BJP, led
Government would have found it difficult to survive.53

As a result the Andhra Pradesh Minister for Major Industries Bashiruddin

Babukhan resigned from the Cabinet because he did not like Naidu's helping the BJP
government. Meanwhile, Naidu repeatedly asserted that he supported the BJP only to
block the Congress (I) from coming to power, but he assured him that the Telugu
Desam Party would always protect the interests of minorities. Considering the
individual and religious faith of the Ministry, Naidu pointed out that the controversial
issues such as scrapping of Art. 370, bringing in a uniform civil code and construction
of Rama temple in Ayodhya had been omitted in the national agenda. Naidu
categorically ruled out his party's joining in the A. B. Vajpayee's Government.

1999 Lok Sabha Elections (Mid-Term Elections)

On withdrawing support by AIADMK, the then President K.R. Narayanan
dissolved the Lok Sabha on April 26,1999 and ordered fresh elections as a way out of
the political mess the country found itself in following the fall of the A. B. Vajpayee
Government. The President's order was based on his assessment that the present Lok
Sabha 'was not capable of yielding a government with a reasonable prospect of stability
and that, in his perception, its dissolution had become necessary. In this election TDP
and BJP came to an understanding for seat sharing. As a result the Telugu Desam Party
and BJP combindly secured a near two-thirds majority and a huge tally of 36 Lok
Sabha seats in Andhra Pradesh in the Lok Sabha elections in 1999. The table 5.22
shows party wise position in 1999 Lok Sabha election in Andhra Pradesh.
Table-5.22
Performance of Political Parties in 1999 Lok Sabha Elections in Andhra Pradesh
S.No. Name of the Party Seats contested Seats Won Vote share
1 Congress 42 5 40.7
2 TDP 33 29 42.8
3 CPI 6 0 1.05
4 CPI (M) 7 0 1.75
4 BJP 9 7 9.1
5 AIMIM and others 21 1 4.6
Total 118 42 100.00
Source: Karli Srinivasulu, Party Competition and Strategies of Mobilisation : An
Analysis of Social Coalitions in Andhra Pradesh, p.147.

182
 The table 5.22 makes it clear that the seats won by Congress (I) party is limited
to single digit 5, in spite of increase in its vote share. It is the least tally for Congress (I)
party since the establishment TDP in the state. Many Congress (I) stalwarts were
defeated in this election. TDP strength was more than doubled, when compared to
1998 elections. In this election, it secured 29 seats and shared 42.8 per cent of popular
vote. Surprisingly BJP bagged 7 seats by securing 9.1 per cent popular vote. But its
share of popular vote was reduced from 18.3 (1998 elections) to 9.1 per cent. This
phenomenon can be attributed to pre-poll alliance of BJP with TDP party in this
election. Two left parties failed to open their accounts, as they have alliance neither
with TDP nor Congress (I). As usual AIMIM won Hyderabad Parliamentary
Constituency.
At a news conference, on October 7, 1999, Naidu said, "The policy of
conditional and issue-based support to the A.B. Vajpayee Government would continue.
The party meeting would discuss relations with the NDA and leaders of the BJP. He
said he was volunteering the information to pre-empt media speculation which could
cause confusion among the people and my M.Ps."54

The Telugu Desam Party Supremo faxed a letter to the President K. R.

Narayanan, informing him the support of its 29 newly -elected Lok Sabha M.Ps to the
A.B. Vajpayee Government but was unlikely to join the National Democratic Alliance
and the Union Cabinet.
Naidu also sent a formal letter to the Prime Minister A.B.Vajpayee. The letter
contained 'kindly accept my congratulations on leading your party and the NDA, to
victory in the 1999 Lok Sabha polls. I also take this opportunity to convey on behalf of
the Telugu Desam Party our support to the NDA, for formation of government at the
Centre. I have separately addressed a letter to the President of India duly conveying this
decision of the Telugu Desam Party.'55

G.M.C. Balayogi of Telugu Desam Party took over as the Speaker of the Lok
Sabha for a second consecutive term following his unanimous re-election.56 But
Chandra Babu Naidu denied to join the NDA Government, keeping in view that it may
create rift in Telugu Desam Parliamentary Party. During 1999-2004 NDA Government
had taken in to cognizance the views of Chandra Babu Naidu while taking major policy
decisions, which effected his government in the State. The NDA Government also
helped the TDP Government several times when the Government is in danger of
overdraft.
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 Meanwhile on October 1, 2003, N.Chandrababu Naidu escaped a landmine blast
which was part of an assassination attempt planned by Peoples War Group, now known
as CPI Maoist. He had a narrow escape, with a fractured collared bone and serious
injuries to his left leg. The incident occurred around 16:00 local time when Naidu was
travelling in a large convoy heading to the Lord Venkateshwara temple in Tirumala
hills. After an attempt on his life, Chandra Babu Naidu decide to seek fresh mandate of
people, as he thought that sympathy waves will lead him to victory. So, he requested
the Governor to dissolve Assembly. After that he persuaded Central leadership of NDA
to go early polls for Lok Sabha. The NDA partners after hectic considerations decided
to dissolve Lok Sabha and to go for early polls, which are due in October 2004. The
fourteenth Lok Sabha elections were held in May 2004. In these election the TDP and
BJP came to pre-poll understanding and shared seats both for Assembly as well as Lok
Sabha. The results showed that the journey of TDP with BJP proved costly for Telugu
Desam Party. The table 5.23 gives a clear picture of seats won by political parties in
2004 elections in AP.
Table-5.23
Performance of Political Parties in 2004 Fourteenth Lok Sabha Elections in
Andhra Pradesh

Seats Seats won %of

S.No Party
Contested Votes
1 Congress (I) 31 29 41.56
2 TDP 33 5 33.12
3 TRS 6 5 6.83
4 CPI 2 1 1.34
5 CPI (M) 3 1 1.04
6 BJP 9 0 1.84
7 AIMIM and Others 19 1 7.7
Total 103 42 100.00
Source: Election Commission of India
It can be noted from the table 5.23, that the Congress (I) Party’s position
improved a lot in terms of seats and votes’ in 2004 general elections. It was able to get
29 seats, by sharing 41.56 per cent of votes. Its tally increased more than 5 times, when
compared to 1998 elections. The TDP and its ally BJP had a poor show down to single
digit 5 and BJP failed to open its account in the State. On the other hand the allies of

184
Congress i.e TRS, CPI and CPI (M) managed to get 7 seats. To be more precise, TRS
secured 5 seats by sharing 6.83 per cent of popular vote. The left parties bagged one
seat each and shared 2.38 per cent of popular vote. AIMIM won from its traditional
bastion of Hyderabad Parliamentary Constituency.
Soon after these elections, introspection started in the TDP, which resulted in
departing of TDP from NDA coalition, within one month of election results. The TDP
role in national politics declined significantly as both NDA and TDP were voted out of

power.
With like minded parties, Chandra Babu Naidu and other regional party leaders
formed United National Progressive Alliance (UNPA) in 2007. It was then a grouping
of eight political parties in India who were neither in United Progressive Alliance nor in
National Democratic Alliance (NDA) or in Indian left. The members of UNPA
included. Bahujan Samaj Party, Telugu Desam Party, All India Anna Dravida
Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK), Janata Dal (Secular), Haryana Janhit Congress, Biju
Janata Dal (BJD), Pattali Makkal Katehi (PMK), Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra
Kazhagam (MDMK). The alliance had then approached Abdul Kalam to contest the
Indian presidential election. Rasheed Masood was their Vice-Presidential candidate.
But Abdul Kalam denied to contest on behalf of UNPA. The UNPA however split in
2008 to be resurrected in 2009 as the Third Front.57

2009 Lok Sabha Elections

The Third Front was created as an alliance of ten different political parties on
March 12, 2009, at a rally held in Dobbaspet, a small town 50 kilometres from
Bangalore. The Third Front was launched, against the pro-rich economic policies of the
national parties like the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party, against the growth of
communal and fascist forces and to remain determined and committed to the cause of
the pro-farmer, pro-poor, pro-worker, pro-Other Backward Classes, pro-Dalit, pro­
women, pro-minorities and pro-youth. The experiment of Third Front proved futile to

secure power.
On the other hand, the ‘Grand Alliance’ formed before 2009 elections in
Andhra Pradesh also failed miserably. The results of 2009 fifteenth Lok Sabha
elections in Andhra Pradesh is given in the table 5.24.

185
 Table - 5.24
Performance of Political Parties in 2009 Fifteenth Lok Sabha Elections in Andhra
Pradesh

Seats Seats %of

S.No Party
Contested won votes
1 Congress (I) 42 33 38.95%
2 TDP 33 6 24.93%
3 TRS 5 2 6.14%
4 CPI 2 0 1.37
5 CPI (M) 2 0 1.01
6 BJP 42 0 3.53
7 PRP 42 0 8.48
8 Lok Satta 38 0 3.11
9 AIMIM and Others 27 1 12.68
Total 233 42 100.00
Source: Election Commission of India.
It can be inferred from the table 5.24 that after 20 years Congress (I) party
secured more than 30 seats (39 in 1989 elections) in parliamentary elections held in
Andhra Pradesh. The major reasons for the landslide victory of Congress (I) is the
welfare schemes introduced by State Congress (I) Government like, Free power to
farmers enhancing the amount of social security pensions, Rajiv Aarogya Sri 3 per cent
rate of interest on SHG loans, etc. Besides the NREGS scheme introduced by Union
Government also attracted more voters towards Congress (I) party. To be precise, it
secured 33 seats and shared 38.95 per cent popular vote. But its share in popular vote
reduced nearly 2.91 per cent. Telugu Desam Party won in 6 seats by securing 24.93 per
cent votes. Grand Alliance Partner Other Grand Alliance partners namely CPI, CPI (M)
failed to open their account. The newly emerged PRP and Lok Satta also failed to get
even single seat. BJP which contested for 42 seats failed to win any seat AIMIM got
one seat.
The role of Naidu in national politics is praiseworthy. He never ambitioned to
capture power at the Centre. This was revealed when the United Front extended Prime
Ministership to him, he denied it. His only aim is to confine himself to the State of
Andhra Pradesh and develop it. Naidu and his party are after secularism. With the same
idea he did not extend support to BJP in 1996. But he was forced to extend his support

186
to BJP in 1998 and in 1999 with an idea to find a stable Government in the Centre. In
the Indian political history no Chief Minister has played such a crucial role in national
politics like Naidu. This only proves beyond doubt Naidu's acumenship,
foresightedness, political sagacity and nationalistic spirit. Further, the foregone political
developments in national politics and Naidu’s role in them show that Naidu can raise
himself given the volatile political situation in the country to a higher level
transcending his party's interest and his personal ambitions. At the same time, he never
sacrificed the interests of the state of Andhra Pradesh.
Upto 2004 General elections, Mr. N.Chandrababu Naidu categorically denied
for the divisions of states. After TDPs defeat in 2004 elections, Mr. Naidu almost
remained silent on the issue. Just few months before 2009 elections, on the basis of
suggestions by senior party leaders from Telangana region, he joined ‘Grand Alliance’.
This action of Mr. Naidu sent the message that he is also interested to form separate
Telangana state. But so far, he never made any promise publically.

187
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1. Sadhana Sharma, State Politics in India, Mittal Publications, New Delhi, 1995,
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2. Ibid., p.23.

3. Subramanyam, P., “Regional Political Parties in Andhra Pradesh: Telugu Desam

A Study,” in Dasarathi Bhuyan (Ed..), Role of Regional Parties in India, Mittal
Publications, New Delhi, 2007, p.72.

4. Rao, P.R., Modern History of Andhra Pradesh, Mittal publications, New Delhi,
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5. Ibid., p. 182.

6. Ibid., p. 184.

7. The Week, Cochin, September, 2-8, p.120.

8. Ibid., p.21.

9. Deccan Chronicle, Hyderabad, September, 15,1984, p.

10. Subramanyam, P., Op. Cit, p.73.

11. Ibid., p.76.

12. Verinder Grover and Ranjana Arora, (Ed) Encyclopedia of India and her
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13. Suri, K.C., “Telugu Desam Party”, in Peter Ronald D’Souza, E.Sridharan (Ed.),
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14. Ibid., p.304.

15. Ibid., p.305.

16. Innaiah, N., Saffron Star Over Andhra Pradesh, Usha Printers, Vijayawada,
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17. Andhra Prabha, Vijayawada, August, 24,1995,p. 1.

18. Rajendra Prasad, R.J., Op. Cit. p. 119.

19. www.googIe.com.TDP.

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22. Suri, K.C., “Andhra Pradesh: Setback for the TDP in Panchayat Elections”,
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23. The Hindu, Bangalore, May 26,2009, p.3.

24. The Hindu, Bangalore, May 27,2009, p.3.

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Political Movements in Andhra, Master Minds, Academic Press, Hyderabad,
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26. Ibid., p.67.

27. The Hindu, Bangalore, February 14th 1986, p.9.

28. Times of India, Bangalore, August 11,1986, pi 1.

29. Indian Express, Hyderabad, September 18,1986, p.5.

30. Rajendra Prasad, R.J., Op.cit.p.71.

31. Ibid., p.72.

32. Ibid., p.73.

33. The Hindu, Bangalore, September 1,1995, p.l.

34. The Financial Express, Bombay, February 6,1996, p.6.

35. Dasu Kesava Rao, "Naidu never had it so good", The Hindu, June 10,1996, p.8.

36. Harish Khare, "A new deal in federalism?” The Hindu, Bangalore, June 9, 1996,
p.9.

37. The Hindu, Bangalore, May 10,1996, p.8.

38. Newstime, Hyderabad, May 16,1996,p.6

39. The Hindu, Bangalore, May 15,1996,p.7.

40. Rajendra Prasad. R.J., "Discord in Cong., T.D.P. on support to Front", The
Hindu, Bangalore, May 22,1996, p.4.

41. The Hindu, Bangalore, May 26,1996, p.2.

42. The Hindu, Bangalore, May 26, 1996, p.2.

43. Dasu Kesava Rao, "Chinks in the armour", The Hindu, Bangalore, May 27,
1996,p.2.

44. Rajendra Prasad. R.J., "For a common platform", Frontline, May 31,
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189
45. The Hindu, Bangalore, May 31,1996, p.5.

46. Harish Khare, "Gujral to take oath today, to seek vote

tomorrow", The Hindu, Bangalore, April 21,1997, p.6.

47. The Hindu, Bangalore, April 22,1997, p.4.

48. The Hindu, Bangalore, October 8, 1999, p.3.

49. Muralidhar Reddy. B., 'Naidu gives written support this

time', The Hindu, Bangalore, October 9,1999, p.3.

50. The Hindu, Bangalore, October 25,1999,p.2.

51. The Hindu, Bangalore, October 29,1999,p.4.

52. News time, Hyderabad, Januaryl2, 2000,p.5

53. www.google.com

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57. www.google.com

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