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Johnson and Zori 2011 Introduction State PDF
Johnson and Zori 2011 Introduction State PDF
in the Prehistoric
Jequetepeque Valley, Peru
Edited by
Colleen M. Zori
Ilana Johnson
Archaeopress
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Chapter 1
Introduction:
State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley
Singularly among the large river valleys of the Peruvian of complex societies by exploring state-sponsored craft and
north coast, the prehistoric Jequetepeque Valley never food production and the extension of economic ties and
gave rise to its own expansive regional polity. Instead, cultural influence to new territories. Several researchers
the inhabitants of the valley were influenced by and/ (Zori, Chapter 2; Cutright, Chapter 5) examine the mortuary
or incorporated into the political structures of states practices of the valley’s inhabitants, exploring how they
and empires centered elsewhere. These included the reflect underlying cultural notions of life, death, social
Lambayeque polity of the Lambayeque Valley to the identity, and community.
north, the Moche and Chimú cultures of the Moche Valley
to the south, and ultimately the Inka empire, based in the Building on an extensive body of previous archaeological
Cuzco Basin of the southern central sierras. In addition, research in the region, these studies provide detailed insight
the valley was the principal conduit between the Pacific into the development and functioning of states and empires
Coast and the highland center of Cajamarca, itself the seat in the Jequetepeque Valley. In particular, they demonstrate
of a complex polity in late prehistory and an important how local Jequetepeque inhabitants both adapted to and
base for Inka conquest to the north. Archaeological data shaped the sociopolitical landscape of the valley in relation
from the Jequetepeque Valley, however, defies a simplistic to the combined pressures of local political processes and
interpretation that reduces its history to the imposition of influences from outside the valley. This volume is an
these successive cultural influences on a passive hinterland important compilation of recent research in the valley,
population. Instead, the inhabitants of the valley actively highlighting the work of archaeologists who have dedicated
participated in the assimilation, appropriation, and significant portions of their careers to studying the cultures
reformulation of these external influences, creating a of the Jequetepeque, as well as a new generation of
distinctive historical trajectory in which political integration archaeologists embarking on their scholarship in the region.
waxed and waned in response to both internal processes
and outside forces. Geographic Setting
The Jequetepeque Valley therefore provides an exceptional The Jequetepeque Valley is located 600 km north of Lima
laboratory for studying the intersection between local on Peru’s north coast (Figure 1). It is supported by two
communities and state- and imperial-level societies. The rivers: the Jequetepeque, which is the main tributary
contributions in this volume take a data-driven approach to flowing west from the Andes Mountains to the Pacific
almost a millennium and a half of the valley’s prehistory, Ocean, and the Chaman, a large branch of the former that
tracing steps along the transition from segmentary but supplies water to the northern portion of the valley. The
autonomous polities during Moche and Lambayeque times valley is separated from the Chicama and Moche valleys
to the valley’s integration into the administrative structures to the south by the Pampa de Paiján, a 45 kilometer stretch
of the Chimú and Inka empires. Several chapters (Sapp, of uninhabited desert. This physical barrier may have led to
Chapter 6; Mackey, Chapter 9) explore the intricacies of the cultural differences observed between settlements in the
the political relationships that unfolded between valley northern and southern portions of the North Coast in some
communities and outside polities, engaging with the unique periods (Castillo and Donnan 1994; see below for further
nature of the architecture and material culture that developed discussion), and positioned the Jequetepeque Valley at an
in the valley and the continuities in ethnic identities across important crossroads between the southern and northern
its major sociopolitical transformations. Others (Johnson, coastal territories.
Chapter 3; Swenson, Chapter 8; Kremkau, Chapter 11)
delve into how political power was distributed, negotiated The physical landscape of the Jequetepeque Valley
and manifested by valley populations themselves, focusing consists of relatively sizable expanses of cultivatable land
not on urban centers but on the role of rural communities. surrounding the Jequetepeque and Chaman rivers and
Other chapters (Cordy-Collins, Chapter 4; Prieto, Chapter their subsidiary canal systems, interspersed and separated
7; Levine, Chapter 10) highlight the economic foundations by a few low mountain ranges. Recent reanalysis of the
1
Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley
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Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori
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Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley
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Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori
5
Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley
Topic 1990; see Moore and Mackey 2008 for review). The
transition from Middle Chimú to Late Chimú is marked by
a series of expansionist campaigns that incorporated first the
Jequetepeque Valley around AD 1320, and subsequently the
Casma Valley in ca. AD 1350 and the Lambayeque Valley
sometime between AD 1360-1400 (Mackey 2009).
6
Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori
urban and domestic sites, roads, irrigation canals, and other Until the 1990’s, many researchers on the coast were
cultural features. Ravines carried out a survey of the middle unaware of the presence of two distinct Late Intermediate
portion of the valley and recorded many sites from the Period cultural forces at work in the Jequetepeque Valley.
Formative and Late Intermediate periods. Most recently, a Most assumed the Chimú had conquered the Jequetepeque
full-coverage survey of the lower Jequetepeque Valley was not long after the fall of the Moche. Recognition that at
conducted by Tom Dillehay, Alan Kolata, and colleagues least some communities of the Jequetepeque interacted with
(1999, 2004, 2009, 2010), who documented over 900 new and adopted the material culture and architecture of the
sites ranging from monumental centers to small hinterland Lambayeque culture came from excavations at Pacatnamú
hamlets. (see papers in Donnan and Cock [eds] 1997) and Farfán
(Mackey 2003, 2006, 2009, 2010a, 2010b, this volume).
Systematic archaeological excavations at several key sites William Sapp conducted extensive excavations at Cabur,
during the final decades of the 20th century contributed the palace of a local lord who maintained his power,
greatly to our understanding of the political developments influence, and Lambayeque ethnic identity despite the
in the Jequetepeque Valley. Early excavations at Pacatnamú various political changes that occurred in the valley during
by Ubbelohde-Doering (1967, 1983) yielded elaborate final centuries before Spanish conquest (Sapp 2002, this
Moche fineware pottery that was distinct from other Moche volume). Archaeologists working at the ceremonial site of
sites to the south and showed clear links with styles from San José de Moro have also traced the changes in mortuary
the north. Pacatnamú is believed to have been an important patterns that occurred during the Lambayeque period in the
ritual center in the Moche and Lambayeque periods and valley (J. Bernuy 2008; Prieto 2009, 2010).
boasts impressive earthen pyramids and burials with
spectacular organic preservation (Donnan and Cock 1986, In the last decade, a new generation of researchers has
1997; Gumerman 1997). Preliminary work at the sites of emerged in the Jequetepeque Valley, and recent work
Farfán and Talambo by Richard Keatinge and Geoffrey has focused on previously unexplored sites and topics.
Conrad (1983) shed light on the Chimú administration of Several researchers have examined the cultural changes
land and water in the valley. that occurred at the end of the Late Moche Period and
nature of interactions between the valley and the highlands
Beginning in the mid-1990’s and continuing into the new following the disappearance of Moche as the dominant
millennium, broad-exposure excavations at the site of San ideology. Marco Rosas Rintel (2007, 2010) excavated the
José de Moro have documented an occupational sequence highland-style settlement of Cerro Chepen and Howard
focused on mortuary and ritual activities spanning from Tsai (2007) investigated the site of Las Varas, a site in the
the Middle Moche to Chimú periods (J. Bernuy 2008; K. valley neck with clear ties to both the highland polity of
Bernuy and Bernal 2008; Castillo 2000a, 2000b, 2001; del Cajamarca and the coast (see also K. Bernuy and Bernal
Carpio 2008; Donley 2004, 2008; Prieto 2009; Rucabado 2008). Edward Swenson (2004, 2007, 2008, this volume)
2008; Rucabado and Castillo 2003; Castillo and Wirtz conducted mapping and excavations at several hinterland
2003). In particular, work there has greatly increased our settlements from both the Moche and Chimú periods and
understanding of the Late Moche Period and the role of explored the role of ritual and violence in the development
women in the Moche political and religious realms (Castillo of small political entities with ties to states and empires.
1993, 2001; Castillo and Donnan 1994; Donnan and Castillo Robyn Cutright (2009, 2010) explored the changes in the
1994). Three impressive burials uncovered at the site have processing, preparation, and consumption of food that
clear links with iconography of the Sacrifice Ceremony occurred as the valley was incorporated into the Chimú
and were constructed in honor of female priestesses who empire, while John Warner (2010) investigated the use of
clearly held high status at San José de Moro. The site has architecture during the poorly understood Formative Period
additionally yielded a large quantity of vessels decorated in the Jequetepeque Valley. On-going work by Swenson and
with intricate and elaborate fineline images, providing Warner is addressing copper production and ritual practices
researchers a window into many aspects of Moche life, at the secondary Late Moche center of Huaca Colorada
death, and religion (Donnan and McClelland 1979, 1999; (Swenson et al. 2010, 2011; Roach 2010).
McClelland et al. 2007).
Early Political Developments in the Jequetepeque
Contemporaneously, investigations at the site of Dos Valley
Cabezas have shed light on the Early Moche Period,
particularly the sumptuous mortuary practices of early The Jequetepeque Valley has been inhabited for millennia,
Moche-affiliated elites (Donnan 2007). Meanwhile, a but there is limited archaeological evidence of the very
number of Japanese-led projects have investigated the earliest periods. Some sites have indication of occupation
ceremonial architecture of Formative Period sites in the as early as the Preceramic Period (1800-1000 BC; Donnan
southern part of the lower valley, such as Limoncarro (Sakai 2007). In addition, the Pampa de Cupisnique (or Pampa
and Martínez 2008), as well as the middle and upper valley, de Los Fósiles) has yielded many Initial Period and Early
including Pampa de las Hamacas, Tembladera and Kuntar Horizon ceramics and lithic scatters (Chauchat 1992).
Wasi (Inokuchi 2008; Onuki 2008; Tsurumi 2008).
Some of the earliest monumental construction in the
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Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley
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Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori
numerous complex political entities developed along the One of the unifying features of the Moche culture was
North Coast that shared a set of cultural icons, religious religion, with key rituals incorporating combat and human
beliefs, and artistic traditions known as Moche (Donnan sacrifice in a sequence known as the Warrior Narrative
2010). Since the earliest investigations, there has been an and the Sacrifice Ceremony (Donnan 1975, 1978, 2010;
underlying view that the Moche were a somewhat static Hocquenghem and Lyon 1980). Although there is a great
and uniformly integrated state-level society with a strict deal of variation in the iconographic depictions found
noble-commoner social structure based on exploitation and at Moche sites, three important symbols of this shared
theocracy (Shimada 2010). It is now clear that this was religious tradition— the weapon bundle, the eared serpent,
only true at a few sites, and even at those sites, for only and the spider decapitator— can be found ubiquitously in
limited moments in time. Research over the last decade the art on ceramics, murals, and metal artifacts dating to the
has challenged the long-standing view of the Moche as a Early and Middle Moche periods (Donnan 2010).
unified expansive state centered at the Pyramids of Moche
(see review in Quilter 2002, 158-161, and papers in Quilter During the Late Moche Period, however, we see the
and Castillo [eds.] 2010). We now know that the Moche discontinued use of these icons at many sites, and geometric
consisted of many dynamic valley-polities with several designs became the dominant artistic form at Pampa
major city-centers, some of which were autonomous and Grande, Galindo and many sites in the Chicama, Santa and
others of which were periodically allied and/or engaged in Chao Valleys (Johnson 2010; Lockard 2005, 2009; Pimentel
relations of dominance over other valley-polities. Political and Paredes 2003). Nonetheless, some of the key Moche
connections and the degree of integration within and elements of the earlier periods were retained and redefined
between valleys fluctuated markedly through time. in the Late Moche iconography of San José de Moro in the
Jequetepeque Valley (Castillo 2001). It is now apparent that
Despite the apparent absence of an overarching political these two artistic styles coexisted on the North Coast during
structure, there are a number of aspects of Moche culture the Late Moche Period and reflect the factionalization and
that seem to have been present throughout the North Coast. increased autonomy of political centers during this time
The Moche built monumental adobe pyramids that were the period. Several sites, such as Huaca Colorada, Pacatnamú,
focal point of political and religious life. At Moche centers, and San José de Moro, have yielded both ceramic styles,
there was a high degree of social stratification with elite suggesting the formation of complex political ties across
exerting control over many aspects of society, including the Late Moche landscape (McClelland 1997; Swenson et
subsistence resources, state and religious media, and the al. 2010, 2011).
production of wealth items (Shimada 1994a). These elites
maintained their positions of power through elaborate Perspectives on the Moche are in the process of changing.
religious displays and control over the production of the Continued research has revealed that Moche political
highest quality prestige goods (Shimada 1994a). The Moche organization was exceptionally varied across both time
did not have a two-tier commoner/elite social division, but and geographic space, with each valley following its
rather had a multi-class society of at least four tiers (Millaire own trajectory of social and political change (Bourget
2002). There was an extensive noble class that served as 2003; Castillo 2010; Castillo and Quilter 2010). The
bureaucrats and religious officials. The middle class grew Moche occupation of the North Coast was “dynamic,
with time as centers became larger and more urbanized, multiethnic, and variable from one valley to the next”
and Moche cities became centers of interaction, production, from its inception to its dissolution (Shimada 2010, 72).
and economic prosperity (Chapdelaine 2002; Johnson 2010; Archaeological evidence indicates that Moche was not an
Shimada 1994a). Moche sites in the Jequetepeque Valley, expansionist polity, but rather an attractive sociopolitical
however, lack clear evidence of increasing urbanization and and religious ideology that was voluntarily adopted by
a large middle class existed at San José de Moro from the local leaders and valley inhabitants throughout the North
Middle Moche Period onward (Castillo 2001; Del Carpio Coast. At different moments in time, each valley contained
2008). one or more complex chiefdoms or small states that were
linked to the cultural pulse of the North Coast through a
Although artistic styles varied throughout the different shared religion and intricate political networks (Shimada
coastal valleys in the Moche territory, craft production 1994b). The Jequetepeque Valley is a prime example of the
became increasingly sophisticated through time and artifacts complexities of generalizing cultural development across
produced by the Moche share many elements of a common both time and geographic space, which is one of the reasons
culture and art style. The culture is perhaps best known for we have chosen to explore it in detail in this edited volume.
their ceramics, which include three-dimensional naturalistic
representations of humans and animals, as well as vessels Moche Centers in the Jequetepeque
decorated with images in low relief or fineline painting
(Donnan 1992). The complex iconography displayed on In the Jequetepeque Valley, the Moche culture developed
these ceramic vessels provides insights into many facets as an elite and ritual ideology centered on warfare,
of Moche life, including daily activities, craft production, monumental construction, and conspicuous consumption.
warfare, and ritual (Donnan and McClelland 1999). Through time, the material objects and cultural ideals of the
elites were adopted and embraced by people of the other
9
Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley
socioeconomic classes (Castillo and Quilter 2010). By Dos Cabezas is also noteworthy for the elaborate burials
the Middle and Late Moche periods, we see Moche-style of several unusually tall Moche individuals. These men
ceramics and copper items found in cultural contexts of all were interred with stunning gilded copper and shell-
degrees of wealth but the poorest (see e.g. Donley 2004, inlayed masks, weapons, and shields, while copies of the
2008; Donnan 1995; Donnan and McClelland 1997). tombs were recreated in miniature adjacent to the principal
chambers (Cordy-Collins 2003; Donnan 2001, 2007).
The Moche in the Jequetepeque were politically segmented Small copper figurines, thought to represent the primary
in a nested hierarchy based around canals and agricultural individuals of the full-size tombs, may reflect an attempt to
land, with smaller and larger political entities linked by balance the abnormality of their condition by replicating the
religion and culture and cyclically integrated through burial on a smaller scale (Donnan 2007). These elite tombs
rituals at major centers like San José de Moro (Castillo also contained elegant Early Moche pottery, including
2010). This has led Luis Jaime Castillo to interpret the intricate vessels of the crested animal (Figure 8; Donnan
Moche of the Jequetepeque Valley as an “opportunistic 2007).
state” characterized by centralization only under certain
circumstances (Castillo 2010, 85). The Middle Moche Period saw a significant expansion of
the canal system, connecting the Jequetepeque and Chaman
The earliest evidence of Moche material culture in the Rivers and opening up the northern section of the valley
Jequetepeque Valley, appearing around AD 300, has been for cultivation and occupation (Castillo 2010). Several
found at the sites of La Mina, Masanca, and Dos Cabezas Middle Moche sites recently identified in the hilly region
(Figure 7). La Mina contains domestic and mortuary between the two rivers testify to the rapid settlement of
remains dating to the Preceramic, Moche, and Chimú this new landscape (del Carpio 2008). The two largest sites
periods (Narváez 1994, 61-62). The Moche presence at the in the valley during this period were Pacatnamú and San
site is known through an elaborate, high-status burial that José de Moro, although late dates at sites like Dos Cabezas
was excavated in a salvage operation in the late 1980’s after indicate the continued occupation and importance of this
it was found by looters (Donnan 1990; Narváez 1994). The Early Moche center.
burial was a large chamber tomb containing five individuals
interred with elaborate ceramic vessels and numerous As evidenced by the large number of ceremonial buildings
ornaments of gold and silver. at the site, as well as its long and continuous occupation,
Pacatnamú was one of the most important settlements in
The cemetery site of Masanca is probably contemporary the prehistoric Jequetepeque Valley (Donnan 1997a; papers
with the La Mina tomb. The 21 burials excavated there in Donnan and Cock [eds] 1997; see our Figure 7). The
contained a population that used Moche style ceramics most intensive Moche occupation at Pacatnamú was during
10
Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori
11
Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley
12
Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori
A Period of Transition and Change a powerful and enduring, although much changed, Priestess
cult (Castillo 2001, 2008; Castillo and Wirtz 2003, Mauricio
Towards the end of the Late Moche Period (ca. AD 750- and Castro 2008). Elaborate female burials dating to the
800), many of the urban Moche centers throughout the Transitional period contain unique artifact assemblages
North Coast were abandoned. In some cases, such as Pampa while simultaneously retaining elements characteristic of the
Grande in the Lambayeque Valley, this was accompanied Moche period, including the traditional form and orientation
by violence, as evidenced by the selective torching of elite of the tombs, as well as niches, maquetas (architectural
and administrative structures at the site (Shimada 1994a). models; Mauricio and Castro 2008; McClelland 2010),
Others, like Galindo in the Moche Valley, appear to have and crisoles (small modeled jars; Bernuy and Bernal 2008;
been abandoned rapidly but in relative peace (Bawden 1982; Rucabado 2008). This suggests that core elements of the
Lockard 2005, 2009). The dissolution of these urban centers Priestess phenomenon continued, although the particular
is indicative of greater processes of political collapse on details pertaining to art, and possibly religious practice,
the North Coast, eventually leading to the alteration and may have changed dramatically (Castillo and Wirtz 2003).
ultimate disappearance of the Moche culture.
During this period in the Jequetepeque Valley, we see
In the Jequetepeque Valley, this era of change is known as a distinctive combination of ceramic styles not found
the Transitional period (AD 800-900), and is best known anywhere else in the region. Some Late Moche features
from the relatively uninterrupted occupational sequence at remained, such as platform-rim ollas and face-neck jars, and
the site of San José de Moro. This site does not appear new post-Moche styles arose, such as vessels incorporating
to have experienced the dramatic upheaval observed at both Moche and Wari elements and jars with faces on the
other Moche centers, and ritual practices continued under body (Figure 10; Rucabado and Castillo 2003: 23). New
13
Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley
14
Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori
Jequetepeque Valley at this time and local leaders found Middle Sicán grave goods from the nearby site of Poma
themselves at the center of an expansive network of cultural also contained exotic goods from outside the valley, such
contact and trade. Some settlements, such as Cerro Chepen, as lapis lazuli, pearls, emeralds, and cinnabar (Cleland and
had ties to a single outside polity, while sites like San José Shimada 1992).
de Moro appears to have maintained elaborate networks of
connections with several powerful entities in the north and The end of the Middle Sicán Period was marked by
central coast and adjacent highlands. large-scale burning and abandonment of the monumental
adobe pyramids at Batán Grande and the almost complete
The Emergence of Lambayeque (Sicán) disappearance of ideologically charged motifs such as the
Sicán lord, and is contemporaneous with a severe 31-year
The subsequent period of cultural development in the drought and a major flood event (Shimada 1990). A similar
Jequetepeque Valley was characterized by an attenuation of pattern was found in the elite residential compound at
Wari and highland influence, and more extensive interaction San José de Moro, which indicates that the social turmoil
within the sphere of the coastal Lambayeque polity, leading affecting the Lambayeque Valley at this time also affected
some valley communities to adopt Lambayeque-style political enclaves in the Jequetepeque Valley (Prieto 2010).
architecture, pottery, and burial practices. This suggests a fate similar to that of some earlier Moche
centers, where inhabitants violently rejected the ruling
The Sicán polity developed in the Lambayeque-La Leche hegemony and their associated iconographic images in
Valley following the collapse of the Moche urban center times of environmental crisis (Shimada 1994a).
of Pampa Grande around AD 800. Survey of the north
bank of the Lambayeque drainage documented a four- The subsequent Late Sicán polity was centered at El
tiered settlement hierarchy with a high degree of political Purgatorio, or Túcume, located on the La Leche drainage,
integration and cultural continuity during the Middle until it was conquered by the Chimú between AD 1360-
Sicán Period (Tschauner 2001). Agricultural production 1400 (Moore and Mackey 2008; Shimada et al. 2000). The
intensified in the Lambayeque Valley during this period, site was built in a strategic location at the north end of the
as farm lands were expanded into previously uncultivated valley, and may represent the retrenchment of elite lineages
areas (Hayashida 2006). These data suggest that by the into a more centralized and consolidated state (Shimada
Middle Sicán Period, the Lambayeque Valley was home 2000). During this period, Late Sicán ceramics can be found
to a powerful, centralized polity. During its period of as far north as Piura (Shimada 2000) and to the south in
greatest fluorescence, the Sicán polity established political, the Jequetepeque (Bernuy 2008; Prieto, this volume) and
economic, and religious connections over a 400 km stretch Chicama Valleys (Franco and Galvez 2005), but it remains
of the coast from the Chira Valley to the Chicama Valley unclear whether these are the result of trade networks or
(Shimada et al. 2004), although the precise nature of Sicán some degree of direct political control by the Late Sicán
political organization and its relationship with communities polity.
in other valleys of the North Coast are still under debate
(Conlee et al. 2004; Heyerdahl et al. 1995). Lambayeque Centers in the Jequetepeque
One of the most common icons associated with the Although Lambayeque-style artifacts are found throughout
Lambayeque culture is the Sicán lord. This image, along the northern North Coast, it is difficult to ascertain the
with other elements of the Middle Sicán artistic and precise degree and nature of Sicán political control outside
architectural canon, can be seen throughout the northern of the Lambayeque Valley. While some have suggested that
North Coast, but is found primarily in high-status contexts Sicán was an expansionist state that directly conquered and
such as religious structures and elite burials. The ubiquity subsequently ruled the Jequetepeque Valley (Castillo 2001;
and homogeneity of icons such as the Sicán lord and the Prieto 2009, 2010), others argue that Lambayeque control
widespread construction of Lambayeque-style monumental over the valley was limited and that trade, kinship, and
architecture underlines the central role that religion played alliances likely played the most prominent roles in political
in social and economic integration of new territories interaction between communities in the two valleys (see
(Shimada et al. 2000, 30). Conlee et al. 2004; Shimada 1990). An extension of this
view is advocated by Sapp in Chapter 6 of this volume.
The Moche tradition of elaborate, high-status burials Sapp compares Lambayeque architecture and ceramic
continued into the Lambayeque/Sicán period in the styles between the Jequetepeque and Lambayeque-Leche
Lambayeque Valley. Tombs from the Lambayeque Valley valleys, and argues for the development of a politically
contained large quantities of metal objects, including gold autonomous Lambayeque polity in the Jequetepeque
and tumbaga (an alloy of gold, silver and copper) head Valley—the Lambayeque Sur—that engaged in extensive
ornaments, gold feathers, a gold crown with “sockets” for interactions with the Lambayeque Norte polity to the north.
the head ornaments, gold masks and earspools, shafts with Sapp provides a timely, empirical re-assessment of the
tumi shaped ornaments at the end, and tunics with gold foil nature of the Lambayeque period political organization in
squares sewn to the front. Imported items include Spondylus the Jequetepeque Valley.
shell and turquoise beaded bracelets (Shimada et al. 2000).
15
Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley
Lambayeque-style ceramics and architecture are found at sex profile, well-developed musculature, and prevalence
several prominent sites in the Jequetepeque Valley, such as of healed wounds, as well as the way in which they
Pacatnamú, Farfán, La Mesa, and San José de Moro, as well appear to have been brutally tortured and then executed
as some smaller sites like Cabur, Ventanillas, Las Varas, and left exposed without formal burial, suggest that these
and Pedregal (Figure 12). Prieto (2010) has also identified individuals may have been enemy warriors who were
Lambayeque material correlates at San Idelfonso, Cerro captured and subsequently sacrificed (Verano 1986). This
Chepen, Huaca Las Estacas, Potrero de Santa Rosa, Cerro is supported by isotopic analysis of the bones, which
Calera, Huaca Mala, Huaca Rosa, Huaca Ventanilla, and documented that over half of the victims were not local
El Salvador. Given the extent of Lambayeque influence on to the valley and may therefore have been captives taken
architectural and artistic styles in the Jequetepeque Valley during battles between local inhabitants and forces from the
during the Lambayeque period, some have suggested the Chimú heartland (Verano 2007: 108).
direct political and cultural incorporation of the valley by
the Sicán polity to the north (Prieto 2010). By contrast, mainstream burial practices at Pacatnamú
are consistent with Lambayeque mortuary patterns, in
La Mesa, a truncated pyramid at the site of Dos Cabezas, which individuals were interred in the flexed position
and Huaca las Estacas, found just to the northwest of with ceramics, copper objects, and textiles (Verano and
San José de Moro, appear to have been the primary Cordy-Collins 1986). One of the more elaborate rooms in
Lambayeque-affiliated sites during the Early and Middle the Huaca 1 Complex resembled a Chimú audencia and
Lambayeque periods (Figure 12). In the Late Lambayeque contained three sumptuous burial chambers with multiple
Period, after some form of sociopolitical turmoil resulting interments (Bruce 1986). Three highly burnished blackware
in the selective burning of an elite Lambayeque residence double-spout-and-bridge vessels were uncovered, as well as
at San José de Moro, the seat of ritual and civic authority many colorful textile fragments. Several of the burials also
shifted to Pacatnamú, which became the largest and most contained miniature loincloths (Verano and Cordy-Collins
important Lambayeque center in the valley (Donnan 1986a; 1986) in a style not found in South America until the end of
Prieto 2009, 2010). Some fifty platform mounds in the the Moche period (Cordy-Collins, this volume).
Lambayeque style were constructed at the site. The most
prominent architectural feature at the site was the Huaca 1 The site of Farfán, located in a strategic position at the
Complex, comprised of Huaca 1 and adjoining courtyards, crossroads of the main north-south route along the coast
the East Pyramid, and the Major Quadrangle, which was and the eastern road to the highlands, was first built
made up of smaller rooms, corridors, and courtyards and occupied during the Lambayeque period and may
(Donnan 1986a). The restricted access, monumental scale, have filled a complementary administrative role to the
and architectural elaboration of this compound, coupled primarily ritual functioning of Pacatnamú (Mackey 2006,
with the altars and open courtyard spaces, suggest that this volume). Three large Lambayeque-style compounds
the activities carried out here were largely ceremonial. were built during this period. The presence of residential
Numerous other huaca complexes of similar grandeur have architecture, a ceramic workshop, and a large cemetery
been identified at Pacatnamú (Donnan 1986a). suggests a large supporting population of laborers lived
at the site. The ceramic workshop produced ring-based
Notwithstanding the primarily ritual nature of the bowls typical of the Lambayeque style, and which are found
monumental architecture at the site, Lambayeque period associated primarily with middle status burials at the site
Pacatnamú had an extensive domestic occupation. Elites and elsewhere in the valley (Mackey 2006).
resided in formally-organized adobe compounds, while
commoners built dwellings of adobe and quincha (cane and Lambayeque period burial contexts at Farfán contain
plaster) walls attached to cobble foundations (Gumerman individuals in both extended and flexed positions with
1991). Faunal and botanical remains demonstrate additional offerings of ceramics and food. The highest status burials
class differences in access to certain types of food: higher at the site were in the extended position and contained
status residents enjoyed greater access to camelid meat, fineware Lambayeque pottery and copper tumi knives
coca, and spices, such as aji peppers, while the commoners (Mackey 2006, this volume). Typical botanical offerings
relied more heavily on corn and wild collected foods included cooked beans, beans and maize, or maize and
(Gumerman 1991). small fish (Cutright 2005, 2009, this volume). Ollas were
the most common vessel type to be included in the mortuary
The Lambayeque occupation of Pacatnamú is also contexts, and were the only type of vessel that contained
characterized by the construction of several massive food remains. These ollas were simply decorated with a
defensive walls and trenches, suggesting a desire to restrict band or white paint on the neck and paleteada designs on
access to the city and/or protect it from outside aggressors the sides and base (Cutright 2005). Ceramic bowls also
(Donnan 1986b). Fourteen young males, found with ropes increased in importance during the Lambayeque period
binding their ankles and stab wounds or fractures to their at Farfán. The bowls typically had a ring base or taller
skulls, ribs, vertebrae, pelvis and limbs, were deposited pedestal base and were decorated simply with white or red
in the deep defensive trench just outside the entrance to paint on the rim (Cutright 2009).
the Huaca 1 Complex (Verano 1986, 2007). Their age/
16
Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori
Although the nature of Sicán political control at the site of quadrangular compounds that likely date to the Late
San José de Moro during the Lambayeque period is still Lambayeque Period are located in the pampa separating
under debate, there is clear evidence for the adoption of Pacatnamú and Farfán (Cutright 2009). The site of Pedregal
Lambayeque cultural elements by the site’s inhabitants. consists of a large residential area, two small platform
Feasting and other ritual activities appear to have taken mounds, and a cemetery. Lambayeque ceramics were found
place at a Lambayeque-style elite residence, while 60 tombs in looted tombs from the cemetery and adobe brick seriation
at the site contain Early, Middle and Late Lambayeque of the two platform mounds show that they were first built
ceramics (Bernuy 2008; Prieto 2009, 2010). Indications of during the Late Lambayeque Period, although occupation
status differences and both social and ethnic identities can continued into the Chimú and Chimú-Inka periods (Cutright
be observed within the mortuary population. Approximately 2009). Large quantities of serving ceramics and dense
half of the burials were in the seated and flexed position, botanical remains indicate that feasting activities occurred
while the remainder followed the earlier Moche practice around the platform mounds. This suggests that, like the
of extended dorsal burials. A number of the burials local lords at sites like Cabur, leaders of communities like
also showed evidence of bi-lobed cranial deformation, Pedregal enjoyed a certain amount of political and religious
suggesting a desire by some inhabitants to visibly mark autonomy (Cutright 2009).
ethnic affiliation during life (Prieto 2009, 261). Several
high-status female interments have been excavated, each of Experiencing Empire in the Jequetepeque
which contained artifacts associated with textile production,
such as spindle whorls and needles, as well as high quality The Late Intermediate Period and Late Horizon saw the
ceramics, metal masks, rattles, beaded necklaces, and Jequetepeque Valley come under the direct political control
Spondylus shell (Bernuy 2008; see also Nelson et al. 2000). of imperial powers based outside of the valley for the first
It is tempting to see these women as the Lambayeque time in its history. Both the Chimú and the Inka were drawn
heiresses of the earlier Priestess cult at the site, suggesting by the valley’s considerable agricultural potential and dense
that the Lambayeque leaders in the Jequetepeque Valley population, as well as its strategic location and economic
kept the position and symbolism of the Priestess, albeit with ties to the highlands. Nonetheless, the two empires differed
somewhat diminished power and autonomy, for political in the strategies applied in their efforts to incorporate
purposes (Prieto 2010). the valley’s communities into their respective imperial
structures.
The site of Cabur was home to successive Lambayeque-
affiliated lords who built and remodeled a series of elite The Chimú empire conquered the Jequetepeque Valley
domestic compounds during the Lambayeque, Chimú, in one of its earliest waves of expansion, shifting the
and Chimú-Inka periods (Sapp 2002, this volume). The seat of power in the valley from the Lambayeque center
site contained a prominent Huaca Quadrangle, similar of Pacatnamú to that of Farfán by the early 14th century.
to those of Pacatnamú, characterized by a single baffled The Chimú governed the valley using a combination of
entry indicative of highly restricted access. The site also direct rule via imperial officials located at Farfán and
contained a large Ceremonial Precinct where the rulers other administrative centers, and indirect rule under the
likely held public events and rituals. A large kitchen facility aegis of local valley lords. Inhabitants of the Jequetepeque
in the West Quadrangle suggests the production of food would have experienced domination by this outside polity
and beverages on a large scale for feasts and other events to varying degrees and in a diversity of ways, but were
sponsored by the elites (Sapp 2002). Cabur is located near certainly not passive in these interactions, and papers in this
two prominent irrigation canals, and the rulers may have volume provide insights into the myriad relationships that
derived some of their authority from controlling access to existed between imperial officials, valley elites, and local
this valuable resource (Sapp 2002). communities. Prieto’s work examines the production of
chicha at the site of San José de Moro and its role in events
Hinterland sites from the middle portion of the valley of state-sponsored hospitality (Chapter 7). At the outlying
also attest to the complexity of sociopolitical organization site of Cerro Serrano, Swenson traces the transformation
during this time period. The up-valley site of Las Varas was of a Chimú-affiliated lord’s private residence into a more
occupied around 1000 AD, just following the Transitional public ritual platform, documenting the continued autonomy
period, as evidenced by the presence of both Cajamarca of valley communities in the production and use of ritual
Costeña and Lambayeque pottery (Tsai 2007). Although spaces, even under imperial rule (Chapter 8). In the first
these are both coastal ceramic styles, the settlement has half of her paper, Mackey analyzes the relationship between
highland-style stone construction and circular cist tombs imperial officials and Lambayeque-affiliated local elites
not typically found on the coast, indicative of clear ethnic at the site of Farfán to address the nature of Chimú rule,
ties to highland communities. Las Varas was situated in arguing that the Lambayeque were systematically excluded
a key location between highland and coastal centers and from governance at the site (Chapter 9).
likely represents a highland enclave settled to facilitate
trade between these groups (Tsai 2007, 49). Chimú consolidation and rule of the Jequetepeque set the
stage for conquest by the Inka empire, which occurred
A number of small residential sites, cemeteries, and sometime around AD 1470. Traditional views of the Inka
17
Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley
administration of the North Coast posit that the Inka merely local architectural elements in Chimú sites and structures—
eliminated the top levels of Chimú administration and or the reverse: inclusion of Chimú structural features in
ruled indirectly through the intact echelon of valley-level provincial centers or hinterland sites (see Swenson,
elites, with minimal impact on extant social or economic this volume)— is used to argue for a range of different
structures (D’Altroy 2002; Hyslop 1984, 1990; Netherly relationships in which local factions had greater autonomy
1990; Ramírez 1990; Rowe 1948). Recent research— and share in governance. Provincial centers are also
some of which is presented here—has begun revising this frequently compared to Chan Chan on the basis of evidence
interpretation. In the second half of her paper, Mackey for storage capacity and craft production, evaluating the
(Chapter 9) presents evidence that the Inka had a direct economic activities in the provinces in relation to those of
presence in the valley and ruled from the co-opted Chimú the imperial capital. Following in this tradition, analysis
center of Farfán, where imperial policy incorporated of the Chimú occupation of the Jequetepeque Valley can
indigenous Lambayeque elites into the administration and best be understood when juxtaposed against the imperial
perhaps even encouraged the persistence of the Lambayeque capital of Chan Chan and the other centers of Chimú rule
ethnic identity. In Chapter 10, Levine examines the nature in the provinces, including Manchán in the Casma Valley
of ceramic production in the Jequetepeque during the Late and Túcume in the Lambayeque Valley.
Horizon, arguing that hybrid Chimú-Inka style vessels
were manufactured by specialized craftspeople using The 6 km2 urban core of Chan Chan is visually dominated
local technologies for use in state-sanctioned contexts at by ten monumental rectangular palace compounds,
Farfán. Finally, Kremkau documents the penetration of known as ciudadelas, each built by successive imperial
Inka influence in Late Horizon sites outside of the primary rulers. Encircled entirely by adobe walls as tall as 10 m
administrative centers, even those maintaining outward in height and entered through a single baffled entryway,
appearances of local architecture and organization (Chapter ciudadelas were divided into three increasingly restricted
11). sections that include entry courts, large plazas served by
adjacent kitchens, administrative and storage areas, and
Chimú Conquest and Imperial Rule on the North Coast walk-in wells. All but one of the ciudadelas contains a
large adobe platform mound that served as a tomb and
Coalescing out of the fragmented political landscape left mortuary monument to the individual Chimú ruler after
behind in the wake of Moche collapse, the Chimú began to death (Conrad 1982; Pillsbury and Leonard 2004). Internal
extend political control out of the Moche Valley in several plazas were important loci of feasting and ritual activities,
phases of conquest beginning around AD 1300. The four- but the high compound walls and limited entrances indicate
tiered administrative hierarchy of their empire eventually that both physical and visual access to the festivities was
encompassed the vast area between the Leche and Casma strictly controlled (Moore 1996, 2004). Each ciudadela
valleys, with Chimú influence extending to the north of incorporated extensive storage facilities, where agricultural
Piura and as far south as the Chillón Valley (see Figure 1). produce, non-perishable staples, raw materials, and crafted
Although this was the first time that the northern coastal prestige goods extracted as tribute would have been stored.
valleys had been incorporated under a single administrative Bureaucratic activities and oversight of these storage
hierarchy, communities in each valley experienced different facilities took place in U-shaped structures with niched
manifestations of Chimú authority. Imperial efforts aimed walls known as audiencias (Andrews 1974; Day 1982;
primarily at maximizing control over human labor, Klymyshyn 1987; Mackey 1987; but see also Moore 1992;
agricultural lands, irrigation systems, and prehistoric Topic 2003). These structures are a key hallmark of Chimú
roads and trade routes were tempered by factors such as administration and political authority in outlying provincial
the pre-existing sociopolitical organization and degree of sites (Mackey 1987).
local resistance or accommodation in each valley, creating
distinct constellations of Chimú rule throughout the North Chan Chan’s ciudadelas are surrounded by a number of
Coast (Mackey 2009). smaller rectilinear compounds that were occupied by the
non-royal Chimú elite. Following many of the architectural
In combination with other lines of evidence, archaeologists conventions of the royal ciudadelas, they differ primarily
have frequently relied on architectural analysis to in their smaller scale and absence of a funerary mound
investigate the nature Chimú provincial rule and the (Klymyshyn 1982). The elite that occupied these structures
relationships between local communities and the empire likely played important administrative roles, most probably
(see e.g. Keatinge and Conrad 1983; Mackey 1987, 2003, in overseeing craft production carried out by the city’s
2006, 2009, 2010a; Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990; Swenson commoner populace. Chan Chan is unique among Chimú
2004, 2007; Tschauner 2001). The paramount center of centers for the immense scale at which utilitarian and
Chan Chan serves as a model for the archetypal features of prestige craft goods were produced, as well as its extensive
Chimú imperial architecture. The direct imposition of Chan storage facilities, both of which testify to the highly
Chan-like architectural layouts and features is frequently centralized nature of the Chimú imperial economy.
interpreted as a similarly direct imposition of imperial rule,
carried out by representatives from the Chimú heartland Early construction at the paramount center of Chan Chan
(see Mackey, this volume). By contrast, incorporation of and the consolidation of control over the Moche Valley
18
Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori
19
Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley
The Chimú in the Jequetepeque Valley Plazas likely served as forums for ceremonies and events
of state-sponsored hospitality, although, as at Chan Chan,
Ethnohistoric sources, including the Historia Anónima attendance was likely restricted and closely controlled.
of Trujillo [1604] and Antonio Calancha (1977 [1638]), Hosting such feasts appears to have been a primary
indicate that Chimú conquest of the Jequetepeque Valley function of the Chimú administrators, given that there is
was undertaken by the military leader Pacatnamú at the little evidence for long-term storage, crafting, or other
direction of Ñançenpinco, the Chimú emperor and grandson productive activities that would have demanded Chimú
of the founder of the ruling dynasty. This conquest likely oversight (Mackey 2006, 2009). Two of the compounds
took place by AD 1320 (Mackey 2009), after which General include a funerary platform, suggesting that the site was
Pacatnamú was reportedly installed as the local regional governed by royal Chimú administrators.
governor at a site subsequently identified as Farfán (Conrad
1990; Keatinge and Conrad 1983; Mackey 2003). The Although it was previously believed that occupation of
fierceness of local opposition to the imposition of Chimú Farfán dated exclusively to the Chimú period (Keatinge
political control chronicled in the ethnohistoric documents and Conrad 1983), recent investigations have revealed
is corroborated archaeologically by fortifications and spent that the site was first used as an administrative center by
slingstones at the sites of Talambo and Cerro Faclo, but the Lambayeque polity during the early Late Intermediate
the Jequetepequeños were defeated in the end (Topic 1990, Period before being taken over by the Chimú around AD
186-7). Dillehay and Kolata suggest that the fragmentation 1320 (see above and Mackey 2003, 2006, 2009, 2010a,
and internal conflicts characteristic of the post-Moche this volume). In the first half of Chapter 9, Mackey details
sociopolitical landscape may have precluded the valley the Lambayeque occupation at Farfán and then analyzes
population from mounting a unified campaign of resistance the significant architectural modifications and shifts in
(2004, 4329; see also Castillo 2001; Dillehay 2001). burial practices and material culture that occurred as
Farfán changed political hands from the Lambayeque to the
Given the availability of rich agricultural land in the Chimú. Imperial appropriation of the site was apparently
Jequetepeque Valley system, it is not surprising that Chimú quite violent, as suggested by the fact that the Chimú razed
imperial rule was aimed at expanding, integrating, and the Lambayeque compounds to the ground and built their
managing the valley’s agricultural infrastructure of canals own imperial style structures atop these foundations, after
and field systems, as well as the requisite human labor first depositing a number of Lambayeque-affiliated females
(Conlee et al. 2004; Cutright 2009, 2010; Dillehay and who had been sacrificed (Mackey 2009, this volume).
Kolata 2004; Mackey 2006). An additional goal of Chimú
conquest may have been to assume control of economic Mackey goes on to demonstrate that local elites of the
interactions with highland groups that were channeled Lambayeque ethnic identity were then systematically
through the Jequetepeque Valley. These relationships would excluded from governance at Farfán during the Chimú
have been critical in gaining access to the raw materials— occupation, a strategy that contrasts markedly with the
copper, silver, gold, and camelid fiber— necessary for policy of joint rule with local elites employed by the empire
the imperial prestige goods economy based at Chan Chan in the Casma and Lambayeque valleys (Mackey 2009,
(Mackey 2009; Shimada 1995). The Chimú accomplished 2010b, this volume). Meanwhile, local lords in at least some
these goals by developing a centralized administrative outlying centers in the Jequetepeque, such as Cabur (Sapp
hierarchy with direct imperial rule at Farfán and a number 2002, this volume), maintained a relatively high degree
of subordinate intermediate centers, coupled with indirect of autonomy and persisted in their use of Lambayeque
rule by local leaders at the valley’s smaller centers, creating styles of architecture, mortuary customs, and ceramics.
a mosaic of imperial control and local autonomy throughout Mackey suggests numerous factors that may account for
the valley (Mackey 2009; Swenson 2004). the perpetuation of this ethnic identity throughout the Late
Intermediate Period. These include a sense of lingering
The Chimú chose the site of Farfán for their principle animosity in the wake of the brutal conquest of the valley,
center in the Jequetepeque Valley, in part because it was continued ties between valley elites and the Lambayeque
strategically positioned to control the extensive agricultural polity to the north, and the Chimú policy of leaving local
fields in the northwestern sector of the valley and because lords in power in outlying communities.
it was located at the crossroads of the primary north-south
coastal road and a key route to the highlands of Cajamarca Outside of Farfán, the Chimú established a number of
(Conlee et al. 2004; Keatinge and Conrad 1983; Mackey intermediate administrative centers, integrating and
2006, 2009). Of the three secondary centers —Manchan, centralizing the Jequetepeque Valley to a degree that
Túcume, and Farfán— below Chan Chan in the Chimú the inhabitants had never before experienced (Dillehay
administrative hierarchy, Farfán displays the greatest and Kolata 2004; Mackey 2009). Rather than founding
architectural similarities to the imperial capital. Three completely new administrative sites, the Chimú instead
large adobe-walled compounds show the tripartite division constructed one or more imperial-style compounds at
of space typical of Chan Chan’s ciudadelas, and contain a number of important settlements with pre-existing
plazas, a walk-in well, and audiencias in association with occupations, sites that were likely the centers of the various
a modest number of storage facilities (Mackey 2006, 2009). valley polities whose origins date back to at least the Moche
20
Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori
influence and authority over local labor, and that, with the
exception of Farfán, Chimú rule in the Jequetepeque Valley
was probably realized in conjunction with valley elites at
intermediate-level administrative sites.
21
Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley
concomitant social and political ideologies, even when indirect rule necessarily meant little Inka presence or
under Chimú rule. impact on coastal societies. A brief review of archaeological
evidence for changes in settlement patterns, architecture,
The complexities of the relationships between Jequetepeque and economic activities in the Moche/Chicama and
Valley elites and communities and the officials representing Lambayeque valleys during the Late Horizon provides
the Chimú empire had little more than a century and a half comparative data pivotal to understanding the impacts of
to play out before the valley was conquered yet again. Inka conquest in the Jequetepeque Valley (see below).
This time—and for the first time— the people of the
Jequetepeque Valley came under the control of a polity In the heartland of the former Chimú empire, the
originating in the Andean highlands: the Inka. Inka appear to have made significant changes aimed
at decentralizing Chimú political and economic clout
The North Coast under Inka Rule (Netherly 1988; Ramírez 1996). Chan Chan was reduced
to a shadow of its former self when the Inka relocated
The Inka state emerged in the Cuzco basin of the central thousands of the city’s skilled artisans to other regions
Andes towards the end of the 1300’s, and developed into one of the empire, including the Titicaca Basin, Cuzco, and
of the world’s largest empires over the course of the next 150 Machu Picchu (Pease 1982; Rowe 1982; Salazar 2007).
years (Bauer 1992; Covey 2003, 2006, 2008). By the time of Further diverting control away from the Chimú capital,
Spanish conquest in AD 1532, the Inka had extended their the Inka founded the new administrative site of Chiquitoy
political control across 4,000 km of western South America, Viejo, some 25 km from Chan Chan in the Chicama
incorporating the distinct environmental zones of the Pacific Valley. Located directly on the coastal trunk road of the
coast, the Andean highlands, and the Amazonian jungle under Qhapaq Ñan, or imperial road system, officials at this site
a single political entity for the first time in South American were responsible for monitoring shipments of high-status
prehistory. The Inka ruled over some 11-14 million subjects, tribute goods in transit towards Cuzco (Conrad 1977).
integrating countless ethnic groups and polities of different Although the large, high-walled rectangular compound at
levels of sociopolitical complexity (D’Altroy 2002; Hyslop this site clearly reflects the influence of Chimú architectural
1990). canons, including a burial platform and U-shaped structures
reminiscent of audiencias, this compound represents a
The Chimú empire represented the most sophisticated and departure from earlier traditions and was neither wholly
geographically extensive power encountered by the Inka. coastal or Inka in style. Meanwhile, excavations at El
Conquest of Chinchasuyu, the northwestern quadrant of Brujo in the Chicama Valley indicate that the power of
the Inka’s vast territory that encompassed the valleys of local lords increased in the Late Horizon relative to their
Peru’s north coast under Chimú control, was conducted prior position under the Chimú, most likely through the
under Thupa Inka Yupanki in the middle- to late-15th sponsorship of craft production that had previously been
century. Ethnohistoric sources provide somewhat conflicting the prerogative of imperial elites based at Chan Chan (Tate
accounts of the precise sequence of events in these military 2006). At both Chiquitoy Viejo and El Brujo, the majority
campaigns (see e.g. Davies 1995, 65-72 for comparison of the ceramics, textiles, and other artifact continued to
of various ethnohistoric sources; Rowe 1948), although it be produced in the local Chimú styles, although locally-
appears multiple assaults were mounted on the Chimú empire manufactured Inka ceramics or those combining Inka and
before its eventual downfall around AD 1470. Subjugation Chimú features indicate that Inka incorporation also had
of the Cajamarca polity, a key Chimú economic partner important impacts on craft production and artistic style
in the highlands, appears to have been a factor in the Inka during the Late Horizon (Conrad 1977; Tate 2006).
victory, as were subsequent threats to cut off vital irrigation
water to the coastal valleys (Cabello 1951 [1586], 320-1; Inka rule on the northern North Coast manifests in a manner
Rowe 1948). After an attempted rebellion, the Chimú distinct from that observed in the Moche and Chicama
emperor, Minchançaman, was taken to Cuzco as a royal valleys. In contrast to Chan Chan, Túcume continued to
hostage, and his son installed as a puppet king ruling in be occupied during the Late Horizon, and Sandweiss and
the name of the Inka (Rowe 1948, 45). The coastal valleys, Narváez (1995, 193) suggest that investment in monumental
once united under Chimú control, were broken down into construction may have been even greater during this period
smaller administrative units along the lines of pre-exiting than under Chimú rule. Inka administration at Túcume
hierarchies of local lords, who were then responsible for the was likely carried out directly by one or more imperial
organization of labor and collection of tribute to be passed officials, who occupied the compound atop Huaca Larga
along to the new imperial overlords from Cuzco. that had originally been modified by the Chimú (Narváez
1995). Huaca Larga also appears to have served as an
This strategy of replacing the leadership at the top of the acllawasi, or house for the imperial Chosen Women
administrative hierarchy, while leaving intact the lower responsible for producing chicha and textiles for use in
links in the chain of command, was a key feature of Inka political and ceremonial interactions with local elites and
administrative policy on the North Coast (Netherly 1988; subjects (Sandweiss and Narváez 1995, 194; Toyne 2002).
Ramírez 1996). New research throughout the region, The identification of Inka shaft tombs at the site further
however, has begun to challenge the assumption that suggests that a contingent of imperial officials resided,
22
Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori
23
Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley
inclusive than those held by the Chimú (see also Moore that occurred in the hinterlands when the valley was
1996). Enormous ceramic vessels, produced in a portion of incorporated into the empire. Kremkau (2010) documents
the site under apparent Lambayeque control and providing the establishment of numerous new settlements in the
further evidence of the crafting activities that took place at Chaman drainage of the valley, an area where the Inka
the site under the Inka, would have stored chicha used in promoted the expansion of agricultural production into
these commensal events. areas not formerly under cultivation. These may have
served as state farms, possibly supplying the Cajamarca
Both Provincial Inka and hybrid Chimú-Inka ceramics center in the highlands (see Ramírez 199, 523). In Chapter
have been found in significant quantities in residential and 11 of this volume, Kremkau describes one of these Late
mortuary contexts at Farfán (Figure 15). In Chapter 10, Horizon settlements—Sitio 46— in detail. Although
Levine uses a sample of Chimú-Inka vessels drawn from two architectural style and material culture were notably local
different types of state-sanctioned burial contexts at Farfán in character, Kremkau makes the argument that the site was
to address the production and subsequent consumption of part of the imperial infrastructure in the valley, serving as a
pottery during the Late Horizon. Standardization within tampu responsible for monitoring the movement of people
the Farfán sample suggests that the monkey effigy vessels and providing support to travelers along a road through
were produced by specialized craftspeople, probably under the northern portion of the valley. With this case study,
the sponsorship of the Inka state. These artisans used local Kremkau raises the intriguing possibility that the relative
techniques and technology in manufacturing ceramics of sparseness of Inka material culture in the valley is not
this hybrid Chimú and Inka style. As noted by Mackey the product of the empire’s indirect approach to rule, but
(2010a, 237), “acceptance of some Chimú stylistic and rather a conscious strategy to mask Inka presence while
technological traits may reflect Inka diplomatic strategy, still accomplishing imperial goals. He further illustrates
or… the Inkas may have found it cost effective to continue the attention to detail and analysis at a valley-wide
using Chimú ceramic forms and technology since to do scale necessary to identify the role of local communities
so required little retraining of potters”. These Chimú-Inka in carrying out the policies implemented by the Inka to
vessels were subsequently interred with the acllakuna, consolidate their control over the North Coast.
as well as in the tombs of mid-level bureaucrats, which
speaks to the role of these vessels in ceremonies of both As with the Chimú, the Inka were fated to have but a short
ritual and political significance. Comparison of formal tenure in the Jequetepeque Valley. Although their hold
attributes between the Farfán assemblage and a sample over the North Coast appears to have been stronger than
of similar vessels from Túcume confirms that, as has previously believed, the Inka were not able to withstand
been observed for imperial Inka style ceramics in other the successive waves of incursion by Old World diseases
provincial areas (Costin 1986; D’Altroy and Bishop 1990), and finally Europeans themselves. However dramatic the
vessels of hybrid local/imperial styles were also produced political, social and demographic transitions brought about
and subsequently consumed primarily within the individual in the Colonial Period, it is perhaps not surprising that many
valleys where they were produced. Additional studies of of the political divisions instituted by the Spaniards also
ceramic production in the valley, including a workshop at appear to follow those established earlier in the valley’s
Cañoncillo (Tecapa) (Donnan 1997b), suggest that a limited history (Cock 1986). Indigenous leaders and communities in
repertoire of purely Inka-style vessels were produced at the valley used whatever means at their disposal—including
workshops alongside those of the Chimú style. the Spanish legal system—to assert their claims to lands,
water, and other resources, with the lasting legacy of the
Outside of Farfán, the Inka appear to have made a number Chimú and Inka conquests that the valley inhabitants were
of architectural modifications appropriating the authority far from novices in dealing with outside political powers.
of the intermediate level Chimú administrative centers.
This is best illustrated at the Algorrobal de Moro, where Conclusions
the Chimú audiencias were sealed up by the Inka, and
new administrative quarters constructed (Mackey 2004). The prehispanic Jequetepeque Valley constituted an
Trapezoidal niches and gabled roofs, classic attributes of important crossroads, both geographically and culturally,
Inka architectural style, have additionally been identified between valleys of the northern and southern North
at the site of Tecapa (Warner 2010; see also Dillehay, Coast and between the highlands and the coast. The final
this volume, his Figure 1). Like the Chimú before them, millennium of the valley’s prehistory bore witness to the
however, the Inka did little to interfere with the autonomy successive influence of numerous outside political entities:
of the local lords at the smaller valley centers. Elites at the Moche and Chimú to the south, the Lambayeque to
Cabur, for instance, appear to have continued in their use the north, Cajamarca to the east, and finally the Inka of
of Lambayeque material culture, architectural styles, and the southern central highlands. The Jequetepeque Valley is
ritual traditions throughout the Late Horizon (Sapp 2002). therefore a linchpin in constructing a holistic understanding
of the development and functioning of states and empires in
Although Inka material culture is relatively scarce at this region, and by extension, the Andes in general.
outlying sites in the Jequetepeque Valley, recent studies
have shed light on a number of important transformations Almost a century of archaeological research in the valley,
24
Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori
however, has made it increasingly clear that the sequence Medio. In L. J. Castillo, H. Bernier, G. Lockard, and
and nature of these cultural changes were neither uniform J. Rucabado (eds.) Arqueología Mochica Nuevos
nor homogeneous across the many communities of the Enfoques: Actas del primero congreso internacional de
Jequetepeque drainage. The case studies presented in this jóvenes investigadores de la cultura Moche, pp. 67-80.
volume highlight the diversity of local social and political Fondo Editorial, Pontificia Universidad Católica del
processes at work in the valley and how such forces mingled Perú, Lima. Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos, Lima.
with those from outside the valley to manifest in the Billman, B. and Huckleberry, G. 2008. Deciphering the
material signatures of every-day life. These articles tackle Politics of Prehistoric El Niño Events on the North Coast
numerous issues germane to the study of ancient states and of Peru. In D. H. Sandweiss and J. Quilter (eds.) El Niño,
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