Gender Differences in Mathematics Participation in Australian Schools: Some

Relationships with Social Class and School Policy

Author(s): Stephen Lamb
Source: British Educational Research Journal , Apr., 1996, Vol. 22, No. 2 (Apr., 1996), pp.
223-240
Published by: Wiley on behalf of BERA

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/1502066

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British Educational Research Journal, Vol. 22, No. 2, 1996 223

Gender Differences in Mathematics

Participation in Australian Schools:
some relationships with social class
school policy

STEPHEN LAMB, Australian Council for Educational Research

ABSTRACT In Australia girls have been underrepresented in mainstream mathematics

in senior high school. Yet is this true of all groups of girls? Using data gathered in four
high schools, this study sought to document the extent to which girls' participation in
mathematics varied depending on social class and school background. The results show
that while girls are less likely than boys to take up university-preparatory mathematics
subjects, particularly advanced mathematics, this is not experienced equally by all
groups of girls. Social class has a major impact on girls' chances of studying specialist
mathematics in the final years of school. Gender relativities are much weaker for girls
from professional family origins for whom class background works to offset the effects
of gender. School policy is also an important influence. In schools which have more
liberal policies of curriculum access the gender gap narrows, whereas in schools which
operate traditional academic practices of pupil management and curriculum organisa-
tion from the junior year levels, gender selection tends to be more severe. These results
suggest that future work needs to focus not on whether girls as a group are more
disadvantaged in mathematics, but on which groups of girls and in which school
settings.

Gender differences in school participation in Australia have changed dramatically over

the last two decades. Reversing the general pattern of the post-war period, girls have
been completing school in greater numbers than boys since the mid-1970s (Lamb, 1994).
This reversal in school completion has in recent years been translated into stronger rates
of transition into higher education, with women now taking up more than 50% of places
offered in universities (Department of Employment, Education and Training [DEET],
1988, 1994). Yet despite these gains in overall participation, some areas of school have
been more slow to change. One of these areas is mathematics. Recent data show that in
some states of Australia differences in participation in university-approved mathematics

0141-1926/96/020223-18 ? 1996 British Educational Research Association

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224 S. Lamb

are as large as 15% in favour of males (Dekkers et al., 1991;

differences exist in the higher level mathematics options needed fo
sciences and engineering in university (Dekkers et al., 1991).
The underrepresentation of females in mathematics is an impor
because mathematics in senior school acts as a critical filter in
education (Sells, 1980; Willis, 1990). This is partly reflected in acc
Many more females than males might now enter university but th
sented in a range of technical, scientific and engineering fields f
and the physical sciences are basic prerequisites (DEET, 1994).
plays an important strategic role in the way many schools ge
performance at senior secondary level (Teese, 1989). It is a subject
often associated with the academic selection practices of setting,
and ability grouping-practices employed to deal with pupil d
academic focus in the senior secondary years. Mathematics
curriculum and pupil management in secondary schools.
In view of the role of mathematics in academic selection, the study
in mathematics has attracted considerable attention among educat
policy-makers in Australia. Numerous government reports have hig
the underrepresentation of females in mathematics and proposed s
more females to remain in mathematics into the senior years of
monwealth Schools Commission, 1984, 1987; Australian Education
The concern of governments has been based on a wide range
documented the broad trends in participation over recent decades
1991; Victorian Department of Labour, 1990; DEET, 1991). Conside
been paid to identifying some of the reasons underlying the diffe
(Fraser, 1980; Leder, 1981, 1989, 1990; Moss, 1982).
The amount of research on the gender gap in mathematics
advancing our knowledge of the nature and extent of diffe
outcomes. However, much of the work in this area has tend
differences in broad terms either by documenting dimension
aggregated statistics or by treating girls as a homogeneous g
grounds for using a more disaggregated approach. Recent work c
matics activity of females and males has identified important
socio-economic status, geography, and school background (Tees
al., 1993). In an analysis of mathematics enrolments over the last
found that the growth in girls' participation in mathematics
middle-class groups making major gains and girls from work
lagging well behind.
One of the problems in looking at aggregative statistics or
homogeneous group is that it tends to conceal important within-
makes it difficult to develop a framework for reform for targetin
chances. Blanket policies may not be sensitive to the particular n
of different groups of females and those located in different ins
reform to be targeted and effective it is important to identify wh
weak levels of mathematics activity and which do not.
The aim of this paper is to explore some of the relationship
background, gender and school in patterns of mathematics partic
study draws on information gathered from a survey of stude
government high schools in the state of Victoria. It will be argue

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 Gender Differences in Mathematics Participation 225

and school attended are major influences on the mathematics gender gap. After
controlling for student background there are important differences in patterns of course
enrolments across schools. These differences are related to pupil management practices
and academic policy. Schools which seek to achieve competitive academic success in
senior school mathematics by filtering students through selective grouping practices and
restrictive promotions policies have higher rates of attrition of female students in
mathematics. Traditional academic practices and policy have particularly severe effects
on the chances of women studying mathematics. But not all groups are affected in the
same way. Analysis of socio-economic patterns shows that social class cuts across
gender differences in such a way that despite the lower chances of girls as a group, many
middle-class girls continue to access the most profitable stream of mathematics study
thanks to their family background.
The paper is organised into four sections. It will begin by introducing the schools and
presenting some features of the survey data. The second section provides a descriptive
summary of patterns of enrolment in mathematics courses at the schools and then
compares patterns of mathematics enrolments across the schools after controlling for a
range of background variables. Here, particular attention is paid to differences in the
mathematics gender gap between schools. Section three examines some aspects of the
interaction of class and gender in mathematics participation, looking at whether lower
female participation rates are experienced across all social groups or whether they are a
feature of only some groups. Finally, the conclusion looks at some of the implications
of the findings for research and policy on gender and mathematics.

Data

The information on mathematics participation used in this paper was collected as par
a broader study investigating processes of social selection through the school curricu
Using a more fine-grained approach than is often used in work on the social demogr
of school participation and outcomes, the survey sought to shed light on the mechan
and processes which contribute to social selection in a small range of secondary sch
in the metropolitan area of Melbourne (capital city of the state of Victoria w
population of over 3 million). To do this, extensive fieldwork was conducted in
school in 1988, gathering information on the structure of courses, pupil managem
practices, subject offerings, organisation and management of teachers, and resourc
The main focus was on documenting how each school approached the management
pupils, teaching and the curriculum, given its pupil intake, and looking at the effec
pupil outcomes.
To examine patterns of social access to the curriculum and to seek to identify th
underlying patterns of social selection in school, a detailed questionnaire was admi
tered to all students in Years 10, 11 and 12. Information was sought on the subject
courses students were studying, the subjects they had completed in previous years,
experiences in school, as well as their ethnicity, gender, and family backgroun
addition, at each school, interviews were conducted with school staff, including m
matics co-ordinators and mathematics teachers, obtaining information on course s
tures and the course placement process.
In this paper we focus on the mathematics courses taken by students in Year 11
year level is the first year of senior high school and represents a turning point in t
of specialisation, orientation and work requirements. It is the first year in w
mathematics is formally organised in line with the requirements of the Vict

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226 S. Lamb

Certificate of Education (VCE), the certificate governing admis

Moving away from more common or core programmes, at
comprises general and advanced options. Subject choices in
educational and career options and reveal differences in school
formerly been hidden by largely common programmes of study
11 that the effects of underlying social selection in all previou
and are scholastically rationalised through subject choice.
The patterns of access to the mathematics curriculum are
government high schools in the sample which offered Year 11
course enrolments, previous performance in mathematics (grad
year) and gender for each student was obtained from questi
pational background data were derived from the same source. F
in social research, father's occupation is used here as the m
background. The choice of occupation as the basic grouping prin
argument that class, market-determined life chances, is fundam
style, differences are in the long run determined by property d
pp. 180-194).
Some descriptive information on student background and par
ance for the four schools is presented in Table I. School A is a l
school located in an established industrial suburb of Melbourne.
working-class intake with nearly 60% of students in Year 11 w
manual work and less than 5% of students from professional or
Success rates in final year mathematics at the school were the
schools. School B had the highest pass rates in Year 12 mathema
situated in a middle-class suburb, School B has also achieve
drop-out rates which partly reflect a state-wide pattern of str
among women. School C is a large, middle-class suburban
academic record. It had the largest proportion of students
managerial backgrounds and a high rate of success in final year
is the largest school in the sample. Like School A, it has a predo
intake, drawing its students mainly from manual occupational
had the highest drop-out rate of the sample schools and a comp
in final year mathematics.
While the four schools in no way represent the full range of
school system, they are examples of commonly occurring type
while the results cannot be applied to all schools, the more
favoured in this study meant that it was possible to develop a d
enrolment patterns in a range of 'typical' secondary schools in

School Differences and Gender

Subject Enrolments

In the late 1980s gender differences in mathematics participation remained a featur

senior schooling in Victoria (Teese, 1994). Despite some gains in enrolments over
decade, young women were still less likely to continue mathematics study into the
years of school than their male counterparts. Yet, as the results presented in this sect
show, this did not apply to all secondary schools and to all levels of mathematics. Th
mathematics curriculum was differentiated. 'Mathematics A' (the minimum mathemat

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 Gender Differences in Mathematics Participation 227

TABLE I. Background data on the four schools

School A School B School C School D

Cohort size (Year 11)

Female (n) 56 118 86 98
Males (n) 39 64 75

Occupational background
Professional/managerial 3 32 42 4
Clerical/non-manual 12 36 31 18
Skilled manual 27 21 13 24
Unskilled manual 58 11 14 54

Year 12 pass rate in Mathematics

1985 47 100 96 49

School drop-out rat

1988 38 18 22 52

*Drop-out rates wer

entering Year 7 coh

requirement fo
matics subject n
courses in univer
often taken toget
was a compulsor
general, school-
students prepari
recognised for un
of Year 11 studen
show that ther
differences varied across the four schools.
Comparing differences between males and females in the coeducational schools, it is
clear that in School C and School D males and females occupied different parts of the
mathematics curriculum. University-preparatory mathematics was male dominated. In

80
Males
Females
70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0
School A School B School C School D

FIG. 1. Mathematics A enrolments by school.

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228 S. Lamb

80
Males
Females
70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0
School A School B School C School D

FIG. 2. Mathematics B enrolments by school.

School C, for example, over 70% of boys d

of girls. In School D the gap was 18% in
Mathematics B, differences were even m
enrolled in Mathematics B compared to 10%
up Mathematics B as against one-quarter of
preserve of males, then the lower status g
to be the domain of females. In School C, 2
The gap was smaller in School D where m
Mathematics, but the gap was still nearly 1
From these results it would appear that t
School D was serving male and female stud
the university-preparatory mathematics in
future options, leaving open a wider range
also did more mathematics. A higher propor
Mathematics B. Over 80% of boys in Sch
also enrolled in Mathematics B. Only 60% o
for boys and 30% for girls. In the two scho
prescribed by many schools of undertakin
if students intended only doing one mathe
way boys not only kept themselves in the
strong mathematics background, they also
matics which was likely to support high
average across Victorian schools girls ach
in final year Mathematics A than boys,
Mathematics B.
The mathematics curriculum was not uniformly as severe on young women. In con
trast to the patterns in School C and School D, enrolment rates in university-preparato
mathematics in School A were stronger among females than males. Nearly 54% of gi
were studying Mathematics A, compared to 51 % of boys. This reversal of the 'gende
gap' did not extend to the specialist option, Mathematics B, but the gap for this opti
was much less than in the other coeducational schools. Furthermore, across all four
schools female participation rates in Mathematics B were strongest in School A.

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 Gender Differences in Mathematics Participation 229

80
Males
Females
70

60

50

40

30

20

10

0
School A School B School C School D

FIG. 3. Business Mathematics enrolments by sc

Strong enrolment rates for young wom

mately 60% of girls in the all-girls scho
the levels achieved for girls in the coedu
pation levels of males in School A and Sc
to Mathematics B, where the enrolmen
Of course stronger enrolment rates do n
enrolments may reduce the competitiven
by increasing pupil diversity. However,
group competitiveness, schools with h
learning overall for their students th
academically selective.

School Differences after Controlling for

It is clear from the results that gender

across schools. But how much of this va
much was due to the school? One way
analysis to predict the likelihood of par
effects of key background attributes of
here. This technique provides a useful m
control variables, and assessing the net
an event or result (in this case mathemat
variables. In the analysis, the contributi
contribution of other variables. Conseque
comparing the estimates for particular
Logistic regression was preferred over l
variables are dichotomous.
In the analysis, students from all four schools were pooled and a set of schoo
dummies was included to represent possible school differences. Also included wer
measures of students' background characteristics, namely students' previous mathe
matics achievement (mathematics grade in previous year), fathers' occupational back-
ground and gender. The parameter estimates for mathematics are presented in Table II

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230 S. Lamb

TABLE II. Parameter estimates from logistic regression analysis predicting

participation in mathematics*

Business
Mathematics A Mathematics B Mathematics

Constant - 3.645 (0.538) - 7.466 (0.867) 1.948 (0.458)

Mathematics achievement
Previous year 0.850 (0.111) 1.330 (0.166) - 0.539 (0.094)
Schools
School A 1.208 (0.386) 1.419 (0.454) - 0.889 (0.361)
School B 1.512 (0.383) 0.699 (0.410) - 0.834 (0.352)
School D - 0.137 (0.330) - 0.177 (0.394) - 0.177 (0.309)

Sex
Males 0.626 (0.265) 1.397 (0.309) - 0.199 (0.246)

Occupational background
Professional 1.757 (0.425) 1.934 (0.384) - 1.821 (0.438)
Skilled manual - 0.188 (0.326) - 0.224 (0.421) 0.143 (0.308)
Unskilled manual - 0.871 (0.319) - 0.339 (0.404) 0.742 (0.298)

*Standard errors in parentheses.

They show that many of the background attributes have a strong rel
mathematics participation. The coefficients for prior mathematics attainm
fessional occupational background, are consistently large in relation to th
errors. Irrespective of school, gender, and prior mathematics achievement,
professional origins were more likely to enrol in a university-preparatory
than were children from other family backgrounds. Similarly children wh
high mathematics grades were far more likely to take advanced mathemati
likely to take Business Mathematics than students with low grades. Impor
gender, which continues to exert an effect that increases with the level o
effects are relatively small for the less prestigious Business Mathematics,
university-preparatory subject, Mathematics A, and substantially larger fo
mathematics option, Mathematics B. This means that, irrespective
background, boys have much higher chances of enrolling in the universit
mathematics studies, particularly the advanced unit. They are also le
relegated to Business Mathematics, though the differences here are not s
However, after controlling for the effects of these background charact
remain differences in mathematics enrolment probabilities across schools
suggest that, other things being equal, students in School A and School B
probability of studying Mathematics A than students in the two other sch
likely to be placed in the lower status option, Business Mathematics. In
students have more opportunity of studying a university-preparatory math
attend School A or School B. Children in School D are substantially more l
in Business Mathematics than children in the other schools. Similarly
equal, attending School A substantially increases the likelihood of stud
Mathematics B in Year 11, though the differences across the other schools
The results suggest, then, that school or, more particularly, school policy
opportunities for mathematics study. But are the effects of school the sa
males and females, and does school policy in any way influence gender di

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 Gender Differences in Mathematics Participation 231

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232 S. Lamb

TABLE IV. Gender gap in probabilities of mathematics participation: a co

four schools*

School A School B School C School D

Mathematics A
Males 0.71 0.45 0.43
Females 0.70 0.74 0.38 0.33

Mathematics B
Males 0.49 0.25 0.23
Females 0.22 0.12 0.06 0.04

Business mathematics
Males 0.26 0.50 0.47
Females 0.28 0.25 0.49 0.43

*Derived from the estimated coef

look at these issues, separate an

reported in Table III. Looking
measures and mathematics par
direction and strength of effe
background was an important d
from professional families wer
mathematics and far less likely
ment also was influential for b
performance in mathematics la
be noted that this measure exe
preparatory mathematics subje
poorly in mathematics the pre
Mathematics B than boys who
The main exception to these pa
school attended consistently ex
Controlling for occupational ba
studying Mathematics A were
School A were also more lik
compared to their female peer
to take up the less prestigious
there is some indication that t
preparatory mathematics, but t
would seem from these results
mathematics partly depended o
extent for boys.
To get some sense of the magn
with boys, and to assess the
participation, it is useful to com
particular background chara
comparison based on a contr
mathematics the previous year
non-manual jobs.
For Mathematics A, the spread

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 Gender Differences in Mathematics Participation 233

Girls had a 74% chance of taking the subject at School B against a 33% chance at School
D. For boys the rates ranged from 71% at School A to 43% at School D. Moreover,
relative differences between girls and boys varied from school to school. There was little
gap at School A in probabilities of enrolments (71% for boys compared to 70% for
girls). Other things being equal, girls attending the school had virtually the same chances
of studying Mathematics A as boys at the school. This was not the situation at School
D, however. Here, boys had a much stronger likelihood of taking Mathematics A than
girls did (43% as against 33%, respectively). Boys also had a much stronger likelihood
of enrolling in the subject at School C. Clearly, the gender gap in Mathematics A
participation varied from school to school.
For Mathematics B, the gender gap across the coeducational schools was consistently
large. In each school girls were far less likely to take up the subject than were boys. This
suggests that in terms of Mathematics B school had less effect on the magnitude of
gender differences than was the case for Mathematics A, but the effects of school were
less evident because of the low levels of female enrolments in all schools.

Explaining School Differences

What can account for the school differences in girls' opportunities for studyin
mathematics? One explanation is that they reflected unmeasured differences among th
students who attended the four schools. This may be the case; other background factor
may have accounted for the differences. But the strength and direction of results sugges
that this is unlikely. A more likely explanation is to be found in school policy.
School C and School D both recorded large gender gaps in the probabilities of
Mathematics A participation. In many ways the two schools are very different. School
C is located in an affluent residential area and caters largely for middle-class children.
It achieves impressive VCE results which rival those of neighbouring private schools,
and students from the school have a strong record of gaining entry to prestigious course
in higher education. The school values academic competitiveness and teachers reported
having few problems in maintaining classroom order and control. Teachers are keen to
teach at the school, reflected in low rates of staff turnover and a high proportion of staf
with many years of teaching experience. Conversely, School D serves a predominantly
working-class community in a newly-established industrial suburb. School completion
rates are low and the teaching staff is relatively young. Teachers characterise the school
as a 'tough' school to teach in because of poor academic results and problems in
maintaining classroom order. The school has experienced high rates of staff turnover.
Yet, despite the differences in student intake, teachers and academic results, the tw
schools share a traditional approach to curriculum, teaching and pupil management. Th
subjects offered in both schools, and their timetables, are traditional and the approaches
to teaching fairly formal. The academic curriculum in the senior years dominates the
activity, content and organisation of junior classes. In School C there is a narrow
academic curriculum in Years 9 and 10 with a core set of subjects and a limited numbe
of electives. Restrictive promotions practices apply in the key subject areas of mathe-
matics and science. To enrol in these subjects in senior school, students have to achieve
a set minimum grade in the previous year. Selective promotions are also achieved
through setting in mathematics in Years 9 and 10. At these levels, students are groupe
in mathematics according to their mathematics performance in earlier grades. Further
more, teaching and assessment are driven by examinations and tests in these years to
help gear up for competitive VCE performance. At School D, a wider range of subjects

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234 S. Lamb

is offered in the junior years, but mathematics is still shaped over

drive to gear up for VCE competition. Practices such as restr
examination- and test-driven teaching and rigorous subject-selection
both to filter students and prepare those selected for VCE com
schools children encounter the formal academic structure of the senior school curriculum
well before Year 11 because pupil management and teaching in the junior years are
shaped around the requirements of the senior programme.
Gender selection was least severe in School A. This school is similar in many ways
to School D. It too serves a largely working-class population and has faced similar
problems of high failure rates, low levels of school completion and high rates of staff
turnover. However, confronted with these problems the teachers and school administra-
tion sought to implement reforms to school programmes, methods of assessment,
approaches to teaching and pupil management. A major concern was to make teaching
less formal and the curriculum more accommodating for the populations served by the
school. The school sought to place less emphasis on academic competitiveness in the
junior years and more on providing curriculum and teaching responsive to the needs and
interests of a diverse group of students. This was pursued through offering a broad and
extensive range of electives, a much greater use of non-graded assessment, and a policy
of more open promotions. In mathematics, practices such as setting, selective admis-
sions, fine-grading and examination-driven teaching were abandoned in favour of more
flexible, student-centred approaches in mixed-ability classes. Teaching is far less reliant
on the formula of textbook, tests and revision than at the other schools. In line with this
approach, there is a more liberal promotions policy for entry to the mathematics courses
in Year 11. Therefore, at this school, there were attempts to move away from a focus
on individual competition for preferred places in the senior mathematics curriculum by
broadening the focus and appeal of mathematics through less teacher-centred classes and
more liberal promotions policies.
The results suggest that the efforts at School A have been successful in promoting
girls into university-preparatory mathematics. But it is important to note that the patterns
did not hold into Year 12. In the final year girls' enrolments were still above the rates
in the other coeducational schools, but had fallen below the rates for boys at the school.
This suggests that the efforts of School A have not been enough ultimately to override
the selective effects of the academic curriculum. In Year 11 subjects are organised and
taught around the requirements of the VCE. Once exposed to the more formal
organisation at this level, the academic curriculum starts to reassert its selectiveness so
that in Year 12 enrolments in Mathematics A once again favour boys. The protection
offered girls by the liberal promotions practices and more student-centred approaches to
teaching in the junior classes at School A can not endure the effects of selection once
students are exposed to the more traditional programme.
Academic selection in mathematics does not always have to be severe on women.
School B is an 'academic' school with a traditional curriculum and timetable, rigorous
selection through its junior forms, and selective promotions into the senior years. In this
school concerns about the poor representation of women in mathematics and sciences led
to additional teaching time given to mathematics, in conjunction with support classes and
intensive coaching in mathematics for weaker students. Extension classes were also
offered in Year 11 for girls doing Mathematics A, which may help explain the high
success rate in the final year (see Table I). The results at the school also lend support
to the proponents of single-sex teaching as a means of promoting greater equity in
mathematics education (e.g. Spender, 1982). One explanation based on this view is that

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 Gender Differences in Mathematics Participation 235

single-sex teaching supports girls' efforts in mathematics because girls are not exposed
to the peer-driven competitiveness of male students and because the dynamics of
interaction between students and between students and teachers are different, particularly
in light of sex-related expectations and behaviours of teachers as well as of students. But
though girls at School B more often do Mathematics A than girls in the other schools,
this advantage does not hold for the more specialised Mathematics B. Year 11
enrolments in this subject were low-about the same as for girls at School C and less
than at School A. So while it may carry some benefits in terms of attempting a
university-preparatory mathematics, attendance at the single-sex school did not protect
girls from selection out of the 'harder' mathematics course.
The differences in school policy related to curriculum, teaching, and organisation may
help explain the school differences in gender selection in mathematics. In schools which
expose children to a more academic structure in programmes and organisation at an
earlier stage, gender differences become articulated more strongly. For example in
School C and School D, where from the junior forms teaching, learning, assessment and
promotions were organised around the requirements of a hierarchically organised,
academically competitive senior school mathematics curriculum, gender selection is
more intense. Some schools can offset some of these effects to some extent through
deliberate compensatory practices such as coaching, and extra tuition, as in School B. In
schools which attempt to take a less narrowly academic approach in their programmes,
assessment and teaching, it is possible to achieve much stronger participation of women
in senior school mathematics. At School A, for example, girls' enrolments in university-
preparatory mathematics match that of boys. Ultimately, though, even schools which
have the most liberal promotions policies cannot protect girls from the effects of the
academic mathematics curriculum once they are exposed to the authority of this
curriculum in the senior years. For, as in School A, the common pattern of gender
differences starts to reassert itself in Year 12.

Social Class Differences and Gender

School policy, it would seem, can influence girls' chances of participation in s

school mathematics. But there are differences in girls' mathematics enrolments ac
the schools, which indicate that social background is also a key factor. It is now ti
to look more closely at this issue. In what ways do girls' and boys' chances of stud
mathematics vary according to social origin, and does school make a difference?

Social Class, Gender and Mathematics Participation

Social class differences in mathematics participation at the senior level of schooling

substantial, for both girls and boys. This is apparent from Table V, which com
boys' and girls' probabilities of enrolments in the different mathematics subjects for
occupational background. After adjusting for differences in attainment and sc
attended, girls from a professional or managerial occupational background had an 8
chance of taking Mathematics A, compared to a 30% chance for girls from sk
manual origins. Similarly, for boys the rates were 95% and 53% respectively. The s
and cultural advantages of professional family origins, it would appear, work
protect girls as well as boys from selection out of university-preparatory mathem
Indeed the chances of studying Mathematics A were greater for girls from
background than for both boys and girls from other backgrounds, and were second

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236 S. Lamb

TABLE V. Gender gap in probabilities of mathematics participation

backgrounds compared*

Professional/ Clerical/ Skilled Unskilled

managerial non-manual manual manual

Mathematics A
Males 0.95 0.47 0.53 0.27
Females 0.86 0.38 0.30 0.22

Mathematics B
Males 0.49 0.25 0.29 0.18
Females 0.29 0.06 0.03 0.05

Business mathematics
Males 0.04 0.50 0.42 0.66
Females 0.12 0.48 0.56 0.66

*Derived from the estimated coef

to the most privileged group-

the social spectrum, social ori
of Mathematics A. Girls fro
studying Mathematics A, an
from their higher status pe
mathematics enrolments, and
While social class was impor
occupational level girls were l
gender was very unevenly felt
backgrounds. Boys from this
compared to a 30% chance for
professional managerial b and
preparatory strea mathematics
a girl from skilled manual or
manual backgrounds where th
and females from this occup
matics A.
Gender selection was far more intense in Mathematics B, the subject with specialised
links with higher education. There was a substantial gap between girls and boys in each
occupational group. It ranged from 13% in the unskilled manual occupational group to
26% in the skilled manual group. Moreover, apart from the most 61lite group, the
enrolment rates of girls were uniformly low. Social and cultural advantages did not
eliminate gender disadvantages. For example, the chances of girls from a clerical/
non-manual background taking Mathematics B were much lower than those of boys from
the same social group, and well below those of boys from skilled manual and unskilled
manual backgrounds. So in terms of participation in advanced mathematics, gender was
overriding the effects of social class. But the effect was not total. Girls from professional
backgrounds were five times more likely to access Mathematics B than those from
unskilled manual backgrounds and more than four times as likely to do so as girls from
clerical backgrounds, other things being equal. Their chances, while lower than those of

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 Gender Differences in Mathematics Participation 237

upper middle-class boys, were greater than for boys of other backgrounds. So for this
group of girls it would appear that even in a subject in which the opportunities for girls
were severely limited, family origin continued to offset the disadvantage of gender.
Social class was also important in the less valued course, Business Mathematics. This
subject presented a reverse social gradient with enrolment probabilities declining as
occupational status increased. For both males and females a great disparity existed
between the extremes of the social spectrum, the gaps between the groups at the lower
end only half as great as the intervals separating the top two occupational groups. There
was a big fall in probability rates from the professional to the clerical group for both
sexes. The influence of gender was variable. It had little influence on students from
unskilled manual backgrounds. Both boys and girls from this family origin were likely
to be relegated to the least profitable mathematics course.
These results show that while gender selection occurs through mathematics, not all
girls are affected in the same way. The material and cultural advantages of a professional
family background protected middle-class girls from both relegation to terminal mathe-
matics and selection out of the university-qualifying stream. For the most 61ite group of
girls social class advantages extended to placement in the most prestigious mathematics
option, Mathematics B-a subject which has proved very difficult for girls to access. It
would appear that social class selection cuts across gender differences in such a way that
despite the lower chances of girls as a group, some girls continue to access the most
profitable stream of mathematics study thanks to their family background. In short, social
class compensates for gender.

Social Class, School Policy and Gender Differences

Do social class and gender differences in mathematics participation vary across schools?
To look at this question probabilities of enrolments were derived for students from
different occupational backgrounds in each school. The results for Mathematics A are
presented in Table VI. Caution has to be exercised with these results because at this level
of disaggregation small subpopulation sizes produce large standard errors and low
reliability. For this reason the estimates for Mathematics B and Business Mathematics,
which have very low participation rates in some schools, have not been included. The
results for Mathematics A are presented more as trends. Further research will be needed
to test the relationships more fully.
The figures in Table VI suggest that school and gender differences in probabilities of
Mathematics A participation are negligible for children from professional and managerial
occupational backgrounds. All rates are well above 85% with only a small gender gap
of 7% in School C. Boys and girls from professional backgrounds were likely to take up
Mathematics A irrespective of school. This did not apply to other occupational groups.
School policy appeared to affect the way in which gender differences varied with social
class background. The results suggest that Schools C and D, the schools with a more
traditional academic focus, had a similar pattern of association between gender and class,
with substantial gender differences for children from clerical, skilled manual and
unskilled manual backgrounds. This was not the case at School A, the school with more
liberal promotions policies. At this school the gender gap was reversed for students from
clerical and unskilled manual backgrounds, with higher probabilities of enrolment for
girls than for boys. In addition, the effects of social class were much less severe. This
was also true of School B, where there were smaller variations in the chances of
mathematics participation as a function of social background.

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238 S. Lamb

TABLE VI. Estimated probabilities of participation in Mathematic

occupational background and school

Professional/ Clerical/ Skilled Unskilled

managerial non-manual manual manual

School A
Males 0.98 0.42 0.63 0.60
Females 0.99 0.66 0.38 0.66

School B
Females 0.87 0.70 0.62 0.63

School C
Males 0.94 0.67 0.55 0.20
Females 0.87 0.36 0.30 0.07

School D
Males 0.99 0.53 0.68 0.19
Females 0.98 0.30 0.29 0.10

These results are exploratory

schools in the relationships am
School C and School D display
university-preparatory mathem
backgrounds and more particu
advantages of professional fam
on gender with negligible dif
Schools A and B had much w
social background and at Scho
mathematics participation. Sch
from lower status occupationa

Conclusion

The gender stratification in mathematics participation continued to exist in the late 19

in Australian schools, despite a decade of policy reform and public awareness ca
paigns. Girls were less likely to enter university-preparatory mathematics subjects in
senior secondary years, particularly the specialist options, and more likely eithe
abandon mathematics study altogether or enter devalued school-assessed subjects. But
not all girls were affected in the same way. The results of this study show that soci
class was an important influence. Social and cultural advantages worked to protect gi
from professional family origins from the effects of gender selection in mathemati
They continued to enjoy high enrolment levels in the preparatory mathematics stream
even in the advanced courses which have proved difficult for girls to access. At the lo
status occupational levels, however, gender tended to intensify the effects of so
selection. While both boys and girls from lower status origins were less likely to tak
up the university-preferred mathematics options, the effects were much more severe
girls. These women paid not only for their social background but also for their gend
Gender and social class effects were influenced by the combined effects of centralis

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 Gender Diferences in Mathematics Participation 239

curriculum control and local school policy. Senior secondary schooling (Years 11 and
12) is subject to the teaching and organisational requirements of the senior school
certificate. The range and structure of accredited subjects, organisation of the curriculum,
subject content, assessment and awarding of credentials are centrally controlled and have
a formal influence at a state-wide level. Schools organise their senior years in line with
these centrally imposed, system-level requirements. It has meant that senior schooling
has had a predominantly academic focus because in the past the curriculum and
assessment have been driven by the purposes of university selection. Some schools
extend this academic focus into their junior year levels, formally organising and teaching
courses at the junior levels in line with the competitive academic demands of the senior
school curriculum. Other schools have a less traditional focus in the junior years. The
results of the present study suggest that the schools which tend to operate traditional
academic policy from the junior year levels-through such practices as setting, restric-
tive promotions, competitive assessment, examination-driven teaching-display a more
severe level of social class and gender selection in mathematics. In these schools
selection tends to be hard on girls from lower status origins. Their enrolment rates in the
university-preparatory mathematics subjects were poor by comparison with their male
peers and with both boys and girls from professional family origins. Some schools-as
in the case of School B-can compensate for some of these effects by offering special
withdrawal classes and intensive coaching in mathematics, but it is difficult even with
such strategies to compensate for the severity of selection in the most demanding and
most prestigious parts of the mathematics curriculum.
Schools which have more open promotions policies and less traditional organisation
and teaching practices in the junior years can protect girls from relegation to devalued
streams in the mathematics curriculum. The policies of these schools can help make
gender differences in mathematics participation on entry to senior high school less
severe, though it is difficult even for these schools to insulate girls from the effects of
gender selection once they have been exposed to the traditional organisation of studies
in the senior level of high school.
The extent to which gender differences vary indicates the need for future research and
policy work in this area to be sensitive to the relations between social class and gender
and to the role of school-level policies shaping access to the curriculum. The relative
disadvantages experienced by girls in the mathematics curriculum are not experienced
equally by all groups of girls and across all schools. Gender differences in mathematics
participation for students from professional family origins tend to be weak. However, as
we descend the social scale, gender becomes more decisive as a category of cultural
influence. Schools which have more traditional policies of curriculum organisation and
curriculum access tend to intensify these effects. In looking at gender differences in
mathematics, then, it is necessary to look not so much at the disadvantages for girls as
a group but for which particular groups of girls and in which school settings. Of course
the study of gender differences in mathematics participation rests on the organisation of
senior school mathematics into a differentiated, hierarchically organised curriculum. As
long as the curriculum at this level continues to be shaped around the needs of selection
for higher education then it is likely that mathematics will continue to operate as a major
source of social and gender selection.

Correspondence: Stephen Lamb, Australian Council for Educational Research, 19

Prospect Hill Road, Camberwell, Victoria, Australia 3124.

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240 S. Lamb

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