Interuniversitary Consortium on Migration and Integration: Qualitative Research Part Migrants’ Political and Social Participation in Belgium The case of Visé (Liège Province, Wallonia) and Antwerp (Antwerp, Flanders)

Interuniversitary Consortium on Migration and Integration: Qualitative Research Part
Migrants’ Political and Social Participation in Belgium

The case of Visé (Liège Province, Wallonia) and Antwerp (Antwerp, Flanders)
Emmanuelle LE TEXIER (CEDEM, University of Liège), Ph.D.

Under the supervision of Marco MARTINIELLO (CEDEM, University of Liège),
Els VANDERWAEREN (OASeS - MeM, Antwerp University), Ph.D. candidate

Petra HEYSE (OASeS – MeM, Antwerp University), Junior researcher
Under the supervision of Christiane TIMMERMAN (OASeS, Antwerp University)
1
A la mémoire de Charles Ullens.
Sans sa détermination et sa générosité, ce projet n’aurait pas vu le jour.
L’équipe dédie ce rapport à ce grand homme de cœur, de paix et de dialogue
Ter nagedachtenis van Charles Ullens.

Zonder zijn gulheid en vastberadenheid had dit project nooit het licht gezien.
Het team draagt dit rapport op aan deze maatschappelijk bewogen man.
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY RESEARCH PART WALLONIA (VISÉ)
The qualitative research project described here focuses on the entity of Visé-Cheratte (Liège
Province, Belgium), a semi-urban area consisting of six villages, which were united into a
single administrative unit in 1976. Cheratte is a village populated by multiple immigrant-
origin inhabitants who came to work in the mines in the 1940s and 50s (Polish, Greek,
Spanish, Italian, Portuguese, Ukrainian) and in the 1960s (Turkish, Moroccan). The non-EU
origin population, specifically the Turkish-origin population, lives concentrated in one ethnic
cluster in the village. Since the end of the 1980s, the media and local authorities, as well as
public discourses, have developed the concept of “ghetto” to stigmatize both a territory and a
population. In addition, tensions have arisen between young people and adults. Civil society
and public actors have long been involved in the area with the aim of fostering “harmonious
cohesion” in the village. This research study deals with the interactions between residents and
groups in Cheratte and between Cheratte and Visé, with the different forms of political
participation in the area, and with the role of local actors in the field.
Three main topics are analyzed in depth in the study. First, the qualitative research
reveals the complexity of interactions between individuals and groups in a local entity, Visé-
Cheratte [OR Cheratte??], often described, by the media and the local authorities, as a place
of great antagonism between the “Turkish and Moroccan population” and the local
population. Main dividing lines cross the entity along different variables: generation,
ethnicity, social class, territory and religion. These dividing lines provoke either solidarity or
competition between groups and they change according to the context. There is no simple
clash between the non-EU origin population and the rest, as there is no one single “ghetto” or
“community”.
Second, the qualitative research stresses the fact that the non-EU origin population is
being included in politics through two main processes: a) a change in local politics due to the
strategic and demographic necessity of including new electors (political parties presenting
multicultural lists) and b) organization of the non-EU origin population along ethnic lines
(ethnic candidates, the ethnic vote), following the model of Brussels.
Third, the role of actors dealing with managing social projects and diversity in the
local area appears to be organized around principles of consensus and pragmatism. The issue
of dealing with “integration”, “targeted population” or “foreign-origin youth” has been left to
the local actors, who have tried to coordinate their efforts through a platform offering ad hoc
solutions aimed at improving the environment of the area. After about fifteen years of
activity, this platform seems to be dealing with four main issues: renewal and representation
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of its social workers (staff rotation); politicization of partners; debates on social control vs.
community development and, primarily, debates on an integration-assimilation approach vs. a
multicultural diversity approach. These issues are not specific to the local area, but can be
easily compared to neighborhoods in Brussels, although on a different scale.
The main conclusion arising from the qualitative research is the fact that all actors in the area
are trying to create a system of “two-level multicultural representation”. Civil society,
residents, social actors and political actors are all working together to defend the idea of
cultural diversity in the area, or more precisely the representation of cultural diversity in the
public space. This means that interactions among residents of different backgrounds (social,
ethnic, religious, generational, territorial) occur at the local population level, but mostly at the
margins - in the sphere of political representation or symbolic representation. In that sense, it
is possible to talk about a two-level pluralism: only an elite part of the local population is
concerned with diversity, whereas most of the population actually lives apart in separate
groups. This dynamic serves social and political interests: the social actors, the non-profit
making organizations and the politicians all find legitimacy through a pragmatic arrangement
of cultural and ethnic diversity. They can justify their actions in the eyes of all groups and in
the changing Belgian context of multicultural representation. This dynamic is negative in the
sense that there is no global interaction among the population. In addition, limited
representation could also provoke disillusion in the local non-EU origin population. They
could feel, in reality, not well represented by “ethnic models” or “ethnic leaders” or “multi-
ethnic events”, because they feel that they are not really associated with, but only
“represented” by, these initiatives. In addition, pragmatism might crystallize the various
groups in favor of or against multicultural representation, and this dynamic could bring about
a mutual misunderstanding regarding issues of cultural, political or religious recognition.
But this system of two-level multicultural representation is also positive. Pragmatism has led
to an avoidance of conflict in a population fragmented along many dividing lines (although
conflict was seen to have been caused by the generational divide). Furthermore, this system
has also been an obstacle to the rise of extreme-right political parties in the area. In the long
term, the system might have an impact on the overall society, encompassing not only a
marginal or an elite element, but all sections of the population.
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY RESEARCH PART FLANDERS (ANTWERP)
The qualitative research project presented here focuses on the educational participation of ethnic
minority parents who live in a minority-populated neighbourhood that is located in the northern
area of the inner city of Antwerp. Since parental participation can moderate the strong negative
effects of low socio-economic status on children’s educational achievement, it is interesting to
search for the factors that contribute to, or interfere with, the involvement of parents in their
children’s’ education. In particular, for families that belong to ethnic minority groups with a low
socio-economic status, the parents’ participation in the educational program proved to exert
positive effects on the success of their children in school. Unfortunately, the educational
participation of ethnic minority parents is not easily realized. In order to gain a more thorough
insight into the factors that facilitate and interfere with the participation of ethnic minority parents
in the education of their children, we conducted fieldwork in two selected schools that were
situated in the neighbourhoods we selected for this study. Besides participant observation and
interviews with people who have the experience and authority about parental participation, so
called privileged witnesses, we focused mainly on our interviews with the parents – mothers as
well as fathers. Since school-level characteristics that impact parental involvement are as
important as individual factors - for example, socio-economic status, ethnicity and family
composition- we focused on both individual and structural explanatory factors.
The research was guided by a theoretical framework – the theory of overlapping spheres of
influence (Epstein, 1987) - that stresses the importance of three spheres of influence on children’s
learning and development: the school, the home and the local community. The efforts and
activities to promote children’s educational achievement of these three influential institutions can,
to a greater or lesser extent, overlap. The theory claims that a greater congruence between the
three spheres produces a mutual fortification of the school’s, home’s and local community’s
efforts to create educational success, which in turn enhances a more optimal development for
children. We chose this model because of its recognition of the community’s influence on
children’s educational careers. With respect to research on ethnic minorities, the link between the
community and education cannot be ignored. In order to be successful, migrant populated schools
need to have insight into the rich traditions and cultures of the migrant communities itself.
Therefore, migrant populated schools often develop networks with local community
organizations. Furthermore, in low-income neighbourhoods that house many deprived families,
community initiatives that promote children’s educational achievement can compensate for the
lack of family involvement or family distress, and can provide important guidance and
encouragement to students. Therefore, an examination of the schools’ immersion in the
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surrounding community and the existence of local community initiatives that promote children’s
educational achievement were examined.
The research demonstrates that the traditional concept of parental involvement that is based on the
average, middle-income, white parent does not correspond with the growing diversity of the pupil
population in Antwerp. In line with other research, the Western concept of parental involvement
appears collide with the educational values and practices of some ethnic minority groups.
Furthermore, ethnic minorities often lack the cultural capital and confidence to spontaneously
come to school; to contact teachers; to create a school supportive environment at home; to assist
children in doing their homework; and to undertake other typical practices that follow the
traditional concept of parental involvement.
High expectations are imposed upon migrant populated schools. Our research pointed out that a
school’s openness towards ethnic minority families and a school’s reformation of the traditional
information and communication strategies can increase ethnic minorities’ parents’ educational
involvement. In order to increase parental involvement, teachers should acquire roles that go
further than the expectations of their narrow, curriculum based job descriptions. In our research,
we noticed that a significant gap exists between the school and the homes of ethnic minorities. In
order to close the gap, it is necessary that the school staff brings information about the school and
the educational system to the homes of the migrant families.
Due to the absence of adequate supportive structures and financial means, investment in parental
involvement today remains dependent on a school staff’s willingness to invest the efforts that are
necessary. The migrant populated schools in our research were convinced about the importance of
families’ involvement in education; and even further, the communities’ participation in the school.
Nevertheless, the school staff’s high workload, schools’ lack of financial means and their lack of
expertise regarding the educational involvement of ethnic minority parents, are specific factors
that prevented the school staff to invest time in parental participation programs.
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GENERAL INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................... 10
PART I : LITERATURE STUDY............................................................................... 13
CHAPTER I: DESCRIPTION OF THE SITUATION OF ETHNIC MINORITIES IN

BELGIUM..................................................................................................................................... 13
I.1. Belgium’s (im)Migration istory.................................................................................... 13
I.2. The Socio-economic and Educational Position of Ethnic Minorities in Belgium ........ 17
I.2.1. Labour Situation of Ethnic Minorities in Belgium ................................................. 17
1.2.2.The Educational Situation of Ethnic Minorities in Belgium................................... 20
I.2.2.1. Educational Policy in Flanders ....................................................................... 22
I.2.2.2. Educational Policy in the Belgian French Community................................... 23
I.2.2.3. The Educational Position of the Second Generation. ..................................... 24
I.2.3. Explaining the Educational Position of the Second Generation. ........................... 27
I.3. Living Conditions of Ethnic Minorities in Belgium ..................................................... 30
I.4. Integration Policies in Belgium ..................................................................................... 32
CHAPTER II : SOCIO-POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND MIGRATION.................... 35

II.1. Migrants and Poor People’ s Participation ................................................................... 35
II.2. Migrant’s and Low-income People’s Educational Involvement / Participation........... 39
II.2.1.Parental Involvement: Definition and Conceptualisations ..................................... 41
II.2.2. ‘Home – School – Community’ Influences: Theory of Overlapping Spheres of
Influence........................................................................................................................... 45
II.2.3. Parental involvement: the Flemish Situation......................................................... 48
II.2.4. Parental Involvement and Low-income/ Ethnic minority people.......................... 52
II.3. Gender, Migration and Participation ............................................................................ 57
CHAPTER III: ETHNIC NEIGHBOURHOODS .................................................................... 60

III.1. Concepts and definitions ............................................................................................. 61
III.2. Ethnic Neighbourhoods in Belgium............................................................................ 64
III.2.1. The socio-economical approach of living in Belgium ........................................ 64
III.2.2. The Interethnic Neighbourhood Life................................................................... 66
III.3. Key-issues and Problems ............................................................................................ 69
PART II : PRESENTATION OF THE FIELDWORK................................................. 71
CHAPTER IV: PRESENTATION OF FIELD CASE I: VISÉ – CHERATTE .................... 71

IV.1. Visé, Wallonia............................................................................................................. 71
IV.1.1. Visé and Cheratte, Liège Province....................................................................... 71
IV.1.2. Multi-level migrant integration policy................................................................. 74
IV.1.3. Social and political participation in Visé-Cheratte .............................................. 78
IV.2. Methodology ............................................................................................................... 84
IV.2.1. Observation activities........................................................................................... 85
IV.2.2. Semi-structured interviews .................................................................................. 85
IV.2.3. Focus groups ........................................................................................................ 85
IV.2.4. Literature review .................................................................................................. 87
IV.3. Research Results ......................................................................................................... 87
IV.3.1. The dividing lines................................................................................................. 88
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IV.3.1.1. The territorial divide and the “ghetto” .......................................................... 89
IV.3.1.2. The ethnic-national divide .......................................................................... 100
IV.3.1.3. The religious divide .................................................................................... 102
IV.3.1.4. The generational divide............................................................................... 107
IV.3.1.5. The social class divide ................................................................................ 110
IV.3.2. Forms of political and social participation......................................................... 112
IV.3.2.1. Towards ethnic representation? .................................................................. 113
IV.3.2.2. The role of civil society and public actors .................................................. 120
IV.4. Conclusions and Recommendations ......................................................................... 128
IV.4.1. Concluding remarks ........................................................................................... 129
IV.4.2. Recommendations.............................................................................................. 130
CHAPTER V: PRESENTATION OF FIELD CASE II: ANTWERP ................................. 133

V.1. The Antwerp Metropolis, Flanders ............................................................................ 133
V.1.1. City description and background......................................................................... 133
V.1.2. Socio-economic Trends in Antwerp and its Districts.......................................... 135
V.1.3. Selection process of Neighbourhoods and Schools............................................. 158
V.1.4. Three Selected Community Initiatives in the Selected Neighbourhoods............ 163
V.2. Methodology .............................................................................................................. 168
V.2.1. Research Questions ............................................................................................. 168
V.2.2.Research Methods ................................................................................................ 170
V.2.3. The Topic List .................................................................................................... 171
V.2.4. School selection Process ..................................................................................... 174
V.2.5. The research setting............................................................................................. 175
V.2.6. The Interview Context........................................................................................ 175
V.3. Results and interpretations ........................................................................................ 177
V.3.1. Educational Involvement of Ethnic Minorities ................................................... 177
V.3.1.1. Facilitating or Interfering Factors for Involvement: School’s Openness ..... 182
V.3.1.2. Facilitating or Interfering Factors for Involvement: Information ................ 185
V.3.1.3. Facilitating or Interfering Factors for Involvement: Cultural Capital.......... 192
V.3.1.4. Characteristics of a ‘Good School’ .............................................................. 194
V.3.1.5. Conclusion.................................................................................................... 196
V.3.2. Educational Involvement of Fathers................................................................... 197
V.3.2.1. Facilitating or Interfering Factors for the Educational Participation of Fathers:
Labour ........................................................................................................................ 198
Socio-cultural Factors ................................................................................................ 199
V.3.2.3. Conclusion.................................................................................................... 202
V.3.3. ‘Home – School – Community’ Partnerships: Exploring the Three Spheres of
Influence......................................................................................................................... 202
V.3.3.1. ‘Home – School’ Partnerships...................................................................... 203
V.3.3.2.’School – Home’ Partnership ........................................................................ 206
V.3.3.3. ‘Community – Family’ Partnerships ............................................................ 215
V.3.3.4. ‘Family – Community’ Partnerships ............................................................ 219
V.3.3.5. ‘School – Community’ Partnerships & ‘Community – School’ Partnerships
.................................................................................................................................... 223
V.4. Conclusions and recommendations ............................................................................ 226
V.4.1. Conclusions ......................................................................................................... 226
V.4.1.1. Towards a Redefinition of Parental Involvement......................................... 226
V.4.1.2. Selectivity of the Educational Context......................................................... 227
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V.4.1.3. From Desegregation to Investment in the Quality of Concentration Schools
.................................................................................................................................... 228
V.4.1.4. Parents’ Call for Support and Information ................................................... 229
V.4.1.5. School Staff’s Call for Support Regarding Parental Participation ............... 231
V.4.1.6. Father’s Educational Participation ............................................................... 232
V.4.1.7. Importance of ‘Home-School-Community’ Partnerships ............................ 233
V.4.2. Recommendations ............................................................................................... 233
V.4.2.1. Flemish community...................................................................................... 233
V.4.2.2. Local level: Antwerp .................................................................................... 236
V.4.2.3. School level .................................................................................................. 237
REFERENCES ........................................................................................................................... 241
ANNEXES................................................................................................................................... 253
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GENERAL INTRODUCTION
In Belgium, scientific research1 on migration and adjoining issues is limited in relation to the
existing economical, political, social and cultural formations and it’s questioning of many
certainties, even those on which our Western societal concept relies. The impact of globalization –
with migration as one of the results– has had a direct outcome in the Coalition Agreement of the
Belgian Federal Government in July 2003: “Belgium has to stay an open living together where
people of different cultures can work together in a sphere of sincerity, encounters, tolerance and
mutual respect, an open society convinced of different sensitivities, origins and cultures which are
in a permanent development and attached to the common, fundamental values of the Constitution
and the Human Rights.”2 Our research was developed in light of the idea that multiculturalism
results to the enrichment of Belgian society and that the society recognizes shared citizenship.
Since migrants arrived in Western European countries in the 1950s and the 1960s and during
the beginning of the 1970s, much research has been carried out the infrastructural problems of the
adaptation and integration of these migrants in European societies. From a cross-national
perspective, the Belgian data sources that are currently available for research have the
comparative advantage of having a high quality and a wide scope. However, severe limitations
have to be considered concerning quantitative research; in particular, the statistical disappearance
of the second generation3 (due to rapidly growing numbers of naturalisations and acquisitions of
the Belgian nationality), and the continuing neglect for diversification of new immigration (with
increasing numbers of asylum seekers or refugees from Eastern Europe, the Middle East and
Central Africa). These are the limitations that worry researchers today4.
Today, most Belgian youngsters of Moroccan and Turkish decent were born in Belgium; thus
they belong to the second and the following generations of immigrants5. There has been much
research concerning second-generation immigrants, even though this is not always mentioned
explicitly. Several of those non-explicit studies about second-generation immigrants look at the
1
Two clear distinctions in research on migration exist: one in the disciplinary point of view and a second one in the
methodological approach. Each discipline and each method has own focus points.
2
.BE (2003), ‘X. Een verdraagzame samenleving,’ p.81 in: Zuurstof voor het land. Een creatief en Solidair België.
Regeringsverklaring en regeerakkoord, juli 2003, pp.81-84
3
By ‘second and following generations’, we mean those who were born in Belgium or who arrived here at pre-school
age (-7) and whose parents or grandparents are of foreign origin. They are Belgian citizens irrespective of their
nationality.
4
PHALET, K. & SWYNGEDOUW, M. (2003), ‘Measuring immigrant integration: the case of Belgium’, in: Studi
Emigrazione/Migration Studies, XL, n.152, 773-803.
5
HERMANS, P. (1994), ‘Opgroeien als Marokkaan in Brussel. Een antropologisch onderzoek over de evolutie, de
leefwereld en inpassing van Marokkaanse jongeren’, in: Cultuur en Migratie, Brussel; TIMMERMAN, C. (1999),
Onderwijs maakt het verschil. Socio-culturele praxis en etniciteitsbeleving bij Turkse jonge vrouwen, Leuven: Acco;
TIMMERMAN, C., HERMANS, P. & HOORNAERT, J. (eds.) (2002), Allochtone jongeren in het onderwijs. Een multidisciplinair
perspectief, Leuven-Apeldoorn: Garant.
10
education of migrant youngsters and specifically at issues of language6. There are some recent
studies that make explicit reference to the subgroup of immigrants that is born in Belgium.
The political participation of foreigners is an example of an active research topic that has been
written about since the second half of the 1990s. With exception to the municipalities, voting
rights are conditional upon Belgian citizenship7. As this is a recent change in the Belgian Law,
research on voting behaviour mainly concerns second-generation immigrants and naturalised
individuals who usually also belong to the second or subsequent generations. These studies show
that the voting behaviour of the allochthonous population is similar to that of the low-educated
native population8.
More recently, research has been carried out about the well being of second-generation
immigrants9. Interesting research results are found about unemployment and the situation of the
second generation10; the continual ethnic distinction of immigrant and minority groups in the
surrounding society11; the juridical position of immigrant groups and their descendants12; and on
their socio-cultural practices and situation13. Before presenting more detailed information on the
living conditions of ethnic minorities, we must review the institutional context as well as the
6
JANSSENS, R. (2001). Taalgebruik in Brussel. Brussel: VUB Press; JASPAERT, K. (1996), ‘NT1 en NT2 in
Vlaanderen en in Nederland’, in: Kroon, S. & Vallen, T. (eds.), Nederlands als tweede taal in het onderwijs.
Praktijkbeschrijvingen uit Nederland en Vlaanderen, ’s Gravenhage: Nederlandse Taalunie, S.P. Voorzetten 51;
LEMAN, J. (1999), Moedertaalonderwijs bij allochtonen. Geïntegreerd onderwijs in de eigen taal en cultuur.
Leuven/Amersfoort: Acco; VAN DEN BRANDEN, K. & VAN AVERMAET, P. (2001), ‘Taal, onderwijs en
ongelijkheid: quo vadis’, in: Tijdschrift voor Onderwijsrecht en beleid, 5-6, pp. 393-403; VERLOT, M. (2001a), ‘Van
een beekje naar een stroom. Vijftien jaar onderzoek naar onderwijs aan migranten in Vlaanderen (1985-1999)’,
pp.198-199, in: VRANKEN, J., TIMMERMAN, C., VAN DER HEYDEN, K. (eds.), Komende Generaties. Wat weten
we (niet) over allochtonen in Vlaanderen, Leuven: Acco, Minderheden in de Samenleving (10), pp. 179-212.
7
Following the adjudication of municipal voting rights for EU citizens in February 1999, EU citizens participated in
the last municipal elections of 2000. The extension of local voting rights to non-European foreigners, only past
through the Senate and the Chamber in February 2004. The next municipal elections in 2006, will be open to non-
European immigrant voters, on the following two conditions: 1) the non-EU citizen resides in Belgium for at least five
years and 2) the non-EU citizen lists him- or herself on a voting list and agrees explicitly with the Constitution and the
Belgian law (http://users.skynet.be/stemrecht-voor-migranten).
8
SWYNGEDOUW, M. (1999), Minderheden in Brussel: sociopolitieke houdingen en gedragingen. Brussel: VUB
press; BOUSETTA, H. (1998), ‘Nieuwe identiteiten of een nieuw burgerschap’, in: SWYNGEDOUW, M. &
MARTIENIELLO, M. (eds.), Belgische toestanden, Antwerpen: Icarus, pp. 165-168; MARTINIELLO, M. (1995),
‘The national question and the political construction of immigrant ethnic communities in Belgium’, in:
HARGRAEVERS, A. & LEAMAN, J. (eds.), Racism, Ethnicity and politics in contemporary Europe, Aldershot:
Edward Elgar, pp. 131-144.
9
F.e. GEETS, J., VANDERWAEREN, E. & TIMMERMAN, C. (2001), Integrale Jeugdzorg voor jongeren uit
etnisch-culturele minderheidsgroepen met bijzondere aandacht voor buitenlandse niet-begeleide minderjarigen,
Universiteit Antwerpen: UFSIA, OASeS en Vlaams Minderhedencentrum (in opdracht van de Vlaamse Gemeenschap,
Ministerie van Welzijn, Gezondheid en Gelijke Kansen, Antwerpen (2001); VANDERWAEREN, E. &
TIMMERMAN, C. (2001), Hulpverleners over hulpverlening aan allochtonen, inclusieve hulpverlening in de Centra
Algemeen Welzijnswerk Stad Antwerpen, Universiteit Antwerpen: UFSIA, OASeS en SIF Stad Antwerpen, Antwerpen
(2001).
10
OUALI, N. & REA, A. (1994), ‘La scolarité des élèves d’origine étrangère’ in: Cahiers de Sociologie et d’Economie
Régionales, 21-22, pp.7-56.
11
ROOSENS, E. (1998), ‘Migration and caste formation in Europe: The Belgian case’, in: Journal of Ethnic and
Racial Studies, 11, 207-217.
12
FOBLETS, M-C & PANG, C. L. (eds) (1999), Culture, ethnicity and migration. Leuven: Acco.
13
TIMMERMAN, C. (1999), Onderwijs maakt het verschil. Socio-culturele praxis en etniciteitsbeleving bij Turkse
jonge vrouwen. Leuven: Acco.
11
complex region and community organisation that have a profound influence on the socio-
economic reality in Belgium. The two main areas of Belgium, Flanders and Wallonia, differ in
their socio-economic realities. It is the linguistic dimension that shaped the constitutional and
institutional structure of the country.
The political decision-making process, particularly concerning social matters, has also been
influenced by two characteristics of the Belgian state: its ‘pillarisation’ and its ‘neo-corporate
democracy’14. The Belgian state is a pillarised welfare society. Flanders and Walloon region are
imbedded in a federal state and are part of the European Union. Therefore, social exclusion and
inclusion policies, poverty policies, as well as urban policies are dealt with on various levels. As a
result, policy-making responsibilities are distributed between the federal and the regional level,
and various initiatives are taken on the European level as well. Various research and ongoing
debates about Belgium’s policies show an implying need for coordination.
Immigrant integration is defined as the process of becoming part of the receiving society,
through increased participation in different arenas of activity. Participation includes engagement
with the formal and informal institutions of the surrounding society, and can result in a
functioning network of relationships, as well as ties and roots in the new home society. One of the
main dimensions of integration of new groups into a society is their access to and their
participation in society’s key institutions; for example: the education system, the occupational
qualifying system, and the labor market and the political community (structural integration)15. In
the first chapter, we will first describe the history of the evolution of migration in Belgium. Then,
an exhaustive explanation will be given on the labour market, the education system and the
integration policy in Belgium.
14
VRANKEN, J. & VAN MENXEL, G. (1993), Third Annual Report on Policies to Combat Social Exclusion -
Belgium, 1992. Antwerp: Research Group on Poverty and Social Exclusion.
15
Engbersen and Gabriëls (1995) use the idea of ‘spheres of integration’. However, first of all, an appropriate question
will be if the idea of ‘integration’ is still relevant for a population group that is born and educated in the host country
of their parents who migrated. Or do we have to search for a reinterpretation or a ‘different’ interpretation of the
concept of ‘integration’ that is useful again for this group in the population?
12
PART I : LITERATURE STUDY
CHAPTER I: DESCRIPTION OF THE SITUATION OF ETHNIC MINORITIES IN

BELGIUM
I.1. Belgium’s (im)Migration History
Unlike many other European nations, Belgium has not been a typical emigration or
immigration country since it gained its independence in 1830. At the turn of the 19th century,
emigration consisted mostly of impoverished Flemish farmers. Their main destinations, aside
from Brussels as an emerging urban centre and the industrial South of Belgium, were France and
increasingly also the US and Canada16.
Immigration flows to Belgium only began in 1920s. Similarly, early immigration into Belgium
and Brussels had a strong rural component. It also included skilled workers and traders from the
neighbouring countries, as well as small groups of political refugees. Apart from immigrants from
neighbouring countries, Belgium also received workers from Central and Southern Europe. Two
countries stand out in this respect: Poland and, even more so, Italy. Much of this immigration was
directed towards the industrial areas in Belgium; specifically in Limburg (Flanders) and the
mining and steel industries of the Walloon region, which had developed strongly in the early
twentieth century.
The economic recession of the 1930s puts an end to the recruitment of foreign labour. Workers
were laid off in great numbers as Belgian trade unions supported legal restrictions on
immigration, the institution of work permits, and the exclusion of migrant workers from
unemployment benefits17. After the Second World War and throughout the 1950s, the massive
intake of cheap migrant workers coincided with the development of the post-war welfare state,
extending social rights and fair incomes to the national working classes18. During the same period,
Belgium extended the scope of labour recruitment to other Southern European countries ( Italy,
Spain, Portugal and Greece) and non-European countries ( Morocco and Turkey).
As in other parts of Europe, ‘old’ pre-war immigration to Belgium was almost exclusively
white, Catholic and European. In contrast, the ‘new’ post-war immigration was much more
diverse with its large numbers of non-white, non-Christian manual workers coming from outside
Europe19. At the same time, the settlement of new immigrants was spreading from the industrial
16
CAESTECKER, F. (2001), ‘Migratiecontrole in Europa in de 19de eeuw’, in ART, J. & FRANÇOIS, L. (eds).
Docendo discimus Gent: Academia Pers, pp.241-256.
17
MARTENS, A. & MOULAERT, F. (1985), Buitenlandse Minderheden in Vlaanderen-België, Antwerp: De
Nederlandsche Boekhandel.
18
DESLÉ, E. (1992), ‘De betekenis van internationale arbeidsmigraties en van het racisme in de ontwikkeling van de
nationale welvaartsstaat’, in DESLÉ, E. & MARTENS, A. (eds), Gezichten van hedendaags racisme (pp. 219-262).
Brussel: VUB Press.; Wieviorka, M. (1991), L’espace du racisme. Paris: Seuil.
19
LESTHAEGHE, R. (2000), Communities and Generations. Turkish and Moroccan populations in Belgium, Brussel:
VUB University Press.
13
belt to other urban and industrial regions in the North of the country (in and around the cities of
Antwerp, Gent and Brussels).
In the 1960s, the diversification of economic activity, particularly in Flanders, led even more
newcomers towards this new spatial distribution. This immigration flow, primarily of Moroccans
and Turkish people, was largely directed towards urban industrial regions in the northern region
of the country (in and around Flemish cities and the capital Brussels) rather than to the mining
areas in the Walloon region. The labour migration of Moroccans and Turkish people started in
1964, following the signing of the bilateral agreements between Belgium on the one hand, and
Morocco and Turkey on the other.
The employment of immigrants was no longer restricted to the heavy metal and mining
industries. Employers in other industries; namely, construction, and menial jobs increasingly
contracted foreign workers. In the 1970s and early 1980s, the closing of the coalmines and the
rapid shrinkage of industrial labour in the southern of the country marked the brutal transition to a
post-industrial economy. In Belgium, the breakdown of the heavy industries was even more
abrupt and less fragmented than in some other countries (e.g. Germany or France). As most
foreigners were employed in industrial labour, socio-economic restructuring had
disproportionately affected the immigrant populations, leading to massive and enduring
unemployment and withdrawal from the labour force. Today, the majority of foreigners in
Flanders and in the Brussels Capital Region live within the triangle of Brussels-Antwerp-Ghent
and in towns in the province of Limburg.
In the context of Belgium, a distinction can be made between “old” and “new” immigration
flows: the former was exclusively European and primarily included populations with a Catholic
background, while the latter was non-European and mainly Muslim. Today, the two largest non-
EU population groups in Belgium are the Moroccan and the Turkish communities. The classic
image of the labour migrant arriving in Western Europe in the 1960s and 1970s is one of an
unskilled individual, exchanging a life of work on the land for one in the manual labour in
industry. For the Turkish and the Moroccans in particular, the image of an undifferentiated
immigrant labour force is reinforced by the commencement of migration from both countries
during the period of high labour demand, their religious beliefs and the similar legal frameworks
under which they applied to gain access to European society.
Although Belgium proclaimed a moratorium on immigration in 1974, the Moroccan and
Turkish populations continued to grow steadily in subsequent years. The majority of these
immigrants after 1974 came to Belgium on the basis of ‘family reunification’ or, as in the past
decade, ‘family formation’ programmes. Between 1994and 1998, 77.5% of Moroccan and 75.3%
of Turkish newcomers in Flanders were aged between 15 and 34. By 1998, there were 125 082
14
Moroccans ( 14% of the foreign population) and 70 701 Turkish ( 7.9% of the foreign population)
living in Belgium20. The total number of inhabitants with Moroccan and Turkish origin- including
third-generation immigrants and those who had acquired Belgian nationality- was 188 000 and
109 000 respectively21.
The majority of these Moroccan and Turkish immigrants came from rural areas in their
homelands. The majority of Turkish immigrants in Belgium hail from the province of Afyon or
bordering provinces. Other areas of emigration to Belgium are situated to the east of Ankara and
along the Black Sea coast. Moroccan emigration is more restricted to a specific region: most
Moroccans in Belgium come from the province in the Rif (Nador), while 25% hail from the
province of Tanger.
In all, over three-quarters 75% of ethnic Moroccans in Belgium have their roots in Northern
Morocco22. The highest concentrations of Turkish immigrants are found in the Flemish provinces
of East Flanders (in cities such as Ghent, St. Niklaas and Lokeren), Limburg, and Brussels.
Immigrants from the Maghreb have settled mostly in urban areas, including in the Brussels
Capital Region and Antwerp (Flanders).
With a total population of 10 million and a land area of 30528 square kilometres, Belgium is
one of the smallest and most densely populated countries in Europe and the world. The situation
of the ethnic minority population in Belgium is not enviable (CGKR, 2000). On January 1,2000
there were 897 110 foreigners in Belgium (i.e. 8.76 % of the total population of 10.239.085).
Currently, Belgium attracts an increasingly diverse inflow of refugees, asylum seekers,
undocumented migrants and other European Union citizens. Among the non-European
populations, the Moroccan and Turkish communities are the most numerous. The proportion of
foreigners in Belgium increased from 4.3% in 1947 to 8.9% in 1981, and subsequently stabilized
at 9% of the total population23. However, this figure excludes a significant part of ‘second-
generation’ immigrants as it only takes into account citizens who have not (yet) acquired Belgian
nationality24.
20
TIMMERMAN, C., BALLI, S., LODEWYCKX I & VAN DER HEYDEN, K. (1999), Integratie van Tweede
Generatie Migrantenvrouwen in Vlaanderen: verschillende wegen tot integratie. Antwerpen: UFSIA-CASUM.
21
MARTENS, A. & CAESTECKER, F., (2001), ‘De algemene beleidsontwikkelingen sinds 1984’, in VRANKEN, J.,
TIMMERMAN, C., VAN DER HEYDEN, K. (eds.) Komende Generaties. Wat weten we (niet) over allochtonen in
Vlaanderen. Leuven: Acco, Minderheden in de Samenleving (10), pp. 99-127.
22
SURKYN, J & RENIERS G. (1996), ‘Selecte gezelschappen. Over de migratiegeschiedenis en de interne dynamiek
van migratieprocessen’, in LESTHAEGHE, R. (ed.), Diversiteit in sociale verandering – Turkse en Marokkaanse
vrouwen in België, Brussels: VUB Press, pp. 41-72.
23
TIMMERMAN, C., VAN DER HEYDEN, K. (eds.) op. cit., p.99.
24
Since the mid 1980s successive legislative changes have greatly facilitated and effectively increased the acquisition
of the Belgian nationality by significant portions of the immigrant population. Jacobs, D. (1999), ‘The debate over
enfranchisement of foreign residents in Belgium’, in: Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 25(4), 649-663.)
15
In 1998, residents of foreign origin – including third-generation immigrants and those who
had acquired Belgian nationality – accounted for 12.9% of the Belgian population25. The
distribution of this foreign population group in Belgium is estimated as the following: 28% in the
Brussels Capital Region, 31% in the Flemish region, and 41% in the Walloon Region26. Accurate
data on the size of the various ethnic groups, who have acquired Belgian citizenship, as well as
those who are second-generation immigrants, are difficult to find. The only information that is
directly and systematically registered in Belgium concerns the citizens’ nationality and not their
ethnic origin. The figures put forth by the National Institute of Statistics are not useful in
determining the size of the population of people with foreign origins27. Therefore, any researcher
with a particular interest in the size of the latter population group would need to find creative
solutions.
Unlike ‘first-generation’ immigrants, the ‘second-generation’ immigrants did not choose to
emigrate and live in another country. Thus, their frame of reference is inevitably different. By
‘second’ and ‘following generations’, we mean those who were born in Belgium or who arrived
here at pre-school age (-7) and whose parents or grandparents are of foreign origin. As in the case
of their Belgian peers, the educational and labour market opportunities of second-generation
youngsters are determined by their social, economic and cultural capital. Because of the socio-
historical background of immigration from relatively underdeveloped areas, this capital is often
insufficient to participate adequately in Western society.
25
TIMMERMAN, C., VAN DER HEYDEN, K. (eds.) : ibid., p.100.
26
ADMINISTRATIE PLANNING EN STATISTIEK (APS) (2000), VRIND 99 - Vlaamse Regionale Indicatoren.
Brussel: Ministerie van de Vlaamse Gemeenschap.
27
press, p.40; VAN DE VELDE, V. (2002) Studievoormiddag Gelijke Kansen voor Allochtonen in het Sociaal Hoger
Onderwijs : een aparte aanpak? Leuven: KULeuven – HIVA; GEETS, J., VANDERWAEREN, E. AND
TIMMERMAN, C. (2001) Integrale Jeugdzorg voor jongeren uit etnisch-culturele minderheidsgroepen met
bijzondere aandacht voor buitenlandse niet-begeleide minderjarigen, Antwerpen: OASeS – UFSIA.
16
I.2. The Socio-economic and Educational Position of Ethnic Minorities in Belgium
I.2.1. Labour Situation of Ethnic Minorities in Belgium
On January 1 2002, almost 8.2% of the total population in Belgium had foreign nationality.
Unless the low employment rate, they represent 7.7% of the total labour force28. Again it is
important to stress the fact that migrants who are naturalised move from the category of
‘foreigners’ to that of ‘Belgians’, which means that the real number of ethnic minority groups is
higher than the figures reveal.
In table 1, we show the activity rate and the employment rate in relation to gender for
autochthonous and allochthonous population groups29. The activity rate is the total amount of
labour force (working and unemployed) in percentage of the population between 15 and 64 years
old. The age structure of the total population in Belgium reveals an ageing population. Sixteen
percent of the Belgian population is over 65 years old. However, the data on non-EU foreigners
shows a high rate of young people. The employment rate30 gives the number of labour forces in
percentage of the population at labour age. The male autochthonous activity rate is comparable
with the naturalised foreigners and the EU-citizens. The naturalised and EU female citizens have a
lower Activity rate than autochthonous women do. The lowest activity rate in labour force
participation can be found among the Turkish and the Moroccan populations. Different
circumstances lie at the base of the low participation rate of female non-EU citizens; for example,
familial structures, educational possibilities and knowledge of other languages than the mother
tongue.
The differences in employment rate between the autochthonous and allochthonous population
groups are more pronounced than the activity rate shows. In addition, the employment rate of non-
EU citizens is lower than the rate of the autochthonous. The Turkish and the Moroccans have a
significantly low employment rate. Only 25% of this population group, from the age of labour, is
employed. The unemployment rate of the allochthonous population groups is disproportionally
high. Other than the vulnerability of unemployment for those that constitute the non-
autochthonous labour force, there are also differences in the rate of unemployment.
28
NATIONAAL INSTITUUT VOOR DE STATISTIEK (NIS) (2003a), Bevolking en huishoudens: buitenlandse
bevolking op 1.1.2002, Brussel: NIS, p.19.
29
OKKERSE, L. & TERMOTE, A. (2004), ‘Hoe vreemd is vreemd op de arbeidsmarkt?, in: Statistische Studiën, nr.
111, Brussel: Algemene Directie Statistiek en Economische Informatie, p. 19.
30
Those Employment rates are in use by the Flemish Authorities in the marking out of target groups for their Strategic
Employment Plan that wish to attain equal labour participation. ADMINISTRATIE WERKGELEGENHEID
(2003), Strategisch plan werkgelegenheid: monitoring van de beoogde beleidseffecten. Stand van zaken, oktober
2003, Brussel.
17
Table 1: Activity rate and Employment rate of autochthonous and allochthonous populations in relation to gender, an average of 2002 and 2003.
Activity rate Employment rate
Male Female Total Male Female Total
Autochthonous 73% 58% 66% 69% 54% 61%
Naturalised 72% 50% 61% 61% 42% 51%
EU-citizens 74% 52% 64% 67% 45% 56%
Turks/Moroccans 64% 21% 42% 41% 11% 26%
Others (non EU-citizens) 68% 41% 54% 50% 28% 38%
Source: NIS, Enquête naar de Arbeidskrachten 2002 en 2003
Unemployment rates among the Moroccans and the Turkish are generally above average.
Figures from the National Employment Agency show that on June 30 2001, some 20.6% of
Turkish and 17.3% of Moroccan workers in Belgium were benefit-entitled full-time unemployed
persons, as compared to 9.9% of Belgian workers31. In their research Okkerse and Termote also
found that the rate of unemployment was 5 times higher than the autochthonous level of
unemployment32. In general, non-autochthonous groups search for a longer period to find an
occupation than autochthonous groups. However, little information is available on the duration of
unemployment for the ethnic minority group33.
Since 1995, unemployment among the foreign population has increased continuously despite
the spectacular overall drop in the number of job seekers in recent years. In Flanders, the number
of autochthonous unemployed job seekers dropped by almost 50% between 1995 and 2000 (from
258 287 to 135 585)34. Figures for the 12 Flemish municipalities used in the Flemish Employment
Agency program (VDAB), show that 27.4% of the male ethnic Maghrebian and Turkish
populations between 18 and 50 years old are unemployed compared to the unemployment rate of
5.5% among ethnic Belgians.
Different factors explain the differences in the unemployment rate among autochthonous and
allochthonous people and the fact that foreigners that come from different countries are not
confronted with unemployment in the same way. Age, gender, nationality, level of education,
(extra) training and experience, knowledge of languages and number of years spent in the host
countries, can all partially explain the susceptibility of ehtnic groups towards unemployment. The
qualification level of Belgians and foreigners reveals a tendency towards equalisation; although,
generally speaking, the Belgian unemployed still dispose of a higher educational level35.
Aspects of labour market demands have a significant role to play in setting labour market
opportunities for foreigners. Unemployment as relative to demand can cause the concentration of
ethnic minority groups in specific sectors of the labour market; which in turn is a consequence of
31
Calculations based on RVA, Maandelijks Bulletin and NIS, Bevolkingsstatistieken.
32
OKKERSE, L. & TERMOTE, A. (2004) : ‘Hoe vreemd is vreemd op de arbeidsmarkt?, in: Statistische Studiën, nr.
111, Brussel: Algemene Directie Statistiek en Economische Informatie, pp.18-21.
33
MARTENS, A. (1998), ‘Discriminatie op de arbeidsmarkt. Evenredige arbeidsdeelname als dam tegen apartheid”,
in: Samenleving en politiek, 3, pp.4-11.
34
VLAAMSE DIENST VOOR ARBEIDSBEMIDDELING EN BEROEPSOPLEIDING (VDAB) (2001a),
‘Hoogconjunctuur op de arbeidsmarkt. Delen allochtonen in de pret?’, in: Arbeidsmarkt Topics.
35
MARTENS, A. (1995), La prevention du racisme sur les lieux de travail en Belgique, Dublin: European Foundation
for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions.
18
the ways they were recruited some decades ago. Finally, unequal treatment and discrimination
cannot not be excluded in declarations about the unfavourable position of migrants in the labour
market36.
In Flanders, an interesting study was carried out about discrimination in the labour market37. It
revealed that employers in Flanders based their staff recruitment decisions on ethnic criteria rather
than on the curriculum or the abilities of applicants. Discrimination towards migrants at all stages
of the recruitment process on the labour market was highest in Flanders at 39,2%, while Brussels
scored 34.1% and Wallonia 27%. This discrimination during the selection and recruitment
processes consisted of the change in the recruitment procedure (supplementary requirements for
migrants); or lies (“the recruitment has already taken place”); or the imposition of different – less
attractive – labour conditions; or the adoption of specific attitudes (distant, disapproving or
paternalistic).38
Turkish immigrants, and especially Moroccan immigrants are confronted with discrimination
in the labour market. The study in Flanders also showed that employers’ racial prejudice towards
immigrant women was less serious than that towards immigrant men and that the prejudice
decreased as the educational level of the applicant increased39. It is widely acknowledged that
Moroccan and Turkish women are, generally speaking, less likely than men to fall victim to racial
discrimination. This is probably due to a combination of factors. One explanation is that Muslim
women are less visible and less involved in the public domain than Muslim men. Another, more
important element is that the negative stereotype that exists towards Moroccan and Turkish males
do not apply to females from those communities40.
Data concerning the second generation are scarce: the only figures available are from the 1991
census, and much has changed since then. In 1991, only second-generation youngsters who had
short educational careers had entered the labour market. In Table 2 below, we consider the
observed and the expected occupational status of second-generation immigrants in 1991. The
expected occupational status was calculated on the basis of the status held by native Belgians who
belonged to the same age-group, had the same place of residence and who had enjoyed a similar
level of education as the second-generation Moroccans and Turkish in the table.
36
ZEGERS DE BEIJL, R. (2000), Documenting discrimination against migrant workers in the labour market,
Geneva: International Labour Office.
37
VLAAMSE DIENST VOOR ARBEIDSBEMIDDELING EN BEROEPSOPLEIDING (VDAB) (2001b),
‘Werkzoekende allochtonen in Vlaanderen. Trends & Cijfers’, in: Arbeidsmarkt Topics.
38
FEDERALE DIENSTEN VOOR WETENSCHAPPELIJKE, TECHNISCHE EN CULTURELE
AANGELEGENHEDEN (DWTC) & CENTRUM VOOR GELIJKHEID VAN KANSEN EN VOOR
RACISMEBESTRIJDING (1997), Etnische discriminaties bij de aanwerving. Belgische deelname aan het
internationaal vergelijkend onderzoek van het Internationaal Arbeidsbureau, Brussels.
39
VLAAMSE DIENST VOOR ARBEIDSBEMIDDELING EN BEROEPSOPLEIDING (VDAB) (2001a), (2001b) :
op. cit.
40
TIMMERMAN, C. (2000), ‘Creativiteit binnen conformismse: huwelijksregelingen van Turkse mingrantenmeisjes’,
in: LUYCKX, K. (ed.), Liefst een gewoon huwelijk? Creatie en conflict in levensverhalen van jonge
migrantenvrouwen, Leuven: Acco, Minderheden in de Samenleving (9), pp. 117-138.
19
Table 2: Occupational Status of Turkish and Moroccan Second-generation Men Aged 18 to 29: Observed
and Expected Distributions.
Turkish (obs.) Turkish (exp.) Moroccan (obs.) Moroccan (exp.) Native

Unemployed 38% 15% 37% 13% 10%
Non-skilled labor 19% 24% 23% 21% 20%
Skilled labor 32% 39% 25% 32% 31%
Higher occupation 11% 22% 15% 34% 39%
Source: 1991 Census Data
The unemployment among second-generation immigrants is high. Some 40% of second-

generation men were out of work, which was four times the unemployment rate found among
Belgian youngsters. The unemployment figures for second-generation women are even higher: a
massive 60% of second-generation Turkish women and almost half of second-generation
Moroccan women were unemployed in 199141. Moreover, the duration of unemployment was
30% longer among young Belgians of foreign origin than among native Belgians42. On the
positive side, we note that second-generation men who have passed the hurdle of unemployment
are more likely than men from the in-between generation to find skilled labour or be employed in
higher-status occupations.
The difference between observed and expected unemployment provides insight into the extent
to which unemployment among the second generation is caused by the typical characteristics of
this population group. It appears that only one-third of unemployment among second-generation
Moroccans was occasioned by the combination of age, place of residence and educational level.
Unemployment among this group was three times higher than expected. Neels and Stoop have
demonstrated that the gap between the observed and the expected occupational status was bigger
for the second generation than for the first- and in-between generations. Labour motivation, the
strength of social networks and discrimination are probably important explanatory factors in this
respect.
Migrants, for the moment, seem doomed to live with vague promises, unclear objectives and
racism in the labour market. Sociologists warn that the lack of a stable employment position is
undermining social cohesion for a group of immigrants that is often already struggling with the
definition of its position in the Belgian ‘welfare’ state.43
1.2.2.The Educational Situation of Ethnic Minorities in Belgium
41
LESTHAEGHE, R. (1996), Diversiteit in sociale verandering – Turkse en Marokkaanse vrouwen in België, Brussel:
VUB Press, p.224.
42
NEELS, K., & STOOP, R. (2000), ‘Reassessing the ethnic gap: employment of younger Turks and Moroccans in
Belgium’, p.305 in: LESTHAEGHE, R. (ed.), Communities and Generations. Turkish and Moroccan populations in
Belgium, Brussel: VUB University Press, pp. 279-319.
43
BRUYNINCKX, H. (2003), Workers’ Organisations and Sustainable Development, Leuven: HIVA.
20
The educational attainment of first-generation Turkish and Moroccan immigrants in Belgium is
low (see above table 3).
Table 3: First-generation Turkish and Moroccan Immigrants in Belgium by Educational Level (in %).
Lower Secondary Education Primary Education No Diploma
Turks 33,0 52,8 14,1
Moroccans 22,8 21,5 55,7
Source: Lesthaeghe, 2000: 74
In general, in the year 2000, Turkish immigrants of the first generation were better educated
than their Moroccan peers. Over 50% of the latter had obtained no formal qualifications prior to
emigration to Belgium. The educational attainment of first-generation immigrants from Morocco
and Turkey varied considerably with age: the younger, the better educated44. This low-level of
educational attainment largely determines the ability of ethnic minorities to participate effectively
in Belgian society. This would also have an impact on the educational level of the second
generation.
Unlike first-generation immigrants, those belonging to the ‘second generation’ had no choice
to emigrate and live in another country; thus, their frame of reference is inevitably different45. As
in the case of their Belgian peers, the educational and labour market opportunities of second-
generation youngsters are determined by their social, economic and cultural capital. Because of
the socio-historical background of immigration, this capital is often insufficient to participate
adequately in Western society.
Before discussing the educational status of second-generation immigrants, , we shall briefly
consider Belgium’s educational system. Children generally start going to pre-school when they
are two-and-a-half years old. Compulsory education begins at the age of six. In their article
Timmerman et.all. (2003) focused on second-generation youth (over fifteen) who attended pre-
school and primary school in the 1980s. At that time, it was still common practice for Turkish and
Moroccan parents not to send their children to pre-school. A study by Hermans found that over
two-thirds of second-generation Moroccan boys, who went to pre-school in the early eighties,
started school at age two and a half. Others started a year later46. This situation has gradually
changed, and now almost all children go to school from the earlier age.
In the 1980s second language education programs in primary school were rare. Large-scale
second language education in primary school was only developed in the following decade.
After primary school, at the age of twelve, children move onto two ‘orientation’ years in
secondary school. The most important selection follows at the age of fourteen, when children have
a choice between vocational training, technical training, and general secondary education.
44
RENIERS, G. (2000), ‘On the selectivity and international dynamics of labour migration processes: an analysis of Turkish and
Moroccan migration to Belgium’, p.74-75, in: LESTHAEGHE, R. (ed.) : op. cit., pp. 59-94.
45
TIMMERMAN, C., VANDERWAEREN, E., CRUL, M. (2003) : art. cit., pp. 1065-1090.
46
leefwereld en inpassing van Marokkaanse jongeren’, in: Cultuur en Migratie, Brussel, p.87.
21
Nevertheless, a minority of children (10%) is selected for vocational training from the age of
twelve: most of these children are those who have had to repeat at least one year at primary
school. Turkish and Moroccan children are overrepresented in this category.
Since Belgium is a federal state, the Flemish and Walloon Communities can formulate and
implement educational priority policies independently. However, the school system is very similar
in the two regions.
I.2.2.1. Educational Policy in Flanders
In the beginning of the 90s, the Flemish Ministry of Education concluded that educational
participation and school success were determined by the social, cultural and economic
background of pupils47. In an effort to remedy this situation, the Flemish government launched a
number of educational policies oriented at ‘weak’ pupils who are often referred to as ‘target group
pupils’. These policies are: the Educational Priority Policy (1991), the Non-discrimination Policy
(1994), and the Policy on Extension of Care (1994). Whereas the Educational Priority Policy
focused on migrant and migrant origin pupils, the Policy on Extension of care paid special
attention to low socio-economic autochthonous pupils. These policies were intended to reduce the
educational lag of high-risk children or youngsters, through the allocation of extra teaching
periods to schools. Initially, the policies were exclusively designed for basic education, only from
September 2000 on, the Flemish government decided to support ‘special needs’ secondary
schools. Besides policies aimed at promoting the opportunities of deprived and ethnic minority
pupils in regular education, parallel efforts were made to receive newcomers by means of
organizing newcomer classes48.
In the school year 2003-2004, the decree on Equal Educational Opportunities (EEO) came into
effect. The decree intended to shift the focus from the temporary and fragmented character of the
aforementioned policies to an integrated framework of educational support for all children. The
EEO offers a coherent body of measures from the former Educational Priority Policy and the
Policy on Extension of Care. Indicators for equal opportunities were developed and the term
‘target group pupils’ was deserted49. The decree combats exclusion, social division and
discrimination, while it aims to give special attention to children who have deprived backgrounds.
The three main pillars of the EEO are: the right to enrol a child in a school of choice; the reasons
for refusing or referring a child to another school are restricted; the creation of local consultative
47
‘Naar een geïntegreerd gelijkekansenbeleid binnen het onderwijs’. Visietekst ten behoeve van een discussie in het
Vlaams Parlement (November 2000).
48
Buvens, I.; Verhoeven, J. C.; Vanhoof, J. and Van Petegem, P. (2005), ‘De eerste stappen bij de realisatie van het
Gelijkeonderwijskansendecreet’, in: Tijdschrift voor Onderwijsrecht en Onderwijsbeleid, 1-2, 3-18.
49
22
bodies, responsible for assisting the implementation of the EEO locally and for the Commission
on pupils’ rights, and as a watch-dog over pupil’s rights. An integrated body of support provisions
will allow schools to install special needs provisions for deprived children50.
A differentiation is made in the decree concerning the indicators for equal opportunities
between the primary school and the first grade of the secondary school on the one hand and on the
other hand the second and third grade of the secondary school. While for the first group the role of
the home language is taken into account together with the deprivation and weak educational
situation of pupils; this influence is not mentioned for the latter. There is an assumption that all
pupils possess fluency in the school language (i.e. Dutch).
On the basis of figures regarding the period in which the term ‘target group pupils’was used,
we deduce that approximately 5.5% of pupils in Flemish schools were of foreign origin
(regardless of whether or not they had obtained Belgian nationality). The impact of the above
policies on the educational attainment of children from ethnic minority backgrounds is still
unclear. So far, little work has been conducted on the evaluation of policies related to the position
of ethnic minorities in education51.
I.2.2.2. Educational Policy in the Belgian French Community
The end of the 1980s was a turning point and change of paradigm regarding education policies
in the Belgium’s French Community. Social and professional integration became a priority for
action, virtually abandoning the former focus on cultural and social emancipation. In the 1990s,
concepts such as “Ecole de la réussite” (1995), “Missions” (1997) and “Discriminations positives”
(1998) enlightened this renewed frame52. It is still problematic to study education policies towards
migrants and migrant-origin pupils, as categories that are employed only refer to socio-economic
criteria and not to the ethnic characteristics to define the target groups. Quantitative data is not
easily available, and when they are, they are not representative of immigrant or immigrant-origin
groups: they often are a summary of different surveys built at different level of analysis and only
distinguish among foreigners and Belgian citizens.
Nevertheless, two major trends found in the French community replicate the Flemish situation
for immigrants and immigrant-origin pupils: the high dropout rate; and the highly disproportional
orientation rate towards professional schooling. To face this situation, the French Community has
50
Ministry of Flemish Community. Decree concerning Equal Educational Opportunities (28 June 2002 – BS 14
September 2002).
51
VERLOT, M. (2001a), ‘Van een beekje naar een stroom. Vijftien jaar onderzoek naar onderwijs aan migranten in
Vlaanderen (1985-1999)’, in: VRANKEN, J., TIMMERMAN, C., VAN DER HEYDEN, K. (eds.), Komende
Generaties. Wat weten we (niet) over allochtonen in Vlaanderen, Leuven: Acco, Minderheden in de Samenleving (10),
pp.198-199.
52
Florence, Eric : « L’enseignement en rapport avec les populations d’origine étrangère en Communauté Française de
Belgique », in Brans, Marleen ; Jacobs, Dirk (et al. ed.) : Recherche et Politiques Publiques : le cas de l’immigration
en Belgique. Bruxelles, Academia, 2004, pp.121-194.
23
tried different solutions with the assumption that all citizens be treated equally, irrespective of
whether or not they are suffered from deprivation. Equality should be achieved by creating equal
opportunities, rather than merely through equal treatment. And unlike previous policies, cultural
diversity was recognised and considered as a means to realise better citizenship, much like socio-
economic improvement. It means that policies are based on two assumptions. The first is the
‘egalitarian-civil postulate’, which states that every citizen is entitled to equal opportunities. The
second is what Verlot calls a ‘majority perspective’, whereby it is assumed that the French culture
has a universal value that is capable of spanning and integrating the cultures of minorities53. These
statements suggest that, the support for the idea of cultural diversity is ambiguous thus far.
However, in the 1970s, the intake of foreign pupils in schools created unexpected problems. At
that time, there was still the notion that immigrants would one day ‘return to their home-country’,
and this led to the ‘teaching of the language and culture of origin’ (ELCO). According to Verlot54,
any attempt to open up the egalitarian ‘monocultural’ education model towards a truly
intercultural form of education has been in vain.
However, recommendations and solutions have been tested for the last fifteen years, even if
their only concerns were teaching methods and pedagogy. Florence55 lists some of these intents:
intercultural training for teachers; mediation; financial support to priority education schools;
intercultural pedagogy; differentiated pedagogy; French as a second language; opening schools to
other actors; and, the struggle against discriminations. However, the “universalist” paradigm is
still strongly shaping the education system in the French Community, in a way that disables the
use ethnic categories. This paradigm also demonstrates the difficulty to recognize institutionally
collective practices of discrimination and their impact on children of immigrants or migrant
children.
I.2.2.3. The Educational Position of the Second Generation.
The 1994-1996 surveys on ‘Migration History and Social Mobility’ (MHSM) are the only
surveys that provide recent national data regarding the educational position of second-generation
immigrants for both the Walloon Region and Flanders. These surveys were conducted exclusively
among men.
We shall first consider the achieved level of education by second-generation immigrants. All
surveys are based on cluster samples, whereby the clusters represent municipalities that were
randomly selected from all municipalities with a Turkish or Moroccan community with at least
53
VERLOT, M. (2001b), Werken aan integratie. Het minderheden en het onderwijsbeleid in de Franse en Vlaamse
Gemeenschap van België (1988-1998). Leuven: Acco, p.105.
54
VERLOT, M. (2001b), op. cit., p.224.
55
Florence, Eric : art. cit., pp. 142-149.
24
100 people (according to the 1991 census). Individuals were randomly selected in the foreign
population registers of these municipalities56.
Table 4: Achieved level of Moroccan and Turkish Second-generation Men Aged 18 years and older.
Observed school levels Moroccan Turkish

Unqualified 0% 0%
Primary 17% 9%
Lower secondary (BSO) 39% 37%
Higher secondary (ASO; TSO) 36% 50%
Higher education 8% 4%
N 194 272
Source: HMSM survey Data 1994-1996.
Half of the second-generation youngsters achieved a low level of education, though the
Turkish youngsters seem to perform slightly better than their Moroccan peers. Table 4 only shows
the level of education of those who had already graduated or left school. However, it does not
show data about the youngsters who were still in school; by consequence this can be misleading
for our judgement on the educational position of the second generation.
Moroccan men of the second generation had higher levels of school attendance (37%) between
the ages of 18 and 30 years, compared to the second-generation Turkish men (16%). If we
combine the groups who left school and those who were still in school, another picture emerges.
We refer to Neels’ life-table that takes account of educational levels already achieved by
students57. He also calculated the probabilities of students who would achieve a certain school
level, given their present situation.
Table 5: Adjusted Educational Levels for Moroccan and Turkish Second-generation Men 18 years and
older.
Adjusted school levels Moroccan Turkish

Unqualified 0% 0%
Primary 11% 8%
Lower secondary 29% 33%
Higher secondary 37% 48%
Higher education 23% 11%
N 293 321
In Table 5 above, we notice that differences in Adjusted School Levels between second-
generation Turkish and Moroccans are small. The only significant difference concerns the level of
56
LESTHAEGEH, R. (2000a), ‘Transnational Islamic communities in a multilingual secular society’, in:
LESTHAEGHE, R. (ed.), Communities and Generations. Turkish and Moroccan populations in Belgium, Brussel:
VUB University Press, p.56.
25
attainment in higher education where Moroccans appear to outperform the Turkish. In fact, the
probability that they will complete higher education is twice as high as that of Turkish. These
differences between were due to the fact that Moroccans were more likely to choose general
subjects at the secondary and post-secondary school levels, while the Turkish, were more likely to
leave school after graduating from technical and vocational training programmes at a secondary
level58.
Another plausible negative impact arises from the fact that second-generation Turkish
youngsters were less likely than their Moroccan peers to have studied exclusively in Belgium.
According to the MHSM surveys of 1994-1996, just 87% of second-generation Turkish had
studied exclusively in Belgium, compared to 97% of second-generation Moroccans59. In other
words, 13% of the Turkish second generation spent some time at school in Turkey. This often has
a negative effect on the educational careers of these youngsters as they were two times more
likely than those who have studied exclusively in Belgium, to not obtain a secondary school
diploma and they are three times less likely to move on to higher education.
The only available figure for second-generation women, based on the 1991 census, suggests
that, on the whole, second-generation Moroccan girls reachd higher educational levels than
second-generation Turkish girls. In the 20-to-25 age group, there were twice as many Moroccan
than Turkish girls who were studying 60.
The advantage of the second-generation Moroccans over the second- generation Turkish is
surprising: the first-generation Moroccan parents were lower-schooled than first-generation
Turkish parents (see Table 6).
In view of the different policies towards immigrants, it is also interesting to look at regional
differences between Flanders, the Walloon region and Brussels61. The Walloon region has more
or less adopted the French Republican model of assimilation of the immigrant population, while
Flanders has adopted the multicultural model that is also applied in the Netherlands. We shall
consider the Turkish community only, because the number of Moroccans in the Walloon region is
too small to allow for a reliable comparison.
57
NEELS, K. (2000), ‘Education and the transition to employment: young Turkish and Moroccan adults in Belgium’,
in: LESTHAEGHE, R. (ed.), Communities and Generations. Turkish and Moroccan populations in Belgium, Brussel:
VUB University Press, p. 2478.
58
Belgium’, in: LESTHAEGHE, R. (ed.), op.cit., p.289.
59
The second generation accounts for approximately 25% of Moroccan and Turkish respondents.
60
VUB Press, p.211.
61
NEELS, K. (2000), art. cit., p. 248.
26
Table 6: Adjusted Educational Levels for Turkish Second-generation Men 18 years and older by
Region.
Flanders The Walloon region Brussels
Unqualified 0% 0% 0%
Primary school 7% 7% 9%
Lower secondary 31% 34% 35%
Higher secondary 52% 47% 44%
Higher education 10% 12% 13%
Total 143 75 103
Surprisingly, there is almost no difference between the three regions. The divergent
‘integration models’ seem to had little effect on the educational position of the second generation
in Flanders and the Walloon region. While there are considerable regional differences with
regards to the integration model that was applied, the educational system is more or less the same
all over Belgium.
I.2.3. Explaining the Educational Position of the Second Generation.
The educational gap between the second-generation Turkish and Moroccans on the one hand
and the Belgians on the other is due to differences in their primary as well as their secondary
schooleducation. For one thing, a relatively large proportion of Turkish and Moroccan children
are required to repeat one or more years at primary school. At the end of the first year of primary
school, around 9% of native pupils are one year behind schedule, compared to 26.4% of foreign
pupils. By the sixth year of primary school, the proportion of children with ethnic backgrounds
who repeat the year will increase to 37,8%. In fact, as many as 9% of the foreign-background
pupils are two years behind schedule at the end of primary school62. One of the reasons these
children are unable to keep up with the learning pace at school is that they do not have a good
command of the language that is used in school. Hermans found that second-generation children
who did not attend pre-school were more likely to report difficulties in second-language
acquisition. Children who started going to pre-school when they were two-and-a-half felt that they
had learned the language quickly and without difficulty: even though it was a language that was
completely new to them.
Another factor that is of great significance for the degree of success in primary school is the
nature of the school. Children who went to a school with few immigrant children reported that
they had received much help and support from teachers. One of the successful Moroccan boys in
the research by Hermans reported it as follows: “In the beginning I had more difficulties than
62
MAHIEU, P. (2000), ‘Waterval en achterstelling : wat is oorzaak of gevolg?’ Presentation paper on the 15th of
May 2000, p.6
27
other children. But the teacher gave me extra guidance. There were only two or three immigrant
children in the class. If 80% of children were Moroccans with problems like us, the teachers
couldn’t have given us all that much attention.” 63
Other children reported precisely the opposite situation. In some cases, there was just one
Belgian in the entire class. These children reported that class disturbances were a common
occurrence and that the teacher could not cope with them as a group. In an overview of different
studies of immigrant children in education, Roosens asserts that attending a so-called
‘concentration’64 school has a negative effect on the school careers of second-generation
children65. They are more likely to have to repeat the year and end up in vocational training.
Roosens also refers to the problem of teacher-burnout in these schools, where teachers hold low
expectations for both the immigrant children and their parents.
After primary school, children usually move on to two orientation years in secondary school.
When these orientation years have been completed, most native pupils opt for general secondary
education (ASO), while a smaller number choose technical secondary school (TSO). Few students
move on to vocational training (BSO). BSO prepares children directly for the labour market,
while TSO provides a more theoretically oriented education. In the case of second-generation
immigrant children, the situation is exactly the opposite. They are over-represented in BSO,
particularly in the following study options: Central Heating & Sanitary Fittings; Electrical
Installations; Hairdressing; and, Nursing. From BSO, pupils can only progress to a ‘Cycle
Supérieur’ (i.e. intermediary-level vocational training), but few actually take this step, and those
who do, often fail66.
In TSO, Turkish and Moroccan children are overrepresented in the branches of
Electromechanics; Commerce; and particularly in Car Mechanics and Bodywork. Moroccan and
Turkish youngsters are, for that matter, generally overrepresented in study options that offer poor
employment prospects. BSO schools and, to a lesser extent, TSO schools in major urban areas are
typically concentration schools where the majority of the pupils are from low socio-economic
backgrounds. Many Moroccan boys get into trouble at these schools: they skip classes and hang
out on the streets with peers; they lose interest in their studies; get into conflict with their teachers;
and, they get involved with street gangs. At the end of the school year, they often get expelled so
that they have to start the next year at a different school. This situation often repeats itself until the
end of compulsory school age (18 years.).
63
leefwereld en inpassing van Marokkaanse jongeren’, in: Cultuur en Migratie, Brussel, pp.87-88.
64
Vanhoren, Van de Velde and Ramakers considered in 1995 a school as a concentration schools when more than 50%
of the school population has a migration background (VANHOREN I., VAN DE VELDE V., RAMAKERS J. (1995),
De evaluatie van het onderwijsbeleid voor migranten, Hoger Instituut voor de Arbeid, Leuven.)
65
ROOSENS, E. (1995), ‘How multicultural is the school in ‘multicultural society’ ? A Belgium case study’, in:
International Journal of Educational Research, 1: 11-22.
28
Hermans has demonstrated that educational or guidance institutions take very little corrective
action when youngsters exhibit maladaptive behaviour or stray onto the path to delinquency67. A
large proportion of Turkish girls leaves school without a diploma: they leave for different reasons
than those of the boys’. The life-project of a considerably large group of Turkish girls is, as
Timmerman put it, incompatible with a long educational trajectory68. Some girls get engaged or
even married at the age of sixteen, while they are still attending school. In the eyes of their
parents, their role as a future wife and homemaker is more important than their education. From
the fourth year of vocational education, many girls appear to be more preoccupied with
engagement and marriage than with their education, which in turn affects the classroom climate
very negatively69.
A growing group of pupils is, successful at school. Studies by Hermans and Timmerman found
factors that contribute to their success. Avoiding concentration schools seems to be an important
strategy; and one in which the parents play a significant role. Parents of successful students
deliberately choose primary schools with fewer immigrant children. Children who avoid
concentration schools are usually well prepared for the orientation years and therefore more likely
to move on to general secondary education70.
The study by Timmerman states that Turkish girls who attended ASO were more likely to
integrate with Belgian middle-class girls. Thus they became better informed about local society
and began to develop networks of their own, along to the networks of their families. Hermans
reports that their Belgian, Spanish and Italian peers often supported the successful Moroccan boys
in ASO71. Timmerman demonstrates that, unlike other Turkish girls, those who attended what is
often referred to as ‘elite’ schools were intent on postponing marriage and pursuing their studies72.
They no longer felt at ease with the traditional atmosphere in the Turkish community as one
Turkish student reported: “To fully participate in Belgian society and follow the rules of the
Turkish community is impossible. Integration presupposes emancipation. The Turkish community
is not ready for that.” 73
These Turkish girls increasingly oriented themselves towards secular urban culture in Turkey.
They observed that young educated females in Turkey have a much broader array of possibilities
66
67
HERMANS, P. (1995), ‘Moroccan immigrants and school success’, in: International Journal of Educational
Research, 1, p.35.
68
TIMMERMAN, C. (1999), op. cit., pp.136-137.
69
TIMMERMAN, C. (1999), ibid., p.91.
70
CRUL, M. (2000), ‘Breaking the circle of disadvantage. Social mobility of second generation Moroccans and Turks
in the Netherlands’, in: VERMEULEN, H. & PERLMAN, J. (eds.), Immigrants, schooling and social mobility. Does
culture make a difference?, London: Mac Millan, pp. 225-244.
71
HERMANS, P. (1994) : art. cit., p.143.
72
73
TIMMERMAN, C. (1999), op.cit., p.118.
29
in their socio-professional lives74. Both Hermans and Timmerman stress the role of the parents in
determining the degree of success their children enjoy in education. Hermans puts great emphasis
on the parents’ role in discipline, guidance and encouragement. According to Timmerman,
mothers play an important role in stimulating their daughters. Roosens calls this ‘genuine cultural
innovation’75. Some mothers attribute greater importance to the academic careers of their
daughters than to the traditional requirement for them to become a spouse, a mother and a
daughter-in-law.
The proportion of Turkish and Moroccan students who are successfully moving on to higher
education is rising. In the Moroccan community, boys and girls are equally likely to participate in
higher education. Turkish and Moroccan boys often opt for different subjects than girls. Girls are
more likely to choose healthcare, commercial sciences or business administration, while male
students are most likely to choose industrial sciences and technology.
Dropout rates among Moroccan and Turkish students are much higher than among Belgian
students. In the first year, the dropout rate among Turkish girls is high. However, the figures do
not to allow for differentiation between first- and subsequent-generation students76. Tutors point
out that a relatively high proportion of immigrant students drop out in the course of the year
before exams have been taken. Hermans has demonstrated that most students lack the kind of
information they need to make a good choice about what subject to study. His research has shown
that three-quarters of all students switch to a different subject after one or two years of study. As a
result, these students lose time and motivation.
We can conclude that the ethnic groups in Belgium are not sufficiently prepared for the labour
market. Moreover, the small entrance to centrally situated schools and a concentration of certain
ethnic groups in some urban neighbourhoods attributes to the phenomenon of ‘concentration
schools’ and an accumulation of deprivation. As we have seen, this leads to to an overflow of
those youngsters in vocational and special education. They are potential subjects for
marginalization, deprivation and social exclusion.
I.3. Living Conditions of Ethnic Minorities in Belgium
The degrees and patterns of residential segregation receive much attention in the context of
socio-economic exclusion. Across immigrant groups, degrees of segregation are relatively high in
74
TIMMERMAN, C. (1995), ‘Cultural Practices and Ethnicity: Diversifications among young Turkish Women’ in:
International Journal of Educational Research, 23, p.30.
75
International Journal of Educational Research, 1: 11-22
30
Brussels77 and Flanders, but much reduced in the Walloon region, where immigrant settlement has
been more dispersed in the suburbs.78 Furthermore, those degrees and patterns differ between
immigrant communities and regional contexts of settlement: the lack of inclusion is most
pronounced for Turkish and Moroccan immigrants; less for South-Europeans; and least for North-
Europeans. Differential residential patterns are strongly related to socio-economic inequality so
that high proportions of immigrants and economic disadvantage (e.g. more unemployment, lower
income levels, inferior quality of housing) tend to reside in the same urban neighbourhoods79.
Along with the contexts of the different communities, the local contexts of settlement’ makes a
difference for the living conditions of ethnic minorities in Belgium. In light of the contexts of the
different communities, we see that the Italian community is doing better than the Turkish and
Moroccan communities. However, considering the local contexts of settlement, Flanders is more
prosperous and more exclusionary towards immigrant workers than the Walloon region, while
Brussels exhibits its own pattern of ethnic competition and niche formation at the higher end of
the labour market. In all, comparative findings in Belgium reveal the intricate interplay of ethnic
resources and local opportunities in open and equal ethnic relations. The socio-economic, cultural,
and political dimensions of immigrant integration refer to the social, cultural, and political rights
of full citizens (over and above human and civil rights).
Research has proven that the perceived ethnic composition of the neighbourhood is associated
with subjective perceptions of ethnic discrimination by Turkish and Moroccan immigrants. Thus,
immigrants who were ethnically segregated also perceived more discrimination against the ethnic
in-group80. Rather than protecting immigrants from discrimination by strengthening ethnic
community ties, as predicted by ethnic competition theories, residential segregation was found to
aggravate ethnic inequality and perceived discrimination81. Residential concentrations of
immigrant communities have been seen in urban studies literature as manifestations of societal
76
DE MEESTER, K. & MAHIEU, P. (2000), ‘Onstuimig hartstochtelijk of heftig bewegend?’, Antwerpen:
Universiteit Antwerpen – IDEA, p.23.
77
The metropolitan area of Brussels is characterised by higher overall levels of ethnic segregation compared to other
European cities such as Amsterdam, Paris or London (BREEBAART, M. & MUSTERD, S. (1995), Etnische
segregatie in metropolitane gebieden: Een internationaal perspectief, Amsterdam: Working Papers Amsterdam Study
Center for the Metropolitan Environment).
78
In their article, Phalet & Swyngedouw emphasize the relatively fine-grained character of the statistical sectors in
Belgium, so that segregation indices may have been inflated in comparative terms. PHALET, K. & SWYNGEDOUW,
M. (2003), ‘Measuring immigrant integration: the case of Belgium’, in: Studi Emigrazione/Migration Studies, XL,
n.152, 773-803.
79
JACOBS, D. & SWYNGEDOUW, M. (2000). Een nieuwe kijk op achtergestelde buurten in het Brussels
Hoofdstedelijk Gewest. Tijdschrift voor Sociologie, 3, 197-228.
80
DERYCKE, L. & SWYNGEDOUW, M. (1997), ‘Segregatie, concentratie en het ervaren van discriminatie’, in:
Cultuur en Migratie, 15(1), 11-36.
81
31
malady or the spatial result of marginalization. On the other hand, the advantages and positive
aspects of ethnic clustering have been largely ignored in research82.
In recent decades, the proportion of immigrants in the total population of youngsters has
increased significantly. In particular, in an urban context, there is a contrast between the
overwhelming supply of merchandise, the youngsters’ limited spending power, but also the weak
social position of their parents is salient. Due to their low socio-economic status, youngsters are
often housed in cramped conditions and they tend to spend much time outside in the streets. The
great visibility of immigrant youths in the streets can sometimes give rise to tension with local
natives83; in particular, young Moroccan males are often held responsible for the rise in street
crime. This widely spread suspicion was confirmed in the Van San Report, which provoked much
debate and controversy84. Many of the ills of what is perceived as failed immigrant integration are
attributed to poor spatial and housing arrangements. Events of September 11th 2001 further
reinforced the negative image of (Muslim) ethnic minority communities as potential breeding
places for extremism and terrorism, above all when they are segregated.
I.4. Integration Policies in Belgium
In response to the electoral breakthrough of the Extreme Right in Flanders in 1991, with a
campaign, which successfully exploited anti-immigrant feelings,85 and also in direct response to
the highly exposed urban riots where immigrant youth in Brussels was involved86, the Belgian
government and parliament finally agreed on the need for national integration policies. As a
result, a late and dispersed implementation of official integration policies on the regional level
was put in practice. The considerable discrepancies in policy practices between the federal level
and the semi-autonomous regions of Flanders, Wallonia and Brussels demanded a creative
approach of reaching a consensus about concepts in our bi-national state. This creativity is visible
in the definition of integration that holds a neutral position between the French Assimilation idea
and the Anglo-Saxon multicultural principle. This has caused different policy practices and
different vocabularies in Flanders and in Wallonia. The appalling result is that the immigrant
integration in Belgian society remains incomplete. The duality of the Belgian state complicates
the effective negotiation and coordination of integration policies. The varying contexts of
82
DUNN, K. M. (1998), ‘Rethinking Ethnic Concentration: The Case of Cabramatta Sydney’, in: Urban Studies, 35 (3): 503-527.
83
FOBLETS, M.C., HUBEAU, B., DE MUYNCK, A. (1997), Migrantenonderzoek voor de toekomst. Leuven: Acco,
p.98..
84
VAN SAN, M. & LEERKES, A. (2001), Criminaliteit en criminalisering. Allochtone jongeren in België,
Amsterdam: University Press.
85
SWYNGEDOUW, M. (1992), ‘L’essor d’Agalev et du Vlaams Blok’, in: Courier Hebdomadaire du CRISP 1362,
Bruxelles.
86
PHALET, K. & KREKELS, B. (1999), ‘Immigration et intégration’, in: MARTINIELLO, M. & SWYNGEDOUW,
M. (eds.), Où va la Belgique?, Paris: L’Harmattan, pp. 191-203.
32
immigration and settlement, and the conflicted ethnic relations between the new settling groups
and the settled hosts make the difference between integration and exclusion.
The definition of integration accentuates protection from discrimination, social inclusion and
cultural adaptation in the public domain of the host country, while allowing for (and often actively
supporting) the existence of diverse ethnic cultures and identities in the private domains of family
and community life. The integration of all groups linked to immigration can no longer be taken
for granted; especially the children and grandchildren. The new generations- of Moroccan and
Turkish immigrants have been challenging the host society since the 1980s. These groups are
increasingly oriented towards equal opportunities, rights and access to social provisions in the
host society while Belgians are often reluctant to accept their increasing presence and the general
visibility of immigrants in their midst87.
In whole Europe88, the political failure of hard-line assimilationism and radical
multiculturalism has resulted in a recent convergence of national vocabularies and policy models
(e.g. in France, Belgium and the Netherlands) whereby ‘integration’ is the default term89.
Although to some extent, each host country reinvents its own history of nation building, the
common concept of integration denotes the redefinition of national socio-political spaces to
incorporate new immigrants. Thus, integration implies the selective extension of legal, social,
cultural and political rights, as well as the opportunities that were once the exclusive entitlements
of nationals, to non-nationals. Notably, full social and political citizenship had only recently come
to include the national working classes through the development of post-war welfare states in
Europe90. The term integration bundles analytic concepts together with normative notions or
idealized projections of society, which are weighted with very different emotional and attitudinal
valences in different groups and contexts. Integration has to be facilitated through participation in
areas such as the social and civil society.
With regards to the cultural dimension of integration, Belgian surveys have gone beyond the
measurement of cultural adaptation and competence in its narrowest sence. Instead, they have
amply documented the multiplicity of immigrant cultural values and practices in various life
87
BILLIET, J., CARTON, A. & HUYS, R. (1990), Onbekend of onbemind? KU Leuven: Sociologisch
Onderzoeksinstituut.
88
The European research tradition is based on integration theories and associates this with political participation and
national identification, while migration research in the US puts an emphasis on structural assimilation in the sense of
ethnic and racial mixing, as a decisive branching point in the assimilation process. (FAIST, T. (2000),
‘Transnationalism in international migration: Implications for the study of citizenship and culture’, in: Ethnic and
Racial Studies, 23, 189-222).
89
FAVELL, A. (2001), ‘Integration policy and integration research in Europe’, in: ALEINIKOFF, T.A. &
KLUSMEYER, D. (eds.), Citizenship today (pp.349-399), Washington, DC: Brookings Institute/Carnegie Endowment,
pp.349-399.
90
nationale welvaartsstaat’, in: DESLÉ, E. & MARTENS, A. (eds.), Gezichten van hedendaags racisme, Brussel: VUB
33
domains as well as the uneven character of cultural change across generational, gender, and class
divides within immigrant communities. While most Belgian hosts accept some degree of cultural
diversity in the private domain, the public expression of ethnic cultures is revealed as a major
source of ethnic tension between immigrants and hosts. At the same time, the instrumental role of
ethnic cultures in supporting ethnic solidarity and overcoming ethnic disadvantage is worth
mentioning. Taken together, the analyses qualify expectations of cultural assimilation or
integration, and highlight often overlooked contextual and interactive aspects of acculturation.
Press, pp. 219-262; PHALET, K. & SWYNGEDOUW, M. (2002), ‘National identities and representations of
citizenship: A comparison of Moroccans, Turks and working-class Belgians in Brussels’, in: Ethnicities, 2(1), pp.5-30.
34
CHAPTER II : SOCIO-POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND MIGRATION
II.1. Migrants and Poor People’ s Participation
As literature shows, socio-economic resources are the fundamental variables that determine the
degree and the nature of political participation91. Access to education develops essential
knowledge of the political system, organisational skills and civic responsibility, whereas access to
economic wealth favours the use of material resources, economic capital and networks.
Contrarily, migrants and migrant-origin people often suffer from a negative socio-economic set of
determinants for political participation, such as low education level, low income, and low human
capital. For instance, in the case of high unemployment rates, people cannot benefit from the
social networks at work or from being recruited by unions or simply politicised through dialogue
and socialisation. As a consequence, their level of political participation- measured in terms of
electoral turnout, campaigning, political parties or unions’ membership- is considerably lower
than the average population. Simultaneously, authors have demonstrated that a low socio-
economic background provokes a feeling of political inefficiency that is internalized through a
process of depreciation92. Individuals do not consider themselves capable of political
participation, nor do they have possession of adequate resources to do so. The transmission of this
feeling from one generation to the next reinforces the idea of being deprived from political voice
and excluded from the overall socio-political system.
Literature on political participation mainly focuses on conventional forms of participation

(such as electoral behaviour, membership in unions, political parties or formal institutions,
campaigning activities etc.) and often ignores gender specificity. Instead of asking why migrants
and their descendants do not participate and what conditions lead to political incapacity, this study
proposes to widen the definition of political participation. The classic definition is the following:
any activity that has the intent or effect of influencing government action- either directly, by
affecting the making or implementation of public policy; or indirectly, by influencing the
selection of people who make those policies. A broader definition will not only enable researches
to focus on a diversity of unorthodox forms of participation that are not often taken into account,
but also to measure outcomes differently. Thus, politics will be defined as a broad set of social
practices through which individuals negotiate power relations. As a consequence, political
activities cannot be studied exclusively in terms of their political results nor in terms of their
political intention. Is political any concrete or symbolical activity that intends to directly or
91
NIE, Norman ; VERBA, Sidney : Participation in America : Political Democracy and Social Equality. New York,
Harper & Row, 1972.
92
ELSTER, Jon : Sour Grapes: Studies in the Subversion of Rationality. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press,
1983 ; BOURDIEU, Pierre : Raisons pratiques : sur la théorie de l'action. Paris, Seuil, 1994.
35
indirectly defend or promote a specific social organisation and / or a collective identity. So, with
reference to Verba et alii’s definition, political participation is:
“ a wider range of political acts, including working in and contributing to electoral campaigns and
organisations; contacting government officials; attending protests, marches, or demonstrations;
working informally with others to solve some community problem; serving without pay on local
elected and appointed boards; being active politically through the intermediation of voluntary
associations; and contributing money to political causes in response to mail solicitations ” 93.
This perspective will allow us to take into account a population- here migrants or migrant-
origin population - who is traditionally less visible in the sphere of formal politics. Social acts are
often closely linked to political acts, as well as the private sphere might be intertwined tightly
with the public sphere. Involvement in associations, local organisations, religious institutions or
neighbourhood committees might be analysed, up to a certain degree, as political activities. More
and more scholars tend to focus on social participation as bordering with informal political
participation. This will be the focus of our research: Where are the limits of what is political?
When can we label social actions as political? What kind of resources is available to migrants and
migrant-origin populations in order for them to participate in the political sphere? Which methods,
instruments, or repertoires do they use to accomplish their political goals?
Migrants’ political participation has mainly been studied through the perspective of formal
politics, that is, in terms of issues such as: percentage of ethnic voters, pertinence of the ’ethnic
vote and representation’ concepts, biographies of ‘ethnic elected officials’ or ’ethnic’ leaders, and
so on. In the 1970s, the concept of minority politics was presented to theorize minorities’
involvement in politics with two main explanations. First, that ethnic minorities’ participation has
been explained by the development of group consciousness94, based on ethnic, racial or social
class references. This consciousness would constitute an essential resource to mobilise excluded
groups- along coinciding with a common cultural, linguistic, religious or any other ethnic
specificity. Solidarity links, social relations and collective identification, in opposition to the
dominant group would compensate the lack of classic resources for political activities. For
instance, groups would be formed around common racial background or ethnic lines (e.g.
associations of Moroccans or Turkish struggling for their rights as a community in Belgium). This
perspective also means that the global environment, meaning the host society and its political
system, have to be relatively open to the expression of such a political voice. The ‘political
93
VERBA, Sidney ; BRADY, Henry ; SCHLOZMAN, Kay : Voice and equality : civic voluntarism in American
politics. Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1995, p. 42.
94
MILLER, Arthur : “ Group Consciousness and Political Participation ”, in American Journal of Political Science,
vol.25, n°2, 1981, pp. 495-511.
36
opportunity’95 structure is important to analyse as it can limit or encourage minority politics,
through specific legislation, rules and procedures, as well as practices.
Second, ethnic minorities’ political participation has been looked at from the perspective of
psychological disruption that serves to alleviate grievances. Authors have stipulated that violent
protest has beenthe only and most beneficial form of political participation accessible to any
marginalized population. In that sense, political participation would be the result of frustration.
People would acquire consciousness of the lack of legitimacy of the system and they would
perceive their situation as unfair. Then, they would lose passivity and start claiming for a change.
Finally, they would gain a feeling of a certain political efficiency and of their strength to provoke
social change96. One example of this being the negative context of urban riots or youth violence to
claim right at different political levels. At the Belgian level, we could refer to the 1991 Forest
Riots in Brussels that operated a change in the overall federal and regional approach to migrant
and migrant-origin population.
In both approaches, political participation by excluded people seems a challenge, particularly

in a collective way and without the intervention of external resources or leaders, and provided
there is a quite open political opportunity structure for them to participate. Migrants’ political
participation is seen as the characteristics of small groups, strongly unified by solidarity and
common specificity; as well as being segmented from the global society97. In that sense, their
capacity is quite low and depends mainly on the will of the host society, as well as for the political
system to accept or not to channel their demands.
Yet, others approach migrants’ political participation by referring to a micro-level analysis.

This emphasis will allow one to better understand why migrants and their descendants are not
involved in conventional politics, even though they are fully able to express strong political views
and to develop functional social networks. Scholars have emphasized the essential role of social
networks through which people mobilize into social movements98. Although networks have been
used primarily to explain who is recruited, the very existence of social ties among potential
recruits is seen as a prerequisite for the emergence of collective action. But migrants might also
rely on social capital, defined by Putnam as “networks, norms and social trust that facilitate
95
TARROW, Sidney : Power in Movement. Social Movements and Contentious Politics. Cambridge, Cambridge
University Press, 1994.
96
GURR, Ted : Why Men rebel. Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1970; and CLOWARD, Richard ; PIVEN,
Frances : Poor People’s Movements : why they succeed, how they fail. New York, Vintage Books, 1977.
97
OBERSCHALL, Anthony : Social Conflicts and Social Movements. Englewood Cliffs, Prentice Hall, 1973.
98
SNOW, David ; CRERS, Daniel : “ Mobilization at the margins : resources, benefactors and the viability of the
homeless social movement organizations ”, in American Sociological Review, vol.61, n°6, December 1996, pp. 1089-
37
coordination and cooperation for mutual benefits”99. Social capital is a highly debated concept in
social sciences, vague enough to comprehend contradictory criteria. Nevertheless, the concept can
be useful if managed carefully. It allows explaining political behaviours simultaneously by social
norms and socialisation, as well as by a cost and benefit approach to action, meaning both
structural and instrumental perspectives.
The creation of groups and social networks is seen as a deliberate choice by individuals to
create resources for a potential use. The quantity and quality of the resources, as well as the social
relations themselves can be cumulated in different forms: economic capital, cultural capital and
social capital100 . As a result, social capital is stronger where associations, civic participation, and
social trust are present. The measure of social capital can also extend to the domestic sphere, such
as: visits to neighbours and friends; exchange of services; community support; and so on. Political
deficiency is certainly a complex phenomenon.
In an impoverished area or population, social networks are often truncated not only because
distrust is deeply present, but also because contacts with external social networks are almost non-
existent101. For instance, forms of horizontal social capital, meaning bonding social capital among
the group, can be strong, whereas forms of horizontal social capital, meaning bridging social
capital with other groups, might be weak. Bridging social capital refers to social networks that
bring people of different backgrounds together, while bonding social capital brings people of
similar backgrounds together. This is an important distinction because the externalities of groups
are likely to be positive, while networks that are bonding (limited within particular social niches)
are at a greater risk of producing externalities that are negative.
In Belgium, literature on migrants and migrant-origin populations has only recently focussed
on political and social participation (see above). Through the historical development of labour
movements and broader social movements, only migrants’ incorporation in trade unions has been
studied. Newer work includes quantitative research on formal politics, such as counting ethnic
elected officials or voters and measuring processes of electoral participation102, mostly in the
1109 ; SIMÉANT, Johanna : La cause des sans-papiers. Paris, Presses de Sciences Po, 1998 ; PECHU, Cécile :
“ Quand les "exclus" passent à l'action : la mobilisation des mal-logés ”, in Politix, n°34, juin 1996, pp. 15-134.
99
PUTNAM, Robert : Making democracy work : civic traditions in modern Italy. Princeton, Princeton University
Press, 1993. See also DEKKER, Paul ; USLANER, Eric (ed.) : Social Capital and Participation in Everyday Life.
London, Routledge, 2001.
100
BOURDIEU, Pierre : Raisons pratiques. Sur la théorie de l'action. Paris, Seuil, 1994.
101
BODY-GENDROT, Sophie ; GITTELL, Marylin (ed.) : Social Capital and Social Citizenship. Boulder, Lexington
Books, 2003; GRANOVETTER, Mark : “ The Strength of Weak ties ”, in American Sociological Review, vol. 78,
1973, pp. 1360-1380.
102
JACOBS, Dirk : « The debate over enfranchisement of foreign residents in Belgium”, in Journal of Ethnic and
Migration Studies, vol.25, n°4, pp.649-663; REA, Andrea : Jeunes immigrés dans la cité. Protestation collective,
acteurs locaux et politiques publiques. Bruxelles, Labor, 2001; MARTINIELLO, Marco : Leadership et pouvoir dans
les communautés d’origine immigrée. Paris, CIEMI-L’Harmattan, 1992.
38
Brussels region and in Flanders. Our study will reinforce the analysis of the intertwinement
between the private sphere and the public sphere, as well as of the links between social and
political participation through the micro and meso level inter-relations.
In what sense can social activities by migrants and people with migrant origins be labelled as
political? Is there any participation in formal politics? What is specific in the degree or in the
nature of their modes of participation? Is gender a key variable to understanding socio-political
participation at the micro and meso levels?
II.2. Migrant’s and Low-income People’s Educational Involvement / Participation
One of the major dimensions of integration is participation in the key domains of the host
society. Besides the political community, the educational system forms one of the cornerstones of
society, and socio-economical resources have a major impact on the degree and the level of
educational participation. Low-income families and ethnic minorities generally exhibit a lower
degree of educational participation than their middle-income or autochthonous counterparts. This
is usually attributed to individual characteristics (micro level) such as low educational attainment
of the parent; lack of knowledge and information on the educational system; the difference in the
socialization process at school and within the home; and significant discontinuities between
parents and schools, such as language, cultural and economic differences103.
The proposed broad definition of political participation enables us to focus on social

participation as parallel with informal political participation. In this way, a diversity of
unorthodox forms of participation can be included. This perspective takes into account a
population that is traditionally less visible in the sphere of formal participation. Moreover, the
broad definition is extremely useful for the educational context, since it permits to analyse forms
of informal social participation on a micro level (e.g. education participation activities of parents
relating to their individual child), as well as forms of formal participation on a meso level (e.g.
involvement in parent committees or school boards). This point of view makes it possible to
widen the scope from explanatory factors on an individual level to structural explanatory factors.
Limited educational participation of ethnic minorities can, after all, be explained by structural
factors, inherent in the educational system (macro level) or in the participation structures of a
103
Chrispeels, J. (1996), Effective schools and Home-School-Community Partnership roles: a framework for parent
involvement, in: School effectiveness and School Improvement, Volume 7 (4), 297-323; Verhoeven, J. C. et.al. (2003),
‘Ouders over scholen’. Antwerpen/ Apeldoorn: Garant.
39
single school (meso level)104. Affluent families generally exhibit more positive educational
involvement and low-income schools and communities invest in the development of positive
partnerships with their students’ families105. These school-level characteristics that impact
parental involvement are as important as individual factors like socio-economic status, ethnicity,
and family composition, since structural factors may be more easily influenced by teachers,
administrators, and policy makers. Analogous to the political sphere, the capacity for ethnic
minorities to equally participate depends on the flexibility of the educational system and the
participation structures to act upon their needs and wishes.
Inclusion of the educational context in the current research can be motivated by two reasons.
First, parent participation in relation to education is invaluable for the educational achievement of
their children. This is especially true for low socio-economic status homes. Although family
practices that support educational achievement are more prevalent in high socio-economic status
families, these same practices significantly lead to higher school success when expressed by
parents with lower socio-economic status106. Chrispeels (1996), Entwistle et al. (2005), and
Epstein & Sanders (2000) conclude that teachers’ practices to involve parents and family practices
to support school success at home are as important as family background variables such as race,
ethnicity, social class, marital status, or mother’s educational degree or work status, since they
possess the power to moderate the negative effects of these background variables on educational
achievement107.
Secondly, schools can be (ideally) seen as microenvironments where parents, teachers and
pupils can put basic democratic principles such as participation, voice and democratic decision-
making processes into practice108. The educational domain is a context par excellence to analyse
the social participation of migrant and migrant-origin people, since it is a domain where migrants
undoubtedly participate and because participation in this domain has a major impact on the
educational success of children. It also permits to analyse different levels of participation, since
104
Laquière, M. (2005), ‘Werk aan de winkel om de machtsbalans bij de onderwijspartners in evenwicht te brengen’,
in: Tijdschrift voor Onderwijsrecht en Onderwijsbeleid, 2005-2006 (1-2), 114-122; Feuerstein, A. (2001),’ School
characteristics and parent involvement: Influences on participation in children’s schools’, in: Journal of Educational
Research, 94(1), 29-40.
105
Epstein, J. (1995), ‘School/family/community partnerships’, in: Phi Delta Kappan, 76(9), 701-713; Epstein, J. &
Sanders, M. (2000), ‘Connecting home, school and community. New directions for social research’, in: Handbook of
the Sociology of Education, Hallinan, M. (ed.). Kluwer/ New York.
106
Walberg, H. J. (1984b), ‘Families as partners in educational productivity’, in: Phi Delta Kappan, 65, 397-400.
107
involvement, in: School effectiveness and School Improvement, Volume 7 (4), 297-323; Entwisle, D. R. et.al. (2005),
‘First grade and educational attainment by age 22: A new story, in: American Journal of Sociology, 110(5), 1458-
1502; Epstein, J. & Sanders, M. (2000), ‘Connecting home, school and community. New directions for social
research’, in: Handbook of the Sociology of Education, Hallinan, M. (ed.). Kluwer/ New York.
108
in: Tijdschrift voor Onderwijsrecht en Onderwijsbeleid, 2005-2006 (1-2), 114-122.
40
schools and parents always exert varying degrees of formal and informal participation. Moreover,
schools can be approached as micro societies and play a role as safe haven, where parents can
meet, develop social networks, and actually become partners with schools in the educational
trajectory of their children. According to this line of reasoning, schools fulfil a social function in
relation to integration. Schools also have to be situated in the broader context- the community–
with whom they interact to a greater or lesser degree.
This triangular home-school-community partnership regarding education is central and forms

the thread and theoretical framework of our research section about Flanders. After briefly
reviewing the literature on educational participation, we turn to a detailed discussion of this
theoretical framework, named theory of overlapping spheres of influence (Epstein, 1987)109. This
is followed by an overview of the situation in Flanders regarding educational participation.
Finally, we present some insights on the educational participation of ethnic minorities.
II.2.1.Parental Involvement: Definition and Conceptualisations
In the literature, social participation in the context of education is conceptualised as ‘parental

involvement’. The two concepts – involvement and participation - are interchangeably used.
Various terms are accepted to describe the cooperation between parents and schools: parental
involvement, parent participation, family involvement, school-family relations, educational
partnership and so forth110. However, Verhoeven et al. (2003) point at some slight distinctions
between involvement and participation. Whereas ‘involvement’ on the one hand refers to an
attitude, the degree to which parents feel related with schools, ‘parental participation’ and on the
other hand concerns active involvement in the school decision processes111. An evolution in the
use of terms, dependent on the party that is held responsible for the initiation of the involvement
activities, can be observed. The first theoretical frameworks on parental involvement unilaterally
focused on parents’ roles and responsibilities, without paying attention to the efforts that schools
needed to take in order to involve parents in their children’s education. Later on, the effective
schools’ movement stressed the positive impact on pupils’ learning of school-initiated parental
involvement programs. Today, the term ‘partnership’ is increasingly used to point at the
109
Epstein, J. (1987), ‘Toward a theory of family-school connections: Teacher practices and parent involvement’, in:
Hurrelmann, K., Kaufmann, F. and Losel, F. (eds.) Social Intervention: Potential and Constraints. New York: De-
Gruyter, 121-136.
110
Verhoeven, J. C. et.al. (2003), ‘Ouders over scholen’. Antwerpen/ Apeldoorn: Garant; Driessen, G., et.al. (2005),
Parental involvement and educational achievement, in: British Educational Research Journal, 31(4), 509-532.
111
Verhoeven, J. C. et.al. (2003), ‘Ouders over scholen’. Antwerpen/ Apeldoorn: Garant; Driessen, G., et.al. (2005),
Parental involvement and educational achievement, in: British Educational Research Journal, 31(4), 509-532.
41
meaningful mutual cooperation between parents, schools and the local community112. This last
perspective stresses the shared responsibility.
Parental involvement is a multidimensional construct, which includes multiple facets, such as

parents’ contacts with schools, parents’ volunteerism, parents’ participation in school boards or
parent committees, parents’ visits to school, attendance in parents’ evenings, and guidance and
assistance with school and homework at home. Zellman & Waterman (1998) label parental
involvement is a vague construct because it lacks a clear definition113. Developing a
straightforward definition of such a multifaceted construct that embodies a variety of parental
behaviours is not simple. We can illustrate this with the definition of Feuerstein (2001), who uses
a very broad definition of parental involvement: “a broad range of parenting behaviour, ranging
from discussion with children about homework to attendance at parent-teacher meetings”.
Nevertheless, each study on parental involvement should give a clear description of the construct,
since many study results can be attributed to this variety in definitions and operationalisations114.
Definitions on parental involvement largely depend on whether the school or the parent is the
defining actor; it also depends on the socio-economic background of the school and the parent.
Research shows that although parents and teachers desire more parental involvement, both cherish
different expectations and have other interpretations of this involvement. Whereas parents are
often unsatisfied with the openness and information or the communication practices of the school,
teachers and the board of directors expect parents to give more efforts in the socialization of their
children, to develop and support pro-educational attitudes, and to exert school supporting
activities. In other words, parents expect more involvement initiatives from schools and schools
expect more pronounced school supporting roles from parents115.
Whereas definitions are vague and depend on the perspective and socio-economic background
of the defining actor, the research tradition on parental involvement contains various typologies,
reflecting different types of relations between schools and parents. One of the most cited and
exhaustive typologies, built upon years of empirical research, is that of Epstein (1992; 1995;
2000), who distinguishes 6 types of cooperative relations between schools and parents116.
112
Epstein, J. & Sanders, M. (2000), ‘Connecting home, school and community. New directions for social research’,
in: Handbook of the Sociology of Education, Hallinan, M. (ed.). Kluwer/ New York.
113
Zellman, G. L. & Waterman, J. M. (1998), ‘Understanding the impact of parent school invomvement on children’s
educational outcomes’, in: Journal of Educational Research, 91(6), 370-380.
114
Verhoeven, J. C. et.al. (2003), ‘Ouders over scholen’. Antwerpen/ Apeldoorn: Garant
115
involvement, in: School effectiveness and School Improvement, Volume 7 (4), 297-323
116
Epstein, J. L. (1992), ‘School and Family Partnerships’, in: Alkin, M. (Ed.), Encyclopedia of Educational
Research,6th edition. New York: Macmillan. Pp. 1139-1151; Epstein, J. L. (1995), ‘School/family/community
42
1. Parenting. Schools must support parents in the creation of a pro-educational home
climate that fosters the development of children. Families must be assisted in the
comprehension of child and adolescent development, so that parents can orient their
children to school.
2. Communication. Schools must keep parents up to date about school programs and their
children’s progress, through effective forms of communication. Schools must critically
revise their information and communication strategies in order to make them
comprehensible for all parents. Parents must be amenable to such communication.
3. Volunteering. Involve parents in school functions and activities (e.g. organization of
celebrations, parents’ assistance during trips, reading mothers).
4. Learning at Home. Providing families with information and ideas on school supporting
activities at home, possibilities to help children with homework and curriculum-related
activities and decisions.
5. Decision-making. The establishment of formal parent participation through the enclosure
of parent representatives and all families in school decisions.
6. Collaborating with the Community. The identification and integration of community
resources and services to empower and support schools, students and their families.
Each of the six types of involvement in this typology reserves tasks for and holds expectations
from both parents and the schools. The types of involvement are associated with different
activities and programs, which can be put into practice by schools, parents and communities.
Epstein (1995) sums up different examples for each of the six types of involvement117. Besides the
type-specific practices, each item poses unique challenges on the implementation of the activities
and programs. Furthermore, specific types of involvement are linked with specific outcomes. This
puts the oversimplification - that family or community involvement invariably produces positive
outcomes for students, parents and schools - into perspective. Some practices are more likely to
enhance pupils’ educational achievement, while others might promote results for parents and
teachers. Certain practices might affect test scores in the short term, while other initiatives impact
attitudes and only produce behavioural outcomes in the long term.
Epstein relates some student, parent and community outcomes to each of the six types of
involvement. For example, engagement in the first involvement type (i.e. Parenting) may create
awareness of family supervision and respect for parents from children. Investment in “parenting”
may lead to parents’ awareness of their own and others’ challenges in education. For teachers,
partnerships’, in: Phi Delta Kappan, 76(9), 701-713; Epstein, J. & Sanders, M. (2000), ‘Connecting home, school and
community. New directions for social research’, in: Handbook of the Sociology of Education, Hallinan, M. (ed.).
Kluwer/ New York.
43
efforts to enhance parenting may increase their understanding of families’ backgrounds, cultures,
concerns, goals, needs and views of their children118.
It must be noted that there remains insufficient research evidence that provides an answer to
the differential effects of parental involvement on various pupil-related outcomes. In other terms,
empirically testing what specific parental involvement practices produces which specific
educational achievement outcomes, serves as a future point of interest on the parental involvement
research agenda119. It is most plausible that involvement efforts will produce outcomes that are
closely linked with the design and focus of the initiatives. For example, well designed programs
on parent-child reading will probably increase students’ achievement in reading, while parents’
membership of school boards won’t influence students’ test scores120.
Besides typologies and classifications, another commonly used method of organizing the
family-school interactions is to look at the party who takes the initiative. In this sense, we can talk
about school-initiated parental involvement and parent-initiated involvement. With regards to
school-initiated involvement, schools are the initiator to conduct school-supporting activities for
families. The initiatives to involve parents at school related activities and functions mainly take
place in school. In the case of parent-initiated involvement, parents take the initiative to engage in
practices that promote educational success at home: he activities take place within the family
situation121.
Until now, we have restricted our focus to the cooperation between schools and parents. We
have referred to a third important influence on a child’s development and educational career,
namely the local community. In accordance with recent evolutions in the international research on
parental involvement122, we are convinced of the important role of the community regarding the
education of ethnic minorities. For the current research we will use the theoretical model of
Epstein (1987), which stresses the influence of three social contexts on the development and
117
See Epstein, J. L. (1995), ‘School/family/community partnerships’, in: Phi Delta Kappan, 76(9), 701-713
118
Epstein, J. L. (1995), ‘School/family/community partnerships’, in: Phi Delta Kappan, 76(9), 701-713
119
Driessen, G. et. al. (2005), ‘Parental involvement and educational achievement’, in: British Educational Research
Journal, 31(4), 509-532; Epstein, J. & Sanders, M. (2000), ‘Connecting home, school and community. New directions
for social research’, in: Handbook of the Sociology of Education, Hallinan, M. (ed.). Kluwer/ New York.
120
Epstein, J. & Sanders, M. (2000), ‘Connecting home, school and community. New directions for social research’,
in: Handbook of the Sociology of Education, Hallinan, M. (ed.). Kluwer/ New York.
121
Journal, 31(4), 509-532.
122
Among others Chrispeels, J. (1996), Effective schools and Home-School-Community Partnership roles: a
framework for parent involvement, in: School effectiveness and School Improvement, Volume 7 (4), 297-323; Sanders,
M. G. (1998), ‘The effects of school, family, and community support on the academic achievement of African-
American adolescents, in Urban Education, 33, 385-410; Driessen, G. et. al. (2005), ‘Parental involvement and
educational achievement’, in: British Educational Research Journal, 31(4), 509-532.
44
education of children: home, school and community. The next paragraph discusses this theoretical
framework, Epstein’s theory of overlapping spheres of influence 123.
II.2.2. ‘Home – School – Community’ Influences: Theory of Overlapping Spheres of Influence
Schools and parents are not left to operate in geographic or in social isolation, but are
influenced by and interact with the surrounding community. This community can actually serve as
valuable partner and contains useful resources regarding the educational achievement of
community members. Parental involvement studies unanimously agree upon the school enhancing
effects of the mutual collaboration and support among the home, school, and community124. With
respect to research on ethnic minorities, the community link cannot be ignored. Migrant populated
schools that intensively search for methods and strategies to deal with a multicultural pupil
population have to realize that a part of the solution lays in the rich traditions and cultures of the
migrant community itself. Schools must be interested in the background of pupils and be ready to
adapt their traditional learning methods and styles to this changing pupil population.
Furthermore, in economically distressed neighbourhoods, community initiatives that support
education can compensate for the lack of family involvement or family distress, as well as
providing important guidance and encouragement to these students. For this reason, our research
uses the term ‘home-school-community partnership’, instead of the narrower concept of parental
involvement. Chrispeels defines home-school-community partnership as: “the mutual
collaboration, support, and participation of families, community members and agencies, and
school staff, at home, in the community, or at school, in activities and efforts that directly and
positively affect the success of children’s learning and development”125. This perspective is built
upon Epstein’s theory of overlapping spheres of influence, which will be discussed in detail in the
following paragraph.
There are three major contexts or social institutions that directly affect student learning and
development: the school, the family and the local community. Epstein uses these social
institutions in her theory of overlapping spheres of influence because these contexts aim for the
success of children in education. The efforts and activities to reach this goal can overlap. The
theory of overlapping spheres of influences claims that a greater congruence between the
concerning spheres produces a mutual fortification, which in turn enhances a more optimal
123
Epstein, J. L. (1987), ‘Toward a theory of family-school connections: Teacher practices and parent involvement’,
in: Hurrelmann, K., Kaufmann, F. and Losel, F. (eds.) Social Intervention: Potential and Constraints. New York: De-
Gruyter, 121-136.
124
125
45
development for children. As the main actor regarding educational success, the student is located
at the centre of the model. ‘Home-school-community’ partnerships are not capable of simply
producing student success. They can only set a positive climate, which encourages and guides
students to produce their own success. Nevertheless, a strong claim regarding the installation,
development and strengthening of home-school-community partnerships is being imposed on
today’s schools. Schools deliberately choose whether or not to conduct communications and
interactions with families and communities in order to bring the three spheres of influence closer
together126.
The term community is a vast term in sociology that refers to locales, such as neighbourhoods
and social interactions. Epstein & Sanders (2000) define a community as follows: “Schools,
families, and students are part of, but do not fully define the community. The community also
includes businesses, organizations, neighbourhoods, peer and friendship groups, and other
organizations, associations, individuals who have a stake in the success of children in school and
who serve children and families as a matter of course or in times of trouble”127. The home is
another sphere of influence in the model and includes parents or other adults, such as
grandparents, foster parents, stepparents, who are primarily responsible for the child128. By
schools, we mean the school and its actors; for instance, teachers, administrative workers and the
principal.
Departing from a social organizational perspective, the theory of overlapping spheres of

influence (Epstein, 1987) combines psychological, educational and sociological perspectives on
social institutions to point at the interrelations between the three social institutions which
influence the education and socialization of children: the home, the school and the local
community129. The model130 includes internal and external structures.
The external structure consists of overlapping and non-overlapping spheres that represent the
family, the school and the local community. The external model represents the degree of overlap
126
Epstein, J. L. (1995), ‘School/family/community partnerships’, in: Phi Delta Kappan, 76(9), 701-713; Driessen, G.
et. al. (2005), ‘Parental involvement and educational achievement’, in: British Educational Research Journal, 31(4),
509-532.
127
Epstein, J. L. & Sanders, M. (2000), ‘Connecting home, school and community. New directions for social
128
129
Journal, 31(4), 509-532.
130
The initial model exclusively focuses on family-school connections. Later on, the community was included as a
third sphere of influence. The article discussing the theory of overlapping spheres of influence (Epstein, 1987) only
considers the school and the family. In the current research, we complete the initial theoretical model on overlapping
spheres of influence with the third sphere: the community.
46
between the three spheres that is controlled by four forces that are labelled: time, the philosophies,
policies, practices, resources, and aspirations of parents, the school and the local community. The
time dimension recognizes that overlap can vary according to historic and individual time.
Parental involvement is, for example, typically less pronounced in secondary than in primary
education. Moreover, parental involvement was not an issue in the fifties, when family
responsibilities were separate from school goals. The four forces create conditions, opportunities,
constraints and incentives for shared activities in school, family and community environments.
The internal structure of the model demonstrates the lines of interaction among the three
spheres of influence. These interactions can be intra-institutional or inter-institutional. Intra-
institutional interactions refer to separate interactions at home, in school or in the local
community, while inter-institutional interactions occur when the members of two organizations
interact. The model permits for an analysis of interactions at an institutional, meso level (e.g.
when a school sends the same communication to all families or invites all families at a first
parents’ evening); as well, at an individual, micro level (e.g. when a teacher visits a family at
home or a parent is invited at the office of the school principal)131.
The theoretical framework thus permits for an analysis of the forces that have an impact on the
degree of overlap between the three spheres of influence, as well as the interrelations between the
actors in the three spheres (i.e. schools staff, community organizations, parents, pupils). Our
research about Flanders focuses on the interrelations between the three contexts of influence on
pupils’ development and education132. We present the three contexts of influence and six possible
interactions133 :
1. School => Family. In this partnership, teachers and other school staff create more family-
like schools. Family-like schools welcome all parents at school and demonstrate respect
for their backgrounds. This partnership refers to the school-initiated practices to support
131
Gruyter, 121-136.
132
In the analyze of the interrelations, of course explaining factors (forces) that influence the degree of cooperation or
overlap between the concerning contexts are investigated. E.g. the school – home interrelation: what factors contribute
or hinder this collaboration?
133
The six possible interconnections here presented are not equal to the typology of parental involvement presented on
page 41. In the typology, the nature of involvement stands central. On the basis of empirical research, six types of
involvement were distinguished. In every type, the relation between the school and the family is reciprocal, holding
responsibilities for parents as well as school staff. The typology provides a useful working tool for school staff and
educational practitioners, since they can position their own activities in the typology or detect deficits where they can
work on in the future. On the contrary, the theory of overlapping spheres of influence provides a model to study the
interrelations between the three contexts. The focus is the three contexts and their possible partnership or cooperation.
The model is especially useful for academic researchers.
47
parents, such as parent workshops to help children with homework and information
sessions on the school progress of children;
2. Family => School. This direction in the partnership points to the initiatives of parents to
create a school-like atmosphere. Parents promote pro-school attitudes and stress the
importance of school, homework and school success. These initiatives include the parent-
initiated involvement practices;
3. Community => School. This partnership refers to initiatives in the local community to
support the school, such as the school community work;
1. School => Community. Initiatives of schools to develop partnerships with local
community organizations, such as youth mouvements, ethnic minority organizations,
religious organization and the like;
2. Community => Family. Initiatives provided by the local community to enable families to
better support their children in the educational context;
6. Family => Community. Community-minded families, who give an effort to help and
assist other community members134.
The theory of overlapping spheres of influence (1987) is useful as it permits to place other
frequently used concepts, such as ‘social capital’, in a broader theoretical framework. Moreover,
the theory of overlapping spheres of influence gave birth to a line of research focusing on the
effects of connections between schools, communities and families, which unanimously confirms
the fruitfulness of the theory135.
In the Netherlands and Belgium, these partnerships are put into practice by so-called broad
schools. A broad school consists of a long-term partnership between schools and other community
partners or institutions with an interest in the development of children136. In these projects, the
local community is given a role in the education process; schools are willing to put their
traditional practices and routines into question and parents are empowered to take up a more
participative role in the education of their children137.
II.2.3. Parental involvement: the Flemish Situation
134
135
136
Beleidsnota (2004-2009) van de Vlaamse minister van Onderwijs en Vorming: Vandaag kampioen in wiskunde,
morgen in gelijke kansen. Frank Vandenbroucke, december 2004.
137
Journal, 31(4), 509-532.
48
The United States has a long research tradition on parental involvement that originated in the
fifties. Today, supporting federal, state and local policies are strengthening the educational field in
the United States138. This differs with the Flemish situation, where research on parental
involvement and participation is quite young. Nevertheless, parents’ educational participation has
recently attracted a great deal of interest in the academic as well as the political sphere139. Still,
research evidence for Flanders remains restricted to one large-scale scientific study by the
universities of Ghent and Leuven, which is discussed at length in the next paragraph (II.2.4.)140.
While the participation of parents, teachers, pupils and the local community has not been a
priority in the Belgian educational system in the past, the Flemish government recently created a
legal framework for the participation of the educational partners concerned. This shift towards a
participative culture can be attributed to the government’s decentralisation of politics and the
responsibility processes of all educational levels141.
Before discussing the development and nature of the legal participation framework, we will
provide insight into the educational landscape of Flanders. Education in Flanders is organized
along three educational networks that determine their own curriculum and timetables. This means
that the governing bodies assign some of their responsibilities to the networks. The three
educational networks are:
1. Subsidized Publicly Run Schools (“Officieel gesubsidieerd onderwijs”) that consist of

municipal education (“gemeentelijk onderwijs”) provided by the municipalities, and
provincial education under the authority of the provincial administrations;
2. Subsidized Privately Run Schools (“Vrij gesubsidieerd onderwijs”) that provide
education by the initiative of a private person, organization or initiative. They mainly
consist of catholic schools but this category also acknowledges Islamic, protestant, Jewish,
orthodox schools;
138
In the United States, the importance of parental involvement in low socio-economic families was acknowledged by
policy makers through the launch of federal Head Start in 1964. Head Start legally recognized the involvement of low
socio-economic status parents by means of the provision of intensive pre-school and early elementary grades education
programs. Head Start was followed by programs like Follow Through and Title I programs. Chrispeels, J. (1996),
Effective schools and Home-School-Community Partnership roles: a framework for parent involvement, in: School
effectiveness and School Improvement, Volume 7 (4), 297-323; Epstein, J. L. (1995), ‘School/family/community
partnerships’, in: Phi Delta Kappan, 76(9), 701-713
139
140
The concerning study: Verhoeven, J. C., Devos, G., Stassen, K. and Warmoes, V. (2003), ‘Ouders over scholen’.
Antwerpen/ Apeldoorn: Garant.
141
Vlaams EURYDICE-rapport 2004. Overzicht van het onderwijsbeleid en de onderwijsorganisatie in Vlaanderen.
http://www.eurydice.org/Eurybase/Application/frameset.asp?country=BN&language=VO
49
3. Community Education (“Gemeenschapsonderwijs”) is organized under the authority of
the Flemish Community. Community education is neutral and respects the diversity of the
religious, philosophical and ideological backgrounds of pupils and parents142.
There is a slight difference in history and resulting legal framework between community
education and subsidized education. In 1998, the Special decree Community Education
(“Bijzonder decreet betreffende het Gemeenschapsonderwijs”, 14/07/1998) stipulated that every
school had to find a school council (“schoolraad”). This school council is composed of three
representatives to represent the parents, three representatives for the teachers and two elected
members from the local socio-cultural and economic community. The school council acts as
advisory and consultative bodies. The school council has no decision right. This means that the
school board or the principal ultimately maintains decision authority.
In 1991, Subsidized education followed this trend through the Decree regarding voice in
Subsidized education (“Decreet betreffende medezeggenschap in het gesubsidieerd onderwijs”,
23/10/1991). Parallel to the school councils in community education, the participation councils
(“participatieraden”) in subsidized education likewise spawned the participation of parents and the
local community. Whereas school councils of community education were endowed with advisory
and consultative authority, participation councils could also execute consent authority. This means
that the school board or principal needed preceding approval of the participation council before a
decision could be made.
In the school year 2004-2005, the Decree regarding voice in subsidized education was replaced
by the new Participation Decree (“Decreet betreffende participatie en de Vlaamse Onderwijsraad,
01/04/2004). The creation of this new decree was inspired by the policy document of the Minister
of Education, Marleen Vanderpoorten143, who pointed at the stimulation of a participative school
culture as one of the strategic educational objectives. The minister wanted to put this strategic
goal into practice through the creation of a Participation Decree, which consists of three major
parts: empowerment of participation on a school level, the installation of a single expertise centre
on participation for the three educational networks, and reform of the Flemish Educational
Council (“Vlaamse Onderwijsraad”)144. To date, the network crossing expertise centre remains
non-existent.
142
Clycq, N., Mahieu, P. & Lodewyckx, I. (2004), ‘School Leadership and equity: the case of Antwerp’, Antwerpen:
Steunpunt Gelijkekansenbeleid, UA-LUC.
143
Vanderpoorten. Beleidsnota Onderwijs 2000-2004
144
Persmededeling Kabinet Vlaams minister van Onderwijs en Vorming: Participatiedecreet goedgekeurd in het
Vlaams Parlement (01/04/2004)
50
The Participation Decree extends the authorities of the former participation councils and
reaches further than the qualifications of school councils in Community Education, as stipulated
by the Special decree Community Education. However, critics regret the annulation of consent
authority; the lack of information and sensibilization that accompanied the implementation of the
decree; the possibility for schools to give certain aspects of parental participation a minimal
interpretation; and the exclusion of an expertise centre on participation145.
The current educational policy document, Vandaag kampioen in wiskunde, morgen in gelijke
kansen146, only marginally deals with the subject of parents’ educational participation. No
financial incentives are reserved to stimulate and support a participative school culture, whereas
schools, and parents and pupils need this material and immaterial support147. We can conclude
that the Flemish government insufficiently acknowledges the importance of parental participation
and involvement, even though a legal framework was provided. The financial resources and
accompanying expertise to successfully implement the framework is forthcoming. In the United
States, federal programs lead to the recognition of the importance of parents and stimulated local
schools to put parental involvement as a priority on their agendas148.
A study on the implementation of the Decree on Equal Educational Opportunities (EEO)

revealed that parent and pupil participation is not a priority for schools. Parent and pupil
participation was only marginally rated as an EEO-goal by the schools149. This indicates that
schools amply dedicate the extra EEO aid on participation activities or programs. The trend is
particularly worrisome especially for children with ethnic and low socio-economic backgrounds,
who generally have low achievement in school, stand to benefit from improved home-school-
community partnerships150.
The next paragraph will give a description of the relationship between ethnic minorities and
parents’ educational participation. Firstly, we will discuss the only existing study on parental
145
146
147
148
Epstein, J. L. (1987), ‘Toward a theory of Family-School Connections: Teacher practices and Parent involvement’,
in: Hurrelmann, K., Kaufmann, F., and Losel, F. (eds) ‘Social intervention: Potential and Constraints’, 121-136.
149
150
involvement, in: School effectiveness and School Improvement, Volume 7 (4), 297-323; López, R., Scriber, J., and
51
151
involvement in Flanders . Secondly, we present some interesting research evidence on ethnic
minorities’ educational participation in the Netherlands and the United States.
II.2.4. Parental Involvement and Low-income/ Ethnic minority people
Research on parental involvement in Flanders developed only recently. So far, only one study
in Flanders paid special attention to the educational involvement of ethnic minorities152. This
quantitative study was conducted with a sample of 2811 parents that have children in regular basic
education, special basic education or secondary education. The sample only contained 4% of
Moroccans and Turkish people. The researchers explicitly aimed to include ethnic minority
parents by inquiring a sample of 147 Moroccans and Turkish people who participated in a parent
group of De Schoolbrug153. Subsequently, the researchers made comparisons between three
groups: the first group consisted of Flemish parents with children in basic education; a second
group was composed of Turkish and Moroccan parents with children in basic education who
maintained no relation with De Schoolbrug (coincidentally 4% of the large sample); and a third
group that included Turkish and Moroccan parents with children in basic education who actively
participated in parent groups of the ‘school community work’.
The study used a theoretical model154 that distinguished three major components in parental
involvement: parental involvement at school or school-initiated involvement; parental
involvement at home or parent-initiated involvement; and, the communication between school and
parents.
1. Parental Involvement at School included: 1) formal participation in school councils or
parent committees; 2) educational involvement by which parents’ presence at school
creates added value; and, 3) attendance at school activities.
2. Parental Involvement at Home meant two things: 1) school supporting activities at home
such as helping with homework, rehearsal of lessons, signing the diary, and so forth; and,
2) extra-curricular supporting activities such as reading books and papers and library
visits.
3. Ultimately, the Communication aspect of the model focused on the content of the
communication and whether the communication was formal or informal.
Mahitivanichcha (2001), ‘Redefining Parental Involvement: Lessons from high-performing Migrant-Impacted

Schools, in: American Educational Research Journal, 38(2), 253-288.
151
Verhoeven, J. C., Devos, G., Stassen, K. and Warmoes, V. (2003), ‘Ouders over scholen’. Antwerpen/ Apeldoorn:
Garant.
152
The study of Verhoeven, J. C., Devos, G., Stassen, K. and Warmoes, V. (2003), ‘Ouders over scholen’. Antwerpen/
Apeldoorn: Garant.
153
Schoolopbouwwerk
154
This is an own theoretical model, different than that of Epstein (1987).
52
Results showed no differences between the three groups155 in the participation in formal
participation structures, such as school councils. Regarding educational involvement (e.g. parents’
help during classes, parents’ assistance with trips), no significant differences could be found
between Flemish parents and Turkish and Moroccan parents attending De Schoolbrug meetings.
Turkish and Moroccan parents from the large sample (Group 2), demonstrated significantly less
educational involvement. Furthermore, both Turkish and Moroccan parents who did and did not
maintain contacts with De Schoolbrug participated significantly less in school activities (e.g.
parent evenings) than their Flemish counterparts.
With relation to school supporting activities at home, Flemish parents, and Turkish and
Moroccan parents who had no relations to De Schoolbrug significantly demonstrated higher
involvement at home than the Turkish and Moroccan parents who attended the meetings.
Involvement at home included themes like checking the agenda, preparing tests, helping with
homework and checking if a child made his or her homework.
Irrespective of the greater involvement at home of the Flemish, Moroccan and Turkish parents
who had no relations to De Schoolbrug, the Turkish and Moroccan parents who attended these
meetings spent significantly more time in helping with homework than the other two groups. The
researchers attributed this to the fact that helping with homework is a problem-solving activity
and that children who have less problems at school, receive less help with homework. The finding
that the latter group – the Turkish and Moroccan parents with children in basic education who
actively participate in parent groups of the ‘school community work’ - spent significantly more
time in helping with homework was explained by the assumption that these children had more
problems at school156.
Although the inclusion of, and specific attention to, ethnic minorities in this study have to be
applauded, the findings regarding ethnic minorities have to be interpreted with caution. First of
all, the quantitative research method is not the ideal method to investigate attitudes of ethnic
minority groups. The weak reliability of the different item scales for the ethnic minority sample as
opposed to the large sample, demonstrates that the Moroccan and Turkish parents answered
inconsistently, which in turn leads to the assumption that these parents did not understand the
question. Furthermore, the quantitative research method reduces the direct contact and
communication opportunities between the respondent and the researcher. Because of the limited
contact, the possibility for respondents to ask questions, or the possibility for researchers to give
155
Group 1: Flemish parents with children in basic education; Group 2: Turkish and Moroccan parents with children in
basic education who maintain no relation with the ‘school community work’; Group 3: Turkish and Moroccan parents
with children in basic education who actively participate in parent groups of the ‘school community work’.
53
extra explanation or clarifications on a specific question remains restricted. We can assume that
ethnic minorities feel less comfortable with this kind of research context. The possibility to install
and develop a sphere of confidentiality and trust between respondent and researcher is too limited.
A privileged witness in the current research pleas for this confidentiality as a precondition for
valid research evidence. Thus, qualitative research is the recommended research method.
Furthermore, we have to make some critical remarks about the sample of ethnic minorities in
the study of Verhoeven et al. (2003). The research uses a quantitative approach. Quantitative
research aims at generalizations. In order to make generalizations, a representative sample is
needed, what under no condition can be said about the ethnic minority sample in the concerned
research of Verhoeven et al. (2003). On the basis of the sample - that was exclusively composed
of parents attending activities of De Schoolbrug - no generalizations can be made, because these
parents already express some kind of involvement merely by attending these meetings. The
selectivity of the sample is demonstrated by the degree of parents’ membership in formal
participation structures. No significant differences in memberships of formal participation
structures between Belgian and non-Belgian respondents were found. In reality, ethnic minorities
are highly underrepresented in these forms of participation structures157.
For research regarding ethnic minority parents’ educational participation, we have to rely
almost exclusively on research evidence from the United States or the Netherlands. In these
countries, research that directly addresses parental involvement of ethnic minorities is also
scarce158.
Various authors defend the argument that low socio-economic status and ethnic minority
parents benefit from a well-designed home-school-community partnership, since these groups are
generally characterized as having low academic achievement159. The majority of these parents
experience a barrier between the family and the school. The school is perceived as a foreign place,
a place where ethnic minority parents do not feel at home and this keeps migrant or migrant origin
156
Garant.
157
158
López, R., Scriber, J., and Mahitivanichcha (2001), ‘Redefining Parental Involvement: Lessons from high-
performing Migrant-Impacted Schools, in: American Educational Research Journal, 38(2), 253-288.
159
involvement, in: School effectiveness and School Improvement, Volume 7 (4), 297-323; López, R., Scriber, J., and
Mahitivanichcha (2001), ‘Redefining Parental Involvement: Lessons from high-performing Migrant-Impacted
Schools, in: American Educational Research Journal, 38(2), 253-288; Epstein, J. L. (1995),
‘School/family/community partnerships’, in: Phi Delta Kappan, 76(9), 701-713.
54
parents on the sidelines160. The goal of reaching of the most needy group of children and parents
is therefore a difficult task.
This gap is frequently attributed to the fact that low-income migrant families often live in
unsafe neighbourhoods, leading to less access to home and community learning opportunities.
Notwithstanding the fact that these families have high aspirations, they often lack the ability and
resources to fulfil these aspirations. They are generally characterized by a lack of educational
achievement and knowledge about the school system and curriculum. This lack of educational
know-how reduces the capacity to help children with their homework or to create an environment
that stimulates learning.
The summation of explanatory factors on an individual level have to be completed by school

related factors. Schools often hold high expectations of the educational involvement of parents.
The majority of teachers come from middle to high-income status and so they take ‘the average
student’ as a standard for measuring other students against. This average student is white and has
middle educated parents who assist with and monitor the learning process of their child. When
teachers continue to act upon their expectations regarding parents not fitting this frame of
reference, and parents consequently don’t respond, the gap between parents and the school is
increased. Instead of questioning their own information and communication strategies and their
efforts to reach and involve parents, a lot of teachers label the parents as uninterested and they
stop investing in partnerships with these families. From this perspective of separate spheres of
influence, parents are viewed as incapable, annoying factors. Parents feel that they are not
welcome and that the teachers consider them as incapable. So the parent’s self confidence
regarding education is weakened even more161.
Conversely, research shows that teachers as well as parents desire more involvement and that
these two parties have one goal in common: the well being of the child. Research also shows that
every parent wants the best for his/her own child but parents and teachers are badly informed
about each other’s expectations, aspirations and views. This has to do with the openness and
communication between parents and teachers162. Preconditions for educational partnerships
include mutual respect, interest and openness between the partners. Schools and teachers have to
accept that every culture or social group holds their own educational attitudes, values, practices
160
Journal, 31(4), 509-532.
161
KONING BOUDEWIJNSTICHTING (2005). ‘Samen school maken. Allochtone ouders op school.’ Studiedag voor
de verspreiding van de deskundigheid opgedaan op het terrein. 18 mei 2005.
162
55
and aspirations, and they interact with the school along these cultural and social backgrounds.
Therefore, it is crucial for teachers to be motivated to learn more about the backgrounds of their
pupils and families163.
In the communities that have diverse racial, cultural and ethnic characteristics, families are
convinced about the importance of education and parental involvement. The lack of positive
contact between schools and parents – particularly when there is a language barrier between the
teachers and parents – causes the teachers to be unaware of the parents’ aspirations: teachers
cannot observe the school-supporting activities of the family at home164.
Research shows that parents usually respond positively to school-initiated activities that
involve parents. Parents more positively evaluate schools that take a lot of effort into reaching and
involving them. Parents that would otherwise not become easily involved on their own due to a
low socio-economic status are given extra chances this way165. Mutually, teachers who are open to
parental involvement generally rate parents more positively and stereotype these families less. As
a consequence, stereotypes from both sides can be reduced through increased collaboration. Also,
teachers’ ratings of student performance increased when parents became more involved166.
The frame of reference of teachers’ and ethnic minority or low socio economic class parents’
significantly differs, and this hinders the communication between the two parties167. Moreover, in
low economic areas, schools make more contacts with families about the problems and difficulties
that their children have. The fact that these families are generally informed late about their child’s
problems only increases communication problems. Parents from high migrant populated schools
often lack the communication skills to be on an equal foot with school staff. Since parent-teacher
contacts are regularly difficult and problematic, teachers assume that they are better off without
parents. Instead of scaling down contacts with parents due to negative experiences in the past, it is
important that teachers work at developing balanced partnership programs that equally include
contacts about positive accomplishments of children168.
163
164
165
166
167
Dom, L. & Verhoeven, J. C. (2006), ‘Kansarme ouders en de school. Een wereld van verschil?’ in: Tijdschrift voor
Onderwijsrecht en Onderwijsbeleid, 2005-2006 (1-2), 97-113.
168
56
Teachers in schools populated by a high amount of low socio-economic status pupils or pupils
with an ethnic background are often inclined to increase investment in parental involvement.
These teachers are motivated to develop partnerships with the parents, but they often miss the
know-how about how to put this conviction into practice169. Teachers’ formations seldom include
the instruction on how to interact with pupils who have a different frame of reference than
teachers or pupils who have a different cultural, ethnic, socio-economic background than that of
teachers. Conversely, school principals are not prepared to lead their staff in developing
partnerships with families from various backgrounds. This cultural sensitivity and the capacity to
build partnerships should therefore be included in the curriculum of future teachers170.
II.3. Gender, Migration and Participation
It is important to recall the difference between gender and sex. Gender is a concept that refers
to the repartition of male and female roles in a specific society, at a specific time. This repartition
contributes to the social construction of female and male representations, through which all
human relations are categorized. Gender relations171 refer to the study of power distribution
between men and women in a specific context and time. Gender difference in political
participation has been overlooked in the literature; particularly, thetheory that is used to focus on
certain forms of conventional participation (turn-out in the electoral process, access to elected
official positions, participation through financial investment). There are three main determinants
that affect the degree of women's political participation: a differentiated access to resources, in
particular to education; a lower integration in workforce and other social networks that decreases
the chance to be recruited into political activities; and finally, a differentiation in political
orientations. Also, access to information, interest into politics, and feeling of political efficacy
might be lower for women than for men, although it is increasing172. Three issues that have
negatively been linked to women’s political participation might explain this bias. First, women’s
participation has been studied through the angle of formal politics, mainly at the electoral and
political parties’ level, and at the national (macro) level. Second, literature on women’s
participation has traditionally focussed on middle-class women. Neither minority nor migrant
169
170
involvement, in: School effectiveness and School Improvement, Volume 7 (4), 297-323; KONING
BOUDEWIJNSTICHTING (2005). ‘Samen school maken. Allochtone ouders op school.’ Studiedag voor de
verspreiding van de deskundigheid opgedaan op het terrein. 18 mei 2005.
171
FRASER, Nancy : Unruly Practices: Power, Discourse, and Gender in Contemporary Social Theory. Minneapolis,
University of Minnesota Press, 1989; LISTER, Ruth : Citizenship: Feminist Perspectives. London, McMillan, 1997.
172
NORRIS, Pippa ; INGLEHART, Ronald : Rising tide : gender equality and cultural change around the world. New
York, Cambridge University Press, 2003; YUVAL-DAVIS, Nira ; WERBNER, Pnina : Women, Citizenship and
Difference. London, Zed Books, 1999.
57
women have gained much attention from the scholars173. Finally, the common gap established
between the public and the private sphere has caused a lack of analysis on the meaning of civic
and political participation174. As stated before, it is recent that scholars have questioned this
separation and put into light new interpretations of what is “political”.
We will now focus on migrant women’s political and social participation in order to measure
their potential involvement. Women's social capital appears to be more strongly embedded in
neighborhood-specific networks of informal sociability. As Sapiro states:
“ 'Community organizing' traditions of political action explicitly recognize that nurturing and
creating what scholars now call social capital, in its various guises, is potentially a powerful path to
political engagement and power, especially for social groups with relatively little political standing.
The creation of social capital as political activity has arguably been a specialty of many women's
organizations, especially during the period of women's movements precisely because social capital
may be the main form of capital to which women have access ”175
In that sense, participatory activities by women would appear more interesting at in the public
and private spheres, and at the micro-level analysis. Migrant and migrant-origin women have
often been described as economically dominated and dependent from a broad set of oppression.
Gender, social class, and ethnic based discrimination annihilate the desire and the possibility to
participate in the political sphere. Nevertheless, without denying the low margin of expression
that women can have, it is important to focus on the fact that they are also actors of their lives, and
that their actions are not only determined by social and political structures. Most of the time, the
participation of migrant and migrant-origin women has been analyzed through the study of
women’s organisations that claim for specific rights as a form of moral politics, and not formal
politics. Women’s associations would serve as a mediator between the family and the institutions
and their activities express a “gendered form of citizenship”.
In search of new forms of daily citizenship, new relations within their communities and their
homes, they occupy a social space between that of intervention of institutions and that of the
social and domestic space176. If this perspective is of interest, it will be even more pertinent to
173
BRAVO MORENO, Ana : “ Approaches to International Migration, Immigrant Women, and Identity ”, in
Migraciones Internacionales, vol.1, n°2, enero-junio 2002, pp. 62-91; BRETTELL, Caroline (ed.) : International
Migration: The Female Experience. Totowa, Rowan, 1986.
174
BURNS, Nancy ; LEHMAN, Kathy ; VERBA, Sidney : The Private Roots of Public Action. Gender, Equality and
Political Participation. Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 2001.
175
SAPIRO, Virginia : “ Gender, Social Capital, and Politics ”. Paper presented for the Conference on Gender and
Social Capital, St John's College, University of Manitoba, 2003, p. 15.
176
MÉLIS, Corinne : “ Nanas-Beurs, Voix d'Elles-Rebelles et Voix de Femmes. Des associations au carrefour des
droits des femmes et d'une redéfinition de la citoyenneté ”, in Revue Européenne des Migrations Internationales,
58
research forms of social and political participation at the micro-level, focussing on global issues
that are not only gender-specific. This would be the only way to determine politicization at the
neighbourhood level. As migrant women often suffer more forms of exclusion- such as
unemployment, social isolation, low education attainment, and so on- it will be even more striking
to argue that they are included in the definition of the common public sphere.
Is gender a key variable to better understand social and political participation at the micro and
meso levels? Does gender bring specific modes of action and methods of participation in the
public sphere?
vol.19, n°1, 2003, pp. 81-100 ; BELHADJ, Marnia : “ Les jeunes femmes françaises d'origine algérienne au centre
d'une dynamique sociale et familiale ”, in Migrations Société, vol.13, n°74, mars-avril 2001, pp. 7-18.
59
CHAPTER III: ETHNIC NEIGHBOURHOODS
In chapter I, we spoke about the economical, institutional, demographic, and political context
for ethnic minorities living in Belgium. A more in-depth look, however, on the segregated living
conditions of ethnic minorities in ethnic neighbourhoods is advisable for this research. The
following section facilitates the understanding and the study of residential segregation.
In general, the wide social and academic interest for ethnic segregation exists due to
itsassumed negative consequences. The general idea about residential segregation assumes that it
is harmful for the integration of the individual inhabitants of a society. The idea of ‘Culture of
Poverty’ is central in this assumption and supposes that in the segregated neighbourhoods a
culture with deviant and delinquent norms177 is prevalent178.
Until today, the adverse effects of living in an ethnic and segregated neighbourhood are not
undisputed proven. A scientific analysis of the consequences of residential segregation seems to
be too complex and too delicate! Furthermore, conclusions regarding the extreme situations in the
ghettos of North America may not applicable in the segregated neighbourhoods of Western
Europe179. In Europe, for example, we cannot speak of the construction of a ghetto180: within the
segregated neighbourhoods, a diversity of types exists so that their impact on the socialization and
integration of the inhabitants varies.
Where exclusion means the absence or the weakness of the individual or groups’ social,
political or economic insertion, excluded groups do no develop symbolic, social or material links
with groups outside of their own, and vice versa. But ‘exclusion’ is also a category of public
action developed by experts in the 1970s. It is used to describe the social status of individuals or
groups at the lowest levels of the social hierarchy181. Conservative discourses usually stress the
cultural, moral or psychosocial causes for exclusion, whereas others focus on structural
determinants. Exclusion can appear on a geographical or physical level: the phenomenon of
residential segregation illustrates this reality.
177
Since the research of Blokland-Potters, this limited, negative image of degradation, dilapidation and exodus in
deprived neighborhoods is contested. Since then, the diversity of the living conditions in those neighborhoods is
emphasised. BLOKLAND-POTTERS, T. (1998), Wat stadsbewoners bindt: sociale relaties in een achterstandswijk,
Kampen: Kok Agora, p. 324-327.
178
PELEMAN, K. (2002), De rol van de buurt: de maatschappelijke participatie vanMarokkaanse vrouwen in een
ruimtelijk perspectief, Leuven: KUL (Departement Geografie-Geologie), p.27.
179
MARTINIELLO, M. (1996), ‘The existence of an urban underclass in Belgium’, in: New Community, 22, n°4, 655-
669.
180
Ethnic enclaves, sometimes named as ghettos, are radical examples of the multifaceted urban marginalization of
minorities. MASSEY, D. (et al.) (1994): ‘Migration, segregation, ant the geographic concentration of poverty’, in
American Sociological Review, n°59, pp. 425-445.
60
III.1. Concepts and definitions
Residential segregation refers to the degree to which groups of people live separately from one
another. To the extent that segregation constrains social, educational, political, and economic
advancement for ethnic groups such as the Turkish and Moroccans in Belgium, it is a salient
public policy issue.
Characteristics of the of the urban marginalization of minorities182 include: physical

deterioration, for instance, vacant units, bad state of repair, abandoned housing, low rate of
ownership; economic depression, for instance, low employment and labour force participation,
sectored occupation, low household income; and, social marginalization, for instance, prevalence
of single-parent families- especially female-headed families- low education level, high teenage
pregnancy rate, street violence, generation conflicts, and so on. Thus, it is important to distinguish
among a series of concepts: ghetto, hyper ghetto, ethnic enclave, and ethnic neighbourhood.
These terms, often transferred from the American experience to the European environment, are
highly contestable
In accordance with Loïc Wacquant’s definitions, the hyper ghetto is a socio-spatial original
formation born in the 1980s and 1990s in the U.S., that is an “addition of racial exclusion and
class relegation in the context of market retreat and state abandoning that led to the des-
urbanisation of large areas in the inner city”, whereas the community ghetto was a socio-spatial
original formation, whose borders were strictly limited, that hosted a large variety of Black social
classes unified through a common racial consciousness, where the social division of work was
spread and where community institutions were solidly rooted with claiming and mobilizing
activities”183. Although the term ghetto first described Jewish enclaves, the two concepts above
apply specifically to Black segregated populations. Authors refer explicitly to racial segregation
and its territorial expression, sometimes labelled as a form of “apartheid”184. The permanence of
Black ghettos in the U.S. is explained through different determinants: economic restructuring, de-
industrialisation, unemployment, middle-class exodus from the inner city, racial discrimination,
and so on.
181
THOMAS, H. (1997), La production des exclu, Paris : Puf ; PAUGAM, S. (1996), L’exclusion, l’état des savoirs,
Paris: La Découverte.
182
MASSEY, D. (et al.) (1994), art. cit., ; BODY-GENDROT, S. & MARTINIELLO, M. (ed.) (2000), Minorities in
European Cities. The Dynamics of Social Integration and Social Exclusion at the Neighborhood Level. London,
Macmillan Press.
183
WACQUANT, L. (2001), ‘Elias dans le ghetto noir ‘, in : Politix, vol.14, n°56, pp. 210-211.
184
WILSON, W. (1987), The Truly Disadvantaged : The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy. Chicago,
University of Chicago Press; MASSEY, D. & DENTON, N. (1993), American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making
of the Underclass. Cambridge, Harvard University Press.
61
American literature from the 1920s first referred to ethnic enclaves as “Jewish ghettos”185.
With new influx of migrants coming from Italy, Russia or Poland, American cities experimented
with immigrants’ concentrations, in forms of slums. The Chicago School analyzed these
settlements through a moral and psychosocial perspective, whose aim was to assimilate
foreigners. Researchers favoured neighbourhood level analysis to describe and explain social
disorganization186, but they always considered enclaves as temporary and functional social
spaces187, a necessity before assimilation.
Recent research is still deeply influenced by the Chicago School. The segregation literature
distinguishes between three main research themes: measurement of segregation; explanatory
reasons of the existence of segregation; and, the analysis of the influence of living in a segregated
area on the residents. In trying to explain the circumstances that lie at the causes of the existence
of ethnic neighbourhoods188, some authors consider that ethnic enclaves (whether migrant or
migrant-origin clustered spaces) differ mainly by their voluntary formations through ethnic
networks and entrepreneurship189. Another hypothesis also defines ethnic neighbourhoods as the
result of the desire from ethnic groups to “live together in difference” in homogeneous areas190.
This radical interpretation of multiculturalism is accompanied by a discourse of ethnic claims and
cultural recognition that groups formulate.
In summation, there are three approaches to ethnic enclaves. The first insists upon the
progressive population mixing and the progressive cultural, social, and economic assimilation of
the foreign-origin population. Enclaves are considered as functional and temporary. The second
approach focusses on the ethnic, economic, and cultural enclave, based on voluntary decisions.
Groups would choose for a certain degree of autonomous development, apart from the global
society (or city). The third perspective puts light on racial and ethnic segregation, as well as on
segmented assimilation that give birth to marginalized ghettos or hyper ghettos. The research will
question the terminology used by actors in the case of Belgium. Discourse from inhabitants,
public agencies, media, academic and ethnic groups will be analysed.
185
WIRTH, L. (1928), The Ghetto. Chicago, University of Chicago Press; LYND, R. & LYND, H. (1956 (1925),
Middletown: A Study in Modern American Culture, New York : Harcourt.
186
THOMAS, W. & ZNANIECKI, F. (1998), Le paysan polonais en Europe et en Amérique. Récit de vie d’un migrant
(Chicago, 1919). Paris, Nathan; WHYTE, W. (2002 (1943)), Street Corner Society. La structure sociale d'un quartier
italo-américain. Paris, La Découverte.
187
“ The isolation of the immigrant and racial colonies of the so-called ghettos and areas of population segregation
tend to preserve and, where there is racial prejudice, to intensify the intimacies and solidarity of the local
neighbourhood groups ”, in: BURGESS, E., MCKENZIE, R., PARK, R. (1967), The City, Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, p. 9.
188
ruimtelijk perspectief, Leuven: KUL (Departement Geografie-Geologie).
189
PORTES, A. (1995), The economic sociology of immigration: essays on networks, ethnicity, and entrepreneurship.
New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
62
190
YOUNG, I. (2001), Inclusion and democracy, Princeton: Princeton University Press.
63
III.2. Ethnic Neighbourhoods in Belgium
III.2.1. The Socio-economical Approach of Living in Belgium
The current urban sociology preserves the Chicago School’s notion about the socio-spatial
structure that links certain social problems with certain areas of the city. In Belgium, this concern
was linked with the renewed interest in ‘deprived’ neighbourhoods caused by, for example, the
growing popularity of the ‘Vlaams Blok’191 and the increase in poverty and unemployment192.
Segregation and concentration of allochthonous population groups are approached in Belgium–

more than in the international Angelsaksian literature– from the socio-economical perspective.
Such an approach searches for declarations within the financial and economical situation of
diverse ethnic groups and the inadequate functioning of the housing market193. The combination
of social discrimination with spatial dimensions allows us to distinguish low-income
neighbourhoods with high amounts of structural deprivation like unemployment; negative living
circumstances; social fragmentation; and, limited chances of survival. Ethnically separated
neighbourhoods appear to collect the victims of social exclusion and make ‘failure’ visible in our
society.
Bound to the reality that migrants are often deprived on the socio-economic scale194, they will
be separated from neighbourhoods where the quality and the costs of houses and other facilities
are too high 195. An effect of this is the appearance of ethnic (homogeneous) neighbourhoods and
the consolidation of ethnic segregation. This consolidation has an enormous impact on the
possibilities towards social mobility196. ‘Preference’197 in terms of residence of minority groups is
191
Although the extreme-right voting in the deprived neighbourhoud was once a borderline with the rest of urban
areas, the success of the extreme-right in the last selections is no longer limited to the deprived or the inner-city
neighborhood. PELEMAN, K & KESTELOOT, C. (2001), art. cit., pp.236).
192
KESTELOOT, C. (1996), ‘De verwaarlozing voorbij? Achtergestelde buurten en wijkontwikkeling’, in: De
DECKER, P., HUBEAU, B., NIEUWINCKEL, S. (eds.), In de ban van stad en wijk, Berchem: Epo, pp. 25-62.
193
GOOSSENS, L. (1997), ‘Burgerschap en inburgering inzake wonen in België: een probleemformulering met
beleidssuggesties’, in: FOBLETS, M.C., HUBEAU, B. (eds.), Nieuwe burgers in de samenleving: burgerschap en
inburgering in België en Nederland, Leuven: Acco, pp.102-114.
194
The Royal Commissioner for Migrant Policy considered in her report of 1991 the required measures regarding the
living conditions of ethnic minorities in concentration neighbourhoods. They concluded that the measures have to be
taken irrespective of nationality or ethnic origin, as they are similar to living conditions of (Belgian) social weak
groups. DE DECKER, P. (2004), De ondraaglijke lichtheid van het beleid voor de stad in Vlaanderen. Van
geïndividualiseerd woonmodel tot stedelijke crisis: een sociologische analyse, doctoraal proefschrift, Universiteit
Antwerpen: Faculteit Politieke en Sociale Wetenschappen, p.297.
195
DARDEN, J. T. (1987), ‘Choosing neighbors and neighborhoods: the role of race in housing preference’, 15-42 in
TOBIN, G.A. (ed.), Divided neighborhoods: changing patterns of racial segregation, California: SAGE, p.16; BOLT,
G. (2001), ‘Turken en Marokkanen over concentratiebuurten: eindbestemming of tussenstation?’ in: Migrantenstudies,
17, 4: 226-245.
196
KESTELOOT, C. (1996), ‘De verwaarlozing voorbij? Achtergestelde buurten en wijkontwikkeling’, p.37, in: De
DECKER, P., HUBEAU, B., NIEUWINCKEL, S. (eds.), In de ban van stad en wijk, Berchem: Epo, pp. 25-62;
64
obscure in the way that borders between voluntary or forced ethnic segregation are blurred. The
free choice of the ‘dominant’ group or the higher economical class implicates a limitation of
choice and forced spatial concentration for the discriminated groups198. Due to the disruption in
thinking about classes in relation to ethnic minorities, researchers and policymakers in Belgiumdo
not often support this Marxist idea. Some authors are more inclined to ethnic explanations
regarding the choice of living of minorities. For them this choice is made on the basis of the place
where others of the own ethnic group are living199. Currently, academics and policy makers in
Belgium are debating about a spreading policy or a forcing social mix. This discourse aims for the
realization of the political ideal of an assimilated but multicultural society200.
Furthermore, the segregation and the life in low economic neighbourhoods create a biased
view on the autochthonous population. Those autochthonous populations, in the same
neighbourhood inhabited by immigrants, are trapped in the area because of their weak socio-
economic power. The difficult interaction in those neighbourhoods between the allochthonous
immigrants and a certain group of autochthonous, the underprivileged, will be extrapolated
towards the total autochthonous population.
When the residential area of different ethnic groups is separated and there is no ethnic mix in
the neighbourhood interactions, the facilities that promote even more segregation and
concentration will develop. Currently, the neighbourhoods with the highest concentrations of
immigrants are no longer the areas with the highest growth of minority populations. Spatial
segregation in Belgium occurs the strongest between the Turkish and the Moroccans, followed by
the Southern and Northern-Europeans.
Upon arrival, many Turkish and Moroccan immigrants chose to live in cities, often in single
neighbourhoods. De Decker describes the way a certain consolidation occurs in ethnic
neighbourhoods. He states that the main ethnic migrant communities still live in the same
neighbourhoods today as when they first arrived in the 1960sand the 1970s. They are still an
increasing part of the population in that area. Gradually, we notice the appearing of a third and
ALPHEIS, H. (1993), ‘La concentration ethnique a-t-elle vraiment de l’importance?’, p.41, in : BLANC, M., LE
BARS, S. (eds.), Les minorités dans la cité : perspectives comparatives, Parijs: L’Harmattan, pp. 37-49.
197
The ‘Preference Theory’ assumes liberty and spatial mobility of immigrant groups and is one of the models to
explain ethnic segregation from an ethnic point of view (DARDEN, J. T. (1987), ‘Choosing neighbors and
neighborhoods: the role of race in housing preference’, 15-42, in: TOBIN, G.A. (ed.), op. cit., p.30.
198
ruimtelijk perspectief, doctoraal proefschrift, Leuven: KUL, Departement Geografie-Geologie, p.25-26. VAN DEN
BERG-ELDERLING, L. (1978), Marokkaanse gezinnen in Nederland, Alphen a/d Rijn: Samsom Uitgeverij, p.183-
189.
199
WARMENBOL, L. (2005), Verre buren. Interetnische verhoudingen en dubbelzijdig cultuurcontact in een
Antwerpse stadsbuurt, Antwerpen: Universiteit Antwerpen, Faculteit Politieke en Sociale Wetenschappen, p. 27-28.
200
DUYVENDAK, J.W. (1998), ‘De gemengde wijk: integratie door differentiatie’, p.16 in Tijdschrift voor de Sociale
Sector, 3, 4: 14-19.
65
even a fourth generation of descendents of the first immigrants in those quarters. But when
moving out is an option, the nearby areas or some social residential districts are most common,
but also in those areas mechanisms of concentrations will become activated. Once more a social
ethnic infrastructure seems to develop.
III.2.2. The Interethnic Neighbourhood Life
In spite of the discord in relationship between segregation and integration, most authors agree
on the idea that socialization and network building plays a more positive role towards integration
in a heterogeneous neighbourhood than in a segregated neighbourhood201. In addition to the
relations within local urban neighbourhood communities, interesting information about interethnic
neighbourhood life arise from the processes among their individual members. Social relations
exist in a neighbourhood. In his analysis, Burgess considers the local community as a collection of
effects that can create a local culture: “Local culture includes those sentiments, forms of conduct,
attachments, and ceremonies which are characteristic of a locality, which have either originated
in the area or have become identified with it.”202
Today, a reconsideration of the classic idea of a community is needed because it is inadequate

to consider local communities as homogenous islands in the city. Unity and internal coherence
may not be expected as normal and frequent in a local community even when the members share
their origin. Paddinson writes: “To assume that the territorial community could itself be a
common bond presumes that the other identities which residents have –of ethnicity, gender, for
example– can somehow be either subsumed under the umbrella of community, or that the latter
itself will be able to supersede such difference.” 203
The current social reality of heterogeneous
urban neighbourhoods demands thinking in terms of collections of groups and of individuals. The
significant, informal relations in a neighbourhood can be used to describe the local community. A
certain affinity with the neighbourhood can be developed by means of relations although this is
not preset local.
Hannerz divides the webs of a local community in three interactional characteristics:
specialization, sustainability and frequency of interactions204. The social interethnic interactions in
a neighbourhood are influenced by the scale of sharing activities; the homogeneity of the
population; and the local consistency in sharing communal interests and the stigma of the
201
Antwerpse stadsbuurt, Antwerpen: Universiteit Antwerpen, Faculteit Politieke en Sociale Wetenschappen, p. 28.
202
BURGESS, E.W. (1974 [1925]a), ‘Can Neighborhood Work Have a Scientific Basis?’, in: JANOWITZ, M. (ed.),
op. cit., p.145.
203
PADDISON, R. (2001), ‘Communities in the city’, p201, in: PADDISON, R. (ed.), Handbook of urban studies,
Londen: SAGE Publications, pp.194-205.
66
neighbourhood.205 With regards to the homogeneity of the population, no evident degree of
contacts between the autochthonous and allochthonous neighbours is assured in a mixed
neighbourhood 206.
Different types of relations among residents of a neighbourhood and local communities are
described by Blokland-Potters207. Although physical presence is not a condition for social
relations, on the lowest local level it binds people who have no real contact. There is
interdependency in this relation, as the most frequent contacts are typed as transactions. This
contains relations based on the exchange of small services that are lucrative for both parties. This
is a more functional relation. What is important is reciprocity: it is a balanced and not a unilateral
service! We indicate still another type of relationship among neighbours, connections. People are
friendly and helpful because being a good neighbour is considered as an important value. Only in
the case of exceptional urgencies that help will be given and the maintained attitudes of distance
will be abandoned. In this type of relations among neighbours, the individuals posses a wide
social network of friends or family.
There are various obstructions for (good) interethnic contact in a neighbourhood. First of all,
the ethnic concentration itself is due to the enlarged visibility of the ‘minority’; the representation
of the ethnic group; the emphasis on their ‘own’ ethnic identity; and the language barrier and the
unfamiliarity of each other’s cultural praxis. Besides those explanations, Van Den Berg-
Elderling208 adds some obstructions within their own ethnic group, like the nearby presence of
other families from the same ethnic background209; the social control within the ethnic group; and,
the limited spare time because of social obligations towards other members of the ethnic
community. Of course, free will and free choice may counterbalance those obstructions.
Interethnic relations among neighbours display similarities among neighbours in general.

However, the perception of the relations among neighbours from different origins varies .
204
HANNERZ, U. (1980), Exploring the city: inquiries toward an urban anthropology, New York: Columbia University
Press, p. 250.
205
People are not willing to identify themselves with a neighbourhood with a bad reputation. They rather avoid
developing contacts and interactions in the neighbourhood : SCHURINGA, L. (1989), Culturen als buren, Utrecht: Jan
van Arkel, 153-154.
206
ALPHEIS, H. (1993), ‘La concentration ethnique a-t-elle vraiment de l’importance?’, in : BLANC, M., LE BARS,
S. (eds.), op. cit., pp. 37-49.
207
BLOKLAND-POTTERS, T. (1998), Wat stadsbewoners bindt: sociale relaties in een achterstandswijk, Kampen:
Kok Agora, p.140-150.
208
VAN DEN BERG-ELDERLING, L. (1978), Marokkaanse gezinnen in Nederland, Alphen a/d Rijn: Samsom
Uitgeverij, p.190-195.
209
This negative evaluation of ‘Being rooted’ made by Van Den Berg-Elderling opposes to the idea of Gailly who
notice the necessity of any interaction. (GAILLY, A. (1999), ‘Een houding die ons niet van onszelf vervreemdt en die
rekening houdt met de vreemdheid van ‘de Andere’, in: FOBLETS, M.C., PANG, C.L. (eds.), Cultuur, etniciteit en
migratie: Liber Amicorum Prof. Dr. E. Roosens, Leuven: Acco, pp.279-294.
67
Autochthonous people often have another perception of the nature of the relation. They consider
interethnic relations as positive, and they are not aware of their own intentions. They encourage
the integration of immigrant population groups, but their support is given with an attitude of
cultural superiority. Such an attitude is paternalistic and affects the self-respect of immigrants. For
the autochthonous, it often results in the feeling that the support is not appreciated by the
allochthonous . Moreover, reciprocity and the experience of equality are lacking in such a
relation. Consequently, the hypothesis210 that a higher degree of contact leads to a more positive
image is negated when there is no equality. Conflicts appear limited and what’s more, they are
inarticulated. Different reasons are given for this by Vermeulen211. The most important one would
be the decline and the departure of the older neighbours that developed before the ‘invasion’ of
immigrants. Certain people were able to leave and make room for more ‘alternative’ residents like
students. Apart from this, the inurement among the residents may exist in an ethnic and deprived
neighbourhood. The scale of emotional bond with a neighbourhood, the possibilities to leave the
neighbourhood and the level of social cohesion among the residents determine interethnic conflict
situation. Vermeulen found that conflicts are situated on demographic differences (like age) than
on ethnic ones. Nevertheless, interethnic conflicts, like competition, are partially based on the
comparison of the relations with immigrants from previous years. When no negative things are
said about the first immigrant-residents, the contact hypothesis is negated on the base of lacking
status equality.
Abover paragraph seems to support the hypothesis of concurrence The balance of power has
shifted since the arrival of the first immigrants when they were small in number and were living in
deeper poverty than the common people of the neighbourhood. As time passed, the status of
inequality decreased, and the fear of loosing the ethnic group identity starts to appear. The
underprivileged autochthonous do not consider social mobility as one of their possibilities. They
try to consolidate their situation and to lose by their look-alikes. Van San212 describes this as a
reason why they will oppress newcomers. Social comparisons of the autochthonous residents
cause feelings of relative deprivation on different fields. The racist tendencies of autochthonous
residents in ethnic neighbourhoods are based on their experiences. A causal interpretation exists in
the settlement of immigrants in neighbourhoods with the decline of those neighbourhoods.
210
Allport describes in ‘The nature of prejudice’ the assumption that a higher degree of contacts leads to a more
positive image. This idea is called the “contact hypothesis” (ALLPORT, G. (1958), The nature of prejudice: a
comprehensive and penetrating study of the origin and nature of prejudice, New York: Doubleday & Company).
211
VERMEULEN, H. (1990), ‘De multi-etnische samenleving op buurtniveau’ in: ENTZINGER, H.B., STIJNEN,
P.J.J. (eds.), Etnische minderheden in Nederland, Boom: Open Universiteit, , pp.224-226.
212
VAN SAN, M., LEERKES, A. (2001), Criminaliteit en criminalisering: allochtone jongeren in België, Amsterdam:
Amsterdam University Press, p.111-112; VISSER, L., BIERMAN, B., LENSSEN, P. (1985), ‘Concentratie en
spreiding van buitenlanders, een vergelijkende studie van twee woonwijken’, in: VON GRUMBKOW, J., VAN
KREVELD, D., STRINGER, P. (eds.), Toegepaste sociale psychologie, Lisse: Swets & Zeitlinger, pp.190-204;
BURGERS, J. (1997), ‘Voor wat, hoort wat: over inburgering van buitenlanders in de Nederlandse
huisvestingssituatie’, p.97, in: FOBLETS, M.C., HUBEAU, B. (eds.), Nieuwe burgers in de samenleving: burgerschap
en inburgering in België en Nederland, Leuven: Acco, pp. 89-99.
68
However, Vermeulen considers that the settlement of immigrants is a consequence of the ongoing
decline of the neighbourhood213.
The aspects of the cultural praxis of immigrants that are appreciated by the autochthonous
local population concern their existing group solidarity, family ties, and the hospitality and
kindness. In a way, there is a negative relationship between the perception of the number of
immigrants in the neighbourhood and the attitude towards them.
III.3. Key-issues and Problems
The phenomenon of residential segregation raises concerns not only of social justice but also
of political incorporation: their residents are defined as apolitical or politically deficient. Many
believe that neighbourhood poverty leads to political passivity214 and the few existing empirical
studies point to the lack of participation in these areas. Ethnic neighbourhoods are not absent from
this negative consideration. We will argue that migrants’ participation in the host society is
actually specific in degree and nature, and very intense. Therefore we selected two field cases
which we will analyse on a micro and meso level, departing from our broader definitions of
political participation and the intertwine between private and public sphere. Our arguments will
go against the widely spread idea that exists in both in public and scientific discourses about the
passivity of migrants and foreign-origin individuals and groups. It also rejects the idea of migrants
as apolitical members in the host society, especially in segregated neighbourhoods.
Interactions on a local level depend on the extension of spending time in the neighbourhood by
several local residents. In her research, Blokland-Potters215 relates the use of the neighbourhood to
socio-demographic marks. The difference in gender is latent, especially in the ethnic
neighbourhood that she investigated. As expected, a traditional role-patron was founded. The men
are mainly working outside the neighbourhood. The public sphere of the neighbourhood is used
by women who are responsible for the household and the children. As a consequence, more
women are found on the street, in the shops, the local schools or the community centre- although
the ‘reality’ contains more differences and nuances.
Although the cultural praxis of women from another ethnic background may not allow
women to come outside on their own, Blokland-Potters concludes that the ethnic
neighbourhood does not count as the ‘outside world’. In addition, regarding the life cycle,
more young women are using the neighbourhood compared to the men, especially when they
213
VERMEULEN, H. (1990) : art. cit., p.226.
214
LEWIS, Oscar : “ The Culture of Poverty ”, in MOYNIHAN, Daniel (ed.) : On Understanding Poverty. New York,
Basic Books, 1968, pp. 187-200; WILSON, William : The Truly Disadvantaged : The Inner City, the Underclass, and
Public Policy. Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1987.
69
have young children and are not working out. After retirement, men and women spend more
time in the quarter. With consideration to the differences between income and educational
level, those who are higher educated, and have a job outside the quarter and who earn more
money also spend more spare time outside the neighbourhood. Nevertheless, all the former
conclusions rule over the differences in ethnicity! Such a result arouses interest on social
participation on the local neighbourhood level by young women with different ethnic
backgrounds, especially in relation to the education of their children.
215
BLOKLAND-POTTERS, T. (1998), op. cit.
70
PART II : PRESENTATION OF THE FIELDWORK
CHAPTER IV: PRESENTATION OF FIELD CASE I: VISÉ – CHERATTE
« Je me souviens en Turquie qu’on attendait les lettres de mon père, la première puis la deuxième,
puis à la troisième, on est parti. J’avais 9 ans… je me souviens surtout du goût des mandarines, je
n’en ai jamais mangé d’aussi bonnes depuis » (woman, 35 years old)
IV.1. Visé, Wallonia
IV.1.1. Visé and Cheratte, Liège Province
Wallonia is composed of five provinces: Hainaut, Brabant Wallon, Namur, Luxembourg

and Liège. In Wallonia, economic restructuring and de-industrialization have deeply affected
migrant workers in the mining and metallurgy sectors. This is particularly the case for
migrants from Morocco and Turkey, who were part of the last migratory influx to Belgium,
coming to work in these industries in the 1960s and 70s. Data216 show that their descendants,
who are often born in Belgium and are often Belgian citizens, have lower scores with regard
to education, income, employment rate, professional skills, etc. In other words, social
mobility seems slower for them than for the descendants of previous migrants (such as Italian,
Polish, Spanish or Portuguese-origin individuals).
The research, which is the subject of this paper, was conducted in the province of Liège,
an Eastern province bordering the Netherlands and Germany, specifically in the City of Visé.
The City of Visé is composed of six different villages: Visé, Lanaye, Lixhe, Richelle,
Argenteau and Cheratte. These villages were grouped together, in a process called the “fusion
des communes”, into a single administrative entity in 1976. The city is home to 17,000
people, with approximately 3,500 people of Turkish and Moroccan origin. The six villages
are very different: Visé is a rich commercial and tourist-oriented center; Lanaye is quite rural;
Lixhe is semi-rural and is home to the cement industry; Richelle is rural and residential;
Argenteau is residential and Cheratte is a former industrial mining area. Cheratte is located
about 13 kilometers from the center of Visé and about 15 kilometers from Liège. The village
of Cheratte is divided geographically into two entities: Cheratte-Bas, along the River Meuse,
an area developed around mining activities, and Cheratte-Hauteurs, up in the hills. Cheratte
has been affected by the construction of important transport infrastructure, such as the railway
216
Lesthaeghe, R.: Communities and Generations. Turkish and Moroccan Populations in Belgium. Brussels,
VUB, 2000 and Timmerman, Christine (et al.): “The Second Generation in Belgium”, in International Migration
Review, vol.37, n°4, 2003, pp.1065-1090.
71
(intercity trains between Maastricht, Liège and Knokke), and the A25 (Liège-Maastricht) and
the E40 (Brussels-Aachen)217 highways. The development of Cheratte dates back to the end of
the 19th century with mining activities (Charbonnages du Hasard)218. In Cheratte-Bas,
housing for miners was built in the 1920s to host national and foreign workers, mostly of
Polish and Italian origin. In the 1960s, Spanish, Greek and Portuguese workers came to work
in the mines. The last workers arrived from Turkey and Morocco at the end of the sixties. The
mining industry shut down quite rapidly with the decline of coal energy, and the mine closed
in 1977. But the housing for miners was preserved and restored as part of a protected
architectural site. The buildings were transformed into public social housing219. These houses
are now predominantly home to Turkish workers formerly employed in the mines. In
Cheratte-Hauteurs, there was no housing for miners per se, but Moroccan workers were
housed and concentrated in social housing in the Hoignées neighborhood, while others settled
in the neighborhood of Sabaré. The village of Cheratte is part of the “ZAP 24”, a Priority
Action Zone designed to concentrate social programs in deprived areas.
Economic activities in Cheratte-Bas are almost non-existent, apart from five cafés, three
small drugstores, two bakeries and one small arms factory. Most of the stores are owned by
Turkish-origin inhabitants, offering ethnic products to the community. In Cheratte-Hauteurs,
business is brisker, although on a small scale, with more stores, and a wood factory. There is
also a bank and a post office.
In 1989, the total population amounted to 17,104 residents, of whom 7,240 lived in Visé,
4,897 lived in Cheratte and 4,967 in the other villages. By nationality, there were 14,243
Belgian citizens, and 2,861 foreigners. The three main foreign groups were Turks (37%),
Italians (24%), and Moroccans (10%). It is important to note that, among the Belgian citizens,
there are many of Spanish, Greek, Italian, French, Dutch and Polish origin who are
naturalized residents, and no longer counted as foreign in the census.
In 1995, the entity had 16,661 inhabitants, of whom 7,620 lived in Visé, 4,682 lived in
Cheratte and 3,783 in the other villages. By nationality, there were 14,384 Belgian citizens,
and 2,227 foreigners, mostly from Turkey (38%), Italy (25%), Morocco (8%), the
Netherlands (7%), Spain (5%), France (4%), and Greece (3%). The rest (7%) represented
more than 34 other nationalities (see Table 7).
217
Coll.: “Petit Atlas de Visé”, in Notices visétoises, n°23, septembre 1987.
218
Ville de Visé: “Les quartiers de Visé: Cheratte”, in Les rendez-vous de l’histoire, n°6, 1993; Ville de Visé:
“Visé et son hôtel de ville”, in Les rendez-vous de l’histoire, n°7, 1994; Ville de Visé: “Cheratte se souvient: son
charbonnage, ses mineurs”, in Les rendez-vous de l’histoire, n°16, 1997.
219
Ville de Visé: “La régionale visétoise d’habitations”, in Les rendez-vous de l’histoire, n°19, 1999.
72
Table 7: Comparative demographic data (1995)
Belgian Foreigners Total % Foreigners

citizens Population
Visé Cité 7,147 473 7,620 6.20
Richelle 1,085 39 1,124 3.46
Argenteau 1,227 63 1,290 4.88
Cheratte- 2,027 471 2,498 18.85
Hauteurs
Cheratte-Bas 1,102 1,082 2,184 49.54
Lixhe 1,080 82 1,162 7.05
Lanaye 716 67 783 8.55
Total 14,384 2,277 16,661 13.66
Table 7. Source: National Register, 1995
Updated data for 01/10/2001 are not yet completely available. However, it is evident that
residential concentration affects primarily Turkish-origin people who live in the ethnic
enclave220 of Cheratte-Bas, whereas Moroccan-origin people are more concentrated in
Cheratte-Hauteurs. The census data report a set of determinants for social exclusion. The
unemployment rate in Visé is about 16% and 28% for Cheratte, and the median household
income is 20,106 Euros for Visé and only 17,487 Euros for Cheratte (see Table 8).
Table 8: Comparative demographic data (2000)
Total Average % % % Population Median

population family size persons persons persons evolution household
less 18-65 over 65 (1991-2001) income
than 18 years years (Euros)
years old old
old
Visé Cité 7,636 2.34 20.02 60.95 19.03 -0.99 20,106
Richelle 1,130 2.65 24.51 62.21 13.27 14.14 22,885
Argenteau 1,206 2.50 18.08 69.49 12.44 -9.93 28,439
220
See definitions in Chapter III.
73
Cheratte 4,708 2.67 25.23 59.81 14.95 -3.72 17,487
Lixhe 1,328 2.49 24.85 61.52 13.63 3.67 19,006
Lanaye 761 2.52 21.16 66.62 12.22 -2.56 20,795
Total 16,769 2.47 22.08 61.63 16.29 -1.47 20,179
In terms of home ownership rates, Cheratte residents are below the city average. 54% own
their own homes, while 23% live in social housing. This contrasts, with the city level where
59% own their own property and 16% live in social housing.
Table 9: Comparative status of ownership (2001)

Total Owner Renters Ownership
number of Individual Social Other Private rate (%)
houses [OR housing public society
dwellings??] body
Visé Cité 3,136 1,649 694 535 21 80 52.58
Richelle 421 358 42 1 2 4 85.03
Argenteau 464 379 61 0 1 3 81.68
Cheratte 1,724 935 254 359 44 30 54.23
Lixhe 529 334 67 72 8 7 63.13
Lanaye 301 227 39 2 8 9 75.41
Total 6,575 3,882 1,157 969 84 133 59.04
IV.1.2. Multi-level migrant integration policy
In Cheratte –Visé , as well as in Wallonia as a whole, we can distinguish different levels

implementing the integration and social policies targeting migrants and migrant-origin people.
Federal level
Migrant integration policy is supported at the federal level through the Fonds
d’Impulsion à la Politique des Immigrés (FIPI), or Fund for Implementing Policies for
Immigrants. After the 1991 riots led by migrant-origin youth in Forest (a Brussels commune)
and other areas, the federal government decided to create this special fund - the FIPI - in order
74
to finance annual projects to improve migrants’ social and economic integration in designated
areas221. The research here deals specifically with a co-ordinated group of associations named
the PIC (Projet Intégré Cheratte), which has been financed by FIPI funds since 1991 (see
below).
Regional level
At the beginning of the 1980s in Wallonia, the French Community created a

mediating space between public agencies and migrant-services associations. In particular, it
launched a Migrants’ Advisory Committee (CCICF: Conseil Consultatif des Immigrés auprès
de la Communauté française, known then as the CCPOE: Conseil Consultatif pour les
Populations d’Origine Etrangère). The French Community developed two main targets. The
first was social integration to favor equal opportunities and the second was intercultural
dialogue to respect the diversity of identities. The Migrants’ Advisory Committee was to
disappear by 1993 after a constitutional revision, which transferred migrant integration policy
to regional authorities. This regionalization favored the creation of Integration Regional
Centers, through the vote of a 1996 decree, which defined their competencies and financing in
order to “integrate foreigners or foreign-origin people”. Today, there are seven regional
centers in Wallonia: Centre d’Action Interculturelle de la province de Namur (CAI), Centre
d’Action Interculturelle de la Région du Centre (CeRAIC), Centre Interculturel de Mons-
Borinage (CIMB), Centre Régional d’Intégration du Brabant Wallon (CRIBW), Centre
Régional d’Intégration de Charleroi (CRIC), Centre Régional d’Intégration pour les
Personnes étrangères ou d’origine étrangère de Liège (CRIPEL), Centre Régional de
Verviers pour l’Intégration des personnes étrangères ou d’origine étrangère (CRVI). They
are grouped in a federation called Fédération des Centres régionaux pour l’Intégration
(FéCRI). In opposition to the cultural emancipation policy chosen by the Flemish
Community, it is often said that the French Community prefers to valorize lifelong non-ethnic
education. The use of a target terminology such as “disadvantaged group” is seen as more
comprehensive and avoids the recognition of migrants’ cultural specificity and often of their
organizations. The Centre Régional d’Intégration pour les Personnes étrangères ou d’origine
étrangère de Liège (CRIPEL) (led by Jean-Michel Heusquin) is in charge of the Visé area222.
It has not yet developed specific projects for the area, although previously some co-ordination
221
REA, Andrea: Immigration, Etat et citoyenneté. La formation de la politique d’intégration des immigrés de la
Belgique. Thèse: science politique, ULB, 1999.
222
CRIPEL: Rapport d’Activités 2003. CRIPEL, Liège, 2004.
75
existed on an informal level. In 2006, CRIPEL and the City of Visé will come together to
promote electoral registration of non-EU foreign residents in Cheratte. The overall program is
called “Elections communales 2006. Belge ou étranger, je suis citoyen!”223 and will
specifically target Moroccan and Turkish citizens, who are not naturalized, but who fulfill the
legal criteria to vote in the local elections, as specified by the March 19, 2004 legislation. The
Wallonia region has also implemented “targeted areas”, called “priority action areas” (Zones
d’Action Prioritaire) and “Priority Action Schools” (Zones d’Education Prioritaire)224.
Programs, such as “Ecole de la Réussite” (1995), “Missions” (1997) and “Discriminations
positives” (1998), were put into practice in a problem-solving approach, which refers mainly
to the socio-economic characteristics of the target groups, and not to their ethnic origin.
Local level
At the local level, there are three main participants involved in migrant integration policy.
The first participant is the CPAS (Centre Public d’Aide Sociale). This targets the
overall population, including migrants or migrant-origin people, and its activities are twofold:
providing individual public support (aide sociale individualisée) and providing community
support (travail communautaire). The individual approach promotes social integration
through employment or minimum financial support and provides social support through
council, information, structural programs, and psychosocial and medical help. However, after
the 1991 riots in Brussels, and the “mini-riots” in Cheratte, the CPAS also started developing
community-rooted activities by training mediators and social workers to work in the
predominantly immigrant-origin communities. The CPAS also offers literacy programs for
adults, after-school programs for children and youth activities. In Cheratte-Bas, a Youth
Center was opened, but this was shut down in the mid 1990s following vandalism. It has at
various times opened and closed since then, as recently as in June 2005, and was reopened
again in January 2006. In Cheratte-Hauteurs, the Community Center was vandalized several
times, was shut down once, opened again and then burnt down. It is now definitely closed
down.
223
FéCRI: Elections communales 2006. Belge ou étranger, je suis citoyen ! Namur, FéCRI, 2005.
224
FLORENCE, Eric: "L’enseignement en rapport avec les populations d’origine étrangère en Communauté
Française de Belgique", in Brans, Marlee, Jacobs, Dirk (et al., eds.): Recherches et Politiques Publiques: le cas
de l’immigration en Belgique. Bruxelles, Academia, 2004, pp. 121-194. Cf. Chapter II.
76
It is important to note that the CPAS executive board is a political institution. It is currently
led by an elected Green official (Paul Lemaire), and has ten members designated by the city
council for six years. The political composition of the CPAS is described in Table 10:
Table 10: Political composition of the CPAS council (2005)
MR (Reformist Ecolo (Green) PS (Socialist Party) CdH

Movement) + PC (Communist (Humanist
Party) and
Democrat
Center)
Marie Claire Jean-François Blanche Lejeune Louis-Marie
Kinet Verjans Leroy
Robert Menten Michel Hofman
Ahmet Karabayir Guy Vreuls
Victor Meurice Jacques Chevalier
Table 10.
The second participant in migration integration policy is an elected official in charge

of Social Affairs, Mrs Viviane Couchard-Dessart (MR), who leads the Visé Prevention
Service (Service de prévention), composed of community workers and co-ordinators of social
support. The service has followed the various programs initiated by legislative and political
changes throughout the 1990s and 2000s at both federal and regional levels. From 1992 to
1997, local authorities implemented Actions against Exclusion and for Security (ALES:
Actions de lutte contre l’Exclusion et pour la Sécurité). From 1997 to 2003, a new federal
program entitled the Integrated Social Plan (PSI: Plan Social Intégré) began at the local level.
This program was also called Security and Prevention Contracts (Contrats de Prévention et de
Sécurité) at the level of the biggest cities and was financed by the Interior Ministry. From
2004 onwards, these programs were replaced by the Prevention Plan (PPP: Plan de
Prévention). These programs have various goals: professional integration, social and cultural
integration of young people, cohabitation and harmonious integration of local communities,
prevention of drug addiction, and prevention of petty crime. The target population for these
programs is young people aged between 15 and 25 years. Street mediators (éducateurs de rue)
are employed through this program. Programs are subject to federal and regional budget cuts,
77
which are quite cyclical and which affect the results in the field225. The street mediators
formed the “Association of Neighborhood Housing Representatives and Street Mediators of
the Basse-Meuse” in 2000. In Cheratte, there are two and a half community workers working
full-time in the area. The co-ordinator of the prevention service represents the city and
participates in the PIC (Projet Intégré Cheratte, see below).
The third example of participants in migrant integration policy are the various non-
governmental organizations providing support in the fields of culture, sports and social
relations whose aim is, directly or indirectly, to target the migrant-origin population in
Cheratte. Some of those organizations have been jointly grouped since 1989 in a co-
ordinating team with public-service agencies, a committee called the Cheratte/Visé
Coordination Committee (CCV: Comité de Coordination Cheratte/Visé). This committee was
renamed in 1998 as the Cheratte Integrated Project (PIC: Projet Intégré226 Cheratte). The
committee was created to respond to various issues in Cheratte: youth violence, lack of
communication between “Belgian” and Turkish and Moroccan-origin residents, street
disturbance, development of religious activities, women’s social isolation, etc. The PIC is
particularly examined during this research: its history, its objectives, its projects, and its
participants’ discourses are examined.
IV.1.3. Social and political participation in Visé-Cheratte
Education and Youth
There are two local public elementary schools, Ecole primaire et maternelle in Cheratte-
Hauteurs and in Cheratte-Bas, and two Catholic schools, Notre Dame in Cheratte-Bas and
Saint Joseph in Cheratte-Hauteurs. In Cheratte-Bas, schools are composed of 90% Turkish-
origin pupils.
225
"Cheratte-Hauteurs. Ce projet fut initié en 1997 dans le cadre du Contrat de Prévention; la réduction de la
délinquance juvénile, l’apaisement des conflits intergénérationnels et la non reconduction par le Ministère de
l’Intérieur des subventions allouées à la ville de Visé, nous amènent à poursuivre les actions sportives et socio-
culturelles à l’égard des adolescents via le PSI", in Ville de Visé: Plan Social Intégré 2002. Visé. Visé, Service
Prévention, 2002, p. 9. "Cheratte-Bas. Le CPAS de Visé organise depuis de nombreuses années diverses actions
sociales sur cette localité (…). Des problèmes de déviance et de délinquance se développent de manière
croissante depuis l’année 2000", in ibid., p. 10.
226
"La notion de ‘projet intégré’ renvoie ici aux lieux inextricables entre les différents types d’exclusions vécues
par les groupes marginalisés ou en voie de l’être et en particulier par les minorités issues de l’immigration. Si les
exclusions sont multiples et s’intensifient mutuellement en des systèmes complexes, elles doivent être
combattues dans des terrains eux aussi multiples", in IRFAM: Projet intégré Visé/Cheratte. Note de présentation
interne, archive CPAS, non daté, p. 1.
78
At the school level: Education has been an issue since as far back as 1991 when the
local Turkish-origin population boycotted the public school in order to force the municipal
authorities to improve security around the school area in Cheratte-Bas (a pupil was fatally
injured by a car). It is also stated that parents pressured the mayor in order to gain flexibility
around school term start and finish dates, so as to allow children to travel back to Turkey
during the summer, or to observe Ramadan. As 90% of the pupils are of Turkish origin, there
are no intercultural conflicts in the schools among the children themselves, but tensions could
emerge between parents, children and teachers. Parents have formed a school committee on a
very precarious basis.
Out of school: Literacy programs for adults, youth activities, and after-school
programs for children have been proposed by the PIC and are funded by FIPI funds. Major
issues are: degree of attendance by the targeted population; gender mix in activities; use of the
Youth Center by targeted youth; religious courses and after-school programs offered by the
mosques. The University of Liège has been actively involved in the area since the 1980s, at
different stages and levels: literacy programs, evaluation of PIC co-ordination, advisory
committees, the placement of interns, student participation in after-school programs, reports
carried out by psychology and education students, the placement of researchers, etc. The
academic involvement started in the Psychology and Education departments, which had
different programs targeting “youth cultural adjustment”, in particular young people of
foreign origin. Among the researchers, Michel Born, in particular, led the experiments at that
time. At the beginning of the 1990s, there was a retreat, and then a new involvement, from
1998 to 2002, through a non-profit making research center called IRFAM (Institut de
Recherche, Formation et Action sur les Migrations). IRFAM conducted numerous
experiments and was, in fact, in charge of the implementation of the FIPI program in Cheratte
for two years (2001-2002)227. IRFAM researchers published quite a number of articles and
recently compiled their thoughts in a book by Christophe Parthoens and Altay Manço, De
Zola à Atatürk: “un village musulman” en Wallonie (L’Harmattan, 2005). This publication is
highly controversial among social actors in the area, and the overall IRFAM involvement in
the field has also been criticized. Both institutions, the University of Liège and IRFAM, have
227
"Des membres de l’IRFAM travaillent à Cheratte depuis fin 1985. Tour à tour, ils y ont joué le rôle
d’éducateur social, de médiateur interculturel, de coordonnateur d’actions socio-éducatives et de formateur-
accompagnateur de travailleurs sociaux. Ils ont accumulé une grande expérience et de nombreuses archives sur
les réalités, les populations et les institutions de cette localité", in Parthoens, C.; Manço, A. 2005. De Zola à
Atatürk: " un village musulman" en Wallonie. Paris, L’Harmattan, p. 21.
79
been crucial actors in the field, establishing Cheratte as an “experimental laboratory” for
implementing “new programs and visions”.
Religious activities
In Cheratte, there are two Catholic churches, Notre Dame and Saint Joseph, each offering
Sunday mass on alternate weeks. One is located in Cheratte-Bas, the other one in Cheratte-
Hauteurs. Attendance is quite poor and the congregation mainly consists of elderly people.
There is one Protestant temple in Cheratte-Bas, which offers a weekly service. Attendance
here is also quite poor. Protestant activities date back to the mid-19th century and religious
activities were celebrated here as early as 1851. The Cheratte temple was opened in 1905. In
1978, the temple incorporated the EPUB: Eglise Protestante Unie de Belgique. Pastor Davi is
in charge of the office and publishes a monthly letter called Le Lien.
There are three mosques: two Turkish mosques in Cheratte-Bas and one Moroccan mosque in
Cheratte-Hauteurs. They are all very active in the village. The “Mimar Sinan” Mosque, the
oldest, was founded by Turkish-origin mining workers as early as in the 1970s, but has gained
official recognition only since 1982. By then, the Turkish community had acquired a building
and established itself as an asbl (non-profit making organization), named Association
d’Entraide des Familles Turques de Cheratte (AEFTC), also known as the Association
culturelle turque de Cheratte. The AEFTC organizes social activities, after-school programs,
religious activities, and courses in the Koran. the organization is supported by the Turkish
state and consulate, which finance and choose the local Imam, as part of the DITIB or
DIYANET. The DIYANET is a state-sponsored network that supports religious activities by
the Turkish community abroad. The City considers this mosque to be the official
representative of the entire Turkish community, but provides almost no financial support for
its social activities. In the mid-1990s, the mosque was supposedly infiltrated by Turkish
extreme-right leaders (“Grey wolves”) and was shut down by the local authorities228, but only
for a short period. The mosque has been reopened and is considered today officially to
represent the Turkish Muslim-origin community.
228
A City report states: "Elle est infiltrée par les “Loups Gris”, fédération qui représente l’Extrême-Droite
turque, c’est à dire les ultra-nationalistes et idéalistes. Un des buts de la fédération est de lutter pour éviter la
déculturalisation des Turcs d’Europe", in Ville de Visé: Plan d’Action 1997 - BDE Visé. Visé, 1997, inc., p. 6.
80
The second mosque, “Aya Sofya”, is the most recent Turkish mosque, built in 1989 after a
split from the “Mimar Sinan” Mosque. Its members have bought two buildings in which to
conduct religious and social activities, for adults and children. The Imam works on a
voluntary basis (bénévole), is not attached to the mosque and the person filling this role
changes quite often. The mosque is designated as an asbl, called Association culturelle de
Cheratte. The mosque is considered by the local population as well as by public authorities to
be more “radical” and does not benefit from any support from the Turkish state or from the
City. The mosque is supposedly linked to the “Milli Görüs” movement229. Conflict occurs
between the local authorities and the mosque, and competition exists between this and the
“Mimar Sinan” Mosque.
The third mosque, “Al Takwa”, is located in Cheratte-Hauteurs and was designated an asbl by
its Moroccan-origin members in 1987. This mosque also provides social and religious
activities, although on a smaller and less visible scale. In 2004, the local authorities partly
supported the construction of a new building for the mosque, although it was considered in
the mid-1990s to have been infiltrated by fundamentalists230. Moroccan-origin inhabitants
struggled for many years to obtain the right to build the mosque.
The two Turkish mosques attract a large attendance, whereas the Moroccan mosque is less
well attended, and usually only by first-generation older migrants. There is no Muslim
cemetery in the entity, an issue that has provoked intense debate since the beginning of the
1990s, and one which seems to be on the agenda once again as local elections approach.
Formal Politics
Party Politics: The City of Visé Council has a mayor (bourgmestre), elected at universal
suffrage by the City Council but nominated by the King. The previous mayor was Mrs Cahay-
André (PSC - Social-Christian Party in coalition with PRL, Liberal Reform Party) from 1976
to 1988. Following this, the current mayor, Mr Neven (PRL in coalition with PS, Socialist
Party) took over in 1988 and has served until now. Thus, Marcel Neven (now MR - Liberal)
229
The report states: "Milli Gorus, intégriste, a pour but ultime la restauration en Turquie de la loi islamique,
c’est à dire un retour à un état théocratique opposé à l’option laïque du gouvernement actuel. Le Milli Gorus: une
réislamisation des Turc d’Europe, éviter la déculturalisation des Turcs de l’immigration. (…) organise des loisirs
de façon à éviter que la jeunesse ne soit en contact direct avec les jeunes belges éduqués dans des valeurs
étrangères à celles de l’Islam", in Ville de Visé: op. cit., p. 6.
230
The report states: "Mosquée Al Takwa, mosquée fréquentée par les fondamentalistes religieux", in Ville de
Visé: ibid., p. 8.
81
has been the mayor in charge for 18 years. He is currently leading his third mandate thanks to
a coalition with one elected Green official. The Collège échevinal is in charge of day to day
affairs: there are 5 échevins (deputy mayors: 4 MR and 1 Ecolo) chosen by the City Council
to be in post for six years. The Conseil Communal is composed of 25 members: 19 elected
officials: 7 from the MR, 8 from the PS, one from the PC (Communist Party), three from CdH
(Humanist Democrat Center, ex PSC); and the six above-mentioned members of the Collège
échevinal. The political coalition is unsteady. In 2000, the coalition was formed only thanks
to the support of one elected official from the Green Party (see Table 11).
Table 11: Power sharing in Visé (1976-2000)
Year PS PSC- PRL-MR PC RW Ecolo

CdH
1976 8 9 5 2 1 NA
1982 8 9 6 2 0 NA
1988 9 10 6 0 0 0
1994 9 8 7 0 NA 1
2000 9 3 17 0 NA 1
Table 11. Source: Electoral Register.
Before the 1976 decree on village reunification, Cheratte actually had a specific
elected mayor. The mayor before this decree was Marcel Leveaux (1964-1970, 1970-1976)
from the Belgian Communist Party (PCB). Since 1946, Cheratte has always been led by
Socialist mayors or by a coalition of Communist and center-left parties (Andrien and
Kowalski). The political tradition towards the left can largely be explained by the former
mining industries. Here trade unions were very active. The tendency towards the left can also
be explained by the presence of migrant workers who left Italy or Spain not only for
economic reasons but also to flee from the Mussolini and Franco regimes. At that time, the
political participation of migrants was mostly channeled though the unions, since few of them
were naturalized Belgian citizens or could vote.
The Nationality Code and Electoral Reforms: The reforms to the Belgian Nationality Code
have made it easier for people of foreign origin to acquire citizenship. Naturalization rates
increased among migrants in the 1990s and other forms of acquisition of nationality have
82
been developed, such as acquisition by birth at the third generation and acquisition by
declaration. Simultaneously, the Maastricht Treaty allowed EU citizens to vote in local
elections and in European elections, which they did first in 1999. In Cheratte, this means that
non-naturalized Spanish, Portuguese, Dutch, French, Greek and Italian-origin residents have
been able to turn out for the first time in local elections. Those of Polish origin will soon be
conceded the same right, as Poland joined the EU in 2004. In addition, the March 19, 2004
Belgian electoral reform authorized non-EU citizens to cast their votes in local elections as
well. Foreigners can vote only if they are a minimum of 18 years old on the day of the
elections, if they are in possession of all civic and political rights, and if they have lived
continuously in a Belgian entity during the five years preceding the introduction of the
electoral registration demand. This means that most Moroccan and Turkish residents will be
able to register and vote in the 2006 local elections. Although, in both the Moroccan and the
Turkish communities, the majority of the foreign-origin population has opted for
naturalization231, as the process became easier in the 1990s, this ability to vote will still
produce a new dynamic at the local level (see Table 12). Political parties will have to reach
out to this specific electorate. These changes in migrants’ formal political participation during
the 2000 and the pre-2006 local elections period are of interest.
Table 12: Number of naturalizations in Visé (1988-2004)

Year Naturalization Total
Population
1988 19 NA
1989 27 NA
1990 15 17,057
1991 25 17,024
1992 123 16,903
1993 63 16,871
1994 138 16,833
1995 124 16,661
1996 116 16,588
1997 105 16,569
1998 100 16,511
1999 95 16,617
231
Reforms of 1994, 1998 and 2001.
83
2000 236 16,769
2001 217 16,781
2002 62 16,875
2003 85 NA
2004 NA 16,876
Table 12. Source: National Register
Non-profit making organizations and informal politics
There are many non-profit making organizations in Visé and Cheratte. They are too numerous
to list in full, but we will select some representative cases from the sports and entertainment
fields. In particular, of specific interest, are the three aforementioned mosques, the
multicultural organization called Cheratte Quartier de Vie and informal women’s groups.
Cheratte Quartier de Vie (CQV) was created in 1998 as an individual initiative by Dany
Germain and Jacques Chevalier, two newly established Cheratte residents. The first was also
elected to the City Council in 2000 (MR), while the second was elected to the CPAS (PS).
CQV specifies multicultural goals and composition: its organization gathers Belgian and non-
Belgian residents from multiple origins (Italy, Turkey, Greece, Spain, etc.). Its main projects
are two-fold: the creation of a children’s entertainment space (Espace Loisirs) at the entrance
to the village in 2003, and the organization of the annual celebration called Local Color
(“Couleur Locale”), whose purpose is to represent local cultural diversity through dance, food
stands, music, and shows. Numerous volunteers participate throughout the year to organize
the celebratory event, which attracted more than two thousand people from inside and outside
of the village in 2005. The women’s groups are informal groups, not designated as asbls. One
is made up of Turkish and Turkish-origin women in Cheratte-Bas, is led by a social service
representative and is partially funded by FIPI funds, while the second one is self-funded and
is organized mostly by second-generation Moroccan women.
IV.2. Methodology
The researcher conducted an ethnographic study through qualitative methods between

March 2005 and January 2006. She observed different collective arenas, such as community
meetings, cultural events, etc. In addition to participatory observation, she conducted semi-
84
structured interviews with community leaders, members of organizations, elected officials and
governmental agency representatives involved in local life. She led focus groups232 with
neighborhood residents. Finally, she examined local newspapers and archives as well as
theoretical literature. She used the triangulation of sources and methods to provide a picture
that was as detailed and comprehensive as possible233.
IV.2.1. Observation activities
Since December 2004, the CEDEM has been involved in the PIC (Projet Intégré Cheratte) as
an advisory member (comité d’accompagnement). The researcher was introduced and was
invited to observe the monthly meetings of the PIC co-ordination committee, from March
2005 to March 2006. Other main observation opportunities included: a one-day visit to
Cheratte by a Swedish committee from the City of Malmö, composed of social workers,
academics and city representatives (May 2005); an annual celebration of the “entertainment
space”, a project led by residents and the Cheratte Quartier de Vie organization (June 2005)
and observation of daily-life in Cheratte and Visé.
IV.2.2. Semi-structured interviews
32 semi-structured interviews were conducted from April 2005 to September 2005 with: a)
elected officials from all political parties; b) members of the executive boards of the Public
Social Support Center (CPAS) from all political parties; c) social workers; d) members of
non-profit making organizations located in Cheratte or working in the interest of migrants; e)
local and regional authorities dealing with migrant issues; f) selected residents; g)
representatives of religious organizations. The interview list and the interview guide can be
found in Annexes 1 and 2, respectively.
IV.2.3. Focus groups
Focus groups involving the local population were organized in October and November 2005.
In order to reach out into the population, the research was initiated from the mosques and
232
KRUEGER, R.; JEAN, A.: Involving community members in focus groups. London, Sage, 1998; MORGAN,
D.: Focus groups as qualitative research. London, Sage, 1997 (2nd ed.).
233
Becker, H. (2002) Les ficelles du métier. Comment conduire sa recherche en sciences sociales, La
Découverte, Paris; BOURDIEU, Pierre; Chamboredon, Jean-Claude; Passeron, Jean-Claude: Le métier de
sociologue: préalables épistémologiques. Paris, Mouton, 1980.
85
social services. The fact that the selection of participants was first made through these two
organizations had an impact on the profile of those selected. This was an unavoidable bias.
The groups were composed of 6 to 15 persons, using definite variables such as age, gender,
social class and ethnic origin. All participants spoke good French, or were French-speaking
natives. Focus groups involved an assistant, a moderator and a mediator. They lasted no more
than two hours each and were organized around three main topics: local life issues at stake;
participation in local life; local identity. The focus group guide is presented in Annex 3. Table
7 details the organization of the focus groups.
Table 13: Focus group data
Group Organizing Location CEDEM Date and time

partner
Group 1: Cheratte Quartier Multi-sports Emmanuelle Le October 24th
Mix from de Vie hall Texier 18h-20h
Cheratte-Bas Jean Michel Lafleur
Niki Papamatestiou
Group 2: None After school Emmanuelle Le November 16th
Mix from local [OR Texier 18h-20h
Cheratte- Local after Jérôme Jamin
Hauteurs school
club??]
Group 3: CPAS + After school Emmanuelle Le November 16h
Non-EU Mimar Sinan local [OR Texier Cancelled
migrant- origin Local after Niki Papamatestiou
women from school
Cheratte-Bas club??]
Group 4: Peace Way [OR Mimar Sinan Marco Martiniello November 14th
Non-EU Way of Peace??] Mosque Hassan Bousetta 18h-20h
migrant-origin + Enfants
men from d’Anatolie
Cheratte-Bas
Table 13.
It is important to note that the initial goal was to organize six focus groups, but the research
procedure was too cumbersome to put into place. Organizing the focus groups required the
presence of inhabitants and researchers simultaneously, and it took a lot of energy to try to
compose the groups and to persuade the inhabitants to participate. This is not a problem
specific to Cheratte, but to all research processes organized around the focus group
methodology. This methodology is time consuming. Nevertheless, four focus groups were
organized, three of them taking place as planned and gathering important and interesting
86
information and data. However, the fourth focus group that was planned was cancelled as
only two persons showed up and this was transformed instead into an informal conversation.
On two occasions, participants expressed their satisfaction with the discussion and felt that
collective debate was needed in the village, but that it was quite absent from day to day life.
In total, thanks to the focus groups, about 33 persons were interviewed.
All face to face interviews and focus group discussions were transcribed by the researcher in
order to be better analyzed. It is impossible to provide the all data in the report, but one focus
group transcription is annexed to the report to provide examples from the field work (see
Annex 4).
IV.2.4. Literature review
International, national, regional and local literature were reviewed for the project234. In
addition, local newspapers were surveyed: La Meuse, Le Jour Liège, and Visé Magazine.
Statistics from the census and ministries were used. Finally, indigenous sources were
checked: reports from the local authorities, unpublished reports from social agencies, archives
from the City of Visé Prevention Service and from the CPAS (period 1990 to 2005235), as
well as formal and informal internet sources236. The references are available in the References
section. The researcher also attempted to illustrate her report through her photographic
material collected during the fieldwork.
IV.3. Research Results
The qualitative research, conducted for approximately nine months, led to the collection of
quite a large amount of data and information. The main objective of the qualitative research
was to focus on interactions existing between a broad range of actors at the local level, in a
context of spatial and social exclusion of certain groups (here Turkish and Moroccan-origin
inhabitants of Cheratte). After selection and analysis of these qualitative data, four main
issues are stressed as being fundamental to a better understanding of the political and social
participation of migrants and migrant-origin people in the Visé area. The results of the
234
Chapters I, II, III.
235
Thanks to Martine Bourdoux and Bernadette Kinet (CPAS) and to Dominique Niwa (Visé Prevention
Service) for total access to the archives.
87
research lead us to propose or suggest some recommendations to the local authorities on the
one hand and to elaborate some policy-oriented reflexions in a broader perspective on the
other. It is important to remember that the recommendations suggested here are made very
cautiously. There is neither an intent to generalize the local case study situation nor to resolve
specific matters regarding the political participation of migrant and migrant-origin groups. In
order to do this, the qualitative research would need to be expanded into different areas,
comparing similar variables and dissimilarities among groups, localities, environments, levels
of exclusion, socio-demographic composition of the groups, etc. Nevertheless, we hope that
some remarks will be useful to launch the debate or at least to reframe it at the local level.
The main topics that seemed fundamental once the data were analyzed were as follows: the
multiple dividing lines among the local population, forms of political participation, and the
role of public actors.
IV.3.1. The dividing lines
The qualitative research was a pertinent instrument for revealing the sources of tension and
conflict in the local area. Unfortunately, it did not allow a specific focus on gender differences
or on the way gender influences forms of participation, the role of public actors and their
activities, or the dividing lines among the population. Because of time constraints and the
difficulty of reaching the women in the area, there was no possibility either to analyze enough
data or to propose rigorous interpretation of these data.
Nevertheless, the richness of the collected data leads to a breaking down of the simplistic and
caricatured images spread by the media and by local authorities, both of which promote the
idea that the only existing conflict occurs between the “local population” (meaning of Belgian
origin and of European origin) and the non EU-origin residents (of Moroccan and Turkish
origin, especially young people). The qualitative instruments used for this research, in
particular face to face interviews and focus-groups, allowed a focus on various sources of
misunderstanding and tension among the local population. These dividing lines operate
together in different ways: sometimes they play the game of excluding one specific group;
sometimes they play the game of cooperation among migrant-origin groups. As a
236
In particular, the City of Visé, Jacques Chevalier Association Culturelle, Paul Renotte, and Pastor Davi
Protestant Church of Cheratte.
88
consequence, the dividing lines can either provoke open conflict in the area or they can calm a
conflict. This situation is due to the fact that the dividing lines not only favor the coalition of
heterogeneous interests but also that this coalition varies depending on the context and the
issues at stake. The five dividing lines explored as a result of the analyzed data are the
following: the ethnic-national opposition (“Belgians” vs. “Foreigners”; Old Migrants vs. New
Migrants and Turkish origin vs. Moroccan origin); the religious divide (“Secular” vs.
“Religious”; “Christian” vs. “Muslim”; Mainstream Muslim vs. “radical” Muslim); the
generation clash (young people vs. adults); the social-class divide (“bourgeois” vs. “working
class”; working class vs. social benefits users); and the territorial divide (already explored in
the above sub-section). Table 14 presents these dividing lines.
Table 14: Main dividing lines among the local population
Dividing-line Macro Level Meso Level Micro Level

Ethnic-national Belgians vs. Old Migrants vs. Turkish origin vs. Moroccan origin
Foreigners New Migrants
Religious Secular vs. Christian vs. Mainstream Islam vs. “radical” Islam
Religious Muslim Catholics vs. Protestants
Generational Visé Cheratte Cité
Social and Politics
Social class Bourgeois vs. Workers vs. Workers vs. Social benefits users
workers Middle-class
Territorial Visé vs. Cheratte Cheratte vs. Cité Cheratte-Hauteurs vs. Cheratte-Bas
Cheratte vs. Cité Cheratte-Hauteurs Cheratte vs. Visé
vs. Cheratte-Bas
Table 14.
As Table 14 shows, three dividing lines are transversal and semi-transversal, that is to say
they cut across the different groups constituting the local population, and this is an
explanation for the moving interactions and coalitions of groups in the area. The cross-cutting
dividing lines involve at least two or three interaction levels (micro, meso and macro), which
are intertwined. For this reason, despite assertions made by the media to the contrary, there is
only a small margin for the development of permanent conflict in the area between non-EU
origin residents and the rest of the population. On the contrary, there is a crystallization on the
generational issue which is the only totally transversal divide in the area. The environment is
highly complex, and its exploration will shed light upon non-explicit power relations.
IV.3.1.1. The territorial divide and the “ghetto”
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As detailed in Chapter III of the report, spatial exclusion or residential segregation are highly
controversial concepts in Europe and America. When exclusion means the lack or weakness
of an individual or a group’s social, political and economic participation in society, its spatial
clustering reinforces the distance between groups. The general idea assumes that it is harmful
for groups to live in ethnic neighborhoods and that this has negative consequences for
interpersonal harmony and for social cohesion. In that sense, in the Belgian context, and
specifically in this local context, the use of the term “ghetto” to qualify what is in reality an
ethnic enclave, can in fact be analyzed at multiple levels. Residential exclusion is the degree
to which certain groups live separately from one another. In the Visé-Cheratte case, the term
“ethnic neighborhood” or “ethnic community” is rarely used. First, it was commonly admitted
in the face to face interviews as well as during the focus groups, that the term “ghetto” has
emerged quite recently (at the end of the 1980s/ beginning of the 1990s) and has been spread
by the local media. Second, the concept of “ghetto” is used regularly to combat and express a
power relationship. People generally refer to the notion of “ghetto”, in order to stigmatize an
area (the area of the entity where most of the Turkish and Turkish-origin population live), but
some also use it in order to struggle against it or to redefine it. Third, as the data show, the
word “ghetto” is employed to define three different geographical levels, depending on who
uses the term.
The external image of the Turkish neighborhood (also known as the “Cité” because it
was the former housing area of the mine workers) appears to have been quite recently
associated with being a “ghetto”. Cheratte’s inhabitants from inside and outside the Cité all
point to the role of the media in stigmatizing the area.
QUOTE: «Il y a l’image de Cheratte. Un jour ma femme a acheté une blouse dans un
magasin à Liège et la vendeuse lui a demandé d’où elle venait, ma femme a dit de Cheratte.
« Ah! je n’irai jamais habiter là! Et bien gardez votre blouse », a dit ma femme! Ce n’est pas
Droixhe ici! c’est la faute des médias, ils mettent toujours le négatif sur Cheratte » (man, 70
years old)
At the end of the 1980s, after the 1977 closure of the mining industry, the first tensions
appeared in the village because of youth disturbance. These tensions were in parallel with
those of the Droixhe social housing area of Liège, where violence and drug trafficking
occurred, or with those in the French banlieues.
QUOTE « A: mais on va pas dire qu’ils voient ça comme un « ghetto », mais quand il y a
une minorité au niveau national, et une majorité au niveau local, pour dire comme ça,
90
automatiquement ils voient ça comme un genre de banlieues, on va dire, comme en France
(Focus Group 2)
The consequence of this stereotype is that it contaminates not only residents living in the area,
but the perceptions of anyone coming from outside to live or work in this environment. This
effect, whether based on rumors or real facts, means that all encounters with the area are
preceded by a negative approach, which makes dialogue more difficult.
QUOTE: « L’image véhiculée avant de venir était négative, le lieu avec une forte
concentration de population immigrée qui génère des troubles, c’est l’image que l’on
donne » (resident in Herstal)
Furthermore, conflicting perceptions of the “ghetto” are developed in the discourses.

There is a consciousness and a rhetorical struggle regarding the fact that the external image is
valuable in terms of power. The term “ghetto” implies a lack of power, which explains the
inhabitants’ deprived living conditions and passivity. This inequality of power results in the
Cheratte inhabitants feel “abandoned” or “marginalized” by the central local authorities, but at
the same time it gives legitimacy to claims for change.
QUOTE: « A: Visé c’est une ville et Cheratte c’est un village, je ne penserais jamais aller
habiter à Visé (réactions simultanées). B: c’est depuis la fusion de commune, disons qu’on
nous a un petit peu laissé tomber, à mon avis c’est cela qui a changé, on nous a laissé
tomber et puis Cheratte c’était un village ouvrier et Visé c’était les gens bien, voilà quoi… »
(Focus Group 1)
Those living in the area simultaneously use the image of the ghetto in different ways. For
example, they use the image as a means of identifying their own village as not being a ghetto.
In Cheratte, there is almost no physical deterioration of housing (such as abandoned housing,
vacant units in bad state of repair). On the contrary, there is a market pressure that has raised
house prices in the area. However, only Turkish-origin people seem to benefit from this,
because “Belgian” owners have the tendency to leave the area and to settle either in Cheratte-
Hauteurs, where the population is more mixed, or in Visé or Wandre, or Liège. The ghetto is
characterized by forms and signs of economic depression (low employment and labor force
participation, low household income, limited job occupation concentrated in low-skilled
sectors). However, in Cheratte, the population insists on the fact that, apart from young people
and women, the majority of inhabitants are handling their work situation quite well. Even
when the household income is not high, there is no form of acute poverty in the area, because
family solidarity, informal activities, seasonal work, and social benefits allow a certain level
of subsistence. In addition, a ghetto is determined by social marginalization, especially by a
91
high number of female-headed families, poor educational attainment, street violence, etc. But
in Cheratte, social actors and institutions, as well as parents, confirm that since the 1990s,
even though the drop out rate has remained high, most of the Turkish-origin pupils are
oriented towards professional careers, and the younger generation is doing much better at
school. Youth violence remains endemic, but is limited to a few small groups well-known by
the inhabitants themselves. The residents contest the external image imposed by the media or
by the local authorities.
QUOTE « - A: moi je trouve qu’on est tous ensemble, on se comprend dans le quartier, on
est tous ensemble, alors c’est ça Cheratte. - B: et c’est pas une tare de vivre à Cheratte,
certains disent que Cheratte c’est le Bronx et tout ça, ç’est pas vraiment comme ça. - C: -il
n’y a rien de tout ça ici » (Focus Group 2)
So the use of the term ghetto is taken by the inhabitants from the media in order to be
redefined and reframed. In the discourses of those living in the area, what is striking is the
constant struggle to minimize the negative aspects of their village and their neighborhood.
The research distinguishes three types of discourse, varying according to the inhabitants’ age
group as follows: over 50 years; between 35 and 50 years; young people. These three types of
discourse also vary along the lines of the inhabitants’ ethnic origin, according to whether they
are of Turkish origin or non-Turkish origin.
In contrast with the younger residents, some of the older inhabitants only refer to a nostalgic
past that existed before the mining industry was shut down. These people are usually aged
between 50 and 70; they are former mine workers, spouses of mine workers, or their children,
who lived through the “great period” of the village or the “golden days”.
QUOTE « Pour beaucoup de gens, on a perdu la vie de village, avant la rue était pleine et
les cafés toujours remplis, on s’arrêtait boire un verre, on jouait aux cartes… » (man, 70
years old)
QUOTE: « en fait, je suis ici depuis 1962, donc j’ai vu le charbonnage travailler, alors j’ai
vu à l’époque, toutes les nationalités, environ 26 nationalités à Cheratte dont l’italien,
l’espagnol, le polonais, le portugais, et j’en passe d’autres. Tant que le charbonnage
travaillait, les gens travaillaient et il n’y avait pas de problèmes, tout le monde s’entendait
bien, pourquoi? parce que chacun était bien payé et ils se sont créé un village où se
rencontrer tous ensemble, on ne peut pas oublier les fêtes dans le village! » (Turkish
migrant, 60 years old)
Undoubtedly, there is a nostalgic image developing, which certainly idealizes the inter-ethnic
relations that existed previously among the residents. For instance, some inhabitants
remember cultural clashes between Polish and Italian residents, or between Italians from
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Sicily and those from other regions. But these clashes are presented as part of a folklore
belonging to the mine workers’ mentality and daily life. They are portrayed as slight
disagreements even when street fighting was apparently quite common.
QUOTE « ici statistiquement la commune c’est plus de trente nationalités! (fierté). En
1925, il y a eu les Polonais, puis les Italiens à cause de Mussolini. La deuxième vague de
Polonais, c’était en 1935-36 et la troisième vague avec la Libération, on a eu des Polonais,
des Ukrainiens, des Russes. Et puis les Siciliens et les Italiens, ils avaient une autre
mentalité, ils n’avaient pas la même culture, ou seulement des notions, ils vivaient dans des
cabanes au début. Mais disons qu’ils venaient du rural, ils n’avaient pas la même mentalité,
et nous on venait des villes, mais ils se sont adaptés sans problèmes, il y avait même des
bagarres et tout! » (Polish immigrant, 70 years old)
This nostalgic perception of the village has a negative side, because this group usually
emphasizes the fact that today such a life is non-existent, that there are no more collective or
social activities, that the end of the mining factory has caused the death of the village. Thus,
they describe a declining environment, a “still-life”, an area marked by darkness and
loneliness. This image is quite evident in the mind of Visé residents too, and it reinforces the
negative stereotype: a place without activities, apart from illegal ones.
QUOTE: « le village est mort aujourd’hui. Maintenant, de ce qu’on me raconte, c’est plutôt
une zone de non droit, c’est ce qu’on entend » (Visé resident)
On the other hand, some individuals refer to the village by emphasizing its negative evolution,
while at the same time providing a scale of comparison, which has the effect of
deconstructing the stereotype. They insist on the fact that the situation is not yet like that of
Droixhe in Liège, or the French banlieues. The distance from these areas allows for a
revalorization of the area and of its inhabitants. These individuals are mainly children of
foreign-origin parents who have decided to remain living in the area, buying their parents’
houses. They are between 35 and 50 years old and they express a strong will to restore a
positive view of their living place.
QUOTE: « c’était la fermeture des charbonnages, les gens se sont refermés, certains sont
repartis, la cité a été à l’abandon, certains parlaient de « ghetto », je n’aime pas le mot,
mais déjà le titre est vexant, pourtant il y a beaucoup de nationalités, des grecs, des
espagnols, des italiens et toute une histoire » (man, 45 years old)
In addition, some Turkish-origin inhabitants stress the fact that they feel at ease in a place
where family and ethnic solidarity are seen to be beneficial. In this sense, it is possible to state
that the “ghetto” is in fact better defined as an ethnic neighborhood, if limited to the “Cité”, as
long as a form of voluntary concentration is foreseen. The permanence of the Cité could be
analyzed as being partially a result of a desire to live together in a homogeneous area. That
93
was not the idea of the former mine owner, who concentrated the population in the area for
work reasons, but the contemporary housing occupation could be explained by the wish of
some not to leave the community.
QUOTE: « A: quand tu t’es fait à un quartier, tu ne veux plus partir (…). C: Et pourtant j’ai
voulu revenir, pourquoi Cheratte? c’est comme vous, on vous dit demain, allez habiter en
Amérique! est ce que vous allez vous habituer? c’est pas dit! moi j’ai fait un peu pareil, bon
c’est Wandre, mais c’est assez loin, trop loin (rires). D: -Cinq minutes à pied (rires). C:
Mais c’est une frontière, c’est un autre sentiment, là bas les gens ne se connaissent pas, ici,
tout le monde se connaît. Là-bas, ils sont voisins et ne se connaissent pas, ici tous les jeunes
se connaissent » (Focus Group 3)
Lastly, some of the residents, especially the young people, most of them being third
generation of migrant-origin parents express a strong local identity. They define themselves
as “Cherattois” and this identity can have three different meanings. The first is to be
Cherattois “par défaut” because they do not have any other geographical identity at their
disposal (they are neither from Visé, nor from Liège). This is especially true for young
Belgian people of EU-origin, who feel and define themselves as “Belgo-Belgian” and who do
not want to be associated with the non-EU origin youth.
QUOTE: « A: à notre arrivée dans la Cité on était tous des Cherattois, mais après ça a
bougé, il n’y a plus de vrais Cherattois aujourd’hui. - B: il n’y a que des vieux Cherattois,
des vieux os! A: à l’extérieur les gens font la différence entre Cheratte-Bas et Cheratte-
Hauteurs. C: disons qu’on est Cherattois malgré Cheratte! A: parce que Cheratte a une
mauvaise réputation, que c’est un ghetto. B: ce sont les médias qui disent cela, ce ne sont
pas nos jeunes de Cheratte qui font cette image. Moi je suis un immigrant, tous mes
compatriotes c’étaient des immigrés, mais ce sont ceux là aussi qui ont fait la mauvaise
réputation les autres, les apatrides. (Focus Group 3)
The second meaning of being Cherattois involves the term’s appropriation by young people of
Turkish and Moroccan origin (Cheratte is ours, not yours). This is because they cannot relate
to a national identity (they do not define themselves as Belgian, or they describe themselves
as being only half-Belgian). The only identification at their disposal is that of territorial
belonging.
QUOTE: « si on ne s’identifie pas à Cheratte, à notre quartier, alors on n’est rien, c’est
une appartenance à un lieu, sinon on n’est rien » (Focus Group 3)
Finally, the third meaning of being Cherattois is an identity gained through socialization
because the inhabitants were born in a former working class area, as opposed to the bourgeois
area of Visé. The dividing line will be further analyzed in the section below.
QUOTE: « L’esprit visétois est très différent de l’esprit cherattois. Avant, à Cheratte, tous
les mineurs étaient aux terrasses des cafés et ça choquait déjà les visétois comme si les
94
Cherattois ne foutaient rien et passaient leur temps à boire… ça m’avait choqué d’entendre
ça » (man, 40 years old)
So, we have seen that the concept of “ghetto” has only recently been applied to the
Visé-Cheratte. We have also seen that there are differing perceptions among the inhabitants
regarding the correct application of the term “ghetto”. The third and most important use of the
word “ghetto” relates to three different geographical levels, depending on who is using the
term. In fact, the reality of the stereotype is quite complex because the word “ghetto” is often
applied to delimit territorial areas that are intertwined. The main issue at stake is the fact that
the concept of “ghetto” is elastic but that is also has its own expansionist dynamics. In a way,
the concept impacts areas that were not previously considered negatively, and each group tries
to defend itself against this spreading and permeability.
For the residents of the Cité, there is no “ghetto” possible, and the problems come from the
misunderstanding of the global population, from discrimination, or from the political decision
forcedly to group together residents with a similar ethnic background. In preference to the
image of the “ghetto”, inhabitants prefer the term “community” and the geographic term of
“Cité”, which is the name given historically to the area.
For the residents of Cheratte-Bas, the “ghetto” is strictly enclosed in the Cité. Very rarely,
they will talk about the “Turkish neighborhood”, or the “Turkish community”. Most of the
time, residents of Cheratte-Bas will identify the Cité as a ghetto, although the word is used
cautiously and is felt to be taboo and to be excessive when used.
QUOTE: « A: je crois que ce qu’on a fait, c’est qu’on a fait un genre de ghetto, les Italiens
sont arrivés, enfin les polonais sont arrivés avant nous, puis les Italiens, les Espagnols, les
Grecs, et là qu’est-ce qu’on a fait, un gros défaut, on a mis tout le monde dans le même
canton, là il y a rien un faire, les ghettos se forment à force de ne pas disperser les gens, de
ne pas les mélanger, on les laisse ensemble alors à force de mettre les gens ensemble… B:
ce n’est même pas les mettre ensemble, c’est les parquer. A: C’est regrettable, c’est ça, ça a
été fait avec nous et maintenant avec… C: oui, c’est vrai rien n’est en plus comme avant »
(Focus Group 1)
By contrast, for the residents of the entire village of Cheratte, Cheratte-Bas is a ghetto but not
Cheratte-Hauteurs, which is perceived as calmer, more residential and more middle class.
Cheratte-Hauteurs residents seem to be in a constant struggle of trying to differentiate the two
areas, so that they can preserve a level of recognition and respect for those living in the
village. They constantly reminded us that outside of the village, the first question they are
95
asked or the first information they give themselves about where they live is this geographical
and social distinction.
QUOTE: « ils ne font pas la différence entre Cheratte-Hauteurs et Cheratte-Bas. Ils disent
que c’est un ghetto, pas encore, mais s’ils continuent à le dire, ça va le devenir, pourtant on
est aussi tranquille que les autres villages » (man, 65 years old)
On another level, for the residents of the Visé area, the overall entity of Cheratte, including
Cheratte-Bas and Cheratte-Hauteurs, is considered as a “ghetto”. Obviously, this idea is
linked to the large proportion of migrant-origin residents, but also to a social class divide,
Cheratte being considered as the working class area, whereas Visé is the middle class city.
QUOTE: « je crois que les choses n’ont guère évolué, l’image de Cheratte et des villages en
général est assez négative, c’est la petite banlieue de la vie commerçante. Pour le MR, Visé
est l’épicentre, mais pourtant Lixhe et Richelle, et Cheratte aussi ont le droit d’existence, en
ce sens ils ont le droit de se sentir abandonnés, car c’est exact » (man, resident in Visé)
This experience represents a “halo” phenomenon237. In the discourses and in the minds of the
people, the “ghetto” is thus not only associated with an ethnic variable, such as a dense
presence of foreign-origin population, but with a distinction made along social class lines
(working class vs. bourgeois; working class vs. social benefit users) and territorial lines
(center vs. periphery; up on the hill vs. down the hill; village center vs. Cité). As a
consequence, around the meaning and the use of the word “ghetto”, it is revealed that in fact
the stigmatization goes much further than just stereotyping one specific group in the area (i.e.
the non-EU origin residents). In the narratives, as well as in the images held, the territorial
stigmatization varies greatly, especially in terms of three levels, which “contaminate” one
another.
At the macro level, there is a clear distinction between the center and the periphery, that is
Visé and Cheratte. The feeling of distance, hierarchy and abandonment is vividly described in
the Cheratte residents’ discourses, while it is systematically denied by the local authorities as
well as by the social workers. The forced justification by local authorities expresses the
difficult task of managing social conflict and cultural diversity, two main issues that have not
been dealt with.
QUOTE: « Les Visétois ont une identité bien établie, tout le monde connaît Visé, on a une
identité positive. C’est vrai, Cheratte dans l’idée ne fait pas partie de Visé. Et les Visétois,
on ne vous voit pas en dehors de Visé, disent les gens! C’est parfois dommage, c’est vrai,
parce qu’on apprend à l’extérieur, mais c’est propre à Visé » (Visé resident)
237
A concept developed by MAYER, Nonna : Ces Français qui votent FN. Paris, Flammarion, 1999.
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In fact, the paradox relies on the main issue of homogeneity and community-oriented groups.
In Visé, the population defines Visé as having a positive identity, a “city-identity” where
families are present for generations, and where the city development is mostly self-centered
towards its own autonomy. People like to be born in Visé, to live in Visé and to die in Visé,
and they would like their children to do so too - to perpetuate the system.
QUOTE: « En même temps, à Visé, c’est la même chose, les gens ne veulent pas se mêler, ils
ne viennent pas à Cheratte, c’est un milieu fermé, ou alors il faut un certain statut social,
être recruté, être banquier ou faire partie des gildes, les associations sportives et politiques
sont élitistes, s’il pouvait n’y avoir que des Visétois… » (Cheratte resident)
The local identity is quite strong. But the Visé residents cannot understand that the
development of the non-EU origin residents in Cheratte might have the same self-centered
dynamics. They are from Cheratte and would like to work, live and die in Cheratte, and to
pass on to the next generation their strong local identity of being Cherattois.
QUOTE: « A Visé (…) ils voient Cheratte comme Droixhe, c’est difficile de changer leur
mentalité, car ils vivent en autarcie, mais tout le monde a droit à une existence ici… » (man,
24 years old)
At the meso level, interviews show a geographical conflict between the village up on the hill,
that is Cheratte-Hauteurs, and the village down the hill, that is Cheratte-Bas. This opposition
is played out strongly by villagers from both entities, wishing to differentiate themselves
either along lines of social class (more “middle class” and residential up on the hill and more
working class down the hill) or along ethnic lines (associated respectively with Moroccan-
origin people and Turkish-origin people). As one participant of a focus group stated:
“Cheratte-Bas and Cheratte-Hauteurs, it’s Istanbul and Casablanca!”. The territory is also
seen as a divide between the young people of the two entities, since it establishes a
geographical frontier, which is not easy to cross and since there is no public transport
available to link the two areas. Physically speaking, the social class divide is expressed by a
geographical hierarchy, which makes contact more difficult between the two entities.
QUOTE: « Mes parents ont acheté un terrain à Cheratte-Hauteurs, dans un lotissement,
c’était une sorte de logement social entre guillemets, pour nous, ça avait un côté gratifiant
d’avoir un père cadre dans la mine, c’était une réussite sociale, mais en tant qu’enfants, cela
a été un déchirement de quitter Cheratte-Bas » (woman, 40 years old)
Although a local resident has obtained a small amount of financing to promote hitch-hiking to
go from the bottom to the hill and from the hill to the bottom of the village, the venture
remains mainly symbolic. Users only drive people they know, and young people are not seen
as the most welcome passengers. Nevertheless, this initiative has provoked a renewed debate
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on the necessity of public transport in order to prevent the decline of Cheratte’s commercial
activities. This process is necessary for the construction of local identities in opposition to
Visé for everyone, and in opposition to the Other, depending on the inhabitant’s own location.
In that sense, villager identity is extremely strong and is the object of constant negotiations
and definitions with a view to distinguishing oneself from the negative stereotypes applied to
others.
Lastly, at the micro level, our qualitative research demonstrates an antagonism between what
is considered to be the center of Cheratte-Bas (or the downtown area, in fact the main street
where shops are located) and the “Cité des mineurs”, depicted as the “ghetto” or the Turkish-
community area. Exclusion appears clearly on a territorial and geographical basis, but what is
more interesting is that this exclusion has only become a matter of debate since Turkish-origin
residents have started to buy houses and shops outside of their “natural boundaries”. In
reality, what is at stake in the residents’ discourses are not the geographical borders of the
“community”, which seem to be conceded, but the extension of these borders and the mix this
imposes on the village. Most of the EU-origin residents or the “Belgo-Belgian” residents feel
that the widening of the Cité boundaries constitutes an invasion of their own territory. That is
why they label the Cité as a “sort of ghetto”. This dynamic forms a true paradox since, on the
one hand, the local population demands a multicultural mix and the integration of the non-EU
origin residents but, on the other hand, it refuses a residential mixing on the grounds that the
village is being “Turkishized”.
QUOTE: « Je crois que la génération est différente, on était tous de la même culture, les
Espagnols, les Grecs, les Italiens. Eux, ils recherchent leur identité et leurs racines, et les
parents n’ont pas donné la motivation du travail réel aux enfants, ils ne savent pas ce que
c’est, avec les allocations familiales, ils vivent « à la Turc », 99% d’entre eux parlent turc à
la maison. Ma mère parlait français pour faire ses courses, elle faisait un effort, ici on leur
donne des interprètes pour tout, c’est bien, on choisit la facilité » (woman, 45 years old)
This situation leads to the sentiment that the EU-origin residents are becoming a minority in
the village. In fact, some residents have moved either to Cheratte-Hauteurs or to other areas
because they “did not feel at home anymore”. By taking this decision, they have reinforced
the process and the feeling of the remaining inhabitants as being the “ones who have to
integrate within the Turkish community”. Simultaneously, as focus groups stressed, the
residents recognize that, without the non-EU origin residents, the village would be dead, since
most of the stores are owned by Turkish-origin residents and most of the pupils at school
come from the Cité. So, the inter-ethnic conflict is rooted in the classic model of competition
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between groups. Older migrants have gained quite an equality of status and have partially lost
their national-cultural identity. In the face of competition from newer migrants and the
migrant-origin population, they try to consolidate their situation by valorizing their specific
qualities (hard-workers, loyal to Belgium, culturally assimilated) and identity (local,
belonging to the village). Simultaneously, they feel they share a common history of
discrimination, and that is why discussions on the issue are always highly complex and
sensitive.
QUOTE: « A: ma grand-mère étaient italienne et elle a aidé sa famille, elle était traitée ici de
sale italienne, après elle est retournée quelques années voir sa famille, elle était traitée de sale
belge.. elle était étrangère, ça veut dire… si je suis étrangère chez moi…! (…) - B: moi je
voudrais revenir sur avant la question des nationalités, les Espagnols à qui on dit qu’ils ne sont
plus dans leur pays, moi je voudrais dire en Wallonie, moi je suis Belge et je suis étranger,
parce que moi je suis flamand, moitié Hollandais et moitié Allemand, mais je suis flamand, en
flandres, je parle flamand et je suis sale wallon et ici je suis sale flamand (avec l’accent), donc
faut pas vous tracasser si on est espagnol ou grec ou quoi, déjà les Belges, déjà entre eux…
(rires collectifs). C: moi je ne sens pas que je suis étrangère, ni ici ni en Grèce, je suis bien
partout - D: mais nous quand on était à l’école primaire, je me rappelle bien que on nous disait
qu’on prenait le pain des belges, alors que mes parents ont toujours travaillé… » (Focus group
1)
In fact, residents deal in reality with what policy makers in Belgium continue to debate: the
realization of the political ideal of tolerance in a multicultural society. Here, the interactions
are quite limited, so they are neither conflictual nor constructive; the pragmatic choice has
been to let things go and to put into practice exit strategies. For instance, Turkish-origin
residents who want a certain autonomy from the community either buy a house in the center
of the village or close to it (Wandre, Herstal) or they send their children to schools in other
villages. EU-origin residents move from the village up to Cheratte-Hauteurs, send their
children to schools in other villages, or organize social events without reaching the global
population.
QUOTE: « moi j’ai mis mes enfants à l’extérieur, pour apprendre le français, on est en
Belgique, il faut apprendre le français, sinon c’est le décrochage! » (Cheratte resident)
Nevertheless, some residents have tried to initiate multicultural events to mix the population
but the results have been extremely limited. Only a few Turkish-origin residents participate in
the local events, as noted by both groups. The level of interaction is quite low and symbolical.
The residents also express, consciously or not, a form of paternalism and superiority, by
encouraging the “others” to adapt themselves to what is supposed to be the social model to
follow. There is not really the idea of an existing equality of status, even regarding the second
or third generation, who were born in Belgium and are French-speaking Belgian citizens.
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QUOTE: « à la fête couleurs locales (…) c’est surtout fort au niveau de la population
italienne et belge, l’impact est positif, mais les familles turques ne viennent presque pas, ce
n’est pas encore réussi, c’est difficile…» (Cheratte resident)
IV.3.1.2. The ethnic-national divide
The ethnic-national divide is extremely interesting because it takes place at the three
different levels. At the macro-level, the main opposition occurs between the “Belgians” and
the “Foreigners” in two territories: Visé and Cheratte; and Cheratte and the Cité. The major
difficulty is to define who is “Belgian” and who is a “Foreigner”. The foreigners are always
presented as citing nationality, or their national ethnic origin, be they EU or non-EU origin
residents. This antagonism questions the individual and collective identity, because in all
discourses, there was this continuous difficulty of determining and defining the Other and the
self: how do we define ourselves without defining the other and vice versa?
QUOTE: « puis il y a Cheratte Quartier de vie, une association pluraliste, au sens
belge, il n’y a pas seulement des Belges, je veux dire des Belges Belges, on ne sait
plus comment dire! mais aussi des Italiens, des Espagnols… » (resident)
On the one hand, for Visé residents, any resident who has no ethnic background is Belgian. In
the interviews or in the focus groups, this population defines itself as “Belgo-Belgian” or
“Belgian-Belgian”. In that sense, Cheratte is represented as a place of foreigners, who are
discriminated against in terms of their EU or non-EU nationality. Even when the majority of
Cheratte residents are in fact Belgian citizens, be they naturalized citizens or born in Belgium
of foreign-origin parents (the so-called “second generation”), they are still considered as
foreigners. In the common discourse, there is a clear hierarchy of recognition between the
EU-origin population, considered as “almost Belgians” or as “ethnic-Belgians” and the non-
EU origin population considered, in all circumstances, regardless of their legal-national status,
as foreigners. Very few discourses consider this population as “ethnic-Belgians” and none of
them are considered as “Belgians”.
QUOTE: “je ne fais pas de différence entre les Turcs et les Italiens, même si quand même, il
reste beaucoup de travail à faire avec la population islamique ou musulmane - je ne sais
jamais comment dire - on a fait quand même une différence entre les deux (…). Quand je
fais une remarque à un jeune, il a toujours l’impression d’être agressé et il répond « c’est
parce que je suis étranger! ». Je les perçois comme des être jaloux… ce n’est pas le mot..
comme des gens mal dans leur peau, ils ont une sorte de frustration du fait d’être chez
nous » (elected official)
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On the other hand, for Cheratte residents, there is a clear distinction in the fact that EU-origin
residents are all “ethnic-Belgians” with a certain pride and sense of cultural difference that is
expressed in the discourses. Most of the time, the discourses also state that the second and
third generation is “real Belgian”. Nevertheless, the EU-origin Belgian residents of Cheratte
consider the non-EU origin residents not to be Belgian citizens, and more often to be
“foreign-origin Belgians”, in comparison to the Visé population. They talk more often of the
“Turkish-origin” or “Moroccan-origin” population, whereas in Visé, discourses mention the
Turkish and the Moroccans directly.
QUOTE: « Il n’y pas vraiment de communauté turque à Cheratte, mais une communauté
Belgo-turque, c’est l’invention d’une deuxième génération belge qui n’est pas considérée
comme turque ni comme belge» (man, 38 years old)
As a consequence, at the meso level, the ethnic-origin hierarchy is quite striking and plays out
reinforcing the conflict between non-EU and EU populations - but simultaneously also
provides a level of understanding and solidarity between the “Foreigners” in opposition to the
“Belgo-Belgians”. References to former discrimination by Belgian authorities during the
migration of Italians, Spanish and Polish workers in the 1940s and 1950s is constantly
recalled to compare the situation with the contemporary exclusion of non-EU residents.
QUOTE: « Moi je suis issue d’une communauté étrangère, alors je pense que je peux mieux
comprendre, quand j’étais enfant, je me souviens des moqueries en classe (…) c’est un
détail, mais ça mettait le doigt sur la différence, donc j’ai toujours compris qu’on veuille
vivre en communauté pour se retrouver » (woman, 40 years old)
This is important to focus on, because interaction between different generations of

immigrants, of different national backgrounds, does not always result in competition between
groups, but can rather provoke a sentiment of solidarity and a better understanding of the
current situation experienced by the newer groups.
QUOTE: “Ce n’est pas facile à défaire, c’est un problème historique qui a déjà touché avant
les Italiens, les Polonais et maintenant les Turcs (…) les enfants écoutent de la musique
turque, parlent Turc, ce n’est pas propre à une communauté et c’est intenable pour les
parents, ils veulent ne pas être oubliés, que leur culture se transmette » (resident)
Finally, the ethnic-national opposition is also important at the micro-level because it serves as
another scale of hierarchy. In fact, non-EU origin residents discriminate among themselves by
applying reciprocal stereotypes to the Moroccan and Turkish-origin population, while the
other ethnic groups also evaluate them negatively or positively. Discourses on the other non-
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EU group either ignore it (depriving it of any substantial interest, specific application or
existence) or minimize it through specific stereotypes. The EU-origin or Belgo-Belgian origin
population has a discourse of comparative evaluation, which generally favors the Turkish-
origin population over the Moroccan-origin one. To refine this idea, it would be more
accurate to say that the scapegoat changes according to local and global events (debates on
Turkey joining the EU; local youth disturbance; etc.).
QUOTE: « Cheratte-Hauteurs, ce sont des Marocains surtout et ici c’est plus des Turcs.
Mais dans la presse quand on parle de Cheratte, c’est toujours des Turcs, c’est souvent faux,
pour les personnes de l’extérieur, ils identifient les problèmes avec les Turcs alors que
souvent ce sont les Marocains de Cheratte-Hauteurs ou encore ce sont des personnes de
l’extérieur » (resident)
This forced comparison relies on a perceived similarity between the “new groups” (arrival
time in Belgium, religious background, youth disturbance). It leads to the establishment
simultaneously of a common negative image and a division based on the relative valorization
of one group. There is also an issue of power bargaining between these groups in the area,
because there has been no attempt made by the two communities to present common demands
in order to obtain specific resources (for instance, a youth center, a Muslim cemetery etc.). In
this respect, the results of this inter-group opposition are quite beneficial for local authorities,
who had never planned truly to manage cultural diversity in the area.
So, to conclude regarding this ethnic-national divide, what is interesting is that the issue is
much more complex and refined than the media portrayal would present. The global picture
seems to show a conflict between Belgians and foreigners, whereas in reality, there is a
multiplicity of levels and groups involved in this divide. This complexity implies, depending
on the occasion, the context or the political power relation, a solidarity that brings some
groups together or a fragmentation among others. There is no stability, which could explain
why there has never been an example of direct confrontation in the area between specific
groups.
IV.3.1.3. The religious divide
Another important divide among the local population is the religious one. What is
striking from the qualitative data is that the religious divide is not solely developed around the
Muslim practices of the non-EU origin population. In fact, the local entity is broadly divided
along the three levels: at the macro-level, there is the historically specific conflict between
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secular and religious perspectives in Belgium; at the meso-level, Muslim and Christian
practices are in opposition in the local area; at the micro-level, Moroccan and Turkish-origin
Muslim practices are differentiated, in particular with a sub-difference being between “classic
practices” and “more traditionalist ones” within the Turkish-origin group.
First, at the macro level, opposition between secular and religious views is extremely
visible in the area. This can be explained by elements of Belgian historical development,
which took place in the 19th and 20th centuries. The former conflict between the Protestant
temple and the Catholic church is an example of the Reform that had an effect on Cheratte.
But at a deeper level, the population is quite divided on the question of the role of religion in
local social and political life.
“Radical” secularists set out a comparison between Islam and Catholicism and reproach them
both for alienating their believers. In that sense, there is an interesting historical parallel built
between the faith-oriented activities developed by the Catholic church in Cheratte in the
1950s and 1960s and the contemporary activities organized by the Mosque. Some compare
the two situations and foresee a gradual disappearance of Muslim religious activities in the
“modern” Belgian society. They phrase their discourses in terms of the logics of modernity
versus tradition, or they base their discourses on the dialectic of individualism versus
community. Religion is described as being a backward obstacle to dialogue among
individuals, and not just among the groups themselves. From that point of view, Islam appears
as the main obstacle to dialogue with the non-EU population in the village, as Catholicism
might have been before. In a secular world, faith is left to the private sphere and does not
interfere in personal face to face contact in the public sphere. In this way, religion in general
is perceived as an obstacle on the road to assimilation or integration.
QUOTE: « Je crois par dessus tout que c’est le fait religieux qui bloque le dialogue, quand
la règle de fonctionnement est la règle de Dieu et pas celle des hommes, on ne peut pas
éviter le retour continuel à cette question fondamentale, ça va du foulard à des choses qui
empêchent de fonctionner ensemble. Rien n’empêche de fonctionner ensemble, être homme
ou femme, la nationalité, la richesses ou la pauvreté, la couleur de la peau, rien n’empêche
de s’accepter, mais la religion fonde l’humanité sur un autre lieu et sur autre chose… »
(man, 52 years old)
Finally, religion is also a means for seeking recognition and for making political demands,
when the situation of religious groups is compared to the place reserved for Islam in the
overall area. The fact that the main religious activities (of Catholics and Protestants) are
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contested by some, but funded by the state, creates a feeling of inequality. Aspects of the
Muslim faith are not valued as much as Christian ceremonies or traditions. Religious matters
become, as a consequence, a matter of political demands (for a Muslim cemetery, for funding
for social activities in mosques, etc.).
QUOTE: « Ce qui prime avant tout chez nous autres, c’est la religion, avant la nationalité,
en Islam, l’aspect de la nationalité vient après, on est d’abord la communauté de l’islam.
Les catholiques et les protestants sont financés par les villes, et nous on est des
contribuables, et on n’a pas de cimetière musulman ici à Visé » (man, 24 years old)
This power relationship, expressed on religious grounds, is particularly striking at the meso-
level of analysis.
Second, at the meso-level, there are many expressions of a “cultural clash” contrasting
Christian-based and Muslim-based cultural backgrounds. Islam is often described as a
traditional religion, in contrast with Catholicism. There is a respect by religious people for
the expression of faith, but there is also the feeling that this should be limited to specific
places without affecting day to day life. In a way, a link is formed between Christian and
Muslim believers by a common understanding of the importance of faith and of the right to
express and exercise religious practices. This complexity explains why there is no open
conflict between the local Christian population and the mosques: negotiations have taken
place to find a consensus around the call to prayer (which was too loud for the mosque’s
neighbors) and in general the local population has almost no knowledge of the activities
taking place in the mosques, other than Friday prayers. However, the people react by
maintaining both a distance from the Muslim residents and a lack of dialogue with them.
QUOTE : « mais il y a eu ce cas d’une jeune fille qui voulait porter le foulard sur la carte
d’identité, la commune a refusé ce qui est contraire à la loi, le bourgmestre s’est braqué sur
cette histoire et la commune a été condamnée et menacée d’astreinte, les journaux en ont
beaucoup parlé (…), c’est un fervent laïque, (mais) ce n’est pas un moyen de combattre
l’intégration, ce n’est pas vrai, cela devient de l’intolérance à la fin » (man, 25 years old)
At the same time, the dividing lines may appear to conflict on a discourse level, in particular
in relation to the perception of the role of religion in the social life of Muslims. The three
most important obstacles to dialogue between the groups seem to be as follows: a) the issue of
women’s role in the Muslim family and in society, b) the observation of fasting during
Ramadan by young people, which can disturb school or sports activities and c) the importance
of community solidarity (language, feasts, etc.).
QUOTE: « Il y a une désertification, et la dernière en date, c’est l’Eglise catholique, quand
il n’y a plus de messe le dimanche, c’est une véritable rupture. On entend l’appel à la prière
du minaret, mais plus le son des cloches, c’est une restructuration » (woman, 72 years old)
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The conflictual interpretation of religion is thus rooted in the dialectic of individualism versus
community, which can be seen to differentiate the religious practices of the two groups. In
that sense, the Christian-origin population shows mixed feelings towards a dynamic religious
life that reminds them of the 1940s and 1950s era of Christianity. And, at the same time, they
are caught by their discourses on individual freedom and the necessity of integration and
cultural adaptation of migrant-origin population to the host country. The values of secularism
seem linked to better assimilation.
QUOTE: « Les Maghrébins et les Turcs sont arrivés dans les années 1960 et 1970 et les
charbonnages ont fermé en 1977, c’était un désastre économique, les travailleurs se sont
retrouvés sans logement (…), puis les problèmes de religion, on peut dire cela, qu’ils
viennent d’une autre civilisation » (man, 40 years old)
By contrast, some social actors try to express a vision of religious diversity as a necessity to
prevent a community from descending into communitarian activities. For these minority
voices (which are very rare and so are important to underline) the recognition of cultural
practices is the only way to respect the differences and the distinctive characteristics of non-
EU origin residents and of making them part of the local or global society.
QUOTE: « à Cheratte-Bas, on voit un retour du religieux, avec des petits enfants et des
petites filles qui portent de plus en plus le voile, ça ne m’effraie pas, je pense que plus on
accepte la différence, plus on accepte une personne avec ses différences, plus tu fais
accepter qu’on peut être différent, alors tu peux cohabiter, au contraire plus tu interdis la
différence, plus tu exacerbes les tensions et les différences » (woman, 40 years old)
Third, at the micro-level, this religious divide is present in the local area through the
opposition between “accepted” and “radical-labeled” Islam. There is also a differentiation
among the Moroccan and Turkish-origin population, since, apart from specific religious feasts
(e.g. Eid al-Kebir), they are used to practicing their religious traditions separately. Apart from
some social workers and local authorities working in the area who express concerns, the non-
Muslim population sees almost no difference between the mosques. By contrast, the Muslim
population focuses on the differences between religious practices among the “classic”
mosque, and the more “traditionalist” mosque.
On one side, social workers and local authorities, as well as some residents, evoke the
difference between the two Turkish mosques. One is considered to be the official
representative for the Muslim community in the village, whereas the other is the object of
suspicion. This suspicion is mostly based on rumors, since none of the people concerned have
ever had direct contact with the believers or with the authorities of the newer mosque. That is
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to say, there is a lack of dialogue between that mosque and the rest of the population, which is
regretted by their committee members.
QUOTE: « on est une asbl comme les autres, on a des activités sociales, des services pour
les gens, ce n’est pas une mosquée seulement. (…) j’insiste là dessus, l’objectif principal, ce
n’était pas la mosquée, mais le local pour les jeunes, c’était le local social pour faire
différentes activités, pas seulement la religion, mais des activités sportives et de loisirs»
(man, 32 years old)
On the other side, members of both mosques explain quite clearly the differences between the
two religious places. Mimar Sinan is described as the oldest mosque built by Turkish migrants
in the 1970s and funded by the DYANET, whereas Aya Sofya was born out of a split in 1989
over issues of autonomy from the Turkish state and generational disagreements. Both
mosques target children and young people to provide them with a cultural and religious
inheritance, as well as social activities. The internal tensions within the Turkish-Muslim
community are rarely presented or discussed in the local sphere238. Two main reasons could
explain this situation: the lack of knowledge of both religious places by the local authorities
and population and the desire not to fragment the image of a solid community based on
internal solidarity. Again, what is at stake might be the power relationships within the
community, with the village residents and with the local authorities.
QUOTE: “Il y a neuf ou dix ans, une nouvelle mosquée s’est créée, il y a un éclatement
dans le groupe entre les vieux et les jeunes, ils ne sont pas ouverts du tout, c’est un groupe
restreint, ils ont leur organisation interne, leur idéologie, c’est impossible d’avoir des liens
vraiment, disons qu’ils sont plus « barbus » aussi, plus traditionnels » (man, 35 years old)
QUOTE: « Il y a deux mosquées à Cheratte, la deuxième plus radicale est le fruit d’une
scission, elle est plus bridée, un peu spéciale, disons qu’elle est plus fréquentée pour la
prière et que les gens sont « plus barbus » (man, 38 years old)
In conclusion, the presence of religious diversity in the public space has been a permanent,
though cyclical issue in Belgium since the 1970s. But this has been even more the case since
the 9/11 events in America. The issue of multiculturalism, here expressed through religious
diversity (but also linguistic practices, etc.), has become striking for both the political actors
and the media. The important point to stress is that, in contrast with other local areas, which
have a high proportion of foreign-origin population concentrated in one area, Visé and
Cheratte have never seen the rise of xenophobic or anti-immigrant political parties. Quite
surprisingly, the National Front has never put forward any candidate at the local elections. In
238
Other divisions exist between: Sunnis and Alevis, Muslims and secularized Muslims, along social class lines,
generations, etc.
106
fact, what is at stake is much more the pragmatic aspects of cultural diversity, with the main
opposition being between hard-line assimilationism and ethnic diversity claims, rather than
the acceptance of cultural diversity itself.
QUOTE: « Ils ne veulent pas lever le poing et réclamer leurs droits, et puis du coup c’est
l’amalgame dans les médias entre arabes et musulmans, moi je suis belge et musulman, il ne
faut pas confondre la culture et l’origine, c’est l’ignorance de la chose, souvent ils
confondent » (man, 29 years old)
The public authorities have abandoned the debates about religious diversity to the civil
society and have passed responsibility for the issue to local authorities. This has led to a local
management of diversity through ad hoc solutions to negotiations between the two
antagonistic positions of hard-line assimilationism and ethnic diversity claims. To a large
extent, the real debate is the one around the concept of citizenship. This concept will be
developed in the following section, which deals with political participation.
IV.3.1.4. The generational divide
Three examples of conflict arising from the generational divide may be proposed: the
constant complaints expressed by residents regarding juvenile disturbance; the generational
clash specific to the non-EU origin population at the institutional level; the transition from old
politicians to a new generation of politicians.
At the macro-level, or more accurately, at the formal political level, there is a transition taking
place in all the political parties in the Visé area. The local system has long been dominated by
a generation that came out during the “fusion des communes” (the grouping together of six
different villages into a single administrative entity, Visé-Cheratte) in 1976. Following this,
there was almost no rotation of staff for 25 years, since politics is highly personalized at this
level. However, by 2000, the first conflicts began to appear between new candidates for
political posts and former ones. The only exception was the Green Party (Ecolo), which
already had a cross-generational make up. In 2006, the clash between generations is especially
well expressed in each party’s need to represent the electorate. This necessity is linked to both
the application of the parity law and the demonstration of cultural diversity within the
candidate list. There is quite an interesting cumulative effect. In fact, for the forthcoming
elections, the PS and the MR parties, in particular, have given a new look to their list, and
some of this new generation has been waiting for it for a long time.
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QUOTE: « on a vu un changement de génération et une tentative de renouvellement qui a
commencé au CDH, puis au PS, mais c’est difficile de trouver quelqu’un qui prenne la tête
de liste » (elected official)
At the same time, the extent of this renewal must be de-emphasized by the fact that, even if
there is change of generation, there are still strong affiliations between the candidates: the
leader of the PS list for 2006 is none other than the son of the former PS leader, Gustave
Hoffman. Other examples would also prove that, on close examination of the lists, politics
remains quite family-oriented in Visé.
At the meso-level, the opposition between adults and young people is quite transversal.
Parents of young people of different ethnic origins, adults and elderly people, and social
actors and local authorities all agree on the fact that the main sensitive issue is youth behavior
both inside and outside the village (during evening dances, etc.). The issues at stake are of
course the level of educational attainment by the ethnic-Belgian youth (see Part I of this
report), the unemployment level in the area (for all young people), and the lack of activities
targeting this group.
QUOTE: « les personnes âgées ont assez peur du vandalisme, et elles parlent aussi des
commerces qui ont disparu, les gens ont peur, ils parlent d’insécurité et je les comprends, en
plus ce sont des personnes âgées (…) il y a une forme de racisme qui se développe, avec ces
stéréotypes » (man, 37 years old)
There is no real added-value in developing the discourses around youth street disturbance,
since all discourses remain the same: adults criticizing petty-crime and the loudness of youth,
especially during the night time. The main difference is, unsurprisingly, the target of these
discourses. the EU-origin population focus on the responsibility of non-EU origin parents for
their children’s behavior and accuses Turkish-origin and Moroccan-origin young people of
being responsible for the disturbance. On the other hand, the non-EU origin population
minimizes the facts by saying that young people from other villages are involved in the petty-
crime, or by stigmatizing only a few individuals labeled as being mainly responsible for the
situation.
At the micro-level, of greater interest, is the generational conflict among the Turkish-origin
residents, which is based on a transition at the institutional level, meaning at the Mimar Sinan
Mosque’s Cultural Association Board. This dynamic is a traditional one and not specific to
the area. “Second-generation” or Turkish-origin residents born in Belgium have gone through
a long transitional process in their respective personal and collective development. They have
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been educated in Belgium, in the French language. They work in Belgium and they have
acquired a good knowledge of different institutions, as well as of the functioning of society in
general. There is a perpetual questioning of their individual identity, caught as they are “in-
between” two worlds239.
QUOTE: « Pour nous, c’est difficile, en Turquie on est des étrangers, là-bas on n’est pas
des Turcs, on vient des pays européens, pour eux, on est des touristes, et ici aussi, on est des
étrangers (…) Moi je vis ma vie en français, je lis des livres en français à l’école, ma lecture
en turc n’est pas très bonne, et puis finalement on se sent de nulle part et de partout en
même temps, c’est notre génération » (man, 32 years old)
But this also means that their demands are made directly to the Belgian authorities - or to their
representatives (the PIC, the CPAS, elected officials) - and this political involvement is taking
place in Belgium, rather than being directed towards the home country. This transition
process has occurred quite rapidly in the area. Basing their claims on their legitimacy
(Belgian citizens), on their skills (being educated), and on their dynamic (being young), mid-
thirties Turkish-origin residents have provoked a change in the Mimar Sinan Association
Board. In fact this change was preceded by a less peaceful transition, which was the splitting
off of a part of the community, led by the younger generation, to create a second mosque with
another cultural association. Only after this split occurred did the board reformation happen.
QUOTE: « il y avait les vieux et les jeunes qui ont des demandes, alors nous on fait le pont
entre les deux. Les vieux voulaient rester dans l’association telle qu’elle est, nous on voulait
relancer l’ouverture vers l’extérieur, on ne veut pas rester dans le cloisonnement, on pense à
long terme, c’est l’envie qu’on a eue » (man, 32 years old)
So, the generational divide is not only to be understood as a clash between the youth and
adults, but also as a transition period for the non-EU migrant-origin residents. Both Turkish
and Moroccan migrants have been confronted in the last ten years by a process of familial and
social adjustment thanks to their children, who have claimed a certain level of autonomy. The
“second generation” demonstrates a level of autonomy in relation to paternal or matriarchal
authority, in relation to the social control expressed by services and public institutions (failure
of the youth centers planned by local institutions) and in relation to the political decisions in
community-oriented organizations.
The generational divide is thus quite transversal, although it can be read at the three levels,
distinguishing between political confrontation and social confrontation. This complexity is
important to bear in mind, because the generational divide is much more than just a parent-
239
SAYAD, Abdelmalek : La double absence : des illusions de l'émigré aux souffrances de l'immigré. Paris,
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child relationship, being also a power change relationship, happening in parallel in “Belgian”
politics and in the “Turkish-community” institutions.
IV.3.1.5. The social class divide
Another dividing line is rooted along the lines of social class. This line also cuts across
at the three different levels studied and, not surprisingly, it is the most clearly expressed by
residents. This is probably because of its long term presence, of its being normalized, and
because it occurs in an area where social conflicts were previously identified along social
class lines.
At the macro level, the opposition is clear between the city of Visé, labeled as “bourgeois”,
and Cheratte, which represents the working class population - an image that has persisted
since the days of the mining industry. Although the mines have now closed, the perception
remains the same.
QUOTE: « c’est toujours Visé, d’abord Visé, c’est très décourageant. Ils ont une mentalité
de chauvin, avant Visé n’existait pas, on connaissait Cheratte aux quatre coins de la
Belgique, jusqu’à la fermeture des charbonnages, la dégradation a commencé pour
Cheratte » (woman, 46 years old)
The perception of an antagonism between the working class and middle class populations has
a real expression in the feeling of powerlessness and abandonment that Cheratte residents
may feel. There is an acute consciousness of the existing link between social categorization
and the level of power in the political game at the local level.
QUOTE: « La fusion des communes a eu lieu presque contre nature, Visé était plutôt
bourgeoise et commerçante avec des professions libérales et Cheratte était basé sur les
charbonnages, les ouvriers des aciéries (…). Donc en 1976, Cheratte a perdu en influence,
d’ailleurs pendant longtemps au conseil échevinal, il n’y a eu personne de Cheratte, et
jamais un bourgmestre n’a été issu de Cheratte » (elected official)
At the meso level, there is a division between the inhabitants of Cheratte-Hauteurs, who have
known a certain amount of social mobility in comparison with those in Cheratte-Bas. They
are considered either to be middle class or to be working class people who have been
successful in reinventing themselves.
QUOTE: « Cheratte-Hauteurs et Cheratte-Bas sont presque deux villages presque différents,
mais dans les deux cas, les cités sont devenus des logements sociaux comme des petits
Seuil, 1999.
110
ghettos de Marocains et de Turcs. Mais Cheratte-Hauteurs, c’est plus calme, les gens sont
partis de Cheratte-Bas pour s’installer là-bas, ils ont monté.. » (woman, 47 years old)
At the micro level, the main antagonism exists between the working class residents and the
residents living on social benefits. The social benefit users are considered to be at the bottom
of the social ladder. These people are opposed to the migrant workers who have worked hard
for the benefit of their host country and its economy and who have brought up their children
to respect their own working values and those of their new country. EU-origin residents born
in Belgium always contrast their ethics with the moral values of the non-EU origin youth or
even mid-generation parents. They strongly criticize the lack of effort made to look for a job,
the opportunity to live on public benefits or the lack of loyalty to Belgium, taking for example
the idea of the naturalization process.
QUOTE: « Avec les deux derniers arrivages des Marocains et des Turcs, ils avaient une
motivation différente pour le travail et ce sont les plus fraîchement arrivés, je crois que ce
sont deux différences avec la génération de mes parents, eux ils savaient dire: je suis nourri
par la Belgique et je veux que mes enfants réussissent et fassent autre chose et rendent à la
Belgique la chance donnée (…). Et puis nos parents sont parfois morts de la mine, mais on
n’a pas la même rapport de souffrance et la même culpabilité; nous les enfants on a cette
culpabilité des parents sacrifiés pour nous » (woman, 42 years old)
This social class dividing line is permanently complemented by other cross-cutting lines, such
as the ethnic-national divide or the territorial divide. As the oldest form of social division in
the area, social class has lost its importance to be replaced by newer or more intense clashes,
which seem to explain, in a new light, the sensitive interactions at the local level.
Nevertheless, social class is not to be forgotten, especially for the older generation and for the
children of mine workers, who have maintained their inheritance quite strongly as an element
in building their local territorial identity (being Cherattois) and their individual identity
(having a migrant-origin).
Nevertheless, it would be inadequate to consider local ethnic neighborhoods as being

homogeneous entities, or lost islands, totally isolated in the city. The external perception of
unity and coherence of these areas, as previously stated, is quite artificial and biased. There
are some levels of interaction between the different areas (at the macro, meso and micro
levels as well) and interdependency does occur. In particular, connections exist between
individuals, be they functional or transactional, because they all share a common interest in
the village’s future. The image of the village and of its residents is at the core of the residents’
worries, and of their different ways of participating politically. Political and social
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participation in the interest of the village thus creates a basis for interaction, but also for
competition. Because migrant-origin populations have long been deprived of access to formal
politics (unless they became naturalized citizens), they have entered into political life through
more informal ways. The study of local politics is extremely interesting in two ways: it shows
the specificity of the local political opportunity structure and it reveals that the local case
integrates very well into the contemporary political Belgian process.
IV.3.2. Forms of political and social participation
Before discussing the topic of political and social participation in this section, it is
necessary to mention that, at the beginning of the research project, we had intended to explore
the gender variable in relation to identification of these forms of participation. Unfortunately,
the qualitative data only allowed us to study the impact of the parity law on the power
equilibrium in local politics. This constitutes a limitation regarding the initial goals of the
research, which had intended specifically to focus on gender relations. Nevertheless, face to
face interviews served to fill the gap and provided individual discourses on gender roles and
their effect on politics. It is mainly in the traditional form of political participation, through
party membership and electoral behavior, that the analysis draws attention to gender.
One could say that complementary forms of politics are taking place in the local area. These
examples of political activity are not particular to the area, but rather are representative of
modern politics as a whole. Traditional forms of political participation involve individuals
who feel integrated into the political game and who use instruments and ways to enter into
formal politics. Their political participation is channeled through formal institutions (unions,
political parties); their main demands are social and political. Their claims are organized
around ideological principles. Citizens use their vote for a political party or for an individual
(in particular at the local level), depending on their interests. This formal form of politics has
long excluded women and minority groups. However, other forms of political participation
have developed more informally alongside. Informal politics implies associations taking a
lead in the political game, with various claims (in particular religious, social and political
ones), which are not fulfilled by traditional politics. In addition, ethnic politics has developed.
In Belgium, this is especially true in Brussels and in the Flemish-speaking cities: ethnic
leaders and elected officials are often considered as a model of successful political
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participation by minorities240. Communitarian claims have increased and the strategy of
community-representation seem stronger now than before. Finally, informal politics seem to
have better integrated the gender gap (parity law) and the foreign-origin population, providing
at least for a symbolic inclusion of those excluded groups. In practice, the various forms
cohabit and complement each other. Individuals and groups use both traditional and informal
forms of politics simultaneously, or only one of them, depending on the issues at stake.
IV.3.2.1. Towards ethnic representation?
.In the case of migrants and migrant-origin populations, as Chapter II of the report illustrated,
it is commonly acknowledged that these groups suffer from a negative set of socio-economic
determinants for political participation, especially in the traditional forms of politics. This low
level of attainment often provokes feelings of political inefficiency and self-depreciation,
which are internalized by the individuals. It is true to say that conventional politics has not
opened many doors to minorities and women’s groups until quite recently. In Belgium, recent
pieces of legislation have changed the political landscape tremendously (parity law, EU-
citizens voting rights at local elections, non-EU citizen voting rights at local elections, easier
naturalization process). At the local level, these changes have provoked a renewal of local
politics, although it seems correct to argue, in the case of Visé-Cheratte, that the political
opportunity structure remains only slightly open. Nevertheless, this qualitative study
demonstrates a new trend, which is the development of ethnic politics in a two-level game
involving the opening up of the local party system to ethnic leaders and the organizing of
ethnic-community claims informally to become strong formal claims.
First, our qualitative research demonstrates that historically and to date, the local
opportunity structure has remained quite closed to specific groups and their representatives,
be they women or migrants. The political environment can be defined as conservative and
historically marked by long-term leaders, with no change in the political staff.
As stated above, the City of Visé council is currently led by Mr Neven (MR). Although the
former mayor was a woman, Mrs Cahay-André (PSC - Social-Christian Party) from 1976 to
240
JACOBS, Dirk; MARTINIELLO, Marco; REA, Andrea: “Changing Patterns of Political Participation of
citizens of immigrant origin in the Brussels Capital Region: the October 2000 Elections”, in Journal of
International Migration and Integration, vol.3, n°2, 2002, pp.201-221. Cf. Chapter II.
113
1988, today only two out of 5 members of the Collège échevinal are women and only 4 out of
25 in the Conseil Communal. Face-to-face interviews, as well as focus groups in the study,
show the difficulty women experience in participating in the political agenda: feelings of
inferiority expressed by local elected female officials; disapproval of the parity law by local
representatives of the governing political party; dismissal of women’s capacity to be in
charge; arguments regarding reverse discrimination against competent male candidates, etc.
QUOTE: « ce n’est pas spécifique à Visé, mais dans certaines communes, il faut
chercher des femmes uniquement pour respecter les lois, on est à côté de l’objectif, on va
chercher des gens, des bouche-trous, pour utiliser le mot, et c’est un peu dommage de
sacrifier des hommes, c’est un vrai problème pour les partis » (elected official)
These debates are not specific to Visé, but they acquire greater strength in the local context.
Women are perceived as a threat to established power relations in local politics. The parity
law has provoked a revolution in the patrimonial and patriarchal local system, which has itself
experienced a generational change (see above). More interestingly, women’s political
integration into the local environment is often compared to the debate on immigrants’ local
voting rights. Parallel arguments are used either to favor immigrants’ rights to participate in
local elections or to deny them the right to do so (even though the law has already been
approved). The question of the necessity of quotas is often mentioned as being at the core of
the democratic functioning of political representation.
QUOTE: « En 2000, tous les partis ont essayé d’en avoir [des étrangers] sur la liste,
c’était de bon ton, un peu comme pour les femmes, pour qu’ils se sentent représentés. »
(elected official)
The discussions on political representation being proportional to the importance of certain

groups in society is key to understanding how migrant-origin groups in Visé, after women,
have been gradually - although minimally - integrated into local politics. In fact, before the
1976 “fusion des communes”, Cheratte had been the first municipality to create a consultative
immigrant committee. As the mayor of Cheratte, Marcel Leveaux, of the Communist Party,
had created this short-term committee, mostly to give a voice to EU-origin migrant-workers
who lived in Cheratte. The initiative did not last long, and when Cheratte was integrated into
the Visé area, there was no longer the political will to consult the migrant-origin population.
So, this population remained excluded from local politics, at least from political parties.
Simultaneously, with the mining industry closure, the unions lost their bargaining power and
their socialization role. Besides, naturalized immigrants, most working class people, who
traditionally voted for the Socialist Party, presented nothing but a problem to local governing
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parties, who needed to offer reassurance to their traditional electorate in the city of Visé and
in other villages.
Only in 2000, when the Maastricht Treaty was applied for the first time in local elections in
Belgium, did the EU-migrant population become an important actor in local politics. Without
talking about quotas or ethnic representation, the main political parties applied a pragmatic
diversity in their lists and campaigned in Cheratte to gain the vote of Italian, Spanish,
Portuguese and other non-naturalized residents. Since local politics works more on a personal
basis than on a party basis, the vote actually appeared to be quite split between the parties.
This was a “surprise” for the Socialist Party, discovering that what it considered to be its
traditional constituency was in fact almost as politically divided as the rest of the “Belgo-
Belgian” population.
QUOTE: « En 2000 (…) chacun est allé voir les étrangers européens pour qu’ils votent
et qu’ils s’inscrivent. Le PS surtout pensait que les Italiens et les Espagnols allaient voter
pour eux, mais le PSC a réagi vigoureusement, et finalement les votes se sont répartis 50-
50. » (elected official)
Not only were EU-residents important, but naturalized Turkish and Turkish-origin residents
started to represent a crucial part of the electorate. In that sense, it is possible to argue that the
implementation of Maastricht local voting rights was a turning point for the consideration of
ethnic representation of all ethnic groups, both EU and non-EU, in local politics. All political
parties included in their list at least one Turkish-origin or one Moroccan-origin candidate, in
order to enhance their concern for pluralism. One elected official even stated that “everyone
was looking for their Turk”.
QUOTE: Déjà en 2000, tous les partis sont allés « chercher leur Turc », on peut dire de
façon caricaturale, c’était la « guerre des Turcs » à Cheratte. A ce jeu là, c’est le PS qui a
gagné. La population marocaine de Cheratte n’était pas trop représentée, mais il y a eu une
liste composée uniquement de Turcs. Mais ils n’ont recueilli presque aucune voix » (elected
official)
The results were quite mixed. For the first time in 2000, an “ethnic candidate” was elected
(PS) to the local council and another one (MR) was elected to the CPAS Council Board.
Regarding the number of votes in the area, the results seemed poor, especially when the
system favors a personalized vote (vote de préférence). As Cheratte came back onto the
political agenda in 2000, mainly for electoral reasons, the 2000 elections constituted a
prefiguration of what the 2006 electoral campaign would be. The issue of ethnic diversity and
multiculturalism became strategic for political parties. Moreover, since the first ethnic list,
formed by Turkish-origin residents, was presented for the elections (with a poor score), this
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previous experience led to an appeal for even more diversity in the lists. The “ethnic”
question is now a real headache for parties in this semi-urban area. They have to follow four
levels of diversity: gender parity, villages (6 villages), generation, and ethnic groups.
QUOTE: « On essaie aussi d’avoir des personnes de tous les quartiers, c’est transparent
sur la liste, et aussi une représentation multiculturelle, avec en plus une diversité
philosophique (laïque, catholique et musulman) puis de nationalité (Italiens, Marocains,
Grecs, Turcs, Espagnols, Polonais) » (elected official)
QUOTE: « En 2006, avec les naturalisations et le droit de vote des étrangers l’enjeu
monte à 900 ou 1000 voix à chercher, alors chacun cherche ses candidats turcs » (elected
official)
This inflationist logic is not new to Belgian politics. Brussels is a common case of infinite
debates about the proportional and representative equilibrium of the electorate. But this is
quite new for a small-scale city such as Visé. It implies a reconfiguration not only of political
mechanisms, but also of political thinking. So, political parties have opened their lists to
women and to ethnic candidates. It is not just that they have been forced to do so by specific
pieces of legislations (parity law) and socio-demographic challenges (high rates of
naturalization among the non-EU origin residents and EU and non-EU voting rights at the
local level). In fact, political parties, through different steps and in different ways, have tried
to anticipate the new challenges posed by the political participation of new groups. They have
responded to it by putting into place a pragmatic politics of multicultural political
representation and recognition. The fact that the mayor decided to name a street “Atatürk” in
the Cité represented both an attempt to recognize the Turkish-origin residents and to remind
them of secular values. The name was a source of much debate among the Turkish
community itself and among EU-origin residents and Belgian residents in Cheratte, who
wanted to keep the previous name, which referred to the local mine (rue du Chemin de fer).
As a result, a compromise was found: the mayor only called a small square Atatürk, and left
the original name of the street unchanged. This was a pragmatic solution to resolve a conflict
that evidently raised tensions among the local population.
QUOTE: « A l’origine, le bourgmestre a souhaité rebaptiser la rue du chemin de fer par le
nom du fondateur de la Turquie moderne (…) Il y a eu des divisions à cause de l’image du
personnage et enfin les personnes non turques, les italiens et les espagnols étaient
défavorables à l’idée. Puis le personnage est controversé historiquement, bref finalement on
a trouvé un accord - à la belge - ou plutôt « belgo-turc » si on peut dire, pour débaptiser la
rue et laisser le nom à une place où vivent presque uniquement des Turcs » (resident, 48
years old)
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So, we have seen that traditional politics has undergone a slow but unavoidable change
towards the acceptance and promotion of ethnic diversity within the political system. A
second important point is that alongside these changes, new forms of politics have also been
emerging since the 1990s. Local politics is being transformed through one major dynamic.
Non-EU migrant-origin residents have progressively expressed specific claims and organized
themselves in an autonomous way in order to benefit from the national dynamic towards
ethnic politics.
In 2000, the Turkish-origin residents gathered to meet with the local political parties and to
express specific demands. This was the first time the political parties had actually campaigned
in the Cité in order to court the electorate. The mosques decided to invite individual
representatives from the parties. They avoided a single shot confrontation between local
officials, so as to be able to spread better their message to each of them. The change of
generation is a key variable to understanding this new perception of the importance of local
politics, which is more valued than Turkish-oriented politics.
QUOTE: « les vieux n’ont pas encore compris, ils croient qu’ils faut être politisés pour
obtenir quelque chose, mais c’est des rapports de personne, nous on a la manière de faire
différemment. La politique, c’est la politique, tout cela appartient au pouvoir, nous on veut
éviter ces problèmes là, avec les partis turcs et ici aussi, il faut rester logique, on ne vit pas
en Turquie, alors pourquoi avoir les partis turcs ici? » (man, 35 years old)
For the 2006 local elections, a new strategy seems to have been developed in order to
maximize the electoral weight of the group. The main purpose is to obtain not only an elected
official at the local college, but also to obtain an échevin (deputy mayor) for the Collège
échevinal. The project was discussed but provoked divisions in the group because of different
party affiliations and a clash of personal interests. Whereas the older generation of Turkish
migrants may be more inclined towards the Socialist Party because of the tradition of unions
in the mining industry, the middle and new generations are more participative and fragmented
between the two main parties.
QUOTE: « A: de toutes façons, les partis sont tous démocratiques, à part un ou deux, front
national en Wallonie et Vlaams Belang en Flandres, ça a changé de nom, nous on peut
s’intégrer dans n’importe quel parti, d’un parti MR le plus conservateur des partis
démocratiques, le moins accessible aux étrangers, aux immigrés, il n’ y a aucun problème,
c’est démocratique, on n’a pas besoin de choisir un parti bien spécifique si c’est
démocratique. B: Mais dans les immigrés, c’est surtout le parti socialiste qui réussit, le
président c’est un étranger et tout le monde va voter pour lui, comme ça marche bien, moi
je vote toujours PS. C: t’es un socialiste pur et dur, toi (rires). B: t’es pas socialiste toi,
alors? (rires) » (Focus Group 2)
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In parallel, already elected officials may want to preserve their party affiliation and their
elected position, counting on their visibility and previous experience. On the agenda has been
the idea of organizing “primary elections” among the Turkish-origin residents in order to
designate one single candidate who would collect all the votes from the electors. This could
ensure the acquisition of an “échevin”. But this method is the subject of disagreement. This is
because it might seem undemocratic to some, a way of forcing individuals to vote for
someone they would not support any other way.
QUOTE: « A: Mais si maintenant on met plusieurs candidats dans plusieurs partis, on fait
rien du tout, on aura… B: C’est ce qui risque de se passer, c’est ce qui s’est déjà passé. A:
on aura peut être un conseiller communal, et un conseiller de l’aide social c’est tout, le
conseiller communal sera peut être dans la minorité pas dans la majorité. B: On ne fera
sûrement pas la même erreur que la dernière fois (…) on s’est retrouvé avec 4 candidats, un
pour chaque parti, tous des gens de la cité, ce qu’on a fait, on a organisé une réunion ici en
bas, on les a réunis tous les quatre, on les a appelé pour qu’ils nous expliquent leurs
ambitions, ce qu’ils veulent pour Cheratte, pour savoir pour voter pour qui, on leur a
proposé, euh, qu’il y ait un seul candidat, si tous veulent travailler pour Cheratte, alors, on
envoie un seul, les trois autres démissionnent, comme ça on était sur d’avoir un conseiller,
ou peut être un échevin, mais c’était pas possible parce qu’ils avaient des obligations avec
leur parti, ça a pas marché, depuis, à chaque fois, je dis aux gens, pour ces élections, il faut
un seul candidat, ou alors 10 pré- candidats ou 20 et on fait une élection ici avec les gens de
la Cité, et celui qui gagne ici, ce sera le seul candidat là-bas, ou alors on met deux candidats
sur la liste du même parti si le parti est d’accord » (Focus Group 2)
This issue is also widely debated by the non-EU residents, who express fear at the potential
election of a Turkish-origin échevin. This possibility arouses many antagonistic discourses,
and xenophobic ones, again around the idea of “invasion”. Rumors have been spread to some
extent regarding the potential threat of “a Turk taking over the mayor’s position”.
QUOTE: « Pour nous, il faut mieux avoir différents nationalités et ethnies sur la liste que de
voir un parti avec une seule communauté qui pourrait avoir des voix avec un ayatollah à
leur tête » (elected official)
Since rumors are a strong communication instrument on such a geographical scale, it is

interesting to take them into account in terms of the stereotypes they carry regarding the
Turkish-origin community. They are also noteworthy because they prove that non-EU origin
citizens are not regarded as part of the political community or of Belgian society. A Turkish-
origin échevin would not represent the “Belgian” interests, but only “the community’s”
interests.
QUOTE: « A: c’est ça qui fait peur, un échevin ce sera possible déjà ici d’avoir un échevin
(d’origine turque). B: c’est déjà le cas à Bruxelles, non? A: Quelle va être sa démarche?
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elle sera tournée vers sa communauté, nous ça va nous nuire, je dis, c’est ça le danger, c’est
vrai que l’Europe est très réticente avec la Turquie, mais nous, ils sont obligés, mis devant le
fait accompli, ils sont là, ils représentent, ils sont en masse, ils représentent un gros
potentiel, et puis on se dit, qu’est ce qui va arrivé de Cheratte si ça devait arriver? » (Focus
Group 1)
In reality, the main question is that of political representation and its definition. Do elected
ethnic officials better represent their ethnic origin group? Do they represent only their
community? Is ethnic origin important when casting a vote? Is there a temporary necessity for
the inclusion of an excluded group (such as through the parity law)? On this debate, there
exists a strong differentiation between the “Belgian” local population, the EU-origin
population, and the non-EU origin population.
QUOTE: « Maintenant presque tous les Turcs sont naturalisés, donc il y a beaucoup de
chances pour qu’il y ait des Turcs sur les listes, déjà avant ça s’est passé. Je crois qu’ils font
plus confiance à quelqu’un de la communauté, on le sent bien, ils se disent que si c’est un
Belge, ils n’auront rien, ils veulent mettre des Turcs sur la liste électorale. Mais la majorité
des Belges ne voteront pas pour eux, et les Marocains ne vont pas voter pour les Turcs et
inversement, quand je vois les mentalités, c’est très différent entre les deux » (woman, 36
years old)
The role of ethnic candidates is a matter of debate and discussion and is not as simple as it
seems. Some apparently support the idea of ethnic representation that could have a positive
effect by channeling demands through a formal means of expression, rather than through
rebellion.
QUOTE: « Je crois que cela représente un plus d’avoir quelqu’un de sa communauté,
comme au conseil communal. Chaque liste en avait un, peut être même plus, aujourd’hui
presque tous les jeunes Turcs sont belges. Parfois je me pose la question, je croise des
jeunes (…) ils me disent, écoute, les électeurs turcs ils sont très groupés, ils restent fort entre
eux, ils vont dans des magasins turcs, ils se votent entre eux » (elected official)
On the other hand, EU-origin residents seem to refute the logic of ethnic voting and to favor a
personalized choice during the election. They would rather choose a candidate who fulfills
their demands than a candidate of a specific national origin without a convincing proposal. At
the same time, if a candidate has the dual advantage or being both efficient and of EU-origin,
he might get some of their votes. This shows that the issue is not that simple for EU-origin
residents, caught between a discourse of acting as “Belgo-Belgian” residents (a person or a
party choice) and their own political decision.
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QUOTE: « A: mais non, c’est la personne qui compte et si elle fait quelque chose de bien!
B: il ne faut pas parler de la nationalité. C: si tout le monde serait intégré de la même façon,
qu’il voudrait participer à la vie quotidienne, je suis persuadé que la personne qui est la
pour vous défendre, pour être mieux, un représentant élu, qu’il soit italien, espagnol ou
grec, il le défendra pareil, si les gens s’intègrent ils sont dans la même logique. D: pour moi
si c’est quelqu’un n’importe lequel qui travaille bien (…). B: c’est pas parce que moi je suis
espagnole, que je vote forcément pour un espagnol! franchement, je le dis - E: Mais si c’est
un espagnol et qu’il est du côté que tu votes, alors tu voteras pour lui! » (Focus Group 1)
As a consequence, political participation is quite interesting to observe, especially with the

forthcoming local elections. New transformations in Belgian politics are impacting the local
level, which has to evolve around new political arrangements. Ethnic representation in the list
must be present and carefully framed. At the same time, new actors are emerging, and not
without internal and external conflict. There is a fear expressed by the local population
towards ethnic politics, while this dynamic deeply divides the concerned population.
IV.3.2.2. The role of civil society and public actors
In 1989, the PIC (Projet Intégré Cheratte) was formed as a platform from which to
coordinate public service agencies and local organizations from the civil society. At first, the
body was called the Cheratte/Visé Coordination Committee (CCV: Comité de Coordination
Cheratte/Visé). It was created to respond to various issues in Cheratte: youth violence and
street disturbance, the lack of communication between Belgian, Turkish and Moroccan-origin
residents or the presence of conflictual interaction, women’s social isolation, etc. Since the
beginning of the research, the CEDEM (Centre d’Etudes de l’Ethnicité et des Migrations,
Université de Liège) has been associated with the monthly meetings of the group, offering
two services: an advisory presence (Marco Martiniello, Jean-Michel Lafleur) and the
undertaking of this research (Emmanuelle Le Texier). Partners involved in the group were
very open to the researcher, they accepted face to face interviews as well as observation of
their activities and the study of their archives. As individuals and as representatives either of
the civil society or of public institutions, they proved to be eager to discuss their work, their
objectives and the difficulties they experienced in achieving them, as well as their on-going
projects. This section does not aim to evaluate the work done in the field by the different
partners. It focuses only on the level of interaction among partners and on the issues debated
around the concepts of multiculturalism, assimilation, integration and diversity. The research
studies the discourses of organizations and actors, without judging their involvement in the
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field. Four main issues appeared important in the field, and these are detailed in the following
table.
Table 15: PIC: Main issues

Area Obstacles
Resources Limited resources
and Staff No staff rotation
No adequate structure
Internal Politicization
organization Competition b/w
organizations
Target Paternalism
Population Social control
Objectives Global integration
Diversity
Table 15.
The aim of this research is to better emphasize the dialectics and problems presented
in the area. Before doing this, it is worth discussing briefly the ambivalent results for the
qualitative research brought about by the PIC’s collaboration with the CEDEM. Indeed, the
cooperation was extremely positive in view of the fact that, in previous years, the PIC had
gone through an internal crisis due to debates regarding the leadership and the goals of the
group. Former members, such as IRFAM (Institut de Recherche, Formation et Action sur les
Migrations), the Mimar Sinan Association and Cheratte Quartier de Vie had left the group
due to strong differences regarding the perception of their social role.
QUOTE: “On a eu des débats sur l’intégration et ils avaient vraiment une vision
communautariste, en plein dans le communautarisme, et nous on est des acharnés du
mélange. (…) On a senti aussi leur idéologie très en faveur des Turcs (…) ils présentaient
toujours les Turcs comme des immigrés victimes (…) ça me dérange, on n’est pas d’accord
avec cette image de l’immigration, si on donne de l’argent aux associations turques, c’est
bien, mais s’ils sont refermés sur eux? » (woman, 45 years old)
The IRFAM presence in the group provoked intense conflict regarding the definition of the
use of public funds, and the differing definitions of integration given by all participants. In
addition, IRFAM’s presence caused the target population to reflect on the way the PIC
communicated.
QUOTE: « Il n’avait pas une volonté de pacifier les relations, il avait une manière de
présenter les choses qui n’a pas plu (…). Il a toujours mis en avant le côté tragique des
victimes turques, martyrs de la Belgique qui n’a rien fait pour eux. La population n’aime pas
qu’on dise ça d’eux, qu’il sont très défavorisés, c’est misérabiliste »
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When the research started, Cheratte Quartier de Vie (CQV) had returned to the PIC (Projet
Intégré Cheratte) but the association expressed a desire to maintain a certain level of distance
from the other partners. The other partners in the PIC maintained some functional links:
projects were on-going mostly because of financial reasons. Since Cheratte Quartier de Vie is
the most self-funded organization, and its membership is dense, there is a level of institutional
hierarchy. In a way, the PIC fares better with the CQV as a member than without it, and its
position of power is formulated continuously during the meetings. Simultaneously, the PIC
searches for legitimacy via the use of public funds obtained through the group’s common
projects.
QUOTE: « Et puis, au sein de la coordination, on a vu que chaque partenaire était là
pour obtenir quelque chose pour son association, mais pas pour l’ensemble du projet »
(woman, 47 years old)
The Belgian authorities’ recognition gives another level of institutionalization to the PIC. It
works for the public good with public funds, so the work becomes unquestionable. In the
meantime, representatives from the Mimar Sinan Association had stopped attending the
meetings, because the association itself was going through a process of generational
transitions: the mid-thirties generation had taken over the board from the “older generation”.
In addition, the Aya Sofya Mosque has always been considered by external actors to be
radical and extremist, and no contact has been established with it since its creation. Negative
rumors were spread about the newer mosque and these served to reinforce the legitimacy of
Mimar Sinan as being the unique representative of the Turkish community in the area. The
Mimar Sinan Association has since returned to the PIC as a full partner and has shown its
desire to be represented and heard by the group as well as by the local authorities.
QUOTE: « La nouvelle génération a mis main basse sur la Mosquée, c’est une autre
génération, née en Belgique, mieux éduquée, documentée, par rapport à leurs parents qui
n’avait aucune idée sur la vie urbaine (…), ici c’est une génération plus facile pour
travailler ensemble à une cohabitation harmonieuse » (man, 52 years old)
So, it can be seen that a long period of crisis preceded the point at which CEDEM became an
advisory member to the PIC and that the need for stability and new projects was considered
vital. It is important to recall that the University of Liège, as well as IRFAM and the media
have served both to shed light on sensitive issues in the area and to emphasize the reality of
the situation. Although it is really difficult to measure the actual impact of these three
institutions in the crystallization of conflicts, there is no doubt that there was one. As one
researcher remembers, Cheratte was seen (and is still seen) as a laboratory for academic and
non-academic institutions.
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QUOTE: « On peut dire que c’était un laboratoire, oui, pour l’université, ils prenaient des
informations, mais ça ne me gène pas quand c’est annoncé, quand il y a un cadre et qu’on
vous dit: vous aurez ça comme résultats ou rapports au bout de tant de temps, vous aurez un
« return » en formation, intellectuel ou pour la population (…) La surexposition de Cheratte
a surtout été médiatique, c’est logique, tous les journalistes vont se focaliser sur Cheratte, il
ira moins à Blégny ou à Verviers, quand la situation est comme une mine d’or ici » (woman,
43 years old)
Following the history of crisis, common projects were particularly needed to strengthen the
links between the partners in the PIC. The fact was that each partner offered a broad range of
activities to the public (sports, culture, social gatherings, entertainment, after school
programs, outings, etc.), but there was a perceptible weakness in the lack of working links and
collective projects, which could have brought the member organizations together. To this end,
the CEDEM proposed three plans for cooperation that would serve to link the partners: firstly,
a visit by a Swedish delegation from Malmö composed of social workers and academics in
April 2005, secondly, a six-week internship by a University student and the promotion of
student research or internships in the area and thirdly, the organization of focus groups
through the development of the fundamental research described in this paper. These events
implied a tied cooperation between the partners for projects, which could have an added-value
for the PIC as a whole, but not for one single partner. They provoked interaction among
partners and among residents, and gave visibility to the PIC. In addition to the three plans, the
CEDEM attended the PIC monthly meeting, as an advisory partner and presented the results
of this 12-month research to the partners of the group on February 21st, 2006. This
presentation was a moment of fruitful exchange between researchers and actors in the field.
In that sense, the cooperation between the CEDEM and the PIC had positive effects for all
partners. However, it also had some negative aspects for the research. The cooperation had
obviously biased the research results. It is important to bear in mind the fact that the PIC
served as an intermediary, introducing the researcher to the various participants in the study.
The researcher was thus influenced by this mediation: it gave the opportunity for the opening
of many doors but probably also labeled the researcher as being close to an institution.
Furthermore, during the monthly PIC meetings, there was frequent confusion between the role
of the CEDEM as an advisory partner (led by another colleague) and the researcher’s role as
observer of the meetings. Previous cooperation with IRFAM reinforced the confusion, since
the researcher was perceived as an evaluator. On many occasions, I had to explain again the
purposes of the research and to delimit the function of the researcher (objectivity goal). For
instance, when I organized the focus groups, criticisms were made regarding the choice of
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targeted participants - some members disagreed on the chosen methodology. Such criticisms
were actually extremely interesting in the sense that they revealed the perception by some
actors of the interactions in the village. To put it in a nutshell, the PIC represented the first
means of mediating the researcher’s entry to the field, and this proved to be very useful, but it
also had some inevitable consequences regarding the intended objectivity of the research, a
problem quite common to qualitative studies.
But what are the main issues relating to the functioning of the PIC? What does the PIC as a
body illustrate in terms of managing diversity? In reality, there are conflicting positions
within the group, and these were crystallized especially when IRFAM took over the board,
and promoted a community self-development approach. This approach was accused of being
“communitarian” by others, such as the CPAS and Cheratte Quartier de Vie, which preferred
an approach of “assimilation with diversity” or one of being “multicultural but integrated”.
These discussions were framed quite clearly by both sides, but observation during the
monthly meetings and interviews with representatives from the organizations demonstrated an
antagonistic vision of managing diversity.
QUOTE: “On a joué un rôle d’accompagnement, plus que ça, de création du PIC, à la
fin du travail de l’université de Liège, on est resté, il y avait une demande, et puis on ne
sort pas d’un terrain comme cela (…). On a amélioré les rapports de communications
avec les populations et l’écoute des acteurs. Et on se demande: est-ce encore logique que
les acteurs réfléchissent toujours en terme de politique d’intégration: oui, c’est logique,
car finalement tout change, les flux migratoires, les générations de professionnel se
succèdent, les politiques changent, les lois changent, l’immigration change, donc la
question de l’intégration doit être constamment remise sur le métier (…) » (IRFAM
representative)
QUOTE: « C’est (leur) discours: ils doivent s’intégrer, ils sont chez nous, c’est à eux de
s’intégrer » (woman, 45 years old)
Multiculturalism can only be the visible face of representation of a certain proportion of the
population as a whole (an elite section) and not of the entire targeted population. This is what
was previously described as two-tiered multicultural diversity: diversity to legitimize action
and to spread an external image of concordance, but with no mixing at grassroots’ level. This
approach avoids actual conflict - in a pragmatic way - but in the long term it can crystallize it.
QUOTE: « c’est vraiment multiculturel, le salon couleurs locales, ça marche, on ne
pouvait même pas imaginer cela avant (…). Mais le seul problème, c’est que les Turcs
viennent, ils mettent leur stand, mais alors ils ne mangent qu’à leur stand ou alors les
mamans apportent directement à manger ou à boire pour leurs enfants, puis ils repartent
et très peu viennent » (resident)
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Multiculturalism can become a one-shot word, pragmatic and fashionable enough to help
frame subsidy demands, to justify political actions in the local environment or to give a moral
sense to activities that are developed. On the other hand, multiculturalism can also be
perceived in the same way by those member of the community who are supposedly the target
of such a policy. In analyzing the discourses, the description of multicultural diversity appears
more like an aim, an ideal utopian goal, than a reality that works on a day to day level. From
another point of view, multicultural diversity can be seen to “work” when defined in the
narrow sense of the existence of interactions between EU-origin residents and “Belgo-
Belgian” residents - or between these groups and a small fragment of the Turkish population.
QUOTE: «A: une seule fois par an, j’en entends parler! (rires) … une grosse organisation
(salon couleur locale) par an dans la salle, l’année passée, j’étais un peu étonné, j’ai vu des
gens que je ne connaissais pas du tout, je ne croyais pas être à Cheratte mais ailleurs, je
croyais que ça se passait ailleurs » (Focus Group 2)
The first major issue that is revealed through the discourses and the qualitative work of this
research is a pragmatic multiculturalism with positive and negative effects on the interaction
process. This is the result of a consensus between the assimilation line on the one hand and
the community self-development approach on the other. Since the local and national
authorities have more or less left the issue to the civil society, those involved invent pragmatic
ways of dealing with it, especially in a situation of majority-minority reverse in a small local
area.
A second issue from the research is the fact that discourses stress that the PIC mostly works in
a paternalistic way, reinforcing social control activities led by the CPAS and local authorities,
rather than developing self-appropriation of the projects by the targeted groups.
QUOTE: « Le problème, ce n’est pas le manque d’institutions, mais le fait que personne ne
demande aux gens ce qu’il sont envie de faire, on ne les rend pas acteurs de leur vie »
(woman, 40 years old)
This was a reaction towards the common policy supported by social institutions, which tried
to channel “problematic individuals or groups” merely in order to control them. This is not
something specific neither to the Cheratte area nor to the Belgian context241. On the contrary,
there is a structural tendency by public institutions to exert control over marginalized groups
241
Cf. BEAUD, Stéphane; PIALOUX, Michel: Violences urbaines, violence sociale. Genèse des nouvelles
classes dangereuses. Paris, Fayard, 2003.
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through their legitimatized power (and via financial and social means). As one social worker
remembers, before community work started, the approach of those working in the field was
one of channeling the demands, without consultation or dialogue with the target group.
QUOTE: « Quand je réfléchis sur ce qu’on essayait de faire, de produire comme réactions
par rapport aux faits, je reconnais qu’on agissait beaucoup en fonction de ce que la
population belge voulait. Par exemple, on prenait le problème de la nuisance sonore, alors
on essayait de diminuer le bruit en canalisant les jeunes vers un lieu précis, et non pas en
fonction de ce que les jeunes désiraient » (social worker)
In the 1980s, the concept of “community work” (travail communautaire) spread all over
Europe, especially in Belgium, through the CPAS, where specific staff were hired to develop
this methodology in the field. The new method involved questioning the role of social control
held by public institutions and tried to ensure that social users were not only the beneficiaries
of financial help but that they also took advantage of projects that were intended to reach
them. In the beginning, this approach was perceived as being quite political, linked to a
progressive mentality impacting social workers and institutions. Debates at the time were
tense regarding the role of social institutions. In Visé in particular, this new working practice
was not really welcomed or desired by the CPAS board. Nevertheless, the only social worker
in charge of community help had found herself in a decision-making role due to the internal
rearrangement of the CPAS. Subsequently, the community work methodology was developed
in Cheratte, as well as in other areas, such as Ma Campagne (not composed of migrant-origin
residents).
QUOTE: « Le travail communautaire a une belle définition (…) c’est tenir compte de leur
situation, de leur environnement, c’est répondre de manière collective à des problèmes
individuels, permettre aux personnes d’être maître de leur personne, elles ne sont plus
assistées, mais acteurs, elles participent à la réalisation, elles ont des idées, des projets à
développer ensemble, en communauté, dans la cité » (social worker)
Although it was not really accepted as a working practice at first, community-oriented

projects were created in Cheratte and now they are wholly part of CPAS and PIC activities.
There has been a progressive acceptance of the methodology and no one questions today the
necessity of building relationships with the target population. Nevertheless, the boundary is
still very thin between community-oriented projects and community-targeted projects.
Debates frequently occur around the idea that the target population must participate in the
projects and take the lead (such as in the management of the Youth Center or the leading of a
women’s group) but, simultaneously, all discourses tend to minimize the responsibility of the
target group. This is quite striking in the discourse surrounding young people, Turkish-origin
women and even representatives from the Mosque, a partner in the PIC. Community workers
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are continually paternalistic, establishing a level of hierarchy towards adults who are not
considered as autonomous as others.
QUOTE: « Parfois je sens que ces gens, à Ma Campagne aussi, ils auraient besoin d’un
ange gardien qui les accompagne en permanence pour leur dire, mais on ne peut pas
assister les gens toute leur vie! » (street mediator)
A third issue developed through the observation of the PIC activities and of the
collection of qualitative data is the politicization of the PIC itself. Since the PIC is composed
of different organizations created around various bases or functions (religious, cultural,
residential, social, etc.) and the scale is limited to a small territory, it becomes inevitable that
the body is a source of power relationships in the village. This is even more true when the
local and global political system relies historically on the pillarized society (société pilarisée)
where all pillars must be represented and are recognized as part of the overall system. It is
thus inherent in the system that associations are closely linked with political parties and
represent a certain political, religious or secular side, or any other current facet of society.
QUOTE: « Quand une association est liée à un parti politique, ça peut la servir ou la
desservir. (…) A Visé les associations sont cataloguées, même sans le vouloir, on sait que
telle association est liée au CDH, telle autre à la majorité, etc. C’est dommage, mais c’est
presque inné. Tu peux essayer de représenter plusieurs tendances, PC, PS, MR, mais au final
si le président de l’association s’engage en politique et est élu… » (man, 48 years old)
In that sense, it is not a surprise to hear from the associations that they consider themselves as
being part of a “game”. This word very often recurs in all the partners’ discourses: they
perceive their actions to be within the global framework of a game, a political game where
they have to establish their power, to be represented, to have a voice.
QUOTE: « L’étiquette de l’institution est d’être laïque, très laïque, tout le monde se donne
une appartenance ou vous la donne à un moment donné (…) bien sûr on a des sensibilités
philosophiques qui s’expriment lors des réunions et des couleurs, mais en général, ça se
passe plus au niveau des hommes que des partis. Dans une commune, on repère, c’est bien
identifié, telle personne en face de vous est telle chose, mais finalement plus que le parti,
c’est la personnalité. » (PIC)
There is no way of avoiding the game of labeling the PIC’s activities as tending towards one
side or the other. This constraint also has a positive side in the sense that it implicitly imposes
interaction and dialogue, a “consensus” between power partners.
The final issue brought out by the research regarding the PIC relates to the resources and the
staff available to work in the area. Firstly, there is the question of the renewal and rotation of
the staff in the area. This question has been of crucial importance over the last ten years,
127
because mostly the same street mediators and social workers have worked in the area. The
team is relatively limited and, although not lacking experience in the field, it lacks training
and a specific structure from which to perform its work.
QUOTE: « Je crois aussi qu’on a besoin d’éducateurs qui viennent de l’extérieur pour
changer la manière de travailler. On se plaint du manque de passage de la police, ce n’est
pas la bonne réponse! J’essaie d’avoir des éducateurs et le service de prévention à Cheratte.
Je crois qu’on a besoin de renouveau, je comprends aussi les éducateurs qui sont là depuis
des années, ils ont besoin d’échanger, de discuter, de sortir un peu du lieu » (elected
official)
The other issue concerning the staff is the new initiative that has led to the employment of
“ethnic-origin” social workers in the last few years. Turkish-origin and Moroccan-origin
young people have been either temporarily employed, during the summer for instance, or
hired on a more long-term basis, to work in the Youth Center or as prevention workers. In
fact, in parallel with the need and for the practicality of representing the overall population in
politics, social work has also been a scene of the politics of ethnic representation - through
ethnic models to the youth. This perception is not new and not original to Visé. It was put into
practice in Brussels after the 1991 youth riots, and in other European countries too. This
strategy fulfills the demand by the local youth to be closer to a social worker who “comes
from the same background” but simultaneously aggravates critics around the hiring of
unqualified or “under-qualified” ethnic social workers. These individuals also become the
target of two opposing discourses: one which valorizes their work and another which
constantly delegitimizes them. Their position is one of being in-between and having to
permanently justify themselves.
QUOTE: « On peut dire qu’il y a un problème d’appartenance, c’est l’avis contraire avec
les jeunes, pour eux je suis un traître, malgré ma couleur, je suis un pur bleu blanc belge, la
langue c’est aussi l’arabe, mais je leur dis, vous allez vivre ici, c’est OK d’avoir une double
culture » (social worker)
There are four issues at stake with the PIC, which represent the involvement of public actors
and civil society in the area: the debates around the overall issue of assimilation and
multiculturalism, which will be an on-going and important debate; the politicization of the
PIC itself, which is a familiar feature in the organization of the Belgian society along common
lines; the perception of the role of public actors towards a “foreign-origin and social benefits
user” population and the rotation and composition of staff in the field.
IV.4. Conclusions and Recommendations
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IV.4.1. Concluding remarks
The qualitative research revealed the complexity of interactions between individuals
and groups in a local entity often described, by the media and the local authorities, as a place
of strict antagonism between the “Turkish and Moroccan population” and the local
population. The study of the area of Visé-Cheratte analyzed three main topics in depth. First,
the interactions among the social entity appear to be extremely complex. Main dividing lines
cross the entity along different variables: generation, ethnicity, social class, territory and
religion. These dividing lines provoke either solidarity between groups, or competition, and
change depending upon the context. There is no straightforward clash between the non-EU
origin population and the rest, as there is not one single “ghetto” or “community”.
Second, the qualitative research stressed the fact that the non-EU origin population is
being included in politics through two main processes: a change in local politics due to the
strategic and demographic necessity of including new electors (political parties presenting
multicultural lists) and the organization of the non-EU origin population along ethnic lines
(ethnic candidates, the ethnic vote), following the Brussels model.
Third, the role of those dealing with managing social projects and diversity in the local
area appears to be organized around principles of consensus and pragmatism. The issue of
dealing with “integration”, “targeted population” or “foreign-origin youth” has been left to the
local actors, who have tried to coordinate their efforts through a platform (the PIC) offering
ad hoc solutions aimed at improving the environment of the area. After about fifteen years of
activity, the PIC seems to be dealing with four main issues: the renewal and representation of
its social workers (staff rotation); the politicization of its partners; debates on social control
vs. community development; debates primarily on an integration-assimilation approach vs. a
multicultural diversity approach. These issues are not specific to the local area, but can be
easily compared to neighborhoods in Brussels, although on a different scale.
The main conclusion arising from this qualitative research is the fact that all actors in the area
are trying to create a system of “diversity representation”. Civil society, residents, social
actors and political actors all work together to defend the idea of cultural diversity in the area,
or rather a representation of cultural diversity in the public space. This means that interactions
among residents of different backgrounds (social, ethnic, religious, generational, territorial)
do occur at the local population level, but mostly at the margins - in the sphere of political
representation or symbolic representation. In that sense, it is possible to talk about a two-level
pluralism: only an elite part of the local population is concerned with diversity, while most of
129
the population actually lives in low-level interaction. This dynamic serves social and political
interests: the social actors, the non-profit making organizations, the politicians all find
legitimacy through a pragmatic arrangement of cultural and ethnic diversity. They can justify
their actions in the eyes of all groups and in the changing Belgian context of multicultural
representation. This dynamic is negative in the sense that there is no intense interaction
among the population. In addition, limited representation could also provoke disillusionment
in the local non-EU origin population, who may, in reality, feel not well represented by
“ethnic models” or “ethnic leaders” or “multi-ethnic events”. They may not feel truly
associated with, but only “represented” by, these initiatives. In addition, pragmatism might
crystallize the various groups in favor of or against multicultural representation, and it might
cause the development of a mutual misunderstanding regarding issues of cultural, political or
religious recognition.
But this system of multicultural representation is also positive. Pragmatism has allowed for
the avoidance of conflict in a population fragmented along many dividing lines (although
conflict was seen to have been caused by the generational divide). Furthermore, the system
has also been an obstacle to the rise of extreme-right political parties in the area. In the long
term, it might have an impact on the overall society, involving not only a marginal or an elite
element, but all sections of the population.
IV.4.2. Recommendations
Belgium has entered a process of diversification of its diversity242. This variety of ethno-
cultural and national identities is common to most of the European nations, but not all of them
are equally recognized socially and politically. This process represents a challenge of a
“multicultural” citizenship in the country, an issue too often debated from a normative
perspective. It seems important to remind that issues of citizenship are related to processes of
socio-economic inclusion or exclusion; and to recognition and promotion of ethnic and
cultural identities. The processes are clearly connected, that’s why many policies could be
designed in order to support diversity while simultaneously encouraging integration and unity.
242
Martiniello, Marco : How to combine Integration and Diversities : The Challenges of an EU multicultural
citizenship. EUMC Discussion paper, Vienna 2004.
130
At the local level, some recommendations could improve diversity and unity, both in the social
and political spheres.
**Local level : Visé – Cheratte**
Generation gap : create a Youth Advisory Council to the City Council, that should be
composed by young people living in the different villages that constitute the entity.
The aims are threefold :
o promote dialogue between the local authorities and the youth ;
o stimulate dialogue between young people coming from the different villages ;
o foster initiatives in order to bridge the gap existing between adults and young
people in the area.
Geographic Isolation : initiate a dialogue between the City and the TEC (regional
transportation system) in order to set up a permanent public transportation system to :
o link residents of Cheratte Hauteurs with residents of Cheratte Bas ;
o allow residents of Cheratte Hauteurs to benefit from Visé services.
Medias : local authorities, social actors and civil society could contact local medias
and the Association Belges des Journalistes to organize a meeting that would analyse
the media’s role in spreading stereotypes about Cheratte :
o Present a positive image of Cheratte to the media : didactic presentation of the
daily life, social activities, visit of the historical sites, visit of the Cité des
Mineurs, etc.
o Provoke a consciousness that local media have participated in crystallizing
conflicts and devaluating an area and a population.
Social Housing : initiate a new debate on the volume and the localization of social
housing in the area
o Promote social mixing
o Promote access to property
International Exchange : foster international exchanges between city authorities, social

actors and residents and their homologues abroad (e.g. Swedish delegation of Malmö
visited the area in 2005). This openness is twofold :
o benefit from other experiences in the field of social action ;
o compare and analyse the local situation in retrospect.
Mutual Understanding : promote initiatives that focus on the common history of

Visé, Cheratte and the other components of the entity.
o Organise in Visé Cultural Centre and simultaneously in Cheratte a two-step
exhibition around common issues : the “fusion des communes”, the mines, or the
immigration history ;
o Promote research and publications around these issues.
131
Local partnership : promote a dialogue on institutional and political
paternalism towards specific groups (especially youth and foreign-origin people)
** Regional level**
Regional authorities : promote a discussion on the 10 years-old decree that

decentralized essential competencies to the Region regarding integration :
o Targeted areas : small-scale cities should be added to the list of targeted areas,
in order to better cover their specific needs ;
o Criteria should be defined to determine where to act, such as a ceiling of
foreign and foreign-origin population (percentage of total population) ; or any
other criteria that deserve to be discussed ;
o Regional Centres (e.g. CRIPEL) should benefit from substantial funding to
target these specific areas.
**French Community **
French language : promote adults’ alphabetisation and after-school programs

o target new migrants benefiting from family reunification ;
o target pupils to avoid early school drop-out.
132
CHAPTER V: PRESENTATION OF FIELD CASE II: ANTWERP
V.1. The Antwerp Metropolis, Flanders
Flanders is composed of five provinces: Antwerp, Limburg, Flemish-Brabant, East-Flanders

and West-Flanders. Our research was conducted in the province of Antwerp, more precisely in the
city of Antwerp. The selection process of the city was quite easy: Antwerp is Flanders biggest city
and Antwerp is confronted with high poverty rates and concentrations of critical situations.
Today, Antwerp is Flanders’ main city with more than 470 416 inhabitants243. The population
includes 402 884 ‘Belgians’, 35 925 foreigners in the Population Register and 18 756 foreigners
in the Foreigner’s Register. After Rotterdam, it is home to the second largest port in Europe. This
is a determining factor for the local labour market and its sphere of influence exceeds the
municipal boundaries.
The Antwerp metropolitan area now consists of 28 municipalities. One of them is the city of
Antwerp, which is divided into 8 boroughs (Antwerp, Ekeren, Merksem, Zandvliet-Berendrecht,
Deurne, Berchem, Wilrijk and Hoboken). After a brief description of the rich history of Antwerp
City, we will give a socio-economic description of the city, present an overview of the educational
landscape of Antwerp, and finally elaborate on the selection process of the field case: a
neighbourhood in Antwerp City, the two schools and three local community initiatives that
support the education of children living in a deprived region.
V.1.1. City description and background244
Antwerp’s origin is found in its most favourable location on the right bank of the Scheldt
River, in a long curve of the river that constituted a natural landing place for ships. Around the
port a settlement developed, which as the harbour increased, would grow into a metropolis245.
Through time the port and the city have grown together: the port was the place where the city and
the river met. The natural location was expanded and adapted, and the structure of the city was
completely dominated by the harbour activities.
At the end of the 19th century, major changes to the structure of the city took place. The
cancellation of the Scheldt toll (1863) made the river free for ship traffic again, leading to a
243
The most recent population figures in the Antwerp database of Social Planning are from 31 January 2005.
244
City description and background , based on: VAN NIEUWENHUYZE, I. & VRANKEN, J. (2001), ‘The Spatial
Dimensions of Urban Social Exclusion and Integration’, in URBEX, Series, No.10, Fourth RTD Framework
Programme, Targeted Socio-Economic Research (TSER), European Union.
245
VANREUSEL, J. (1992), ‘Een bewogen relatie tussen stad en stroom’, in VANREUSEL, J. (ed.), Antwerpen
ontwerpen, Antwerpen: Blondé Artprinting International.
133
growth in trading activities. The renewals of the French regime soon turned out to be inadequate
and insufficient: ships became bigger, stress was put on rapid loading and landing, and a quick
connection with the railroad was needed. The roadstead was straightened and the riverbank was
turned into a modern harbour area, 3.5km long and 100 metres wide. Canals and inner-ports were
filled in or vaulted, 600 old buildings were demolished to make space for the new infrastructure,
and the quay ceased to be a public space. This resulted to the end of the connection between city
and harbour.
The split in the relationship of the city and the harbour became explicit with the construction of
the Central Station, meaningfully referred to as the ‘railway cathedral’. A new point of attraction
originated and the city centre moved to the Meir-De Keyserlei junction. The city turned its back to
the Scheldt River and its harbour, and adapted itself to the image of the modern metropolis.
Eclectic buildings of both private (mansions) and public institutions (the Opera and Theatre,
banks and Court of Justice) were erected along the new streets and broad boulevards. In the south,
a new neighbourhood was constructed on the now free grounds of the demolished Citadel. Paris
served as an example, leading to a very distinct character that has been preserved to date.
In the meantime, the population had grown from 73 000 (1829) to 117 000 (1866). Many
inhabitants of the demolished areas moved to nearby spaces and added to overcrowding, while
others moved to area that had a high concentration of poverty. The old rampart was torn down and
a new one was constructed, making space for an enormous extension of the city. In this so-called
19th century belt, cheap workmen’s housing was built, characterising these neighbourhoods today.
By the year 1910, Antwerp had more than 300 000 inhabitants.
Throughout the 20th century, the harbour continues to expand along the northern banks of the
Scheldt River, leading to the destruction of the last polder villages. Spatial expansion and scaling-
up were not its only characteristics as the nature of the activities also changed. Petro-chemistry
and container transport are only two major innovations to be mentioned. The actual harbour
activities were now completely detached from the city, each taking place in different worlds. As a
consequence, the original harbour infrastructure was abandoned. Central docks and installations
passed into disuse from the early 1950s-1960s. As the harbour moved away from the city, other
urban functions began to move beyond the city limits. This applies in particular to the housing
function: from the 1950s onwards, the supply of green housing possibilities exerted a strong
attraction on urban inhabitants. Typically urban functions, such as distribution, also moved to
other spaces of business; for instance, near traffic infrastructure. This means that the existing
social segregation has been strengthened by functional segregation over a bigger surface.
134
V.1.2. Socio-economic Trends in Antwerp and its Districts
Demographic trends – Before 2001, the population declined in urban centres like Antwerp
since the beginning of the 1960s. During the last ten years, the negative growth slowed down but
remained considerable: the total growth in Antwerp was from 1991-1999 -4.5 %, while the
Flemish and Belgian population grew slowly every year. A negative migration balance was the
main cause of this decline246. However, more people leave the city (19 625 in 1998) than there are
new inhabitants (17 093). There is not a high migration rate from the city, but the negative
balance is important as the social profile of the immigrants differs from that of the emigrants. The
emigrants come from high-income groups, whilst the new inhabitants are less wealthy. This
means a permanent reduction of financial means (through taxes) for the city, as well as an
increased appeal on social provisions and services.
A strong demographic shift in age has occurred in Antwerp as well. In only 10 years time, the
percentage of the population over 65 has grown 2%. Nearly 20% of the population is older than
65 and the trend seems to continue. Besides this, the total number of single person households
increased during the nineties. The sum of single person and single parent households are in risk
situations when considering social networks.
When searching for statistics concerning ethnic origin, we are confronted with several
measurement problems and ethic-philosophical objections. While measurement regarding ethnic
minorities in Flanders goes hand in hand with the Anglo-Saxon tradition that advocates the
registration of ethnic origin, the Walloon region joins the French philosophy, which excludes any
form of ethnic registration. Nevertheless, it is difficult to statistically capture the migrant and
migrant-origin population of Flanders. Since a growing number of foreigners obtain the Belgian
nationality due to the liberalisation of the naturalisation procedures at the beginning of the 1990s,
“nationality” no longer serves as a reliable indicator to estimate the size of the migrant and
migrant-origin population. The number of naturalisations in Flanders at the end of 2003 peaked to
12 324247. These people were counted as Belgians, along with their third generation counterparts
who were born with a Belgian nationality248.
Academic researchers of various Belgian universities (see Interuniversity Consortium on

Migration and Integration) plea for the registration of ethnic origin, because discrimination not
only takes place on the basis of nationality. Discrimination also coincides with other aspects of
246
BEN ABDELJELIL, Y. & VRANKEN, J. (1999), Moet er nog Stads(V)lucht zijn? Een analyse van Antwerpse
migratiestromen op het niveau van stad, district en buurt aan de hand van een nieuwe gegevensbank, Antwerpen:
UFSIA - Onderzoeksgroep Armoede, Sociale Uitsluiting en Minderheden.
247
http://aps.vlaanderen.be/statistiek/cijfers/welzijn/minderheden/WELZETHN004.xls.
135
ethnicity, such as a person’s name, physical characteristics and religion. Even if we comply with
the measurement of ethnic origin, the question about how to operationalise the concept remains.
In spite of the bottleneck effect concerning ethnic registration, the databank of socio-economic
statistics of Antwerp (Databank Sociale Planning Antwerpen - DSPA) includes the variable
“allochthonous – autochthonous”. The allochthonous category consists of legal non-Belgians and
naturalised foreigners or new Belgians. People whose nationality at birth is different from the
current Belgian nationality – so people who changed their nationality into the Belgian nationality -
are considered as new Belgians. Although this variable approximates the migrant and migrant-
origin population in Antwerp more precisely than the criterion of nationality, two flaws can be
seen. First, the third generation - which acquires the Belgian nationality automatically at birth–
escapes from this kind of registration. Second, naturalized foreigners in Antwerp are considered
as new Belgians. Naturalized individuals who come from outside of Antwerp, who move into the
city are also considered Belgians. So, the variable inevitably leads to an under representation of
the total group of migrant and migrant-origin people in Antwerp.
Using this operationalisation of ethnicity, the DSPA estimated that 24% of the inhabitants of
Antwerp have non-Belgian or allochthonous origin. Among the foreigners in Antwerp, there is a
relatively large amount of Dutch people. Most of these affluent foreigners have migrated for fiscal
reasons, and as Antwerp is near the border with the Netherlands where Dutch is spoken, it is the
most obvious place for them to inhabit. However, the largest group are the Moroccans who made
up about 25%of the total foreign population in 1998. About 13% of the population in the city of
Antwerp has a foreign nationality.
The growing numbers of other nationalities point to a recent arrival of new migrant groups.
Migrant and migrant-origin people are concentrated in certain parts of the city. As mentioned
before, the north of the inner city is particularly highly populated by ethnic minorities. At least
40% of the people living there have an ethnic background. Also, the western and eastern regions
of the inner city have a relatively high population of coloured people (30 – 40%).
We can actually observe the inner and outer belt of the city, with a relatively low
allochthonous population in the border districts of Antwerp- Berendrecht, Zandvliet, Lilo, Ekeren,
Merksem, Deurne, Berchem, Wilrijk, Hoboken – (<10% - <30%)249 and a relatively dense ethnic
population in the city centre (>15% - >40%). It is difficult to compare these percentages with
Flanders, since there are no publicly spread statistics concerning ethnic origin in Flanders250.
248
Lodewyckx, I. (2004), Allochtonen: zichtbaar in de actualiteit, maar in welke mate in de statistieken?, in: Wachten
op… Gelijke Kansen. Jaarboek 2 Steunpunt Gelijkekansenbeleid, Antwerpen-Apeldoorn: Garant.
249
Except for Kiel, a neighbourhoud in the area Wilrijk West – Hoboken - Kiel
250
DSPA (beginning of 2005)
136
Allochthonous population*
City average: 24%
L090
* sum of all non-Belgians

Bezali and New Belgians
L070
L022
L000 L011
L111 L18-
L070
L100
L122
L17-
K271
K273
K272
K214
P59-
P33-
K176 P59-
P50-
P10-
J94- P589 P39-
Ekeren -
P111
K175
P03-
P12-
P192
Roozemaai
J923
P04- P23-
P02- P01- P05-
P20-
J901 P09-
P00- P22-
J912
P21-
J881
K174 J932 P291 P242
Q30-
K173
Q291 Q39-
Area K172
J81-
Q233
Q212 Q14- Merksem -
Q13-
Neighbourhood
K171
Q201 Q12- Q11-
Luchtbal
Binnenstad Q222 Q242 Q091 Q10-
J80-
neighbourhoods coloured according to intra muros Q04-

Q241
Q012
Q03- Q001
proportion of ethnic minority residents J873
Q021 Q052
Q17-
in total population B73-

Q072 J820
R172 R19- Deurne
J072 J85- Q49- R101 R180
H84-
B791
B721 B742 J072 H83- H89-
H492
R110
R21-
Noord
J84- J83- R13-
H43- R12- R20-
H44- C491
A15- H40-H41-
<=10% B824 B701
B752 A081 A01-
A13-
C21-
C41- C42-
C45-
S29- R02-
R03-
R04-
R05- R22-
R23-
R29-
A00- C44- R01-
A11- C22- C23- C43- R24-
>10% and <=15% Linkeroever

A03- A02- S31- S20- R00-
B813 B71- A081 A10- C20-
S04- S28- R28-
A14- C28- S30-
A22-A21- S05- R099
A04-A12- C31-C25- S03-
A05- C24- S00- S11-
C29- S01- R39-
>15% and <=30% B782 E122
E19- E131 E14-
E15-
E551
D33- D30-
S02-
D38-
S10- R35-
R34- R30-
R44-
D34- S12- R31- R44-

G552D32- D31- T39-
E50- G53- D35- S13- R32-
>30% and <=40% E592
E53-
G51-
D42-
D41- T30-
T20-
S41-
R33-
S19- R401
R43-
E521 G59- T05-
G522 T01- R42-
T04- T00- S42-S43- R482
>40% F680 F691 F223 G54-
T03-
T02- T09-
T22-
T21- R41-
V391 T24-T23-
F11- T14-
F21-
F12- F60- F64- T25- R47-
V322 T13- T180
V391 V11-
V12- F62- F61- G72- G780 T19-T10-
U22- T111
V14-
V10- U21-
F65- G73-
T12-
T412
Deurne Zuid -
Wilrijk West - V373
V04- V05-
G74- T42-
V312 V01- V13- U20- U10- U11-
G75- U30- Nieuw Borgerhout -
Hoboken - V03-V00- V19- U33-
V301
V02- V21-
U31-
Berchem Noord extra muros
Kiel V07-
V20-
V29-
U03- U00- U01- U32-
V07-
V099 V22- U68- U02-
U09-
Berchem Zuid -
U60-
U43-
U41- Wilrijk Oost
Neighbourhoods with V23-
U57-
fewer than 100 inhabitants U40-
U69-
have been left blank U59- U47-
Source: Dienst Bevolking Stad Antwerpen - begin 2005
Manipulation by Databank Sociale Planning
Map 1: Allochthonous population in Antwerp
Moroccans (n=11 648; 2.5%), people from the Netherlands (n=7 573; 1.7%) and Turkish
people (n=4 070; 0.9%) constitute the most important nationality groups in Antwerp (DSPA,
beginning of 2005). When we restrict our focus to the traditional immigrant groups (Turks and
Moroccans), we note that they remain the most important nationality group (3.4% of the total
population)251. Once again, we observe an overrepresentation of Moroccans and Turks in the
north of the inner city: in some neighbourhoods at least 8% have a Turkish or Moroccan
nationality. Also the Kiel takes a relatively high proportion of Moroccan and Turkish inhabitants.
251
137
Moroccans and Turkish
City average: 3,4%
L090
Bezali
L070
L022
L000 L011
L111 L18-
L070
L100
L122
L17-
K271
K273
K272
K214
P59-
P33-
K176 P59- P50-
P10-
J94- P589 P39-
Ekeren -
P111
P12-
K175
P03-
P192
Roozemaai
J923
P04- P23-
P02- P01- P05-
P20-
J901 P09-
P00- P22-
J912
P21-
J881
K174 J932 P291 P242
Q30-
K173
Q291 Q39-
Area K172
J81-
Q233
Q14- Merksem -
Q212
Q13-
Neighbourhood
K171
Q201 Q12- Q11-
Luchtbal
J80-
intra muros Q04-
Q241
Q012
Neighbourhoods coloured according Q03- Q001 Q17-
to proportion of Moroccans and Turkish J873
Q021
Q052
in total population B73-

J820 Q072 R172 R19- Deurne
Q49- R101 R180
J072 J85- H84-
B791
B721 B742 J072
J83-
H83- H89-
H492
R110
R21-
Noord
J84- R13-
H43- R12- R20-
A15- H41- H44- C491
<=1% B824 B701
B752 A081 A01-
A13-
C21-
H40-
C41- C42-
C45-
S29- R02-
R03- R04-R05- R22-
R23-
R29-
A00- C44-
A11- R01- R24-
C22-
>1% and <=3% Linkeroever B813 B71- A081

A03-A02-
A10- C20-
C23- C43-
S04-
S31- S20-
S28-
R00-
R28-
A14- C28- S30-
A22-A21- A04- S05- R099
A12- C31-C25- S03-
A05- C24- S00- S11-
C29- S01- R39-
>3% and <=5% B782 E122
E19-E131 E14-
E15-
D33- D30-
S02- S10- R35-
R30-
R44-
E551 D34- D38- S12- R34- R31- R44-

G552D32- D31- T39-
E50- D35- S13- R32-
R33-
>5% and <=8% E592
E53-
G51-
G53-
D42-
D41- T30-
T20-
S41-
S19- R401
R43-
E521 G59- T05-
G522 T01- R42-
T04- T00- S42-S43- R482
>8% V391
F680 F691 F223 G54-
T03-
T02- T09-
T22-
T21- R41-
F11- T24- T23-
T14-
F21-
F12- F60- F64- R47-
V322 T13- T180 T25-
V391 V11-
V12- F62- F61- G72- G780 T19-T10-
U22- T111
V14-
V10- U21-
F65- G73-
T12-
T412
Deurne Zuid -
Wilrijk West - V373
V04- V05-
G74- T42-
V312 V01- V13- U20- U10- U11-
G75- U30- Nieuw Borgerhout -
Hoboken - V03-V00- V19- U33-
V301
V02- V21-
U31-
Kiel V07-
V20-
V29-
U03- U00- U01-
U32-
V07-
V099 V22- U68- U02-
U09-
Berchem Zuid -
V23-
U60-
U43-
U41- Wilrijk Oost
U57-
Neighbourhoods with U69-

U40-
fewer than 100 inhabitants U59- U47-
have been left blant
Source: Dienst Bevolking Stad Antwerpen - begin 2005
Map 2: Proportion of Moroccans and Turkish in Antwerp
For Flanders, a slightly different picture arises: people from the Netherlands represent the
largest group (n=84 403; 1.41%), followed by Moroccans (n=27 236; 0,45%), Italians (n=23 602;
0.39%) and Turkish people (n=20 159; 0.34%)252.
Economic trends – It is impossible to discuss the labour market in Antwerp without taking
into account the effects of the port, which is considered the second largest in Europe. It is the
economic heart of Flanders because it brings about large amounts of investments, high levels of
production per inhabitant, and a high gross regional product. This of course has a major impact on
252
http://aps.vlaanderen.be/statistiek/cijfers/demografie/bevolking/Gewesten/Bevolking-gew006.xls.
138
the labour market. In the first place, many jobs are port-related. Next to the port, there are large
chemical, metallurgical and food industries, and an important automobile-construction sector.
This leads to a high level of employment; many people are employed in distribution and services
(information technology, industrial cleaning, legal and commercial advice). The region gains
importance as production location, but production is no longer carried out by the inhabitants of the
city. As the port moved away from the city centre, and as job-requirements changed, manual and
low-skilled workers became excluded from jobs, in and around the port. Ben Abdeljelil and
Vranken (1999) notice that the employment of manual workers has declined in every sector. Thus,
there are fewer blue-collar workers than before. Although there is 22% more wage earning jobs
than elsewhere in Flanders, paradoxically the unemployment rate in the city of Antwerp is
relatively high. Antwerp is characterised by an urban average of 11.6% of unemployed
jobseekers253 of the total working population254. For Flanders, this unemployment figure is only
6.2%255.= Unemployment in Antwerp is more pronounced in certain areas of the city. The
proportion of unemployed jobseekers amply exceeds the city average in the north of the inner city,
specifically the area around the Kiel, Luchtbal and Linkeroever.
253
Unemployed jobseekers are registered unemployed people between 18 and 64 years at the VDAB
254
255
Source: Arvastat (VDAB), FOD Economie – Afdeling statistiek, bevolkingsstatistieken (bewerking Steunpunt
WAV). Steunpunt WAV (2005).
139
Unemployed
jobseekers
L090
City average: 11,6%
Bezali
L070
L022
L000 L011
L111 L18-
L070
L100
L122
L17-
K271
K273
K272
K214
P59-
P33-
K176 P59-
P50-
P10-
J94- P589 P39-
Ekeren -
P111
P12-
K175
P03-
P192
Roozemaai
J923
P04- P23-
P02- P01- P05-
P20-
Area J901
P00-
P09-
P22-
J912
P21-
J881
Neighbourhood K174 J932 P291 P242
Q30-
K173
Q291 Q39-
J81-
K172
Q233
Q212 Q14- Merksem -
Q13-
K171
Q201 Q12- Q11-
Luchtbal
Neighbourhoods coloured according intra muros J80-
Q04-
Q241
Q012
to proportion unemployed jobseekers Q03- Q001 Q17-
in total population of working age J873 Q052

Q021
B73-
J820
Q072 R172 R19- Deurne
(18 to 64 years) J072 J85- H84- Q49- R101 R180
B791
B721 B742 J072 H83-
H492
H89-
R110
R21-
Noord
J84- J83- R13-
H43- R12- R20-
H44- C491
B752 A081A01-
A15- H40-H41-
B701 C45- R03- R04- R05- R22- R29-
B824 A13-
A00- C21- C41- C42- C44- S29- R02- R23-
A11- R01- R24-
C22-
Linkeroever B813 B71- A081
A03-A02-
A10- C20-
C23- C43- S31- S20-
S28-
R00-
R28-
<=5% A22-A21- A04- A14- C31-
A12- C25-
C28-
S03-
S04-
S05-
S30-
R099
A05- C24- S00- S01- S11-
C29- R39-
B782 E15- S02- S10- R35- R44-
E122
>5% and <=10% E19- E131 E14-
E551
D33- D30-
D34- D38- S12- R34-
R30-
R31- R44-
G552D32- D31- T39-
E50- G53- D35- S13- R32-
E53- R33-
E592 D41- T30- S41-
>10% and <=15% E521 G51-
D42-
G59- T05-
T20- S19- R401
R43-
G522 T01- R42-

T04- T00- S42-
T22- S43- R482
F680 F691 F223 G54- T02- T09-
>15% and <=20% V391
F11-
T03- T21-
T24-T23-
R41-
T14-
F21-
F12- F60- F64- T25- R47-
V322 T13- T180
>20% V391 V11-
V12- F62- F61- G72- G780 T19-T10-
U22- T111
V14-
V04- V05- V10- U21-
F65- G73-
T12-
T412
Deurne Zuid -
Wilrijk West - V373 G74- T42-
V312 V01- V13- U20- G75- U30- Nieuw Borgerhout -
Hoboken - V03-V00- V19-
U10- U11-
U33-
V301
V02- V20- V21-
U31-
Kiel V07- V29-
U03- U00- U01- U32-
V07-
V099 V22- U68- U02-
U09-
Berchem Zuid -
V23-
U60-
U43-
U41- Wilrijk Oost
U57-
Neighbourhoods with U40-
fewer than 100 inhabitants U69-
U59- U47-
have been left blant
Source:
VDAB - begin 2005
Dienst Bevolking Stad Antwerpen - begin 2005
Map 3: Proportion of unemployed jobseekers
The unemployed people in Antwerp have a specific profile. People younger than 24 make up
only 13% of the working population, but they form 24% of the fully unemployed sector entitled to
140
unemployment benefit. Data on unemployed jobseekers with an ethnic background learn that for
Genk, Antwerp and Mechelen, about 1 to 3 of the registered jobseekers has a non-EU-15
nationality256. Conversely, in the case of Bruges 6% of the jobseekers stems from a non-EU
country, followed by Aalst, Ostend, Roeselare and Turnhout257. The proportion of jobseekers with
an ethnic background varies greatly from city to city. That is only logical, since the proportion of
jobseekers with an ethnic background is inextricably bound with the proportion of inhabitants
with an ethnic background. Nonetheless, it is impossible to ignore the high unemployment rate
among ethnic minorities.
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The Welfare State and Housing Trends – The city of Antwerp has a lower income per tax
declaration than on average in Flanders and Belgium. The amount of people receiving financial
support from the PCSW (Public Centre for Social Welfare) is a specific indicator for poverty.
Ghent is characterized by the largest proportion of people living on welfare (1.43%). Also in
Antwerp (1.12%), Malines (0.94%) and Ostend (0.87%) a relatively high proportion of the
population needs social welfare benefits to help make ends meet258.
256
EU before the 1st of May 2004 (15 member states)
257
VDAB (2002)
141
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A detailed look at the situation for people on welfare in Antwerp260 clearly demonstrates the
inner and outer belt of the city, with a relatively high amount of welfare dependent people in the
inner city and a relatively low amount of dependent people in the border districts. Moreover, the
percentage of benefit-dependent people peaks in the north of the inner city: the Kiel, Old
Borgerhout and Luchtbal261.
258
VDAB (2004)
259
This table portrays the new system called “Social Assistance” (“Leefloon”), which replaces the former system of
“Subsistence Minimum” (“Bestaansminimum”) since 2002. Persons drawing benefits, can either be on social
assistance (“leefloon”) or receive a subsistence benefit (“levensminimum”). This table only contains data for people on
social assistance. So the actual proportion of people drawing benefits is higher.
260
The data on people on welfare of the DSPA contain social assistance (“leefloon”) as well as subsistence benefit
(“levensminimum”). This explains why the percentage is actually higher.
261
142
Map 4: Households on social assistance or subsistence benefit
143
The Public Service of Flanders regarding child and family (“Kind & Gezin”) annually gathers
data on poverty and deprivation. Deprivation is defined here as “an enduring condition by which
people’s chances to enjoy a society’s highly appreciated goods, such as education, work and
housing are hypothecated”262. The cited definition is operationalised by means of 6 selection
criteria, namely: monthly income of the family; education level of the parents; development of the
children; job situation of the parents; and, housing and health. When a family scores insufficiently
on at least 3 criteria, they are considered to be deprived.
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About 5.6% of the newly born children in Flanders belong to a deprived family. In absolute
figures, we talk about 3 498 children. This percentage roughly corresponds to the situation of
2003. The proportion varies with the provinces. Again, Antwerp is highest with 9% of children
born in a deprived family. With “only” 2.4%, Flemish Brabant is located at the opposite side of
the continuum. In the category between, we find the provinces Limburg, East Flanders and West
Flanders with respectively 6.3%, 4.7% and 4.1%.
For the city of Antwerp, this figure reaches even a higher value: about 14% of newly born
children live in a deprived family. The map hereunder reflects the fluctuation of this indicator
depending on the area or neighbourhood. Once more, the north of the inner city is marked by a
relatively high proportion of newly born children in a deprived household (> 30%). In Old-
Borgerhout there is also a relatively high amount of children who are born in underprivileged
families (between 20% and 30%)263.
262
Kind & Gezin, 2004
263
DSPA, 2003
144
Map 5: Newborns in deprived families
The DSPA developed a synthetic measure to track the situation of deprivation in Antwerp on
neighbourhood level. This so-called “Deprivation-index” (“Kansarmoede-index”) is composed of
the percentage of people that depend on social assistance: the percentage of unemployed
145
jobseekers; median wage; and the percentage of children born in a deprived family. The index is
calculated for each neighbourhood.
The former maps of Antwerp clearly demonstrate the segregated characteristics of deprivation:
unemployment, people drawing benefits, children born in deprived families and low median
incomes are unequally spread over the city. The Deprivation-index accurately describes this:
deprivation obviously hits the north of Antwerp, Old-Borgerhout, Kiel, Luchtbal and Linkeroever
(Europapark). Conversely, the border districts such as Bezali, Ekeren, Deurne Zuid, Berchem
extra-muros and Wilrijk remain virtually spared of deprivation264.
Map 6: Deprivation Index 2003
264
DSPA, 2003
146
Property issues are also an important factor in social exclusion. 265. One particular example in
Antwerp is the tensions between ethnic groups. The older migrant groups (Moroccan, Turkish) are
now accepted, perhaps partly because of the newer wave of immigrants who are seen as causing
the problems (Black people and ‘gypsies’ in particular). Some landlords do not want to let
foreigners rent in their buildings, others address PCSWs and offer their dwelling to house asylum
seekers. The high number of unguided and unassisted new migrants results in racism and voting
for extreme right-wing parties. Antwerp as a whole, shows the typical features of the urban
housing market: many rented houses; a relatively high proportion of social housing; a high
proportion of flats; studios; and, single rooms. The rented accommodations are dominant with
more than 53 % of the total. As far as the quality of accommodation is concerned, the most recent
data are from the 1991 census. 25% of the Antwerp dwellings belonged to the category ‘with
small comfort’ (running water, toilet and bathroom or shower), and 10 % lacked one of these
elements (without small comfort). There were about 75 000 of these types of dwellings in
Antwerp.266
The research we did in Flanders about social participation and education makes the educational
landscape of Antwerp relevant. We present a detailed description of the Antwerp pupil population
and shed light on the link between the schools and their surrounding neighbourhoods, especially
with relation to ethnic composition. We adhere to the discussion of basic education, since the
current research is limited to the educational level. The educational situation is portrayed by
means of statistics gathered by the DSPA, under the authority of the Local Consultative Body267.
265 VRANKEN, J. et.al; (2000), Armoede en social uitsluiting. Jaarboek 2000, Leuven/Leusden: Acco.
266
VAN NIEUWENHUYZE, I. & VRANKEN, J. (2001), ‘The Spatial Dimensions of Urban Social Exclusion and
Integration’, in URBEX, Series, No.10, Fourth RTD Framework Programme, Targeted Socio-Economic Research
(TSER), European Union.
267
“Lokaal Overleg Platform” of LOP
147
V.1.3. Educational Landscape of Antwerp
Pupils enrolled in Antwerp schools
BASIS EDUCATION
2003-2004: 51.355 pupils
2002-2003: 51.337 pupils
2001-2002: 50.991 pupils
Kindergarten Primary school

2003-2004: 19.129 pupils 2003-2004: 32.226 pupils
2002-2003: 18.968 pupils 2002-2003: 32.369 pupils
2001-2002: 18.791 pupils 2001-2002: 32.200 pupils
regular kindergarten special kindergarten regular primary school special primary school
2003-2004: 18.988 pupils 2003-2004: 141 pupils 2003-2004: 29.760 pupils 2003-2004: 2.466 pupils
In the school year 2003-2004, 50 328 inhabited children of Antwerp attended basic
education268. Basic education is composed of pre-school or kindergarten (18 832 pupils in 2003-
2004) and primary school (31 496 pupils in 2003-2004). Both kindergarten and primary school
pupils can be enrolled in regular or special education269.
268
This is not the same as pupils enrolled in schools in Antwerp (see next map). These pupils can actually live outside
of Antwerp. Conversely, children living in Antwerp attending primary school, can possibly attend school outside of
Antwerp.
269
DSPA, 2005
148
Pupils living in Antwerp
BASIS EDUCATION
2003-2004: 50.328 pupils
2002-2003:50.073 pupils
2001-2002: 49.505 pupils
Kindergarten Primary school

2003-2004: 18.832 pupils 2003-2004: 31.496 pupils
2002-2003: 18.646 pupils 2002-2003: 31.427 pupils
2001-2002: 18.361 pupils 2001-2002: 31.144 pupils
regular kindergarten special kindergarten regular primary school special primary school
The number of pupils enrolled in basic education in Antwerp increased during the last school
years. As the diagrams show, the number of pupils enrolled in schools in Antwerp exceeds the
number of pupils who live in Antwerp who are enrolled in basic education. This means that basic
education is recruiting sufficiently outside of Antwerp in order to compensate for the loss of
Antwerp pupils who attend basic education in other cities or towns.
Pupil flows of enrollment
A closer look at these pupil flows of enrollment demonstrates that pupils from the border
districts of Antwerp attend basic education outside the city. This is especially true for the district
Ekeren, where some neighbourhoods loose at least 30% of their basic education pupils. The
opposite picture arises for most of the inner city, where– with exception to one neighbourhood in
the city centre- a maximum 15% of the children attends basic education in other cities or towns.
149
Map 7: Pupils living in Antwerp attending basic education outside Antwerp
We can observe that this mobility remains an advantage for pupils who have a Belgian
nationality: 8% of the Belgian pupils enrolled in basic education attend school outside of
150
Antwerp, while only 2% of the non-Belgian pupils of Antwerp enjoy basic education outside the
city. We must bare in mind the geographical location of the nationality groups. And since the
border districts are less inhabited by non-Belgian citizens, it is logical that Belgian pupils are
overrepresented in the withdrawal of basic education pupils. Still, the ethnic minority pupil
population seems to be less mobile than their autochthonous peers270.
Map 8: Proportion of Antwerp pupils with non-Belgian nationality attending basic

education outside Antwerp
270
DSPA, 2005
151
Map 9: Proportion of Antwerp pupils with Belgian nationality attending basic education outside
Antwerp
An analysis of the Primary school population in Antwerp
152
What are the specific characteristics of the basic education pupil population of Antwerp? How
can we describe their background, especially regarding education and relevant indicators such as
socio-economic situation of the parents and language spoken at home?
In the context of the Equal Educational Opportunities (EEO) Decree, the statistic registration
of pupils’ socio-economic situation has improved significantly. In the study of education,
registration and measurement has become an essential precondition for the follow-up, remediation
and improvement has gained acceptance. When schools have many of ‘indicator pupils’, the EEO
decree grants financial support. So schools are inclined to define their percentage of indicator
pupils271.
A child has to meet at least one of the following ‘Equal Opportunity’ Indicators to be
considered an ‘indicator pupil’:
1. The parents belong to an itinerant population;
2. The mother did not obtain a diploma of secondary education;
3. The pupil is temporarily or permanently fostered outside the own family;
4. The family receives a replacement income;
5. The language spoken at home is not Dutch (LND).
These indicators closely reflect the socio-economic situation of pupils and possess a high
informative value that can determine whether children need extra attention and effort. In Antwerp,
more than half of the pupils scores at least on one of the five Equal Opportunity Indicators. As the
left side of the table 19 demonstrates, the inner city is marked by a high population of indicator
pupils272. According to table 19, these pupils are concentrated in schools located in the inner city,
the north of Deurne, the Kiel, and Linkeroever. Conversely, the prosperous economic level of the
border districts is expressed through the small number of indicator pupils. The high proportion of
indicator pupils in Bezali is rather remarkable. More than 25% of the pupils in this area belong to
the ‘indicator pupil’ category, and this is a high proportion considering the small presence of
allochthonous pupils in Bezali. We can assume that these pupils are characterized with a low
socio-economic status273.
271
The definition of pupils as Indicator pupils exclusively belongs to the authority of parents. Under no circumstances,
schools can determine a pupil as an Indicator pupil, or formulate speculations about the level of Indicator pupils in the
school (GOK-omzendbrief, 21 januari 2003)
272
DSPA, 2005
273
DSPA, 2005
153
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The fifth Equal Opportunities Indicator ‘language spoken at home’ is closely linked with the
concept of ‘ethnic origin’ and goes hand in hand with the shift in focus from ‘nationality’ to
‘origin’. As already discussed, the increasing number of New Belgians makes the criterion of
nationality deficient in tracking the total number of migrant and migrant-origin people in
Belgium. ‘Language spoken at home’ is a more realistic criterion in approximating ‘ethnic origin’.
In 2005, about 40% of the primary school pupils who lived in Antwerp spoke a language other
than Dutch at home. As table 19 demonstrates, the segmentation of the ‘Language at home not
Dutch’ (LND)-pupils is similar to the pattern of the indicator pupils over the city, with a high
concentration of LND-pupils in the inner city, the Kiel, Linkeroever, the north of Deurne, New
Borgerhout and Luchtbal. Once more, table 19 demonstrates an overrepresentation of LND-pupils
in the inner city, the north of Deurne, the Kiel and Linkeroever274.
We have already shed light on the representation of people with an ethnic background in the
different parts of the city using the operationalisation of ‘ethnic origin’ of the DSPA. Now, we
will highlight the composition of primary-school aged allochthonous pupils in Antwerp. As
demonstrated in the next map, about 26% of primary-school aged children in Antwerp have a non-
Belgian background275. This proportion is 2% higher than the proportion of allochthonous people
in the total population (see map 1). The presence of allochthonous pupils (3 – 12 years old)
parallels the spacing of the total allochthonous population in the city regions that we highlighted:
274
DSPA, 2005
275
DSPA, 2005
154
there is a high concentration of allochthonous primary school pupils in the north of Antwerp, Old
Borgerhout, the Kiel, the north of Deurne, Luchtbal and Linkeroever (Europapark)276.
Map 10: Allochthonous children of basic education age
276
DSPA, 2005
155
‘School delay’ is another important indicator that gives an insight into the situation of
vulnerable pupils. Antwerp is marked by a notable number of repeater students in comparison
with Flanders. In the 2003–2004 school year, more than 22% of the primary school population in
Antwerp was one year behind in their education277. For Flanders, this statistic only reaches
13.6%278. Map 11 demonstrates that certain border-district neighbourhoods remain under the
Flemish average of primary school pupils who run one year behind in school. Some
neighbourhoods in the north of Antwerp, the Kiel, the north of Deurne and Luchtbal cope with at
least 30% of the primary education pupils that run one year behind in their education. Along with
the expectations, these neighbourhoods correspond to the zones that have schools with many
indicator- and LND-pupils’. This trend is even more pronounced for the pupils that are at least
one year behind. In Antwerp, about 5.6% of the primary education pupils are more than one year
behind in their education, compared with an average of 1.5% in the Flemish community. Again,
the same neighbourhoods are characterized by an overrepresentation of children who are more
than one year behind279.
277
DSPA, 2005
278
Departement Onderwijs, school year 2003-2004
279
DSPA, 2005
156
Map 11: Educational lag (= 1 year) in the primary education population of Antwerp
We can conclude that the city of Antwerp is characterized by a high amount of pupils who
score on at least one of the five ‘Equal Opportunity’ indicators. As literature shows, low socio-
economic status and language deficiency induce lower educational achievement280. In other terms,
more than half of the primary education school population in Antwerp is at higher risk in being
behind in school. This risk is pronounced through the high amount of pupils getting behind in
school, and it is a finding that is clear in areas of the city: the North of Antwerp, the Kiel, the
North of Deurne, Borgerhout, Luchtbal and Linkeroever (Europapark).
157
V.1.3. Selection process of Neighbourhoods and Schools
The selection of neighbourhoods in Antwerp is related to a study that we encountered about

low economic neighbourhoods. In his study, Kesteloot281 used census data from 1991 and
financial data from 1993.282 With literature and the available data, all possible indicators
concerning poverty and social exclusion were examined. The indicators that concern ‘subsistence
benefits’ and ‘social assistance’ were absent in the census. The analysis of it takes into account
different variables. One of the four main dimensions283 is ethnicity. High concentrations of the
Turkish and Moroccan people are found in the low economic neighbourhoods of the Brussels
Capital region, Antwerp City and Ghent. Due to their incomplete citizenship statuses, many
foreigners are ineligible to vote284. Once more a dimension of deprivation occurs, now in the
political sphere.285
Out of 7 189 statistical neighbourhoods in Flanders and in the Brussels Capital Region with at
least 200 inhabitants, 305 were considered as deprived. 177 of them are situated in the Brussels
Capital Region, 45 in Antwerp City, 17 in Ghent and 31 in the mining region of Limburg; this
shows the urban and industrial specificity of the spatial concentration of poverty286. All deprived
neighbourhoods of the Antwerp metropolitan area are located within Antwerp City. The deprived
neighbourhoods in Antwerp City are mainly located in the northern 19th century belt in the
district of Borgerhout and the areas of Stuivenberg and Dam. Some peripheral neighbourhoods
coincide with social housing. Other peripheral neighbourhoods overlap with industrial
neighbourhoods along the Scheldt River or with the 19th century industrial areas outside the Old
280
Entwisle, D. et. al. (2005), ‘First Grade and Educational Attainment by Age 22: A New Story, in: American Journal
of Sociology, Volume 110 (5), 1458-1502.
281
KESTELOOT, C. et.al. (1996), Atlas van achtergestelde buurten in Vlaanderen en Brussel, Brussel: Ministerie van
de Vlaamse Gemeenschap.
282
The first Minister on Urban Policy in Flanders ordered their study. It was processed at the statistical neighborhood
level and resulted in the Atlas of Deprived Neighborhoods in Flanders an in the Brussels Capital Region (1997).
283
The first dimension is demographic. It refers to social isolation, and the overall picture shows a contrast between
urban and rural areas, with the urban being the more deprived. The second dimension is socio-economic and explores
the relations between education level, labor market and income. Negative situations are found in old and recent
industrial areas, or in peripheral areas. The contrast between rural and urban areas however is no so pronounces as in
the first dimension. The third dimension refers to housing quality, contrasting physically deprived neighborhoods to
neighborhoods with comfortable dwellings. The western part of Flanders has worse housing conditions than the
eastern part. Industrialization history and population structure are responsible for this difference. The western part of
Flanders was industrialized early, with the existence of cottage industries before the Industrial Revolution (VAN
NIEUWENHUYZE, I. & VRANKEN, J. (2001), ‘The Spatial Dimensions of Urban Social Exclusion and Integration’,
in URBEX, Series, No.10, Fourth RTD Framework Programme, Targeted Socio-Economic Research (TSER),
European Union, p17). The fourth dimension is as explained in the text ethnicity.
284
Upon some conditions, voting on municipal levels for non-EU citizens in Belgium is allowed since 19th of
February 2004.
285
This methodology has been critcized by several authors since the publication (JACOBS, D. & SWYNGEDOUW,
M. (2000), Een nieuwe blik op achtergestelde buurten in het Brussels hoofdstedelijk gewest (IPSoM-bulletin 1), but as
it remains the only in-depth analysis of spatial dimensions of deprivation we stick to the results as a basis for selecting
the neighbourhood.
158
City Centre. Along with single households and low telephone possession, Antwerp’s deprived
neighbourhoods are characterized by the presence of people with Turkish or Moroccan origin.
In this research, we conducted fieldwork in the north of the inner city in the area around the
Stuivenberg Square and in the neighbourhoods surrounding the Handelsstraat. The maps in the
preceding section demonstrated that the north of the inner city is characterized by a high number
of unemployed jobseekers and a relatively high amount of newborn children in deprived families.
The region scores negatively on the overall deprivation index construed by the DSPA. These
neighbourhoods also have a negative performance on various educational performance indicators.
The area around Stuivenberg Square is located in the northern part of the statistic sector (H44) and
directly under the Dam-Schijnpoort area, which suffers from heavy traffic. This causes many
traffic inconveniences, particularly during rush hour. The Handelsstraat crosses the heart of the
north of the inner city, connecting De Conink Square with the Dam-Schijnpoort area. That area is
not attractive (railway, roads, open space). This results in pronounced feelings of insecurity
amongst the inhabitants of the neighbourhood.
Stuivenberg belongs to what is called the ‘Noordwijk’287. The high amount of social and public
services provided in the area is remarkable, there are: hospitals, a fire station, bathhouse, several
schools, and social services. Nonetheless, the Noordwijk has a bad reputation in the city. Social
and economical deprivation is visible and as a characteristic of the deprived neighbourhoods as
there is a large diversity in ethnicity of the inhabitants. The area was once popular among the
working class288, before the Second World War, but it fell into a downward trend after war and it
did not manage to recover until now. Although the area was of old time a popular working class
spot it fell into a d Feelings of inferiority exist due to the negative image of the area: it used to be
a respectable working class neighbourhood, but today, it is considered to be a deprived area, a
distressed neighbourhood.
Our research in Flanders focuses on the educational participation of parents. As stated in the
literature study, we focus on ‘home-school-community’ partnerships, as this perspective is more
286
(TSER), European Union, p17.
287
The part of the town ‘Noordwijk’ is situated within the 19th century band of Antwerp. The quarter is divided in
‘Amandus-Atheneum’ in the West and ‘Stuivenberg’ in the East (HOEFNAGELS, C. (2004), Theoretisch en
empirisch onderzoek naar gentrification, Rotterdam: Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam, Faculteit der Economische
Wetenschappen, p.56).
288
The spot arose as an operating base for many blue-collar families who escaped the overcrowded inner city in the
middle of the 19th century after the demolition of the Spanish rampart (HOEFNAGELS, C. (2004), Theoretisch en
empirisch onderzoek naar gentrification, Rotterdam: Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam, Faculteit der Economische
Wetenschappen, p.56).
159
valuable than the narrow concept of parental involvement. With particular reference to the
educational participation of ethnic minorities, the inclusion of the community adds value. We
therefore focused on the three spheres of influence in the concerned area: home, school and the
local community. The fieldwork was conducted in two schools, from where we selected parents to
participate in face-to-face interviews. Additionally, we searched for initiatives in the local
community that support the school success of children and provide support to enhance the relation
and collaboration between the schools and the families.
Two Selected Basic Education Schools in the Selected Neighbourhoods
We now turn to an overview of the two schools, including a description of pupil composition
using data for the 2004-2005 school year; as well, we include a section that elaborates on the
school’s policies and strategies regarding parental involvement and participation. The two circles
on map 12 locate the two schools situated in the north of the inner city.
Map 12: the north of Antwerp, circles around the location of the first school in the Stuivenberg square and the
second school near the Kerkstraat. The Handelsstraat is situated in between the two schools.
Source: http://district.antwerpen.be/mida/
School 1: Municipal primary school
160
The municipal primary school belongs to the educational network of subsidized publicly run
schools. Located in a corner of the Stuivenberg Square (statistical sector H44), the school
provides primary education (6-12 years). On the map, the upper circle represents the municipal
school.
In the 2004-2005 school year, 275 pupils were enrolled in the municipal school on the
Stuivenberg square: 45% boys and 55% girls. The majority of the pupils has a foreign nationality
(57%). As a consequence, Belgian pupils constitute a minority in the municipal school (43%). The
presence of ethnic minorities is probably even more pronounced, since data on nationality
underestimates the total amount of ethnic minorities289. Among the pupils with a foreign
nationality, European pupils from non-EU countries constituted the most important nationality
group (17%), followed by Moroccans (14%) and Turkish (10%). The statistics on educational lag
and ‘indicator-pupils’ demonstrates the precarious situation of the school: more than half of the
pupil population were one or more years behind in school and 99%290 of the pupils are labelled as
Indicator-pupils. Furthermore, 94% of the pupils spoke another language than Dutch at home. A
screening of the degree of correspondence regarding nationality between the school and the
immediate neighbourhood shows that the municipal school has more foreign pupils (57%) than
pupils living nearby the school (11-13%)291.
The school currently underwent a lot of changes regarding parental participation. In two years,
the school had hired a new principal who had a fresh, and optimistic vision towards parents and
their possible role and function in the school. This was a contrast with the former principal, who
considered parents as an annoying, interfering factor, the current principal wanted to open the
doors to parents and involve them in school activities. Moreover, the new principal ambitiously
desired to move from a perspective that mainly intended the emancipation of parents towards a
philosophy that aims for a full participation of parents.
Initiatives of the school will be evaluated on the basis of what parents can do for the schools,
instead of what the school can do for the emancipation of parents. The former mother group was
replaced by an information class, because the mother group was considered as a coffee break, a
mourning hour with little or no added value for the school. The school wanted to invest time in
training parents towards more school supportive activities like helping teachers during trips and
engaging in school supportive practices at home. The school had a formal plan regarding parental
involvement, which indicates that the school attaches great interest to parental participation. The
289
Naturalized and third and subsequent generations are not reflected in statistics on nationality.
290
Count of February 2005
291
Source: DSPA
161
school formulated a vision and created concrete actions to enhance parental participation. Parental
and pupil involvement is one of the two main goals of the EEO-plan of the school. During the
research, it became clear that the whole school staff did not support the interest in parental
participation.
Its surrounding neighbourhood saw the school negatively. The reason for this negative image,
according to the principal, was that the school had carried a negative history that she aims to alter
by increasing parental participation; by developing networks with the local community (creation
of a broad school); and, by implementing projects to increase educational achievement and so
forth.
School 2: Private basic school
The school belongs to the educational network of subsidized privately run schools. It is a
Catholic school. Contrary to the municipal school, this private school also had a pre-school and a
secondary school. We restricted our focus to basic education: pre-school and primary school (2 ½
-12 years).
In the 2004-2005 school year, 304 pupils were enrolled in the private school: 118 in
kindergarten and 186 in primary school. The sex ratio in the private school was almost equal: 49%
are boys and 51% are girls292. A slight majority of the pupils had a Belgian nationality (56%). We
have to note that naturalized Belgians are not traced by nationality statistics. So the amount of
ethnic minorities in the private school could be higher than its absolute number. The other
represented nationalities are Moroccan (18%), followed by pupils from the rest of the world: 10%
(i.e. the world excluding EU: non-EU countries in Europe, Morocco, Turkey, refugees). In the
private school, educational lag was less pronounced than in the municipal school: 30% of the
pupils were one or more years behind. Equal to the municipal school, the private school had a
high amount of ‘at-risk’ children or ‘indicator pupils’: 95%. Furthermore, 88% of the pupils spoke
another language than Dutch at home293.
The private school had a climate that stimulates parental involvement. Mothers bringing and
picking up their children were allowed to wait on the playground, to make contact and to
communicate with parents and teachers. The school served as a safe haven that provided
opportunities to build social networks for parents who otherwise would live in social isolation.
292
For the statistics on sex, nationality, educational delay and Indicator-pupils no separate statistics were available for
kindergarten and primary school.
293
Source: DSPA
162
The school invested efforts in gaining information and knowledge on the background of the pupils
and their families. As a result of this, the school was able to adapt its information and
communication strategies so that the majority of parents could be reached.
The private school had a good reputation in the neighbourhood. The mere fact that it was a
Catholic school fostered its positive image. The religious orientation of the school corresponded
with the philosophy of the life-styles that the majority of the school’s families were up holding.
This is not the same as stating that the school population has uniform religious beliefs, on the
contrary, the school population also included a combination of Islamic people, Christians, Coptic
Christians, Russian-Orthodox people, Greek-Orthodox people and so forth294The school’s
“religiosity” was more important than the nature of the school’s religious orientation. Religiosity
is often associated with positive school characteristics such as discipline and strictness. Also, the
private school’s tradition of respect for the parents’ background and its investment in positive
relations - with parents and local community - contributes to the image of the private school in the
surrounding neighbourhood.
V.1.4. Three Selected Community Initiatives in the Selected Neighbourhoods
We will now discuss the three selected community initiatives that support parents’ and pupils’
rights, strengthen the collaboration between schools and families and invest in the educational
achievement of pupils at risk to drop out of school or fall behind.
Community Initiative 1: ‘School Community Work’295 (De Schoolbrug)
School Community Work in Antwerp or De Schoolbrug is an independent non-profit

organization, financed by city funds. The organization is available in three neighbourhoods: the
north of Antwerp, Old-Borgerhout and the Zuidrand.
De Schoolbrug contributes to the objectives of the educational policy of the city of Antwerp:
“…all pupils have the opportunity to develop their talents and personality in a challenging
environment, where they can obtain a qualification which gives access to the labour market or
higher education. ‘school community work’ contributes to this goal through the development of
an optimal collaboration between pupils, their parents, the school and the accompanying
agencies.” The projects of De Schoolbrug supports parents in the communication and
294
Interview with the principal of the private school
295
Schoolopbouwwerk
163
collaboration with schools, the Student Guidance Counsel296, and accompanying agencies, assist
parents in making informed choices on the formation or school type of their children. The projects
also try to prevent children from dropping out of school. De Schoolbrug aims to break down
barriers at schools by the initiating projects and by making school staff more aware and sensitive
of ethnic issues.
The target group of De Schoolbrug are groups who are all in risk of educational lag or
dropping out: ethnic minorities; newcomers; and, deprived autochthonous children and parents.
The starting point of the initiatives of the De Schoolbrug lays in the target group itself, and is
based upon communicated needs by parents and children.
De Schoolbrug is settled in three migrant populated neighbourhoods. This offers minorities the
opportunity to develop networks with community-based organizations. This way, De Schoolbrug
can build cooperation with organizations that have developed an expertise in working with
specific minority groups. In our research, we work together with the office in the north of
Antwerp
De Schoolbrug has a project-based approach that works during a longer period with a
particular target group on a specific problem that fixed objectives and results. These projects are
set up in a limited amount of schools, two of which are schools that are included in our field
research. After three years, these projects have t become embedded in the schools. Regarding
basic education, De Schoolbrug provides the following projects:
1. School maturity for infants

2. Transfer to secondary education
3. Parental involvement
4. Homework
5. Remedial teaching297
The private school collaborates with De Schoolbrug on two projects: schoolableness for
infants, and parental involvement. The municipal school also organizes the project on parental
involvement. The private school implements the parental involvement project through a mother
group. The municipal schools organize an information class that is open for mothers as well as
fathers.
296
Centrum voor Leerlingenbegeleiding (CLB)
164
Community initiative 2: Complaints desk Education (Municipal Integration Centre “De 8”)
The Complaints Desk Education comes from the Non-Discrimination Declaration in 1993. The
Non-Discrimination Declaration led to the installation of Complaints Desks Education in every
integration centre. Due to the fusion of the integration centres in 2002, the 7 complaints desks
merged into one Complaints Desk Education in Old-Borgerhout. Although the target population
of the complaints desk constitutes the whole city of Antwerp, migrant-origin people from the
north of Antwerp and Old-Borgerhout most frequently contact it.
Through the years, the point of view of the Complaints Desk evolved from discrimination to
education rights and duties. Rights are interpreted broadly. When parents or children experience
that their rights are attacked, they can contact the Complaints Desk. The Complaints Desk informs
and supports people without providing advice. The Complaints Desk avoids giving advice so to
leave the clients with choices. The desk is merely a guide that provides clients with enough
information for them to act upon their own choices. Information services exist to explain the legal
background of certain issues, and to present all the possible forms of action that range from doing
nothing to the carrying out of legal proceedings. And along with these possible forms of action,
information on the advantages and disadvantages are given. Afterwards, the Complaints Desk
supports the client with the decision that is taken.
The Complaints Desk has three major fields of activity. The first field of activity includes the
complaints of parents and children regarding education rights. Within this domain, five major
groups of complaints can be discerned: the first group consists of enrolment problems at the
beginning of a school year or when a student is expelled and needs to find a new school. The
second group of complaints deals with giving advice and referrals (e.g. referrals to professional
education); the third group relates to clients’ dissension with schools’exclusion of pupils and other
possible sanctions of the school; the fourth group includes pupils who disagree with certain study
results; and, the last group of complaints consists of group or culture related problems such as the
obligation to eat certain ingredients or the prohibition to wear a scarf.
Secondly, the Complaints Desk Education engages in information activities on education rights
for students, parents and other institutions. The information sessions mainly focus on the Equal
Educational Opportunities decree (EEO-decree). The complaints desk also undertakes efforts to
give greater publicity to their services. Finally, the Complaints Desk Education exerts an
297
De schoolbrug vzw – Onderwijsopbouwwerk in de stad Antwerpen. Overzicht van de werking en projecten voor het
schooljaar 2005-2006. De Schoolbrug: Antwerpen.
165
influence on policymaking by communicating problems at a grassroots level in bodies that have a
direct or indirect link with the Ministry of Education, such as the Local Consultative Body.
The Complaints Desk Education collaborates with De Schoolbrug; the IQRA-project

(explained hereafter); various federations of ethnic minority associations (e.g. the Federation of
Moroccan Associations and the African Platform); churches; and, neighbourhood centres.
IQRA-project (Federation of Moroccan associations298)
The IQRA-project of the Federation of Moroccan Associations aims to eliminate educational

lag through the implementation of an intensive, integrated program. In September 2005, 24
children between 10 and 12 years old participated in the project, along with their parents. The
project was built upon the concept of a remedy centre, which aims at reducing the educational
delay of special needs pupils who have ethnic backgrounds. The IQRA-project was an initiative
that grew out of the Moroccan community and was sponsored by the Integration Service
Antwerp299. It is a three-year project, with the goal of producing methods and techniques that need
to be embedded in structure of regular education.
The children join after-school sessions three times a week, under the assistance of ethnic
minority and Belgian volunteers and pedagogues. Mothers participate in the sessions once a week
and the fathers meet monthly300. The IQRA-project differs from other projects in the way that it is
an integrated project, involving the children, parents, school, and leisure activities. Central to the
project is the partnership between the educational partners. Conforming to the theory of
overlapping spheres of influence, the project assumes that an overlap between the major
educational contexts enhances educational success. A partnership does not presume the partners to
act the same way, but creates the possibility to communicate on an equivalent base, and to
contribute to varying backgrounds, roles and tasks that have the same goal: the optimal
development of the child.
The core focus of the project is the child and the factors that stimulate or inhibit his or her
educational success. The IQRA-project is based on a positive portrayal of mankind and focuses on
the strengths and possibilities of children. Besides formal learning methods, informal learning (i.e.
learning outside of school) is encouraged in order to better connect learning processes with the
298
Federatie van Marokkaanse verenigingen - FMV
299
Dienst Integratie Antwerpen - DIA
300
De Standaard, ‘Bij jullie is hij braaf, bij mij stout’. Rubriek Onderwijs. Maandag 30 mei 2005, 12-13.
166
socio-cultural backgrounds and interests of the children. Every child in the project follows a
unique path.
The project also invests in the empowerment of the parents through information sessions on
parental involvement and educational assistance. As a result, parents are well informed on
educational structures, rights and duties and they put this knowledge into practice. Furthermore,
some parents expressed the desire to take part in formal participation structures such as school
councils or parent committees301.
The results of this project are astonishing: though their chances to pass were rated minimally
by the school and the Student Guidance Counsel at the beginning of the school year, nineteen of
the 24 students that took part in the IQRA-project in the 2004-2005 school year succeeded. Now,
200 children are on a waiting list to take part in the project. However, due to the intensity of the
project and the minimal financial support provided by the city of Antwerp, it is impossible for
IQRA to expand.
301
Federatie van Marokkaanse Verenigingen, ‘Tussentijdse evaluatie groot project “Onderwijs”’, FMV: Antwerpen
(2005).
167
V.2. Methodology
This research project focuses on the social participation of women and men, with a social
focus on gender issues, in an ethnic urban neighbourhood. With this research, we acquire an in-
depth understanding of the social networks of women and men who have foreign ethnic
backgrounds and who have, in some degree, an influence in their children’s education. In this
way, we attain a more realistic and balanced image about their participation in the society. The
researcher in Antwerp conducted an ethnographic study using qualitative research methods
between the end of November 2005 and the end of January 2006.
The description of the methodology for the Antwerp fieldwork includes a clarification of the
research questions, an overview of the research methods used, a discussion of the composition of
the topic list, the school selection process, and a description of the ultimate sample and the
interview context.
V.2.1. Research Questions
In general, we focus on the educational participation of migrant-origin parents. Migrant and

migrant-origin people commonly exhibit a lower degree of social and political participation in the
host society. Clarifications for the lack of participation have generally been attributed to
individual or family variables, such as low socio-economic status, sex, ethnicity, or family
composition. We want to nuance the widespread idea of ethnic minorities’ limited social and
political participation by widening the focus from individual-based explanatory factors (micro) to
structural factors that are inherent in the school environment (meso) and the educational system
(macro). By doing so, we can question the applicability of the traditional concept of parental
involvement for ethnic minorities and families with a low socio-economic status. Through the
administration of face-to-face interviews with ethnic minority parents and through observations
during participatory initiatives of the school and the parents, we investigate whether ethnic
minority parents are indeed less involved in their children’s education than autochthonous parents.
We will also explore the facilitating and interfering factors are in the realization of this
involvement.
Literature shows an overrepresentation of mothers in educational participation research. Some
authors even speak about ‘mother involvement’ instead of parental involvement. The exclusive
focus on mothers is due to the fact that fathers are generally less involved with the educational
domain 302. Various authors, fieldworkers and parents consider this trend as problematic and they
302
Garant.
168
plea for the inclusion of fathers in research regarding the education of their children303. Through
the adoption of a gender focus, this research report attempts to fill this gap by focusing explicitly
on the educational involvement of fathers. More precisely, in-depth interviews with fathers and
key-figures provide research evidence on how fathers evaluate their own involvement, the barriers
they experience towards participation, and their opinions regarding their role in the education of
their children.
Next to the broader research questions, we investigate specific research questions that are
linked with the theoretical framework of the overlapping spheres of influence304. More precisely,
this research focuses on interrelations between the three spheres, as described by Epstein (see
II.2.2.). More specific research questions are as follows: is it possible to distinguish wheter these
spheres actually overlap in the real world? If so, to what extent? What factors contribute to or
inhibit the overlapping of the home-school-community contexts? In search for answers to these
questions, we examine the following interrelations (see also pp. 45):
1. School – Family: These interrelations consist of the school-initiated initiatives to install

partnerships with parents;
2. Family – School: Refers to the parent-initiated efforts to support the education of their
children, and develop pro-school attitudes and a stimulating environment;
3. Community – School: This partnership refers to initiatives in the local community to

support the school, such as the school community work;
4. School – Community: Initiatives of schools to develop partnerships with local
community organizations, such as youth mouvements, ethnic minority organizations,
religious organization and the like;
5. Family – Community: The contribution to and participation in community level activities
such as sport activities, trips, youth movements and parents’ groups to support children’s
education;
6. Community - Family: Refers to the educational support and assistance in the upbringing of
children provided by friends, family, community organizations, religious centres and the
like.
303
304
Gruyter, 121-136.
169
V.2.2.Research Methods
The researcher of the Reseach group on Poverty, Social exclusion and the City (OASeS) –
Antwerp University - focused on the social participation of parents in relation to the education of
their children. In light of the theoretical framework of overlapping spheres of influence, different
social contexts will be studied through various qualitative research methods. When applied well,
multiple techniques allow us mutual confirmation of the measures and the validity of our findings.
In the case of Antwerp, we conducted limited participant observation and framing-interviews with
key-figures. In addition, we put great emphasis on the face-to-face interviews with young women
and men in an ethnic neighbourhood.
Participant Observation Activities

During the fieldwork period from mid-November 2005 until the end of February 2006, the
OASeS researcher participated in various activities in the two schools: a mother’s group
organized by the De Schoolbrug in the respective schools was visited. At the end of these
meetings, opportunities were created to make appointments with mothers for in-depth interviews.
The researcher also participated in an info-class organized by De Schoolbrug in the municipal
school. It was also possible to be present at meetings of the Student Guidance Counsel305 with
parents in the private school. This offered the opportunity to get in contact with parents who were
quite plausibly less involved than the parents attending activities of De Schoolbrug. Also, the
researcher participated in a meeting of a ‘parent support group’306, a teachers’ initiative to
empower parents so that they can provide assistance during school trips. The researcher was
present for several mornings at the school gate of the respective schools to watch the morning
ritual of parents bringing their children; the interactions and communications between parents and
teachers; the contacts between children and teachers, and so forth. An overview of the observation
activities is presented in annex 1.
Interviews with key figures

The second important research method consisted of in-depth interviews with key figures. Key
figures in this research are privileged witnesses who developed an expertise regarding parental
involvement, or who were closely related with one of the two schools that were concerned, or who
took part in community level parental involvement initiatives. Since the interviews were
conducted conform the person’s expertise, no standard topic list was developed to guide these
interviews. An overview of the interviews with key figures is presented in annex 2.
305
CLB: Centrum voor Leerlingenbegeleiding
306
Ouderbegeleidingsgroepje
170
Semi-structured interviews
Central to our research is the educational involvement and participation of parents with ethnic
backgrounds. Therefore, the most important section of our research surrounds the in-depth
interviews with parents. The focus on parents in this subject is quite new, since other research
regarding educational involvement of ethnic minorities almost exclusively included school staff,
community workers, policy makers, school counsellors and social workers307. This is
understandable, since parents belonging to ethnic minority groups or/ and in a deprived situation
do not easily participate in research.
The semi-structured in-depth interviews were guided by a topic list, described in V.4.3. The
use of a topic list ensures that the same topics are discussed in every interview, while at the same
time providing enough flexibility for us to explore respondents’ ideas, motivations and points of
view raised during the interview. This is different for structured interviews, in which the
interviewer cannot deviate from the formulation or the sequence of the questions. The interviews
were audio-recorded and completely transcribed by students with the consent of the respondents.
All respondents were assured of their anonymity in our research.
The selected schools served as our operating base from where we searched for mothers and
fathers of pupils that lived in the area surrounding their school. We chose schools as an entrance
to our subject field because they served as an obvious context to get in contact with possible
respondents. Furthermore, the theme of the research concerned education. We were well aware of
the possible biases we included by approaching our target group from the schools of their
children. As researchers, we could be considered as part of the educational context, which could
influence parents’ answers. On the other hand, approaching parents in the school context would
enhance our legitimacy.
A total of 12 interviews were conducted, of which the Date, Sex of the Respondent, School,
Interview Location and Duration of the Interview are portrayed in annex 3. In annex 4, a
description of the respondents on background variables such as ‘marital status’, ‘number of years
in Belgium’, and ‘number of children’ is presented.
V.2.3. The Topic List
We developed a semi-structured interview protocol that acquired an insight in the social

participation of women and men with an ethnic background other than the autochthonous one. For
307
i.e. López, R., Scriber, J., and Mahitivanichcha (2001), ‘Redefining Parental Involvement: Lessons from high-
171
this list, we depended on the literature and we took into account several definitions and concepts.
The topic list was discussed with key-figures and colleague researchers at the Research Group on
Poverty, the Social Exclusion and the City (OASeS). On the basis of this information some
changes were made for a better fulfilment of the research questions.
The topic list is composed of three major parts. The first part focuses on respondents’
background variables such as ‘age’, ‘migration history’, ‘number of children’ and ‘marital status’.
This introductory section is followed by an inquiry of the social, cultural and economic capital.
The opportunities of allochthonous youngsters, both in education and in the labour market are
determined– like their autochthonous peers – by the social, economic and cultural capital of their
parents308. Deprivation in the capitals of allochthonous parents309 plays an important role for
children’s’ (social) participation in the society. Previous research has demonstrated the influence
of a family’s socio-economic status on children’s educational achievement310. Therefore, the
inclusion of these background variables is essential in order to fully understand the educational
participation of parents. The information about the social, economic and cultural capital of the
parent is obtained through questions about the household situation, labour market participation,
educational attainment, engagement in activities such as sports, schooling or associations, and the
like.
The second part of the topic list is composed of questions regarding social networks and social
participation on a neighbourhood level, specifically with reference to educational activities. The
second part focuses on what we labelled in the theoretical model of overlapping spheres of
influence as ‘Family – Community’ and ‘Community – Family’ partnerships. More precisely,
questions on the educational supportive activities of relatives, friends, and community
associations were investigated. The contribution to this community’s beneficial initiatives was
inquired about. These community networks and social capital demonstrated to be crucial for the
success of children in school. Previous research revealed that ethnic minorities and
underprivileged people often do not have the ability and the confidence to help their children in
school311.
308 The neo-Weberian approach of social inequality explains differences in life chances in the disposition of
economical, political, cultural (symbolic) and social sources, who define separately and in combination the life
chances of individuals. Bourdieu uses in this context the idea of economic, social and cultural capital (Veenman, 1996:
830).
309
A key problem is the lack of recognition of the population group as fellow citizens and inhabitants. This recognition
would imply an intention to help their participatory integration. However, participatory integration into the society
needs once more some competences (Leisink, 1995).
310
involvement, in: School effectiveness and School Improvement, Volume 7 (4), 297-323; Entwisle, D. R. et.al. (2005),
‘First grade and educational attainment by age 22: A new story, in: American Journal of Sociology, 110(5), 1458-
1502; Epstein, J. L. & Sanders, M. (2000), ‘Connecting home, school and community. New directions for social
311
Lareau (1989), ‘Home advantage’, Philadelphia, The Falmer Press
172
Low-income families are usually deprived from social networks that enhance educational
ambitions. As a consequence, economically deprived families’ access to information and power
over educational-relevant resources remains restricted312. Furthermore, families belonging to low-
income communities are likely to live in neighbourhoods considered to be unsafe, with little
access to home and community learning opportunities313. They often lack relevant social
resources to achieve their educational ambitions314. We studied the concerning social networks
and resources in a deprived neighbourhood where social participation may be compressed and
where community initiatives and participation may be reduced to a minimum level. More
specifically, we examined families’ social networks, and their collaboration with and mutual
support with acquaintances, relatives or classmates’ parents. Insight into families’ degree of social
embedment provides additional insights into reasons for parents’ educational involvement, and
parents’ access to resources that support children’s educational success.
The third section of the interview was an explanation of the partnership between the school and
families. This extensive part of the interview listened to parents’ perceptions of contacts with the
school staff; the accessibility of the school; parents’ involvement and participation; facilitating or
interfering factors regarding this participation; extra-curricular and curricular stimulating
activities at home; participation in school stimulating initiatives that reached further than the own
child; and school efforts to reach and involve parents. This section studied the connections
between ‘Family – School’, ‘School – Family’, ‘Community – School’, and ‘School- Community’
of the theoretical framework of overlapping spheres of influence (Epstein, 1987).
‘Family – School’ partnerships referred to the reported initiatives of parents to install school-
like home environments. Research showed that school supporting activities at home- such as
talking with the child about school, and family routines regarding homework time and bedtime
foster children’s success in school315. ‘School – Family’ connections were operationalized through
an inquiry of school-initiated programs to involve parents; for example, the organization of open
class days, parent groups, and the invitation of parents at school events. Research showed that
parents respond positively to school-initiated efforts to involve parents. If schools invest in
practices to involve families, then parents consequently correspond by participating in those
practices316. ‘Community – School’ partnerships referred to pro-educational community
312
Dom, L. & Verhoeven, J. C. (2005), ‘Kansarme ouders en de school. Een wereld van verschil?’, in: Tijdschrift voor
313
314
315
involvement, in: School effectiveness and School Improvement, Volume 7 (4), 297-323 Epstein, J. L. & Sanders
316
Epstein, J. L. & Sanders, M. (2000), ‘Connecting Home, School, and Community. New directions for social
research, in: Handbook of the Sociology of Education, Hallinan, M. (ed.), Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers, New
York.
173
initiatives. In distressed neighbourhoods, where families often lack the resources to create a
school-supportive home environment, community initiatives can provide important guidance and
encouragement to these students. A strong community can, to a certain degree, substitute for the
lack of support in the case of family neglect317. Finally, the ‘School – Community’ relationships
were studied by examining the existence of initiatives at school that support the local community.
V.2.4. School selection Process
We decided to conduct the fieldwork in two primary schools located in the north of the inner
city of Antwerp. Limiting the fieldwork to just one school would negatively generate a perception
of focusing on that specific school. Therefore, involvement of two schools creates a more
comfortable research context for the school teams concerned.
The selection of two schools was motivated with the intention of making useful comparisons.
It would have been ideal to carry out our fieldwork in more schools around the Stuivenberg-
Square, or in other neighbourhoods in Antwerp, or even in other cities, but, time constraints
obliged us to make a these selections for our research. So, we selected two schools, with different
backgrounds, and different stories to tell. Findings on the basis of these two schools cannot be
applied to the total educational landscape of Flanders.
As already mentioned, our qualitative research aimed at exploring the process of social
participation. We wanted to shed light on the more unorthodox forms of participation. Qualitative
research is undoubtedly the most proper research method for this subject, considering the
explorative nature of this study; our interest in confidential matters; and the intention to study a
process and the ambition to search for motivations behind answers.
The two schools of our focus had varying (philosophical) backgrounds. They belonged to two
of the three existing educational networks in Flanders: Publicly Subsidized Schools on the one
hand, and Privately Subsidized Schools on the other hand318.
We selected one municipal school that belonged to the Publicly Subsidized Schools, and one
private (Catholic) school that belonged to Privately Subsidized Schools. The selection process of
the schools was guided by location (a deprived area of Antwerp city, namely the north of the inner
city); ideological background of the schools (public versus private); the presence of ethnic
minority children; and, with the advise of the contacted ‘school community work’ (De
317
Epstein, J. L. (1995), ‘School/ family/ community partnerships, in Phi Delta Kappan, 76(9), 701-713.
318
Publicly Subsidized Schools (Gemeentelijke school) consist of municipal education organized by the
municipalities, and provincial education under the authority of the provincial administrations. Privately Subsidized
Schools (Vrije scholen) provide education by the initiative of a private person, organization or initiative. They mainly
consist of catholic schools. Futhermore, Islamic, protestant, Jewish, othodox, etc. schools reside under this network.
Finally, Community education (Gemeenschapsonderwijs) is organized under the authority of the Flemish Community.
Community education is neutral and respects diversity in religious, philosophical and ideological backgrounds of
pupils and parents.
174
Schoolbrug) located as well in the north of Antwerp. The concerning office of De Schoolbrug was
familiar with the educational landscape in her sphere of action and was an appropriate partner to
assist the school selection process. Since February 2005, De Schoolbrug executed two projects to
stimulate the educational participation of mothers and fathers in the two selected schools; namely,
info-classes and mother groups.
The schools served as our operating base from where we searched for mothers of pupils living
in the surrounding areas of the schools. The school community workers were in close contact with
the schools and they worked closely together with the parents that we wanted to include in our
fieldwork. De Schoolbrug expressed the willingness to introduce us to one of the mothers’
committees and info-classes, where we could invite parents to participate in the research. These
initiatives served as valuable occasions to make appointments with possible respondents for in-
depth interviews. It was helpful to pass through the school advancement workers, whom the
parents already knew for a long time. This increased confidentiality and thus the parents’
willingness to participate. Once introduced, it was equally important to include parents that were
not manifestly involved, by using other recruitment canals and methods such as the Local
Consultative Body and the Snow Ball method.
V.2.5. The research setting
The research location consists of the selected area (north of Antwerp): more precisely, the
surrounding neighbourhoods of the municipal and the private school, the three community
initiatives (discussed in V.1.4), and the two schools. The setting therefore encompassed the three
spheres of influence (school, home and local community; Epstein, 1987) as described in II.2.2.
Information on the schools was gathered through interviews with school staff, an examination of
school documents such as the EEO319-plan, and through an inspection of school related
descriptive statistics. The home context was materialized through in-depth interviews with
parents. Information on community initiatives was collected through interviews with people
working in the selected community initiatives, annual reports and newspaper articles. A thorough
description of the schools and the three community initiatives is reported in paragraph V.1.3 and
V.1.4. The sample of parents with its background variables is included in annex 4.
V.2.6. The Interview Context
Respondents had the choice to administer the interview at home or at school. By leaving a
choice open, we aimed to increase the willingness to participate. After all, some respondents
could not leave the home due to care-taking duties or other interfering activities. The majority of
319
Equal Educational Opportunities
175
respondents preferred to conduct interviews at home. By interviewing parents at home, the
respondents felt more comfortable to speak freely and were more inclined to give richer
explanations. Four parents chose to let the interview take place at school, either before or after the
school day.
Firstly, the interviewer explained the goal of the interview by presenting a short overview of
the themes in order to comfort respondents and to clarify the interview procedure of the semi-
structured interview. Each respondent was assured of his or her anonymity. The interviews were
audio-recorded only with the consent of the respondents. All parents agreed to have their
interviews taped.
A maximal interview duration of one hour was set as a goal, since a shorter interview time
would possibly provide too little information and a longer interview duration would be too
exhaustive for respondents. Most interviews ranged from 45 minutes to 60 minutes, with the
longest interview lasting 100 minutes and the shortest 34 minutes.
176
V.3. Results and interpretations
Results are presented according to the research questions that will be discussed in section
V.4.1. A short introduction on the research questions will be accompanied by a description of the
operationalization of the research questions. Subsequently, the research evidence will be
presented by means of citations.
V.3.1. Educational Involvement of Ethnic Minorities
The first research question focused on parental involvement in general. The goal of this
question was to find out if the ethnic-minority parents of our sample felt related with and
participated in the school activities of their children. This general question was operationalized
through an inquiry on parents’ ‘satisfaction with the school’, parents’ ‘school related
expectations’, the ‘degree of fulfilment’ of these expectations, as well as the parents’ opinions on
the ‘characteristics of a good school’. There were no direct questions on involvement, since this
construct was too complex and was not fully understood by our respondents. With regards to the
first research question, interviews elaborated on the facilitating and interfering factors that were
related to educational involvement- focusing on individual explanatory factors (i.e. parents’
educational level, language knowledge and knowledge of the educational system), and on school
related factors (i.e. parental involvement initiatives). The interview material from parents is
completed with research evidence from interviews with key-figures.
First of all, we must stress that parental involvement is a personal feeling, which cannot be
easily measured. Furthermore, not all parents engaging in perceptible participation at school feel
involved. Invisible parents at school are not per definition less involved.
“Hoe langer ik bezig ben met ouderbetrokkenheid, hoe meer ik me afvraag ... Mijn conclusie is dat
álle ouders bezorgd zijn om hun kinderen, iedere ouder. Ik ben nog geen enkele ouder tegengekomen
die niet bezorgd is om zijn kinderen. Maar de mate waarin ze betrokken zijn, is ook een heel
persoonlijke kwestie en daarmee bedoel ik: Het is niet omdat je niet naar school gaat, dat je niet
betrokken bent. Of omgekeerd: Het is niet omdat je iedere dag op school bent, dat je wel betrokken
bent. Het is zo een persoonlijk gevoel, voor de ouder zelf ook, dat je het niet allemaal over een kam
kunt scheren en kunt zeggen van:”Ja, die is betrokken en die niet, die twintig moeders die naar de
moedergroep komen, dat zijn de betrokken ouders.” Er zullen er echt nog wel anderen zijn die
betrokken zijn door elke dag in de agenda te kijken en huiswerk op te volgen en weet ik wat allemaal
te doen. Die zich wel betrokken voelen maar daarom zie je hen niet op school. Echt waar.” (School
community worker, the “Schoolbrug”)
All of our respondents were convinced about the importance of education. School relatedness
was expressed through a variety of activities, such as talking with children about school, helping
with their homework, working together with teachers on school related problems, and attendance
at parent evenings. Some parents even participated in school-supporting activities on a class level,
177
engaging in initiatives that reached further than the development of their own child. An example
is that of a young mother, who guides a class of pre-schoolers during library visits:
I: Dus je volgt Nederlands tweede taal. En nu ga je stage doen in de school? Hebben ze u dat
gevraagd vanuit de school om dat te doen?
M: Nee, ik heb dat gevraagd aan de juffrouw daar. Ze heeft het aan de directeur gevraagd en die zei
dat het goed was. Nu is de leerkracht gekomen om het contract te tekenen.
I: Dus je hebt een contractje ook?
M: Ja
I: En hoe lang ga je dat doen?
M: 10 halve dagen. Omdat de eerste keer is dat ze dat proberen in de school. Dus een korte tijd, niet
lang. (I1)320
In this research, educational participation of pre-schoolers’ parents was investigated through

the frequency of children’s school attendance. Since compulsory education starts at the age of six
and the choice for bringing children to kindergarten depends on the will of parents, the frequency
of pre-school attendance was considered as an expression of respondents’ educational
involvement. Some of our respondents with children who attended kindergarten reported that their
children attended pre-school frequently, while others reported bringing their children to
kindergarten on a daily basis.
Research by Groenez (2004) demonstrated that the degree of kindergarten attendance of pre-
schoolers with a non-Belgian nationality or with a different language at home than Dutch equals
the kindergarten participation of Western pre-schoolers with a low socio-economic background.
The kindergarten participation of pre-schoolers with a non-Belgian nationality, with a different
language at home than Dutch, or with a low socio-economic background is however lower than
kindergarten attendance of middle to high-income pre-schoolers321. Pre-school participation is
important for these children because language problems can be tackled during the first years of
school. Besides the benefits regarding language acquisition and other developmental processes of
children, pre-school participation is likewise important for parents. The ties between parents and
schools vary through the school years, with parental involvement being most intense during the
primary-school years. Kindergarten and secondary education are generally characterized by more
loose ‘Parent – School’ connections. It is during the first three years of school that parents can get
acquainted with the educational system, learning the methods and the development goals of
schools.
Research by Bastenier, Dassetto and Scheuer (1985) demonstrated that the majority of
allochthonous parents were not familiar with the developmental goals in education and mainly
perceived kindergarten as a place where children played and were not involved in learning
320
I: Interviewer; M: Mother; F: Father; P: Privileged witness; I1, I2, …., I12: 12 interviews with parents
178
activities322. Longitudinal research in the United States demonstrated positive effects of pre-
school programs on the future school success of children. Therefore, increased parental
involvement during kindergarten is invaluable for the future school success of children due to the
direct effects of pre-school programs on school achievement and the indirect effects of parental
involvement. Also, a key-figure defended the idea of rising ‘Parent-School’ connections during
pre-school age, which in turn was confirmed by the EEO-teacher of the private school:
(…) “Dat we dikwijls vaststellen dat die betrokkenheid pas duidelijk wordt in de eerste graad van
het lager onderwijs. En dat we eigenlijk bij ouders die minder bekend zijn met het
onderwijsgebeuren, juist die betrokkenheid moeten gaan beklemtonen in het kleuteronderwijs. Want,
ik zal maar zeggen bij de tweede generatie ouders, zit die kwestie van betrokkenheid op een heel laag
niveau. Het beantwoordt eigenlijk niet aan de minimale vereisten, en je laat er drie jaar over gaan,
dan is er al een gewoonte gecreëerd. De instap in het kleuteronderwijs is juist een aanknopingspunt
om ouders mee te betrekken in dat proces. (…) Wij stellen dat dikwijls de betrokkenheid van ouders
in het kleuteronderwijs een beetje verwaarloosd wordt. Eén infomoment per jaar, los van het
schoolfeest. Terwijl men daar eigenlijk bij die kwetsbare groepen gebruik zou moeten maken van die
instap om de gewoonte erin te krijgen van betrokkenheid”.(Younes El Yousfi, PRICMA)
One pre-schooler’s mother in our sample requested more information about the school
progress of her child and wanted to help her son with finishing his school work. The citation
reported hereunder reflects the mother’s wish for more information and confirms the above-
mentioned research by Bastenier et al. (1985), that parents with ethnic backgrounds mainly
perceived kindergarten as a place of play and pleasure, and consequentially underestimated its
instructional role :
I: Dus van de leerkracht bent u tevreden?
M: Ja, buiten het feit dat hij geen werkjes meekrijgt naar huis. Want ze zouden kunnen kopies
meegeven, en, ..., ik wil ook weten wat hij op school doet. (…) Ja, op het einde van het trimester kun
je zien wat ze in dat trimester hebben gedaan. Ik ben wel tevreden maar ik wil dat hij het thuis ook
krijgt. Dan krijgt hij bevestiging van: “Ah, ik ga naar school, ik ga mijn best doen,...en morgen kan
ik dat werkstuk terug aan de juffrouw laten zien.”
Dan leren ze nog extra bij, want ze zitten ook maar acht uur op school. En dan zitten ze meestal
buiten te spelen; en dan een uurtje verven, een uurtje kleuren, ... (I4)
Apart from the fact that the parents we interviewed were well aware of the importance of
education and felt related with their children’s schools, ethnic minority parents generally exhibit a
lower degree of educational participation. First of all, we must stress that no generalizations can
be made: ‘The educational involvement of ethnic minorities’ as a group does not exist. Within the
group of ethnic minorities, differentiation has to be made on the basis of the nationality of the
parents; the parents’ educational attainment; the degree of similarity between the educational
system in the host country and the homeland; the involvement in the host society, and so forth.
321
Groenez, S. (2004), ‘Gekregen maar niet verdiend. Ongelijkheid op school: omvang, oorzaken en gevolgen’, in :
Mahieu, P. ‘School en Samenleving’, Mechelen: Wolters Plantijn, 1-13.
322
Bastenier, A., Dassetto, F., and Scheuer, B. (1985), ‘Mômes d’immigrés en maternelle’, Louvain-la-Neuve :
CIACO, pp. 79.
179
The insufficient educational involvement of ethnic minority parents may be attributed to the
phenomenon that these people generally maintain a clear distinction between home and school
where school practices are considered as exclusive school affairs. Following Bronneman-Helmers
& Taes (1999) ethnic minorities generally hold different (educational) values, norms and
aspirations than those of schools. Moreover, more traditional upbringing practices such as
obedience and respect are often incongruent with the Flemish individualistic educational ideals323.
The Moroccan father in the citation hereunder explained that according to Moroccan socio-
cultural practices, parents keep a clear distinction between school and family and that because of
this tradition, parents are not eager to take up roles in their children’s educations:
I: Dus ze (moeders) gaan huishoudelijke taken... en niet echt huistaken mee maken?
F: Nee, dat zit niet in de traditie, dat zit niet in de cultuur.
I: Dus het is meer het idee: Schoolwerk is voor de school en thuis is het ...?
F: Ja, de opvoeding is helemaal anders dan wat er gebeurt in de school. Als mijn pa niet tegen mij
brulde dat ik mijn huistaken moest maken, deed ik het ook niet hoor. Dat was hetzelfde. Ik kwam van
school, ik zette mijn boekentas in de kast en ik deed... Ik kwam binnen, gooide mijn boekentas erin en
hups... En de mama kon daar niets aan doen.
(…) Het is niet dat het te laat is, maar ik denk eigenlijk niet dat ouders zich gaan ... betrekken omdat
ze al een bagage achter zich hebben. Ze komen al met een bagage.
I:Dus het zit ergens niet in de gewoonte of zo?
F: Voilà. Het zit daar niet in. Ik herinner me niet dat mijn vader in Marokko, ... dat hij me ooit heeft
geholpen om een rekenoefening te maken of een werkwoord te gaan vinden of een zin te maken. Daar
heb ik geen herinneringen aan, moet ik eerlijk zeggen. Dat waren vooral de leerkrachten en wij ook
zelf maar ik herinner me niet dat mijn pa ... (I8)
According to this Moroccan father, ethnic minority parents generally keep the upbringing role
strictly apart from the educational one and rarely engage themselves in school supporting
activities, and this is not the same as saying that these parents do not care. We have to bear in
mind that ethnic minority groups can, at no point, be considered as a homogeneous group, since
educational attitudes, practices, experiences and the like vary among different ethnic minority
groups324. Furthermore, differences within ethnic minority groups can, at some points, be more
significant than between ethnic minority groups. The generalizations mentioned here have to be
interpreted with cautiousness. Parental involvement varies across ethnic minority groups and
within the groups: not all parents of a certain group exhibit the same amount or the same form of
participation.
Parents’ role definitions of parental involvement are closely linked with social situation, in the
sense that role definitions regarding parental involvement are formed through socialization
processes within their own community. The expectancies and behaviours related to parental roles
are therefore formed through interaction processes within a reference group. If a reference group
323
Bronneman-Helmers, H. M. & Taes, C. G. J. (1999), ‘Scholen onder druk: op zoek naar de taak van de school in
een veranderende samenleving’, Den Haag: Sociaal Cultureel Planbureau.
324
Driessen, G. W. J. M. (2001), ‘Ethnicity, forms of capital, and educational achievement’, in: International Review
of Education, 47(6): 513-538.
180
dedicates a central role to parents regarding children’s education, then parents assign themselves a
central role in the attainment of their children’s success in school. Contrarily, if the reference
group holds the school as primarily responsible for the educational of children, then the
educational role of parents is reduced to a minimum325. The same Moroccan father explained that
the socio-cultural praxis of keeping a distinction between school and family is transferred from
generation to generation. According to him, the majority of parents from the Moroccan
community are not raised in a sphere that promotes educational involvement at home:
F: Ja, gewoon niet weten. Er geen kennis van hebben en niet weten welk belang het kan hebben
voor hun kind. Die het echt niet beseffen omdat ze daar niet in opgevoed zijn, omdat ze er geen…,
omdat ze niet naar school zijn geweest. Ze weten het niet of ze willen het niet. Dat is het echt: ze
weten het niet of ze willen het niet. Het is een andere cultuur, een andere mentaliteit en het is heel
moeilijk om hen van idee te laten veranderen dat het eigenlijk wel belangrijk is.(…)
I: En heeft dat ook niet te maken met het verschil tussen het leven in Marokko en hier?
F: Ja, dat is. Dat zit niet in onze roots gewoon.. (…) Voor hen is het welzijn van het kind: “Ik ga het
kind opvoeden tot zijn achttien, twintig jaar.” Zo goed mogelijk. Opvoeding, voor hen betekent dat:
eten geven, slapen en een goede gezondheid. Dat is alles. Maar ze vergeten kennis. En dat is het
zwakke punt bij ons, in onze gemeenschap. Dat ze dat onderschatten, kennis. En dat begrijp ik dan
niet want vroeger was kennis heel belangrijk bij ons, in de Arabische gemeenschap. ...
(I8)
However, educational values and practices are not solely determined through interactions with
community members, but through interactions with out-group members. In partnerships with
schools and teachers, ethnic minorities and economically underprivileged people are often
confronted with their incapacity to meet schools’ expectations. Parents, who are not able to fulfil
the “mainstream parent roles”, perceive themselves as useless regarding the education of their
children. In other words, parents’ limited educational participation can be attributed to their lack
of self-confidence in taking up educational roles326.
The insufficient educational participation of low socio-economic or ethnic minority parents can
not simply be explained by the socio-cultural praxis of keeping a clear distinction between school
and home, which is formed through interactions within the group; it can also be formed by other
factors such as their lack of self confidence regarding the assumption of educational roles327. This
lack of self-confidence is partly formed through their own restricted educational experience and
unfamiliarity with the Flemish educational system. However, parents’ confidence can be
reinforced by the schools’ degree of openness and its efforts to tackle this hampered relation with
low socio-economic or ethnic minority parents. Schools or other authorities have to invest in the
empowerment of those parents so that they become more familiar with the factors to succeed in
325
Garant.
326
Dom, L. & Verhoeven, J. C. (2006), ‘Kansarme ouders en de school. Een wereld van verschil?’, in Tijdschrift voor
327
181
the broader society. Schools also have to be sensitive to the growing interculturality of the pupil
population and they have to be prepared to put into question practices that are generally tuned to
the so-called “median white student”328.
Dat is wat ik daarnet heb gezegd rond de vinger op de wonde durven leggen. We moeten daar niet
denken in termen van verwijt, maar ik vind persoonlijk dat er onvoldoende opvoedingsondersteuning
is. Opvoedingsondersteuning kan daar een methodiek zijn om mee te werken; Er worden bijzonder
weinig handvaten aangereikt aan de eerste generatie, maar vooral aan de tweede en derde
generatie, rond opvoeding en de wijze waarop je binnen de samenleving Vlaanderen, België, een
aantal zaken moet gaan realiseren voor kinderen. En als je dan een aantal opvoedingspatronen
integraal overneemt vanuit uw thuissituatie, die zijn niet compatibel met uw situatie hier. (Younes El
Yousfi, PRICMA)
V.3.1.1. Facilitating or Interfering Factors for Involvement: School’s Openness
One of the keys to increase parental involvement of ethnic minorities concerns the school’s
openness and willingness to get acquainted with migrant and migrant-origin pupils’
background329. In our research, contact with the school appeared to be one of the most important
facilitating or interfering factors for parental involvement. Ethnic-minority parents dedicate a lot
of trust in schools. This trust stems either from a belief in the capacity of schools to raise and
educate their children, or from a low self confidence in the assumption of their own educational
roles. While migrant and migrant-origin parents underestimate the importance of their own
educational role and involvement in the school career of their children, schools generally interpret
the invisibility of parents as a lack of interest and unwillingness, and as a confirmation of the
stereotype that “ethnic minority parents do not participate in the host society”330.
Due to a lack of knowledge of ethnic backgrounds, teachers confirm ethnic stereotypes through
their interactions with the parents: they reduce their expectations and ultimately undertake
minimal efforts to involve parents in schooling processes. As a consequence, migrant and
migrant-origin parents remain excluded from the educational domain and are not invited to
increase their educational know-how. By means of openness towards parents, the aforementioned
negative spiral that increases the gap between school and families can be breached331. Research
shows that teachers who frequently talked and interacted with parents gained a more realistic
opinion on parents’ capacities, interests, expectations and needs. Parents were rated more
positively, just like their children. Parents became more informed and felt more related to the
328
329
330
Chrispeels, J. (1996), ‘Effective schools and Home-School-Community Partnership roles: A framework for Parent
Involvement’ in: School Effectiveness and School Improvement, 7(4), pp. 297-323.
331
182
educational goals of the school. They also rated teachers more positively and gained more self-
efficacy regarding their children’s school success332.
Die stap om inderdaad in de klas te komen, om in de school te komen. Veel ouders hebben hier een
laag zelfbeeld en dat is voor hen niet zo gemakkelijk om dan die stap te maken van inderdaad in de
klas mee activiteiten te komen doen. En misschien ligt het ook wel een beetje aan de school zelf. Als
je heel veel informele contacten hebt met die ouders, dagelijks, dan... en je stelt je daar ook niet
boven maar je behandelt hen echt op gelijke voet, je laat hen merken dat je zelf ook problemen hebt
met je kinderen, weet ik, dat stimuleert hen op lange duur om inderdaad van alles te komen vertellen
en te komen vragen. Het heeft vooral veel mee te maken met: ‘Hoe behandel jij, hoe sta jij tegenover
die ouders?’ Want als ze inderdaad merken dat jij ook problemen hebt met je eigen kinderen en zo,
dan zien ze van: “Oh, allé, dat is een juf en die...”.(Teacher The municipal school)
Our respondents from the private school reported that they really appreciated the openness and
respect from the principal and school staff. It was noticeable that almost every respondent directly
formulated his or her contentment with school staff when a question on the degree of satisfaction
with the school was posited.
Ook de leerkrachten en zo die zijn allemaal…dus als ik iets nodig heb of ik vind dat er iets niet goed
of zo, dan kan ik dat aan hun zeggen, ‘dat vind ik niet goed’ en ‘dat vind ik goed of’. Wij zijn altijd
welkom bij de directie of bij de juffrouwen van hun en zo. (I1)
Oui, ik vind dat een goeie school, vraiment et le directeur est vraiment très gentil, on ne trouve pas
un homme encore comme ce type là…vraiment un homme bien. Moi je l’aime bien. Et toutes les
femmes elles l’aiment. Il parle et il rigole… Il donne beaucoup de temps pour parler avec tout le
monde. Tout le monde l’aime, parce-qu’il est bien. Quand il y a quelque chose, il dit « viens » et il
parle. Il rigole avec les enfants. C’est pour ça moi je suis contente et je laisse les enfants là-bas. Les
enfants aussi ils sont contents.(I2)
Het is geen probleem, wat de leerkrachten betreft. Als je iets wil zeggen, luisteren ze. Als er een
probleem is. Ah ja, ze doen niet moeilijk. Ze zijn ook lief en zo. Je ziet dat ze echt niets tegen
vreemdelingen hebben. Ze zijn gemotiveerd zijn om les te geven zoals het moet. Niet alleen voor het
geld, maar echt voor... (I7)
Ik weet niet, The private school heeft een sfeer. John333 (principal) was eens even weg voor een
moment, hij is even directeur gewest in de Kerstraat en hij zag dat echt niet zitten. Hij wou terug
naar The private school. En hij is teruggekomen. Dat is een kleine groep als je dat goed bekijkt. Dat
is geen grote, grote school. Ik heb andere scholen gekend die meer klassen nemen dan dat en meer
kinderen nemen dan dat.(I8)
This is somewhat different in the municipal school, where the new principal only recently
introduced a participative school climate.
I: Dus vroeger was het een andere directeur?
M: Ja. Maar hij was wel... Ik weet dat ik niet zo veel met hem heb... Een keertje maar heb ik hem iets
gevraagd. Hij was heel... niet onbeleefd, maar ... hij gaf antwoord, maar zo ... Als ik iets vroeg,
bijvoorbeeld, antwoordde hij:”Maar nee hè”, en dan ging hij weg. En dan had ik niets meer te
zeggen, begrijp je? Heel recht. Maar O.K., daardoor wilde ik niet meer met hem praten. (I11)
F: De directeur is hier weggegaan en er is een nieuwe directrice gekomen. En zij heeft heel veel
332
333
John is a fictitious name for the principal of the private school
183
dingen verbeterd.
I: Dus u merkt als ouder... Merkt u al verandering ...?
F: Ik heb wel gemerkt dat ze... Ze doen wel hun best. (I9)
The change provoked a discord in the school team because some teachers defended the
promotion of parental involvement, while others wished to keep a strict division between the
school and the parents. The low socio-economic background of the parents and the often-
problematic relationships between the parents and the teachers explain the sceptical attitudes
towards parental participation. ‘Contra involvement school staff’ view parents as annoying factors
and hold the opinion that the staff will be more preoccupied with the parents than with the
children if these parents are invited to participate in school activities.
I: En u vindt het niet mogelijk om ouders tijdens de huistaakbegeleiding te betrekken?
P: Jawel, dat zou wel ... Die kunnen naar school komen maar dan zijn wij weer meer bezig met die
ouders in plaats van met de kinderen. Maar de ouders moeten kunnen lezen, moeten kunnen
schrijven om te kunnen helpen. Als ze dat niet kunnen, kunnen ze niet helpen (lachje). (teacher of The
municipal school)334
This duality regarding the degree of school’s openness is expressed in the discussion on
whether parents should be admitted in the playground or not. In the beginning of the 2005-2006
school year, parents were admitted in the playground, but due to some problems with parents and
the protests of certain teachers, this permission was withdrawn. According to ‘pro-involvement
teachers’, the admission of parents in the playground creates opportunities to get better informed
on the pupils’ background situation and to orient the class situation on pupils’ home culture.
P: Ja, dat zijn inderdaad de betrokken ouders. Zij vinden het erg dat de school eigenlijk niet
toegankelijk is voor hen en dat ze maar tot aan de poort mogen komen. Ik vind dat zelf ook
verschrikkelijk. Ik kan daar heel moeilijk mee leven. Maar ja ...
I: En in wat uit zich dat bijvoorbeeld?
P: Dat je veel te weinig weet van hun thuissituatie, dat je veel te weinig contact hebt met ouders. Je
kunt je klassituatie niet afstemmen op hun thuiscultuur. Dat stoort mij allemaal. Ik zou ook heel
graag hebben dat de ouders het niet meer dan normaal vinden van:”Ik zie de juf op de speelplaats en
ik spreek haar aan.” Zo kom je toch ontzettend veel te weten?
P:Dus u zou het goed vinden dat de ouders wel op de speelplaats komen?
P: Jawel. Dat is hier al ... Ik sta hier nu het vierde schooljaar. Het is hier al een strijd ..die ik al vier
jaar voer. (cynisch lachje).(Teacher of The municipal school)
The parents from the municipal school regretted the playground decision and perceived it as
being contradictory to the actual initiatives that increase parental involvement.
I: En zou u het goed vinden moesten ouders meer op de speelplaats mogen?
F: Ja, nee, weet je wat je wel had? Als je op de speelplaats kwam en je stond daar tot de bel gaat en
je ziet de juf of zo, zoals juf X, je spreekt er eens mee en zo. Nu kom je aan de deur en je zegt:
“Dag”, en je bent weg. Want nu ook: ik hielp hier ook in de school. Juf X zag me en dan zei ze:”...,
wil jij eens voor mij in de buurt, als je tijd hebt, de ronde doen?” O.K., dat is gewoon omdat ik op de
speelplaats was want als ik niet kwam, zag ze me niet.
I: Dus het contact met de leraars is minder?
F: Ja, het is minder. Voor mij hoeft dat niet terug zo maar het gaat er gewoon om dat ze de mensen
meer op school willen en dan gebeurt er dat, ja... Zo, als je gewoon aan de deur komt,... Want dat is
334
P: Privileged witness
184
hetgeen in de kleuterschool ook was, in de Xstraat, ik weet niet of je daar ooit al geweest bent?
I: Nee.
F: Dan mocht je zelf tot in het klasje gaan om de kinderen af te halen en te brengen en dan heb je
heel veel contact. (I9)
Parents from the private school reported that the possibility to enter the schoolyard in the
morning created trust and willingness to participate in school activities. Teacher-parent contacts
were increased and parents felt respected and heard.
M: Hier is er eentje dichtbij: school X, en dat vond ik niet goed, die letten niet goed op de kinderen.
Je komt aan de deur en die pakken uw kind naar binnen en ja…
I: Je weet niet genoeg wat er met u kind gebeurt?
M: Ja, dat kan je zeggen, ik ken veel vrouwen waarvan hun kinderen naar daar gaan dus ik weet wat
er… In Sint Maria wij brengen de kinderen tot aan de speelplaats.
I: Tot binnen?
M: Helemaal binnen. Tot aan de speelplaats, wij mogen daar wachten tot als de bel gaat.
I: Ah, je mag mee op de speelplaats?
M: Ja, daar staan tot als de bel… Dus daarom zijn die altijd blij om naar school te gaan, ze weten
‘niet bang zijn’ of zo, dat die leerkrachten allemaal, of die juffrouwen van hun allemaal goed zijn
met hun.(I1)
Next to the increase of contact and communication between parents and teachers, the invitation
of parents in the private school’s schoolyard was inspired by the wish to create a safe haven where
parents could compensate for their lack of social contacts by socializing with other parents or get
out of social isolation.
P: Je merkt ook heel vaak dat door de school open te stellen voor de mensen, dat daar dus de sociale
contacten...
I: Dat ze daar wel plaatsvinden.
P: Ja, het zijn veel vrouwen die hun kinderen komen halen en wegbrengen en het wordt toegestaan
door hun man. Dat is een gescreende, veilige omgeving waar ze niets vreemd in zien of schrik voor
moeten hebben; die mannen dan. Dus de school is voor heel veel van onze moeders een veilige haven
waar ze ’s morgens wat langer kunnen blijven hangen en ’s avonds wat vroeger naartoe komen.
(Principal The private school)
V.3.1.2. Facilitating or Interfering Factors for Involvement: Information
Another facilitating or interfering factor for parents’ educational participation – related with
school openness– is the amount of information on various domains; for instance, information on
the school progress of their children, information on school activities, educational development
goals, and learning processes or study choice. Lack of information surfaced regularly during
interviews with the parents.
Some of our respondents made comments on the amount of information provided about the
progress of their own child; namely, the problems, the rules, the regulations and the learning
processes.
I: Dus van de leerkracht bent u tevreden?
185
M: Ja, buiten het feit dat hij geen werkjes meekrijgt naar huis. Want ze zouden kunnen kopies
meegeven, en, ..., ik wil ook weten wat hij op school doet. (I4)
Another parent made a remark about the school’s lack of consideration in an event in which his
son ran away from school. The school did not inform the parents on the incident: the respondent’s
sister informed him about it, since her son – who is enrolled in the same school – helped to search
for him.
F: En wij hebben ook een probleem gehad, herinner ik me nog, dat ons kind verdwenen was op
school.
I: En het was niet thuis of zo?
F: Nee, en we wisten het zelfs niet. Nadien zijn we het te weten gekomen via mijn zus. Want zijn neef
zat ook op de school en omdat hij hem kent, moest hij hem mee gaan zoeken van de leerkracht.(I8)
F: Langs de leerkrachten en die dingen, ze doen hun best. Maar ze zouden, hoe moet ik dat zeggen,
meer de ouders motiveren en dingen uitleggen hoe ze moeten leven, hoe ze de kinderen moeten
opvoeden.(I9)
F: Ja, dat was een juf. Zo echt heel overdonderend tegen mij en daar kan ik niet mee om. Ik ga
mensen ook niet zo aanspreken. En dan was de directrice daarna komen zeggen:”Ja, dat is de
reden”, en zo, “waarom het niet meer mag.” Daar heb ik geen probleem mee. Dan kom ik gewoon
niet meer op de speelplaats. Maar het is gewoon hoe je de mensen aanspreekt.(I9)
(…) als ze met juf X is, weten we dat niet hé. Dan laten ze het werk dat ze doen op school in de bank,
onder de tafel. Maar nu met de hotelklas335 kunnen we dat toch weten hé.
I: Dus anders pakt ze haar schriften en boeken niet mee naar huis?
M: Nee, alleen agenda.
I: En daar kijk je naar?
M: Ja, normaal schrijven ze in de agenda. Maar niet wat ze heeft geleerd hè. Wel:”We hebben
dictee, overmorgen dictee.” Zoiets maar niet om te weten wat ze hebben geleerd.(I11)
Parents perceived that they were informed rather late, especially regarding problems of the
child. At the time when schools take steps to communicate problems, problems have often come
to a climax. A long escalation process, in which parents were not involved, preceded the moment
of contact. Unexpectedly parents were confronted with a problem. They had the feeling that it was
already too late. At the time it was communicated they felt unable to help. In this case, contacts
between schools and parents are commonly problematic and do not contribute to a constructive
‘Home – School’ partnership336.
M: Maar ze heeft het net gehad over de gezondheidsproblemen van haar jongste dochtertje. Die
heeft blijkbaar een spraakvermogenaandoening. En dat vond ze blijkbaar wel wat minder, van de
school uit. Ze hebben haar nog maar pas ervan op de hoogte gesteld dat ze echt niet goed
meedraaide op school.
I: Dat is nu nog maar?
M: Ja. (…) Maar ze vindt het gewoon spijtig dat de lerares het nu pas ... want dat is dus al drie jaar
dat ze ... Want ze zegt: “Dan had ik er reeds eerder mee kunnen … Ik vroeg het altijd maar ze zeiden
dat er geen problemen waren. Ze vroeg hoe het met haar was in de klas en dan zeiden ze: “Allemaal
goed.” En nu in het derde kleuterklasje zeggen ze:“Ja, eigenlijk kan ze wel moeilijk praten”. (I5 -
translated)
335
‘Hotelklas’ is another class in which children are placed whenever their teacher is absent.
336
Dom, L. & Verhoeven, J. C. (2006), ‘Kansarme ouders en de school. Een wereld van verschil?’, in Tijdschrift voor
186
Also, a social worker from the Complaints Desk Education337 referred to the fact that parents
are often reduced to recipients of schools’ decisions or final message about problems concerning
their own child.
Vooral de doorverwijzingen naar het buitengewoon onderwijs zijn daar een heel opvallend
voorbeeld van. Scholen zijn daar mee bezig, zijn daar intensief mee bezig. Ze leggen daar een hele
weg in af en dan af en toe hebben ze daar rond een gesprek met ouders maar die ouders leggen die
weg niet even intensief af als die school en worden vaak alleen maar uitgenodigd om boodschappen
te krijgen. In plaats van dat er samen gezocht wordt naar: Hoe kunnen we hier met uw wensen en
onze mogelijkheden samen iets, een oplossing rond vinden, wat dan ook? Dat gebeurt niet zo
dikwijls. Dat is toch nog een mentaliteit die er in het onderwijs nog niet genoeg is, denk ik
.(Meldpunt Onderwijs “De 8”).
The EEO-teacher338 of the private school spontaneously reported that the delaying
communication towards parents will become a point of interest.
Dikwijls is er pas contact als het erg is. In de tweede kleuterklas kunnen problemen soms moeilijker
naar boven komen en in het derde klasje kan het heel erg worden. Soms stellen we contact uit omdat
dit vaak heel moeilijk is en we hopen dat die problemen nog zullen verdwijnen. Maar we gaan dit
toch voor een stuk proberen te ondervangen. Want ik vind dat ouders het recht hebben op eerlijke
communicatie. (EEO-teacher The private school)
Schools with ethnic minority pupils must critically reconsider their overall communication and
information strategies. Communication policies must be reformed in order to be accessible for
parents, while taking into account the low educational level and the different home language for
most of the migrant or migrant-origin parents. Migrant populated schools resolve this problem by
the provisioning of interpreters or intercultural workers, or by the implementation of pictograms
in written communication. These adaptations are not yet fully established.
M: Als er iets is op school, een vergadering of zo, dan sturen ze een bericht. Wel in het Nederlands
maar aan de buurvrouw of aan vrienden laat ik het dan lezen. Op die manier heb ik wel contact met
de school.
I: Dus de berichten zijn altijd in het Nederlands, brieven en zo?
M: Ja, in het Nederlands. (I10)
I: Dus uw zus helpt soms met huiswerk?

M: Ja. Ik heb altijd problemen met de andere (kind in bijzonder onderwijs), hij krijgt alle dagen
papieren, veel instructies: je moet dit doen en dit. Voor mij is dat een probleem, ik kan niet goed
schrijven, ik kan niet echt goed Nederlands. Ik moet altijd
goed kijken. Ook met oudercontact ik moet altijd goed kijken wanneer…mijn oudste zoon moet altijd
mij helpen, X moet me helpen (lacht). (I2)
Schools are often unaware of barriers in their communication methods. Information and
communication methods that proved their efficacy for decades are no longer successful due to the
growing multiculturalism of the pupil population339.
337
Meldpunt Onderwijs “de 8”, explained in V.1.4
338
Equal Educational Opportunities teacher
339
187
Het gaat soms over zulke details waar men vrij simpel overgaat, maar voor bepaalde groepen
ongelooflijke gevolgen kunnen hebben. Ik denk zo bijvoorbeeld aan het communicatiekanaal bij
uitstek:de agenda; je hoeft geen universitair diploma te hebben, maar als je een basisopleiding
genoten hebt, is dat een goed communicatiemiddel of –kanaal. Maar als je dat niet genoten hebt,
kan het een probleem geven. En als je daar niet in de spiegel durft kijken en zegt: ons
communicatiemiddel om ouders te briefen, om boodschappen in die richting te krijgen en terug te
krijgen, als we dat niet in vraag durven stellen, als dat niet gebeurt, vallen er sowieso een grote
groep ouders uit de boot. (Younes El Yousfi, PRICMA)
Aside from problems with the information flow from schools to parents, in Flanders,
educational involvement is hindered by parents’ lack of knowledge on the educational system.
Ethnic minorities are not familiar with educational goals, learning methods, teachers’
expectancies, and the average educational achievement associated with a certain school age340. In
this research, we can make a distinction between first and second-generation parents. Second-
generation parents who completed their school careers in Belgium, were more informed on the
educational system and the different types of schools and study types while those parents who
attended school in their countries of origin were uninformed. Second-generation parents in our
sample were more acquainted with the different study types and their characteristics, and they
were more familiar with the schools in the neighbourhood and even used evaluation criteria341 to
judge the quality of schools. They employed these criteria to make an informed choice.
V: Waarom heeft u die school gekozen, Sint Maria?
A: Omdat hier in de buurt, ik heb al gaan zoeken maar ik vind daar geen goeie school
V: Nee, en waarom niet?
A: Dat niveau is heel heel laag. Maar nu in Sint Maria dat begint ook een beetje. Maar ik vind het
daar beter. Ook de leerkrachten en zo die zijn allemaal…(…) Wij zijn altijd welkom bij de directie of
bij de juffrouwen van hun en zo. Dus wij weten meestal wel wat er in ’t school gebeurt. Ik vind het
een goeie school.(…)
V: En je hebt echt verschillende scholen bezocht?
A: Ja
V: En dat vond je de beste?
A: Hier is er eentje dichtbij: de X in de X-straat, en dat vond ik niet goed (…)(I1)
The citation of the mother hereunder demonstrates that she uses certain criteria to evaluate the
school, such as homework and the obligation to wear uniforms:
I: En waarom gaan uw kinderen daar naar school? Waarom hebt u die school gekozen?
M: Via zijn broer. Zij gingen ook naar die school, in het begin; De kinderen van mijn broer gaan
daar ook naar school.
I: En vindt u het een goede school? Bent u tevreden?
M: Ja, alleen jammer dat ze geen werkjes krijgen, om te werken thuis.(…) Mijn vriendin is heel
tevreden op X, dus ze gaan waarschijnlijk daar naar school in de toekomst. Als A terug naar de
derde kleuterklas gestuurd zou worden, dan zou ik hem naar daar brengen.
I: Dus als je het opnieuw zou moeten doen, zou je hen naar X sturen?
M: Ja, en dan gaan ze weten welk probleem hij nu eigenlijk echt heeft...
340
Driessen, G. W. J. M. (2001), ‘Ethnicity, forms of capital, and educational achievement’, in: International Review
of Education, 47(6): 513-538; TIMMERMAN, C. (1999), Onderwijs maakt het verschil. Socio-culturele praxis en
etniciteitsbeleving bij Turkse jonge vrouwen, Leuven: Acco
341
Examples of criteria mentioned by parents are the amount of information provided by the school, a school’s
openness, the religious orientation of the school, school staff’s educational competences, a child’s school success and
language acquirement. Paragraph V.3.1.4. Characteristics of a Good School elaborates further on these criteria.
188
I: Dus je denkt dat de school niet goed weet...
M: Ja, ik hou alleen C en B op The private school, maar A wil ik naar X doen; ofwel met de bus
ofwel met de auto brengen dan.
I: Dus de school op X vindt u beter?
M: Ja, natuurlijk. Ik ben daar ook naar school geweest. Ik ben ook van X.
I: En waarom heeft u The private school gekozen?
M: Omdat we hier wonen en ze zeggen: “Goeie school, goeie school, mijn kinderen zijn er ook naar
school gegaan”. En ze gaan daar dan naar de kleuterklas, en daarna gaan ze naar de X-straat.
I: Dus als ze weg zijn uit de kleuterklas, gaan ze niet naar daar?
M: Nee, mijn kinderen gaan daar niet naar het eerste, wel naar de school met een uniform.(I4)
Interviews with our four first-generation parents, who recently migrated to Belgium in the
context of family formation or family reunification, revealed that their knowledge of the
educational system and landscape in Antwerp was incomplete. When questions were posed
concerning their satisfaction with the school, or on the characteristics of a good school, parents
were unable to provide answers due to the absence of information or the lack of a basis for
comparison.
M: C’est la première fois que j’amène à cette école parce qu’elle m’a dit que c’est pas mal cette
école. Et c’est pour cela que je les amène. Les autres écoles je ne connais pas. (I3)
I: Bent u tevreden over de school hier? Vindt u het een goede school en waarom wel, waarom niet?
M: Ze zegt dat ze geen vergelijkingspunt heeft omdat ze (children) altijd hier naar school zijn
geweest. (I5)
I: Wat is voor u het kenmerk van een goede school? Wat vindt u belangrijk aan een goede school?
M: Ik ken de scholen niet goed eigenlijk, ik ben nog vrij recent hier. Ikzelf heb niet veel onderwijs
gevolgd en daarom kan ik niet veel zeggen. (I10)
I: Vindt u het een goede school, de school waar ze nu naartoe gaat, op The municipal school? Vindt
u het een goede school en waarom wel of waarom niet?
M: Ik weet niet of het een goede school is of niet. Ze heeft nog nooit in een andere school
gezeten.(I11)
One of the consequences of the educational ignorance of migrant and migrant-origin parents is
the research finding that school or study choice is often left to the children themselves. Due to the
parents’ lack of information about the educational system and their unfamiliarity with the existing
branches of study, parents cannot assist their children in making a conscious school choice. For
instance, the school choice of a twelve year-old child is driven by the child’s friends’ school
choices or by a choice that minimally interferes with his or her leisure activities, rather than by a
deliberate decision process that takes into account the capacities and abilities:
P: Ik heb dat meegemaakt. Ik ben op mijn elf jaar, lagere school gedaan, en dan moest ik naar het
eerste jaar. En dan zeiden ze hier, ik weet dat nog:”X, wat heb je graag? Ga je naar de technische of
naar de professionele?”
I: Professioneel is beroeps dan?
M: Ja. Dus beroeps of technisch. Ik was toen elf, ik moest nog twaalf worden. ...”Ik ga met mijn
vrienden mee. Ik ga met mijn vrienden mee”, dat was mijn antwoord. (I8)
189
In our interview process, a school community worker confirmed the alarming observation that
school choice is often exclusively made by a child. To remedy this situation, the school
community worker claimed the importance of upgrading the information and implementing
sensibilisation campaigns dedicated to informing ethnic minority parents about study braches and
how to make a well-considered study choice:
S: Het is daarom dat we ouders zo goed mogelijk informeren rond de structuur van het secundair
onderwijs. Als hun kinderen de overgang gaan maken... Met de bedoeling van:”Maak een bewuste
schoolkeuze.” Want heel dikwijls is dat niet het geval voor velen, dat ouders een bewuste
schoolkeuze maken. Veel hangt af van waar de vriendjes naartoe gaan, van waar de buurvrouw
haar kinderen naartoe brengt, van ...
I: Dus meer de schoolkeuze. Niet de richting?
S: Nee, allebei. Of ja, van:”Mijn vriend zit in die school en die richting”, van:”Doe maar.” Totaal
buiten de adviezen, buiten wat het kind kan of advies van het CLB of van de leerkrachten. Dikwijls
beslist het kind gewoon zelf omdat de ouders helemaal niet op de hoogte zijn van welke scholen hier
allemaal zijn in de buurt en ... Maar ja, veel ouders zijn daar echt niet van op de hoogte en dan is de
keuze aan het kind. (School community worker, the “Schoolbrug”)
Second-generation parents generally used their own educational experiences to direct their
educational and child-raising practices. Parents’ own educational experiences were often negative.
The second-generation parents in our sample perceived that they suffered from what they call
“unequal educational opportunities” due to their migrant status. Now, they aim to prevent unequal
treatment in the education of their own children.
P: Misschien ook wel door de school zelf. Want ik zat eerst in een concentratieschool. En de
leerkrachten gaven niet echt les zoals het moest; niet zoals in een katholieke school of een atheneum.
Als je met veel vreemdelingen bent, doen ze niet meer veel moeite, want het zijn maar vreemdelingen.
... Misschien is dat de reden dat ik niet verder geraakt? Ik weet niet? Het kan.(…)
I: En hoe heb je dan een school voor je kinderen gekozen?
P: Hoe gekozen? Heel simpel. (lachje) Er is een school, een heel goede school met veel gras, groen,
maar met negenennegentig procent vreemdelingen. Ik ben geen racist maar… (lachje). Mijn ervaring
is dat als er heel veel vreemdelingen zijn, dat ze later misschien geen goede resultaten gaan halen.
(I7)
Although second-generation migrants are better acquainted with the Flemish educational
system, their perceptions were influenced by information from neighbours, friends or family. In
other words, perceptions of the school were mainly formed by its image held the people of the
surrounding neighbourhood. As a consequence, parents’ judgements were greatly influenced by
perceptible characteristics such as uniforms, discipline in the schoolyard and at the school gate.
M: Il y a des voisins, des amis de moi qui vont déjà longtemps là-bas, leurs fils sont déjà grands, il
sont déjà parti de là-bas et ils disent toujours que l’école est bien. Et moi j’ai essayé et j’ai vu que
c’est bien. (I2)
I : Dus vanaf het eerste leerjaar denkt u dat de school niet zo goed is?
M: Zeker niet.
I: En waarom denkt u van niet?
M: Gewoon omdat je hoort van de moeders dat ze veel reclamaties krijgen, dat er veel klachten zijn
van de kinderen. Dat ze geen goede studies krijgen, geen huiswerk, niet veel informatie,...
I: En waar heb je dat gehoord?
M: Van de gesprekken met moeders.
190
I: In een moedersgroep?
M:Nee, gewoon buiten. Dan zeggen ze tegen mij: “Mijn kinderen leren niet goed, ik ga ze naar
ergens anders brengen,...”, sommige moeders hè, niet allemaal. Ik kom niet met hen allemaal in
contact. Ik hoor het gewoon als ze met elkaar praten. (…)
I: Dus je kent moeders?
M: Ja, natuurlijk, ik ken ze wel; in die school wel hè. In die andere school ken ik ze niet. Ik hoor wel
dat ze echt tevreden zijn met die school; dat die school goed is, dat ze een pak informatie krijgen.
(I4)
F: Wij wisten dat deze school niet goed was.

I: Welke school?
F: Deze. Ze had een heel slechte naam. En dan vraagt u zich af: “Waarom heb je hem dan naar hier
laten...?” Gewoon voor het feit...Hij zat in de kleuterschool en...
I: Deze school heeft een slechte naam?
F: Ja.
I: En hoe bedoelt u dat dan? In de buurt of?
F: Ja, in de buurt zeiden de mensen: “Ja, je moet hem niet naar daar sturen want er zitten alleen
maar Marokkanen en vreemdelingen en het leerniveau is er niet zo goed. (I9)
A possible strategy to correct parents’ biased perceptions might lie in the provision of extra
information and the elevation of the school’s openness towards migrant and migrant- origin
parents. These may also foster the involvement and participation of parents342. Research by
Verhoeven et al (2003) demonstrated that openness of the school produced satisfaction with the
school, which in turn created a higher degree of participation in school activities and educational
involvement343. According to Feuerstein, schools are able to increase parental participation by
means of dedicated investment in informing and contacting parents344.
“Om die verbondenheid te vergroten, willen we meer informatie geven aan ouders, zodanig dat die
het belang van onderwijs inzien, ook voor hun kleuter. We willen meer informatie geven over wat
gezien wordt in de klas, over de vooruitgang van hun kinderen. Soms vinden we de knutselwerkjes
die kinderen overdag maakten ’s avonds in de vuilbak. En dat is wel demotiverend en wijst erop dat
ouders dikwijls niet begrijpen wat er op school gebeurt en zich vervolgens minder verbonden voelen
met de school. We zijn een migrantenschool, maar we doen zeer veel, dat zien ouders soms niet
genoeg en dat willen we meer tonen. We zullen ons meer moeten profileren. (EEO-teacher The
private school)
It is important that the schools gain a worthy image in the neighbourhood, through word of
mouth publicity between parents, but also through initiatives that improve a school’s image, such
as more discipline at the school gate, teachers regulating the traffic after school and inviting
parents in the schoolyard. The EEO-teacher of the private school indicated that migrant populated
schools are often negatively perceived simply and solely because of the large population of ethnic
minority pupils who attend their school. Due to this biased and negative image, the most
promising and successful children are sent to other schools when compulsory education starts.
The EEO-teacher indicated that it is important to create a realistic image of the school in the
342
343
Garant.
191
neighbourhood by providing information, paying attention to discipline at the school gate, inviting
parents to open-class days and inviting neighbourhood inhabitants to school events:
“Waarom wil de school meer ouders op school? Om ouders meer te tonen waar we mee bezig zijn.
Ook om ergens af te geraken van het negatief imago van de school. Ouders in de buurt hebben vaak
een negatief beeld van de school, ook omdat het een “migrantenschool” is. Veel ouders en de buurt
zien vooral wat er gebeurt aan de schoolpoort, we hebben ook een middelbaar, en aan de
schoolpoort kan het er nogal wild aan toe gaan. Ouders babbelen ook met elkaar. Mond-aan-mond
reclame is belangrijk, want ouders hechten veel belang aan deze informatie. Maar het is net dat wat
de mensen zien. Dus de school wil meer aandacht schenken aan haar imago in de buurt. Vanaf het
derde kleuter zijn we veel goede leerlingen kwijt, omdat men meent dat het niveau lager ligt, omdat
hun kinderen hier minder kansen zouden krijgen. Dat kan moeilijk weerlegd worden, maar ergens
houdt dat wel de situatie in stand. Want als de sterkste leerlingen steeds weggaan, zitten er in het
eerste leerjaar vooral zwakke leerlingen samen. Daarom wil de school meer informatie geven, om
ouders te laten zien dat ze heel veel moeite ondernemen voor hun leerlingen, want dat is echt een
sterkte van de school: dat we hun kinderen graag zien, er zoveel mogelijk mee willen bereiken en ze
zoveel mogelijk kansen te geven, ongeacht de achterstand die ze opgelopen hebben. Misschien als we
meer communiceren, dat de betere ook blijven? (EEO-teacher private school)
V.3.1.3. Facilitating or Interfering Factors for Involvement: Cultural Capital
Although our respondents were convinced about the importance of education and felt involved
with the schooling of their children, the majority of our respondents reported a lack of the
capacity to assist and support educational processes; in particular, parents with children in primary
school communicated feelings of incompetence in supporting their children with homework.
Parents expressed feelings of frustration over their children needing extra attention, educational
lag, and their language deficiencies. Parents complained that their own limited mastery of the
language handicapped the guidance and support they provide for their children.
M: Ze zegt dat ze heel goed beseft dat haar talenkennis haar kinderen niet verder kan helpen. (…)Ze
zegt dat ze haar kinderen niet altijd kan opvolgen juist omwille van de taal. En als ze het wil, kán ze
het niet omdat ze de taal niet mee heeft. (I5, translated)
F: Ik heb het geluk, ik heb een kind van tien jaar, dat ik hem voor het ogenblik nog kan helpen, maar
tot wanneer, tot waar kan ik hem nog helpen? Hij heeft nog niet gedubbeld. Hij is tien jaar en zit nu
in het vijfde. Maar voor hoe lang? Voor hoe lang? (I8)
I: Hebt u het gevoel dat u uw kind voldoende kunt opvolgen?

M: Eigenlijk weet ik weinig over de school omdat ja ... ik ken de taal niet. Ik ben nog vrij nieuw hier.
Maar via mijn kind leer ik wel veel. Wat zij hier doet, wat zij hier leert, doet ze ook thuis. Zodat ik
zie: “Hoe zit het eigenlijk met X op school?” Daarom dat ik via haar leer hoe het onderwijs hier is.
(I10)
Bourdieu’s concept of cultural capital (1977) can partly explain the barriers of our migrant or
migrant-origin respondents’ involvement. According to Bourdieu (1977), inequality is inherent in
344
Feuerstein (2001), ‘School characteristics and parent involvement: Influences on participation in children’s
schools’, in: Journal of Educational Research, 94(1), 29-40.
192
the educational system because school environments and standards are not class neutral. The
educational system is unilaterally interested in the culture of the dominant status group, consisting
of middle to high-income families. This habitus is adapted by schools and is considered as the
most natural and appropriate for children’s development and education. As a consequence, the
cultural experiences of the children in the dominant status group are transformed into cultural
capital of which ethnic minorities and poor people remain deprived345. Therefore, children
belonging to high- status groups start their school careers with a considerable head start, while
ethnic minorities commonly start with a lag. Ethnic minority parents are generally unfamiliar with
and are deprived of the cultural capital that is necessary to produce the success of children in the
Flemish educational system.
Even if families possessed knowledge on the resources needed to attain educational efficacy,
these resources are not easily obtained. Access to educational resources is not equally spread in
society. As mentioned before, the required resources to achieve educational success are not class
neutral and they correspond only with the social and cultural capital available for middle to high
socio-economic status families. Our respondents articulated a need for support in the educational
careers of their children. They desired to participate, but reported their inabilities to do so.
M: En bijvoorbeeld haar zoon, die nu in het derde zit, heeft absoluut geen probleem met wiskunde en
aanverwante vakken. Hij is er enorm goed in maar als het op lezen aankomt, heeft hij veel meer
moeilijkheden. En ze zegt dat ze verwacht van een goede school dat ze extra lessen inlassen voor
kinderen die het moeilijk hebben met lezen of met een of ander vak; dat ze beter begeleid worden.
Dus echt wel werken aan de ontbrekende elementen. En ze zegt dat het voornamelijk van belang is
voor allochtone kinderen.(I5 – translated)
F: Ik vind het wel spijtig dat een aantal allochtonen die een gebrek aan Nederlands hebben, hun
kinderen niet kunnen helpen. Dat is een groot probleem. En ik vind wel dat er iets moet gecreëerd
worden eigenlijk ofwel in de school; een studiedag of een studie-uur of iets. Dat moet gecreëerd
worden om de gelegenheid te hebben om... Of een centrum of ik weet niet wat waar de kinderen ter
plekke kunnen gaan om hun huiswerk te kunnen uitvoeren. Of waar kinderen kunnen gaan bij
studeren of.... Zo een aantal dingen.(I8)
The schools we visited were already undertaking efforts to tackle the educational delay of the
majority of their children. An interviewed expert of parental participation stressed the importance
of involving parents in the school initiatives to remedy children’s educational delay.
Met huistaakbegeleiding juist hetzelfde. Ik vind huistaakbegeleiding echt heel belangrijk, maar als je
niet oplet, kan het contraproductief zijn want door het onttrekken van huistaken aan ouders neem je
eigenlijk die link tussen de school en de ouders weg. Je zet hen in een huiswerkklasje. Als je de
garantie wil dat betrokkenheid van de ouders gerealiseerd wordt, zorg dan dat ouders daar mee
zaken opnemen, dan zit je goed, dan mag dat. Maar in heel veel gevallen is het niet. Dan is er een
contact tussen leerling en begeleider, en de school. En de ouder hangt daar ergens tussen. Als er
geen problemen zijn, hoor je niemand klagen. Maar van zodra er knelpunten ontstaan, verwacht men
op zo een moment direct betrokkenheid van de vader of moeder terwijl daar eigenlijk geen gewoonte
gecreëerd is.... (Younes El Yousfi, PRICMA)
345
Dom, L & Verhoeven, J. C. (2006), ‘Kansarme ouders en de school. Een wereld van verschil?’ in: Tijdschrift voor
193
V.3.1.4. Characteristics of a ‘Good School’
Focusing on various themes operationalizes parental involvement; one theme concerns the
parents’ opinions regarding ‘good school’ characteristics. In the current paragraph, we present an
overview of our respondents’ criteria in their evaluation of schools.
The aforementioned importance of school openness and constructive contacts with teachers
was confirmed when respondents were questioned about the characteristics of a ‘good school’.
Parents expected teachers to be respectful towards their religion and culture. Parents also
expressed great interest to the pedagogic quality of the school staff.
F: Eerst en vooral de leerlingen accepteren zoals ze zijn. Als er bijvoorbeeld een meisje met een
hoofddoek naar school komt, ik vind dat een school haar moet accepteren zoals die is. Als iemand
helemaal kaalgeschoren komt, accepteren. Of iemand met verschillende haren, een hippie of zo, ik
weet niet hoe het heet.. Zeker meisjes met een hoofddoek of een jongen met een pots, zo’n hoedje zo.
Een beetje respect. Respect voor de godsdienst en de cultuur, huidskleur. Dat is belangrijk. En ook
de leraren moeten echt willen les geven, zoals het hoort. Niet zomaar daar zijn, daar gewoon gaan
staan omdat ze moeten, om hun loon te ontvangen per maand. Maar echt lesgeven uit het hart.
I: Dus echt goede leerkrachten?
F: Goede leerkrachten, ja. Niet alleen voor het geld..., maar echt.
The fact that the school provided information on time also contributed to parents’ evaluation of
a school. As mentioned before, parents perceived that they were not adequately involved in the
assessment and remedy process concerning problems of their children.
M: Ze zegt dat het belangrijk is dat als er problemen zijn, dat ze worden aangekaart door de
leerkrachten. En dat het op tijd moet gebeuren. (I5 – translated)
Another frequently cited ‘good school’ characteristic concerned religion. Parents of the private
school rated the Catholic orientation of the school as a decisive evaluation criterion. Firstly, the
religious background of the school matched the parents’ philosophy of life. The Muslim creed of
the majority of our respondents is considered as conciliatory with the Catholic orientation. The
school’s general religiosity predominated the fact that the school had a religious orientation that
was different from their own.
I: Waarom kiest u voor The private school?

F: Omdat het een katholieke school is.
I: Zijn jullie moslim?
F: Ja, uiteraard. Geboren en getogen.
I: Is dat dan niet moeilijk dat het een katholieke school is? In een stedelijke school heb je alle
godsdiensten, ook islam.
F: Nee, ik heb altijd gezegd: Islam, het Judaïsme, het Katholicisme zijn drie monotheïstische
religies, dus die horen bij elkaar. Ze nemen het één en het ander van elkaar. En ze zijn dicht bij
194
elkaar. En met John346 en de vorige directrice heb ik daar nooit problemen over gehad als wij
bijvoorbeeld een offerfeest hebben. Geen probleem, gewoon even een briefke schrijven en dan
hebben wij daar geen probleem mee. Met alle respect, ik heb daar geen probleem mee. Ik ben ook al
mee geweest op de kerstmarkt op school, ik ben daar al gaan lopen met een kaars met de kinderen.
Ik ga mee, ook al is het een katholiek feest. Waarom niet? (I8)
Our respondents link religiosity with discipline. According to the parents of the private school,
Catholic schools assure more discipline than municipal schools. Our respondents from the
municipal school also attached great interest to discipline.
I: En was het dan eerst een katholieke school of ... omdat je zegt katholieke school?
F: Ja, daar zijn ze een beetje streng en ook de groep waarin je zit; iedereen is daar echt om te
studeren, de leerlingen.
I: In een katholieke school?
F: Ja ja.
I: En er is een verschil denk je?
F: Ja, tegenover in een gewone school, een stadsschool, bijvoorbeeld, daar zit iedereen een beetje te
lachen, daar heeft niemand interesse in studeren. Je wordt een beetje beïnvloed. (I7)
I: Waarom kiest u voor The private school?

F: Waarom wij voor The private school gekozen hebben? Omdat het een katholieke school is; qua
discipline denk ik. Op een katholieke school is er meer discipline dan op een stedelijke school denk
ik. (…) Ik denk dat het vooral een keuze is voor discipline eigenlijk. Dat je ergens hoort hier. (I8)
Parents also rate the tradition of school uniforms as a ‘good school’ characteristic.
M: Mijn kinderen gaan daar niet naar het eerste, wel naar de school met een uniform.
I: En waarom niet?
M: Gewoon... Op X dragen ze een kostuum en dat is ook een uniform. Ze dragen daar dure kleren,
en dan? Ik heb dat over voor mijn kinderen, ze leren daar goed. (I4)
The presence of ethnic minorities in school negatively affected some of our respondents’
school evaluations. These parents were concerned about the fact that a high concentration of
ethnic minorities provoked a degradation of the school’s educational level. These concerns can be
attributed to the respondents’ own negative educational experiences: their belief that migrants
received less qualified teachers, and the perception that the absence of ‘white’ students as
‘language transferors’ lead to a general reduced class achievement.
M: Ik heb ook ondervonden dat er heel veel vreemdelingen zitten, dat valt mij op. Er zitten heel veel
Marokkanen. Een of twee, in het klasje van X. Dat maakt mij niet uit maar ik wil gewoon dat ze goed
studeren, dat ze veel aandacht krijgen. ... (I4)
F: Ja, we zijn naar een andere geweest, in de Xstraat of ik weet niet hoe ze heet. Dat is een school
met Belgen en Marokkanen. Want... Zoals ik zei, uit mijn ervaring, een school met veel
vreemdelingen daar zakt het niveau. Maar een school met Belgen enzovoort, daar moet je niks ...het
niveau blijft. Echt waar, dat is zo.(I7)
M: Ik denk altijd dat de school met buitenlanders. Ik ben geen racist, ik ben ook van het buitenland.
Maar ik zou zeker willen dat mijn kindje naar een Belgische school gaat, in de Belgenschool. Maar
nu, wil ik ook niet zoveel in een taal investeren… Ik zal hier niet lang blijven Maar dat is niet de
346
195
bedoeling, ik wil dat mijn kindje in de beste/Belgen- school gaat, maar als ik het plan heb om hier te
blijven dan zal mijn kindje niet in deze school gaan.
I:Dus als je in België zou blijven, zou je kindje niet in die school gaan? M: Nee. Ik zou ... naar
Berchem of ... Ik weet het niet maar ik denk altijd... buitenlandse kindjes, ik weet het niet, maar ik
denk altijd: ze doen geen goede oefeningen/juffen in deze school. Bijvoorbeeld, juffrouw X, zij is in
deze school, misschien is zij niet zo… niet “niet slim”, maar niet klaar. (I11)
The school staff we interviewed sincerely acknowledged the downward effects of a high
population of ethnic minorities and low socio-economic status families. They emphasized the fact
that the general negative representation of these schools aggravates this downward trend. Due to
the stereotyping of migrant populated schools, the most promising children in the educational
field are commonly transferred to schools with fewer migrants. Because of this “white” and
“black” fight, and the aversion of better performing children to migrant concentrated schools, a
duality between elite schools and concentration schools is preserved. Nevertheless, migrant
populated schools possess educational qualities that are generally underestimated, such as a
creative and socially committed school staff. These schools work with deprived families, and
because teachers’ expectations and practices are not effective, the school staff is obliged to
question their teaching methods. Moreover, because of their challenging pupil population,
teachers have to enhance school spirit by consulting and communicating on a regular basis.
P: Ik heb een heel gemotiveerd team, ik heb heel veel jonge mensen die ook heel graag met de
verschillende culturen werken en die ook de sociale achtergrond heel erg ... Wij bieden ook heel wat
zorg naar de kinderen toe. Je kunt op de duur ook niet anders. Ze komen hier niet alleen maar om te
leren. Het is veel ruimer. We doen huisbezoeken, we begeleiden ouders, we lossen allerlei sociale
problemen op. Ik denk dat dit ook wel zeker een pluspunt is. (…) Ik denk dat een school een
totaalpakket moet aanbieden. Vroeger kon je een goede school zijn, een goede leerkracht, die goed
wiskunde kon geven. Nu wordt er veel meer van die mensen gevraagd. Dat gaat over opvoeden,
over: hoe gaan we om met onze kinderen, wat doen we met de kinderen. Het is zo complex.
(Principal municipal school)
P: De kindvriendelijkheid van het personeel is een sterkte van onze school. Dat is een enorm grote
sterkte omdat de mensen die hier tewerkgesteld zijn er ook echt voor kiezen. Er is werk genoeg op dit
ogenblik, er was toch werk genoeg in het onderwijs. Maar diegenen die eigenlijk in een vrij arme
school tewerkgesteld worden met achterstellingen –ik moet er geen tekening bij maken- die zijn
gemotiveerd om hier te komen werken. Dat is een vorm van engagement. Maar het is evengoed een
engagement om in een school onder de kerktoren les te gaan geven waar de bemoeizucht van de
ouders anders is dan onze ouders. Zo heeft elke school zijn kruisje wel te dragen. Maar dat is dus
voor ons een groot voordeel.(…) De sfeer in de school is goed; de betrokkenheid van onze mensen is
–binnen de grenzen die zij kunnen...- goed maar dat kan nog beter, maar ook de betrokkenheid van
mijn leerkrachten is echt heel goed tussen hen en de kinderen. Dat heb je wel niet zo vaak in een
gewone witte school, die betrokkenheid. (Principal private school)
V.3.1.5. Conclusion
The two schools that participated in the fieldwork take significant efforts to deal with the
growing interculturalisation of their pupil population. They engage in concrete activities to reduce
the barriers between families and schools. Our respondents were convinced about the importance
196
of education and felt connected with their children’s schools, three enhancing factors for parental
participation can be reviewed, namely, the increase of information provided by schools; more
school openness towards parents; and, school staff’s assistance in the educational support of their
children.
Furthermore, parents’ educational involvement was operationalized through an inquiry on

‘good school characteristics’. Consistent with the prior conclusion, our respondents attached great
importance to the fact that sufficient information was provided, and that information was provided
on time. Also, the religious orientation and related discipline in schools recurred in the description
of those characteristics by our respondents. What was interesting was that some of our
respondents internalised the negative stereotypes of migrant populated schools and perceived the
presence of ethnic minorities as having a degrading effect on the overall educational level.
V.3.2. Educational Involvement of Fathers
The gender focus of the current research enabled the fathers to be equally included in our
sample of respondents. The majority of research on education is exclusively conducted with
mothers. The research evidence regarding the educational participation of fathers is very rare.
More precisely, research on the nature and effects of the involvement of fathers is a point of
interest on the parental involvement research agenda347.
Generally, fathers are found to exhibit a lower degree of educational involvement than
mothers348. Initially, we planned to restrict our focus to mothers, but as the research evolved and
the void of research evidence regarding fathers’ educational participation became clear, we
decided to extend our focus to fathers. Additionally, restricting our attention to mothers involved
the risk of reproducing gender stereotypes. By excluding fathers from research on this subject, we
risk to enlarge the existing gap between the sexes in the educational domain. Thus, explicit
attention was paid to fathers’ perceptions on educational involvement, their role in the education
of their children, and the interfering factors regarding their participation. Once more, the
individual and structural explanatory factors were investigated.
The fathers we interviewed confirmed the finding that men are less visible in schools and they
expressed regret for this. Our respondents were involved in the education of their children and
347
Epstein, J. L. L. & Sanders, M. G. (2000), ‘Connecting Home, School, and Community. New directions for Social
Research, in: Handbook of the Sociology of Education, Hallinan M. T. (Ed.). Kluwer Academic/ Plenum Publishers,
New York, 2000.
197
participated as much as possible349. Nevertheless, they experienced gender-specific barriers
towards their participation. Hereafter, we will explore some of these barriers, namely labour and
socio-cultural factors, of which we explore the socio-cultural phenomenon that school is typically
a women’s domain.

Labour
‘Having a job’ is typically considered as a male role, since women– irrespective of ethnicity–
are underrepresented on the labour market350. The gap between the sexes, regarding wage work, is
more pronounced among non-EU citizens. The difference in employment rate between women
and men is twice as high for non-EU citizens as for Belgian nationals. While about half of the
non-EU men are involved in wage work (55.8%), only 23.9% of the female non-EU citizens has a
paid job outside the house. For Belgians, these figures are 71.9% and 57.6%, respectively351. The
low employment rate of non-EU women has to be complemented by the activity rate, as a low
employment rate does not allow us to draw conclusions on women’s employability in wage work.
The activity rate gives an idea on people’s availability in the labour market. The activity rate for
non-EU women is low: less than 33% of female non-EU citizens make themselves available for
the labour market352.
This gender-specific role makes men less visible in schools. Our male respondents also argued
that wage work prevented them from being actively involved in school activities. Conversely,
times of unemployment or part-time employment created the possibility to be more educationally
involved.
F: Eigenlijk heb ik twee zaken. De ene is een nachtwinkel. Dus het is moeilijk om hen allebei
draaiende te houden. Heel de nacht ben ik in de winkel en als ik thuis ben, ga ik slapen. Meestal is
mijn vrouw bezig met de kinderen.(I6)
I: U brengt meestal de kinderen naar school of doet uw vrouw dat?

F: Vooral mijn vrouw ‘s morgens, moet ik bekennen. Op dit moment moet ik om acht uur beginnen
en soms om zeven uur. Als ik de gelegenheid heb om negen uur te beginnen, dan breng ik de
kinderen naar school.
I: Dus als u later begint, dan brengt u hen?
F: Ja. Altijd. Voordat de tweelingen geboren waren, werkte ik voltijds. Toen mijn vrouw in
348
Garant.
349
We have to bear in mind the selectivity of the sample of fathers. Fathers are less visible in schools and were not
easily included in the current field study, except for the few fathers who participated deliberately in the schools we
visited. Due to the limited field period, we were only able to include these fathers.
350
Steunpunt Werkgelegenheid, Arbeid en Vorming (2005), ‘Genderzakboekje. Zij en hij op de arbeidsmarkt, 2005’.
www.steunpuntwav.be
351
NIS, 2004. Werkzaamheidsgraad naar nationaliteit (15-64 jaar) – Vlaams Gewest, 2004.
352
Steunpunt Werkgelegenheid, Arbeid en Vorming (2005), ‘Genderzakboekje. Zij en hij op de arbeidsmarkt, 2005’.
www.steunpuntwav.be
198
verwachting was van de tweelingen heb ik aan mijn baas gevraagd om een halftijds contract. Dat
was geen probleem. Ik kreeg een halftijds contract. En toen ze naar de kribbe mochten gaan, op
zestien maanden of zo, heb ik gevraagd aan mijn baas of ik vier vijfde mocht werken. De woensdag
was dan voor mijn kinderen. Dan kon ik hen gaan halen en ... De woensdagmiddag ging ik altijd
mijn kinderen halen want dan werkte ik niet. ’s Morgens ging ik hen naar school brengen, ik kwam
terug, bereidde eten, ... Sinds juni 2005 ben ik opnieuw voltijds gaan werken. (I8)
Our respondents felt uncomfortable with the fact that their wage work reduced the possibility
to be more actively involved in the schools of their children.
F: Toen ik in Antwerpen aan het werken was, had ik tijd en dan ging ik samen met mijn vrouw naar
de school, de kinderen naar school brengen. Maar nu fulltime, het werken. (…) Ja, langs de ene kant
vind ik het wel jammer. Ik ging af en toe ’s morgens met de kinderen naar school, ik zag de directeur
en zo, hij zei altijd goedendag. Ja, ik vind het dus wel spijtig dat ik niet naar school kan. Ik heb geen
contact met de school.(I7)
However, the fact that fathers are not visibly present in schools does not directly mean that
they do not engage in school supporting activities at home. Our fathers, for example, either visited
parents’ evenings or were present at school parties. Because most school activities take place
during daytime, working fathers are excluded from these activities.
F: Bij mij gaat het erover: ik zie wat hij doet, wat hij presteert in de klas. Ik vraag ook geregeld aan
hem (zoon):”Ga je nog graag naar school?” En dan is dat voor mij in orde. Als ik morgen zie van:
“Het gaat niet goed.” Dan zou ik de juf aanspreken van:”Hoe komt het?”, of zo. Omdat... Ze leren
hier in de school maar als de juf zegt:”Je kunt beter dat en dat doen”, dan doen wij dat thuis ook.
Wij houden het in het oog, hoe zijn resultaten zijn. (I9)
I: En gaat u soms naar een oudercontact?

F: Altijd. Altijd.
I: En hoe vaak krijgen ze rapport? Is dat maandelijks?
F: Nee, trimesterieel.
I: En telkens met een rapport is er een oudercontact?
F: Ja. En als er problemen zijn in de school of zo, dan telefoneren ze. Koen heeft mijn
telefoonnummer, ik heb het zijne dus dat is geen probleem. (I8)

Socio-cultural Factors
Wage work can be considered as a male role, while women are relatively more responsible for
the upbringing and education of children353. In some cultures, gender-specific roles are more
pronounced than in others. In extreme cases, this leads to separate worlds for women and men,
whereby the public sphere is generally reserved for men and the private sphere is the woman’s
domain. The private sphere mainly consists of household activities and the caring for children,
whereas the public domain typically contains economic activities354.
353
Steegmans, N. et al. (2002), ‘Gelijke kansenindicatoren in Vlaanderen. Statistieken en Indicatoren voor een gelijke
kansenbeleid voor mannen en vrouwen’, Antwerpen: Steunpunt Gelijkekansenbeleid, UA-Hasselt. pp. 217.
199
Women in our society are commonly held responsible for the children and this trend is more
pronounced in certain communities such as in Maghrebin, Turkish and certain black African
communities355. The fathers we interviewed explained that men are generally not supposed to
participate in the upbringing of children until they reach the age of adolescence. From then on, the
father can enter the educational scene. Our respondents could not agree with this socio-cultural
praxis and they defended the equal involvement of mothers and fathers regarding the upbringing
of children from birth to adolescence.
F: Waarom de vaders niet? Ik denk dat de vaders zich minder betrokken voelen met de opvoeding
van de kinderen wanneer ze de puberteit nog niet hebben bereikt. Als ze nog jong zijn, is het altijd de
taak van de moeder, het opvoeden.
I: Dus tot de puberteit is dat de taak van de moeders?
F: Ja, zogezegd. Maar dat is flauwe kul, ik vind het flauwe kul. Ik vind dat de opvoeding van
kinderen door allebei op dezelfde manier van nul jaar tot zesentwintig jaar moet gebeuren. Als ze
adviezen komen vragen, moet je antwoord kunnen geven zowel als vrouw als man. Het moet in het
midden zitten, op één lijn. En ik vind dat de vaders... Misschien, waarschijnlijk, omdat ze meer
werken of thuis slapen, of ik weet niet. (I8)
F: Ik zeg altijd: “Een vogel kan niet met één vleugel vliegen.” Met twee kan hij wel vliegen, maar
niet met één. Heb je ooit al een vogel gezien die met één ...? Zoals je kunt zeggen: “Met een hand
kun je niet klappen.” Dus papa en mama, vader en moeder, dat gaat alleen maar samen.(I7)
A social worker specializing in parents’ educational participation claimed that families with an
ethnic cultural background and different education patterns needed more support in the upbringing
and education of their children. When parents are left without any educational assistance,
diverging educational patterns are integrally adopted and are possibly in conflict with the gender-
specific role expectancies of their culture. This is not tantamount to say that minority cultures
have to adapt to mainstream culture but that policy makers and practitioners have to make an
effort in learning about migrant and migrant-origin people’s socio-cultural backgrounds and
educational patterns. They have to be informed about the adequate functioning of the educational
system, and they need to provide guardians with the necessary skills to support children in
attaining success in society’s key institutions such as the educational system, the labour market,
and the political system.
Als zich situaties voordoen in het secundair onderwijs, dan komt die vader daar ineens bij, dat is te
laat! Die heeft echt onvoldoende voeling met gans dat onderwijsgebeuren en dan is dat eigenlijk de
politieagent die komt zeggen wat daar allemaal moet gebeuren. Dat is wat ik daarnet heb gezegd
rond vinger op de wonde en we moeten daar niet denken in termen van verwijt, dat er onvoldoende –
vind ik persoonlijk hé – opvoedingsondersteuning is. Opvoedingsondersteuning kan daar een
methodiek zijn om mee te werken; dat er bijzonder weinig handvaten worden aangereikt aan de
eerste generatie maar vooral aan de tweede en derde generatie rond opvoeding en de wijze waarop
je binnen de samenleving Vlaanderen, België, een aantal zaken moet gaan realiseren voor kinderen.
En als je dan een aantal opvoedingspatronen integraal overneemt vanuit uw thuissituatie, die zijn
niet compatibel met uw situatie hier. (Younes El Yousfi, PRICMA)
354
Mernissi, F. (1985), ‘Vrouwen in Marokko aan het woord’. Antwerpen: Standaard Uitgeverij. pp. 273.
355
Mernissi, F. (1985), ‘Vrouwen in Marokko aan het woord’. Antwerpen: Standaard Uitgeverij. pp. 273.
200
Instead of promoting fathers’ educational participation, their absence in schools is reinforced.
The gender specific roles, which dedicate educational roles to mothers, are reproduced on a school
level and turn schools into an exclusive domain for women so fathers actually feel excluded from
the educational domain.
A large body of initiatives regarding parental involvement are unilaterally directed towards
mothers. The fact that the private school only organized a ‘mother’ group, frustrated our male
respondents.
F: Ik vind het heel jammer dat ze geen Vadergroep hebben. In plaats van de vaders ook aan te
moedigen om naar school te komen... Nee, ze doen alleen Moedergroep en gedaan. (I7)
I: Je weet dat er een Moedergroep is op school? Wat vindt u ervan dat het een Moedergroep is en
geen Vadergroep?
F: Ik heb dezelfde vraag gesteld aan John356 (lach)
The municipal school recently dropped gender specific initiatives. By doing so, the school staff
intended to stop the reproduction of the gap between the sexes and they hoped to involve the
fathers. The mother group program was ceased and replaced by info-classes that welcomed
mothers as well as fathers. However, our male respondents indicated that mixed gender groups
contradicted some community-based traditions of the separation between the sexes357.
I: En zou het niet kunnen dat moeders én vaders daaraan deelnemen?

F: Nee. Nee. Ah ja, het zou kunnen, alles kan. Maar je weet wel, bij ons ... ik zou zeggen... Bij ons is
het altijd een beetje gescheiden, de vrouwen en de mannen, liever gescheiden. Ik denk niet dat de
vrouwen er blij mee zouden zijn. Man en vrouw samen...Nee. Als ik hoor dat er daar mannen zijn,
dat er mannen mee rond tafel zitten, dan kan het zijn dat ik tegen mijn vrouw zeg: “Blijf maar thuis.”
Er zijn mannen die, nee ik wil dat niet. De mannen en vrouwen zijn liefst gescheiden.
I: Dus je zou liefst een Vadergroep en een Moedergroep hebben, maar niet samen?
F: Niet samen. De vrouwen apart en de mannen apart. Ik denk dat als je het aan de directeur gaat
voorstellen dat hij niet akkoord gaat zijn. Ik weet het niet. We hebben een andere cultuur en zo. We
hebben liever mannen en vrouwen apart. (I7)
I: Of vindt u dat het gemengd kan zijn, dat zowel moeders al vaders...?
F: Gemengd zou een beetje moeilijk zijn omdat die traditie er is. Niet gemengd. Er zijn heel veel
mensen die er zo over denken maar ja... Ik heb daar geen problemen mee.
I: U zou daar geen problemen mee hebben?
F: Nee, ik zou daar geen problemen mee hebben maar ik kan het wel begrijpen. (I8)
As indicated by the first respondent, involving women as well as men caused the risk for
mothers to withdraw because they feel uncomfortable with men. There was also the risk that
husbands will not accept their wives’ attendance to such mixed meetings. The initiators of the
info-classes – that addressed both women and men - wanted women from the mother group to
356
201
move on to the info-classes, and this initiative failed358. Men mainly stayed away from school
because they did not feel at ease with the overwhelming presence of women. According to our
respondents, school is really the woman’s domain.
En de vaders zeggen dan: “Kom, doe jij de kinderen maar naar school”. Want als ik naar school
ging, zag ik daar negentig procent vrouwen.
I: Allemaal moeders.
P: En ik zit daar dan:”Hé, waar zijn de vaders?” Slapen ze nog om acht uur of wat? Hm (lachje)
(I7)
This demonstrates that simply mixing up groups will not create higher educational
participation of fathers and will not reduce traditions of separation between men and women. To
involve fathers, efforts and initiatives in line with the community’s acceptable outlooks and the
men’s interests have to be considered and implemented. For example, when the municipal school
invited fathers to participate in sport activities, men’s attendance was high.
Contrary to the municipal school, the principal of the private school did not hesitate to the idea
of separate initiatives for men and women. Time and personnel constraints currently prevented the
initiation of a fathers’ group.
Maar dus een aparte vadergroep hebben we niet omdat ik er letterlijk zelf geen tijd voor heb en mijn
man, en daarmee bedoel ik onze mannelijke leerkracht, is daar eigenlijk nog te jong voor om de
binding met die vaders echt... ook bovenschools... Je moet dan eerst en vooral ook al een zicht
hebben op de schoolwerking; en wat wil je eigenlijk weten van die mensen of hoe kun je tot een
samenwerking komen, of... Dus vaderwerking hebben wij niet. (Principal of private school)
V.3.2.3. Conclusion
The preceding research findings illustrate the fact that fathers’ educational participation is not
easily manifested. Some daily activities, like work, simply made it impossible for fathers to
participate in school activities. However, more subtle exclusion mechanisms also led to the
underrepresentation of men in schools. School staff has to assess the consequences of certain
well-intended initiatives on fathers in order to avoid the reproduction of certain gender-based
stereotypes. Schools are often perceived as the women’s place, where fathers do not feel
welcomed. School staff can engage in efforts to turn these biased perceptions.
V.3.3. ‘Home – School – Community’ Partnerships: Exploring the Three Spheres of Influence
357
Separation between the sexes is a socio-cultural praxis in certain communities such as the Moroccan and Turkish
communities, while other communities - like the Latino-American community - can impossibly organise separate
activities for men and women. (Interview Suzy Larreategui, Latino-American Federation – Juin 2005).
358
Interview with the EEO teacher of the municipal school.
202
In this paragraph, we turn to specific research questions that explore the mutual relationships
between the three social contexts of our theoretical framework. According to this framework, a
greater overlap between the three spheres that influence a child’s development and educational
progress – namely school, home and community – produces more beneficial life opportunities
than when these contexts operate independently.
We adopted the theory of overlapping spheres of influence (Epstein, 1987) in our selected field
case and focused on the interrelations and partnerships between the homes, the schools and the
communities359. This was effectuated through in depth interviews with 12 parents, the
presentation of three community-based initiatives and an audit regarding parental participation
practices in two selected schools. By combining interview data, with the findings from
observation activities and the results from the analysis of the documents and literature, the nature
and degree of partnership between the three social institutions is put forward.
V.3.3.1. ‘Home – School’ Partnerships
‘Home – School’ partnerships refer to parent-initiated efforts to support the education of their
children by developing pro-school attitudes and creating a stimulating home environment. Since
the schools we visited were characterized by a low socio-economic population, with a significant
population of newcomers and asylum seekers, school supporting initiatives at home can
impossibly be evaluated on the same basis as the practices of parents’ with high to middle income
autochthonous counterparts. Most teachers were well aware of this fact and lowered their
expectations towards parents.
I: En u hebt dus andere verwachtingen ten opzichte van ouders uit de buurt?
P: Ik denk dat je niet anders kunt dan het aan te passen. Ik denk dat het niet anders kan omdat... Ik
kan hier niet verwachten van mensen dat onderwijs prioriteit 1 is. Er zijn hier ook heel veel kinderen
illegaal dus voor hen is de prioriteit om hier te kunnen blijven. School is geen prioriteit. Dus ik denk
dat je het ook niet kunt vergelijken. (teacher municipal school).
The school principal of the private school stated that although he could distinguish differences
in the correspondence between home culture and school culture in different ethnic groups, a lack
of educational participation is caused by a low socio-economic background and the location of the
school within a neighbourhood with a predominance of inhabitants who have a low socio-
economic status.
I: Welke moeilijkheden ervaart de school bij het betrekken van de ouders met een etnische
359
203
achtergrond?
P: Moeilijkheden? Ik denk niet dat je dat zuiver etnisch kan gaan spelen in de zin van... het heeft
eerst te maken met: de school ligt in een bepaalde buurt. Die buurt is eigenlijk al generatielang
bepaald door achterstand. De wijze van wonen, de hoeveelheid allochtonen in onze buurt, ... Dat
maakt dus eigenlijk al dat je moeilijk kunt gaan spreken over de zuivere allochtonen. Waarmee
worden wij dan geconfronteerd? Wanneer dat de basisvoorwaarden gelijk zouden zijn, dan zou je
eigenlijk pas een goede vergelijking kunnen gaan maken, maar doordat de school eigenlijk in een
achtergestelde buurt ligt, maakt dat eigenlijk al dat je geconfronteerd wordt met… Als je dus echt
gaat spreken van kenmerken van ‘de allochtoon’, moet je ook rekening gaan houden met de
achtergrond. Als je kinderen hebt vanuit de voormalige Sovjet-Unie, die hebben een totaal andere
schoolcultuur dan de kinderen die komen uit Centraal – Afrika. Je kunt dus moeilijk gaan spreken
over ‘de allochtoon’. Wat je wel merkt is ten eerste dat wanneer ze in deze buurt komen wonen, dat
ze dan vaak minder kapitaalkrachtig zijn; dat ze vaak illegaal zijn; dat ze niet in regel zijn met een
aantal instanties zoals de ziekenkas, banktoestanden en dergelijke; dat ze vaak niet zo ruim behuisd
zijn; dat de ouders niet of weinig geschoold zijn; dat de thuistaal vaak niet het Nederlands is en dan
komen we ook tot die GOK - indicatoren. Dus achtennegentig komma zeven procent van onze school
zijn GOK – leerlingen. Dus als je dan spreekt over leerlingen en kenmerken wordt je ten eerste
geconfronteerd met een andere cultuur, een andere taal en dan ook nog een vorm van financieel
achtergestelde mensen. Maar echt een globale lijn trekken in de zin van: “Dat zit zo voor ons”,
hangt dan ook nog af van hun thuissituatie en hun land van herkomst. (School principal private
school)
Nevertheless, the parents we interviewed engaged in school supporting activities at home.

They reported talking with children about school, monitoring school progress by checking the
diary, helping with homework or preparing for tests and visiting libraries. Parents said they also
took part in school initiatives towards their involvement. These initiatives included mother
groups, info-classes, school parties, open-class days, a parents’ assistance group during
excursions, and the like. The majority of participants were mothers, since activities were set up
during daytime when most fathers were at work: only one father was participated in the organized
mother groups, info classes, and the parents’ assistance group.
We have to bear in mind the selectivity of our sample: due to the restricted amount of time to
conduct the fieldwork, we were only able to include the visibly involved parents. The school staff
reported that the parents who were involved only constituted a marginal group and that the
majority of parents could not be reached easily. Unfortunately, in this short fieldwork period, it
was impossible to include the “hidden” parents. The parents we interviewed confirmed that the
majority of parents were not inclined to participate in school activities and that the school
orientation in most families was absent. Two fathers stated that a ‘Home – School’ partnership
contains a two-way interaction and that the school supporting practices at home were not
performed enough.
I: Dus als er een probleem is, of iets anders is, dan wordt u wel op de hoogte gebracht?
P: Ja, ja, zeker. Dat wel. Dat is helemaal geen probleem.
I: Een goede wisselwerking met de school?
P: Ja. Omdat je dat zelf ook wilt want ik weet ook dat er anderen zijn waar het niet goed mee gaat,
maar dat ligt dan ook aan de ouders die niet willen of ... Je moet het zelf ook willen. Het gaat in twee
richtingen. Als ze zien dat je geïnteresseerd bent en het wilt opvolgen, doen ze ook wat meer hun best
204
dan dat je het allemaal naast u legt. (I7)
I: Ze (leerkrachten) hebben een opvoedkundige taak?

M: Ja, en ze moeten gesteund worden door de ouders, dat is het belangrijkste punt.
I: De samenwerking?
M: Ja, dat er een samenwerking tussen is. Bij mij is er altijd een samenwerking geweest met John360
en ik heb daar nooit geen problemen mee gehad. (I8)
The first father that we interviewed attributed the limited educational involvement to
unwillingness and lack of interest, whereas our and past research evidence361 demonstrated that it
is rather a matter of parents’ inconfidence and incompetence.
I: Lukt het gemakkelijk om uw kinderen op te volgen in de school?

M: Niet altijd, eerlijk gezegd.
I:Hoe probeert u hen op te volgen? Wat doet u om hen op te volgen?
M: De agenda, dat is het eerste dat ik vraag. Ik heb tegen de Koen (directeur) al gezegd dat hij niet
vaak wordt ingevuld.
I:Hij moet ook wekelijks getekend worden?
M: Dagelijks. Dagelijks bekijk ik de agenda en of ze huiswerk hebben of niet. En ik betreur wel één
ding. Dat ze niet ... In mijn geval is dat geen probleem. Ik heb hier nog school gevolgd dus ik kan de
kinderen nog wat helpen. Bepaalde taken kan ik meedoen, maar alle taken niet. Ik vind het wel
spijtig dat een aantal –in mijn geval is het niet erg- dat een aantal allochtonen die een gebrek aan
Nederlands hebben, hun kinderen niet kunnen helpen. Dat is een groot probleem.(I8)
Ethnic minorities experience significant barriers towards schools362. This was demonstrated in
the municipal school, when the mother group was replaced by the info-class. Whereas the mother
group was an accessible meeting that required no special input from participants, the info-class
had a specific program that required the parents to participate in school-curriculum related
activities. The info-class intended to make parents familiar with school activities and development
goals. The implementation of the info-class increased quality of parental involvement programs,
but likewise decreased accessibility. Parents perceived the info-classes as being more demanding
and subsequently stayed away363.
The balance in the ‘Home – School’ relationship is unequal and the efforts of school staff to
involve parents will be more pronounced than the efforts taken by parents. The efforts demanded
from migrant populated or schools with a lot of low-income pupils are continuously increasing364.
Some of the teachers in our sample requested to be more informed by the parents and the school
360
361
Onderwijsrecht en Onderwijsbeleid, 2005-2006 (1-2), 97-113; López et. al. (2001), ‘Redefining Parental Involvement:
Lessons from high-performing migrant-impacted schools’, in: American Educational Research Journal, 38(2), 253-
288.
362
Interview teacher municipal school.
363
Interview with the EEO-teacher of the municipal school
364
Driessens, G., Smit, F., Sleegers, P. (2005), ‘Parental Involvement and Educational Achievement’, in: British
Educational Research Journal, 31(4), pp. 509-532.
205
and felt discouraged about the weak response to the information and involvement initiatives of the
school.
“Ik wil echt meer leren over kansarmen. Ik denk dat we de bal dikwijls misslaan omwille van ons
verschillend referentiekader. Ik probeer zoveel mogelijk te linken aan armoede, maar ik denk dat het
toch complexer is” (EEO-teacher the municipal school).
“Bij de Infoklas ben ik enthousiast over de inhoud, maar een beetje gefrustreerd over het aantal
ouders dat maar komt opdagen. Ik word daar een beetje moedeloos van. We hebben waanzinnig veel
energie gestoken in het uitnodigen van mensen. Er waren 12 mensen voorzien en er waren er 5.”
(EEO-teacher the municipal school)
‘Pro involvement teachers’ acknowledged the limited attendance of parents to school

initiatives that aimed to involve them, but were convinced about the necessity of parental
participation and felt motivated to invest significant efforts in the creation of an open school
climate. ‘Contra involvement teachers’ on the other hand, were completely disillusioned in the
educational involvement and capacities of parents and claimed that efforts to involve parents were
of little use. However, research shows that, despite the fact that efforts to contact parents are time
consuming and produce satisfactory results in the short-term, the most important way to increase
parental involvement is through more proactive communication and openness by the school365.
We can conclude that the traditional concept of parental involvement and its related
expectations is inadequate for migrant and migrant-origin populations. It seems that the familiar
idea of school involvement on the part of the parents needs to be completed by the involvement of
the teachers in the home lives of their students. In order to be effective and to establish real equal
educational opportunities for ethnic minority children, the school staff from migrant populated
schools increasingly has to reconsider tasks that are narrowly defined by their job descriptions366.
In the next section we will further elaborate on this ‘School – Home’ partnership.
V.3.3.2.’School – Home’ Partnership
‘School – Home’ partnerships refer to the school-initiated efforts to enhance parental

involvement. This was investigated through questions on the ‘quality of contacts’ with school
staff; the possibilities to communicate problems; and, the schools efforts to create a family-
minded school. As discussed in the former section, the growing interculturalism of today’s pupil
population makes the contacts between the school and the home less evident. A higher demand on
the school staff’s extracurricular duties is notable. It forces the school staff to question traditional
learning and information strategies that have proved their efficacy in the past. In the following
365
Feuerstein, A. (2001), ‘School characteristics and parent involvement: Influences on participation in children’s
schools’ in: Journal of Educational Research, 94(1), 29-40.
366
López et. al. (2001), ‘Redefining Parental Involvement: Lessons from high-performing migrant-impacted schools’,
in: American Educational Research Journal, 38(2), 253-288.
206
section, we will analyse the initiatives that enhance parents’ educational involvement in the two
selected schools, and some interfering factors in the realization of the ‘School – Home’
partnership will be put forward.
Because parental involvement constitutes one of the cornerstones of the EEO-plans in the
schools we visited, school staff, EEO-teachers in particular, are inclined to take parental
involvement under serious considerations. Schools claim to invest in parental involvement
without having a formal parental involvement plan and accompanying actions367. The EEO-
teacher from the private school indicated that the school had to determine their mission regarding
parental involvement. Schools must stipulate how deeply they will engage in the efforts towards
the participation of parents, taking into consideration that parental involvement cannot be a goal
in itself: but that it must serve the central goal of the enhanced educational achievement of the
child.
“Het is een heel moeilijk peiler, want ik wil de ouders niet zomaar inschakelen, ze gebruiken als een
soort van goedkope werkhulp. Neen, het moet een wisselwerking zijn, een samenwerking en ze
moeten goed weten waarom ze ingeschakeld worden. Dat het gecommuniceerd wordt : we gaan dit
samen doen voor uw kind. Als ze helpen, moeten we het verantwoorden.” (EEO-teacher the private
school)
The municipal and private school both wanted to create a participative school climate and
maintain the philosophy that collaboration between the home and the school context enhances
children’s development and educational achievement. As mentioned before, the openness towards
parents in the municipal school is still in its infancy. The new vision of the principal produces
discord within the school team between ‘pro and contra involvement teachers’. However, ‘Pro-
involvement teachers’ and the principal perceive this duality and resistance towards change as a
normal phase in the change process. Regardless of the opposition, the parents, the teachers, the
school community workers along with the principal all notice the progress caused by their efforts.
Parents feel more welcomed at school, and the school staff has observed that the barrier towards
parents is reduced in this environment.
What concrete initiatives do the two schools implement in order to enhance parental
involvement? The municipal school has organized a monthly info-class in collaboration with De
Schoolbrug. Info-classes are centred upon a school related theme and the purpose is to make
parents acquainted with learning goals and methods in an interactive way. The first part of an
info-class provides information on the subject. In the second part, parents can observe their
children being engaged in an activity. In the third and last part of the info-class, parents can
367
Interview with Younes El Yousfi, PRICMA
207
participate in the activity with their children. The initiators try to involve changeable school staff
in each meeting, in order to embed the project in the school and to provide teachers with
instructions in dealing with parents.
Recently, the EEO-teacher, along with some colleagues started a parents’ support group that
empowers parents to provide assistance during school trips. Parents did not respond to the
school’s request for help during class excursions. While some teachers attributed the ‘no
response’ to ‘unwillingness’, others were convinced about the fact that parents refused to
participate because of uncertainty and thus, the teachers decided to empower parents by means of
information sessions and practical training during school trips. Some individual teachers took the
initiative to organize open class days, through which parents can get familiar with the class
situation and activities. The school invited parents to various school events, such as the school
party and children’s theatre performances. Finally, the school worked together with
“Boekenkaravaan”, an organization that visits children at home to read out loud and
“Luxemburg”, an initiative that brings theatre into people’s living rooms. With reference to
information and communication, the teachers provided basic messages each month on the
forthcoming school activities. These messages were construed by means of pictograms.
Also, the private school organizes concrete initiatives to reduce the barrier between parents and
schools. Along with De Schoolbrug, the school offers mothers the possibility to meet each other
and to learn about school related subjects in the mother group. The themes of the mother group in
the private school are closely linked with school activities, which was different for the former
mother group of the municipal school. In the municipal school, the mother group was stopped
precisely because it was isolated from the rest of the school events. A second initiative towards
mothers is Dutch lessons, which provided mothers basic language skills that increase their
competences in monitoring the learning process of their children. Much like the municipal school,
the private school tried to involve parents in school events such as a Spring Feast, the School
Feast and an annual barbecue. Parents are obliged to personally collect school reports, in order to
make contacts between teachers and parents a priority.
Moreover, at the beginning of the school year, a joint parents’ evening was organized in each
class in order to brief the parents on class functioning, class organization, the year program, how
to read reports, and the like. Here there is great emphasis on the open school culture in the private
school and the initiatives to make parents feel really welcomed at school. Openness towards
parents is a vision that is supported by the complete school team.
In order to make the school as accessible as possible, parents are welcomed in the schoolyard
in the morning. By doing so, the school staff intends to increase contact and communication
between parents and teachers, and this creates a basis of trust. The private school wants to be
208
perceived as a safe heaven where parents can improve on their lack of social contacts. Finally,
teachers organize open class days and bring the school to families by means of home visits. With
reference to communication and information, the school uses pictograms to make messages
understandable. The EEO-teacher mentioned the intension to provide weekly messages, in order
to keep parents informed on school activities.
It is clear that the schools we visited tried their utmost to increase parental participation. We
have to keep in mind that the school initiated efforts to enhance ‘School – Home’ collaboration
required additional work for the school staff, on top of their regular school tasks. Teachers for
example, have to invest time in the use of pictograms, in trying to contact parents whose home
language differs from Dutch, in the organization of information sessions, and the like.
“Nu wordt het meer aanvaard dat die instroom er is. Nu is er meer de visie dat de ouders het ook
willen – terwijl we vroeger vaak desinteresse toeschreven aan ouders. We hebben die populatie en
we zijn er blij mee, we zien ze graag, ik krijg veel liefde van mijn kinderen, nog meer misschien dan
je van andere kinderen zou krijgen, we willen ermee vooruit, niet zo van “we zijn maar een
migrantenschool”. Daarmee wil ik niet zeggen dat het gemakkelijk is. We zijn voor een stuk
maatschappelijk werker, het is vermoeiender en ’s avonds zijn we echt allemaal kapot. Extra acties
vraagt voor ons zeer veel, maar het zal wel lukken.” (EEO-teacher private school)
As demonstrated in the municipal school, the creation of a participative school culture is

dependent on the goodwill of the principal and the school staff. Because of the absence of
financial incentives and structures that support the creation of a participative school culture,
schools are left to operate in a vacuum and are free to attribute a minimal interpretation to the
concept of parental participation. The Participation Decree (2004) obliges all subsidized
schools368 to create a school council, in which representatives from the school, the parents, and the
local community are involved. Regardless of the good intentions of the concerning policy
measure, the nature and organization of the participative structures as stipulated in the
Participation Decree often serve middle to high-income families while leaving low-income
families out in the cold369. Each group of municipal schools that formed a school community in
Antwerp was merged into an umbrella school council. This process resulted in five school
councils that serve basic education and two school councils that serve secondary education370.
The umbrella school council, to which the municipal school belongs, contains 12 schools. This
kind of cooperative structure hinders the participation of low socio-economic or ethnic minority
parents because these parents already experience barriers towards becoming involved in the
school of their own child, let alone the school of other children as with the umbrella school
368
Official subsidized schools as well as private subsidized schools.
369
Onderwijsrecht en Onderwijsbeleid, 2005-2006 (1-2), 97-113
370
in: Tijdschrift voor Onderwijsrecht en Onderwijsbeleid’, 2005-2006 (1-2), 114-122.
209
council. The principal of the municipal school indicated that only autochthonous parents
participated in the umbrella school council. In the private school, parents were invited to take part
in the elections for the school council, but not a single parent volunteered as a candidate. With the
lack of school councils, the two schools neither gave room to a parent committee nor any other
form of participative structure. This brings us to the conclusion that, although the two schools
invested great efforts in informal participation, formal participation structures were still missing.
In the next paragraphs, we focus in detail on the absence of formal participation structures in most
migrant populated schools.
The majority of schools argued that informal participation is acceptable because ethnic
minority parents or parents with a low socio-economic status seem to be uninterested in becoming
involved in formal participation structures. In actuality, the exclusion mechanisms and unintended
or intended barriers prevent less-emancipated parents to become involved in formal participation
structures such as parent committees and school councils. Some school principals dissuade ethnic
minority parents of becoming a member of a school council. The school council had been
composed only of family members and friends of the principal, this may have been a way to
organize meetings that could not be accessed by ethnic minority or poor parents371. Nevertheless,
these formal participation structures are necessary and have to go hand in hand with informal
participation initiatives, since ethnic minority or poor parents would otherwise be completely left
to the arbitrariness of the school staff. These parents need to be empowered to participate in
formal participation bodies. Ethnic minority parents experience a barrier in becoming informally
involved with the school context, and this barrier is even more pronounced when taking part in
formal participation structures. As Mark Laquière (2006) states: “It is however unrealistic to
expect ethnic minority parents to spontaneously participate in parents’ committees and formal
participation structures. To realise this, purposive incentives and support will be needed” 372.
In Flanders, the Participation Decree constitutes the only available guideline regarding the
creation of a participative school climate. However, Dom & Verhoeven (2006) concluded that the
nature and functioning of the participation structures as stipulated in the decree seem to be in
favour of middle to high-class students373. As a consequence, educational participation of ethnic
minorities is up to this day conditional upon the empowerment of minority parents and the
371
372
373
Onderwijsrecht en Onderwijsbeleid, 2005-2006 (1-2), 97-113
210
goodwill of the school, which reinforces the underprivileged educational position of ethnic
minorities.
I: En is het overlaten van de moedergroep aan de school een moeilijk moment?
P: Ja. Ja, dat is goh... Eigenlijk hangt dat heel hard af van personen. Personen die het zien zitten,
die er uren voor krijgen, die gemotiveerd zijn in de eerste plaats, die bereid zijn om onze methodiek
over te nemen, die dat kunnen, die de vaardigheden daarvoor hebben ... Ik kan nog zoveel... Het
hangt zo hard af van school tot school en van GOK-pakket tot GOK- pakket. Sommige scholen
vinden dat prioriteit en willen daar veel uren en mankracht aan besteden, en sommige scholen...
(School community worker)
Ik kom meer en meer tot de conclusie dus dat namelijk... Dat het ... Het is vooral dus: Welk
schoolbeleid wordt er gevoerd door die individuele school? Hoe staat de directie daar tegenover?
Hoe staat het schoolteam daar tegenover? Is er dus een participatief klimaat binnen de school zelf,
tussen directie én leerkrachten? Hoe zit het met het andere onderwijspersoneel? Hoe is de relatie
met het CLB? Heeft men nagedacht over die multi-etnische samenleving? Heeft men nagedacht over
de doelgroep? Hoe staat men tegenover de doelgroep? Hoe staat men tegenover ouderparticipatie?
En dan zie je in alle netten scholen die het prachtig doen dan zie je in alle netten scholen die er niets
van bakken, waarvan je zegt: “Eigenlijk zouden ze die school moeten sluiten.”(pedagogic expert,
IQRA-project)
In the schools we visited, parents were in need of a formal structure where they could
collectively voice complaints or ask questions to a parent committee or a school council. In the
two schools, parents can communicate problems to the teacher or the principal, but these actions
are centred only on their own child and thus, these actions remain between the walls of the
principal’s office. In other terms, individual parents contact an individual teacher on a specific
problem regarding an individual child and there is no formal structure where parents are
empowered enough to communicate their ideas and work together with other parents. This poses
no problems for parents who feel comfortable with spontaneously contacting the school, but is not
evident for constricted parents who lack the self-confidence to approach the school. The
quotations hereunder demonstrate that some parents spontaneously contact teachers when
necessary:
I: Als u een leerkracht wilt spreken of als er iets is, hoe contacteert u de leerkracht?
F: Nu? Gewoon, ofwel als de bel gaat en ze zijn er al, want meestal duurt dat ook een tijdje als ze
gegaan is voor ze er zijn omdat ze dan nog bezig zijn. Dan kom je gewoon op de speelplaats, ga je
rechtstreeks naar de juf en dan zeg je het. Ofwel als de school gedaan is, langs de andere kant. Niet
deze deur, er is nog een andere kant. Als de kinderen naar buiten komen dan vraag je even naar de
juf, of ze even tijd heeft of zo.(I9)
M: Ja. Dan komt er zo een tolk hè. Ah ja, wij kunnen wel Nederlands, ik zeg het gewoon vlakaf tegen
de juffrouw. Ik ben daar niet verlegen voor, ik wil dat mijn kinderen goed kunnen studeren.(I4)
Another mother told us about the fact that her daughter’s teacher was regularly absent. In these
periods, the children had to stay in another class and complete tasks (so-called ‘hotelklas’). The
mother was worried that, because of the poor level of the tasks and the fact that the teacher was ill
frequently, her daughter would fall behind. She contacted the principal about this issue and felt as
if she was not heard. She wanted to voice her complaint and take action, but she did not know
how. The passage demonstrates that even if more courageous parents felt empowered to contact
211
the school and communicate problems, the absence of a formal participation structure would
impede collective action and hinder the parents to really influence a school’s practices and
decisions.
I: En ze is veel ziek dan?
M: Ja, zij is... De laatste week twee keer en deze week drie keer. En drie weken geleden was ze ook
twee dagen ziek. Dus ze was terug ziek en ik bel naar de directrice. Ik zeg tegen de directrice: “Wat
gaan we doen? Kan je haar niet ... vervangen of zo? Dat is slecht voor de kindjes.”Antwoordt
ze:“Ja, mevrouw, excuseer, ze is ziek, we moeten een hotelklas doen, ..”. Ik zeg:”Ja maar, dat doen
jullie wel heel vaak hè, dat is niet zo goed voor de kindjes hè.” “Ja, ik weet het, maar ze heeft
gezondheidsproblemen en dat en dat...”.
I: Dus je hebt wel gebeld naar de directrice daarvoor?
M: Ja. Ik bel naar haar en zeg het tegen haar. Ze zegt: “Ik ga proberen een juf te zoeken om te
vervangen, en we hebben het geprobeerd maar dat gaat niet” Maar waarom gaat dat niet? Ik weet
niet wat ik moet doen. Mijn kindje zit in het tweede leerjaar, komt thuis met twee bladeren en dan zeg
ik: “Amai, is dát wat je heel de dag hebt gedaan?”, en dan zegt ze:”Ja.” Dat is wel triestig hè? Ik
denk altijd als zoiets gebeurt, dat het geen goede school is.(…) Maar nu moet ik iets doen! Het kan
niet dat mijn kindje drie keer in de week naar de hotelklas gaat.
I: Dus dat vind je een probleem en dan bel je naar de school?
M: Ja. Ik bel naar de school en(…) Ik zeg ook tegen de directrice: “Mag X niet bij 3B zitten, als de
juf ziek is?” “Nee, ...want dan moeten alle kindjes in het derde leerjaar en dan heeft die meester
geen twintig kindjes, maar veertig.” En dan zeg ik:”Niet voor alle kindjes, voor mijn kindje”.
(lachje) Dat is een beetje egoïstisch maar... Hoe zeg je dat in het Vlaams? I care about my children
hè. (I11)
Some parents mentioned the absence of parent committees. One father participated in the
parent committee of his son’s former school.
M: Maar er zijn veel scholen die een oudercomité hebben of zo.
I: Maar jullie school heeft dat niet?
M: Nee.
I: En vind je dat jammer?
M: Ik weet dat niet. Ik heb het gewoon gehoord dat het zo .. (I1)
F: In de X-straat was er een oudervereniging waar we zelf inzaten en zo. Hier is dat helemaal niet.
I: Er zijn geen schoolraden, ouderraden,...? Er is niets van vereniging voor ouders? F: Nee. Buiten
de Infoklas waar u vorige keer aanwezig was en de Moedergroep. (I9)
If a constructive ‘School – Home’ partnership fosters a child’s overall development and

schools as well as families benefit from a thorough cooperation, then why are these partnerships
difficult to realize? Some of the bottleneck effects discussed hereunder we already mentioned
before, but they are also important in the discussion of the ‘School – Home’ partnerships.
The frame of reference of ethnic minority or low socio economic class parents’ commonly
differs from that of “the average teacher”, since the majority of teachers have a middle to high
socio-economic background374. The cultural, lingual and socio-economical differences between
school staff and ethnic minority or low socio-economic status families are the factors that
374
212
contribute to the difficulties of developing a constructive partnership375. Since contacts are
regularly difficult and problematic, the risk exists that teachers avoid making contacts with
parents.
Vooral vanwege de negatieve ervaringen met een aantal ouders die binnenlopen, die niet altijd zo
sociaalvaardig zijn als we verwachten, die niet altijd zo beleefd zijn, die ook de taal niet altijd
kunnen en die dan heel moeilijk communiceren en ... Die soms boos zijn en ruzie komen maken met
de leerkrachten omdat er iets gebeurd is in de klas en dan moet je het altijd een beetje afwegen en
dat was ook wel niet de gewoonte van ons. Er waren wel ouderavonden en open – klas – dagen en
zo. Dat werd ook wel gedaan maar het gebeurde altijd op een beetje een andere basis. Dat was de
sfeer en ook wel de directeur die dat allemaal niet stimuleerde. Eigenlijk een beetje ... Zo van: “Wat
moeten die ouders komen helpen?” Gewoon omdat het vertrouwen in die mensen ook niet zo ... is.
Vanwege de negatieve ervaringen en die zijn er..(Principal municipal school)
School staff can, to a certain degree, alter parents’ negative feelings through openness towards
parents and the creation of a sphere of trust376.
Als je heel veel informele contacten hebt met die ouders, dagelijks, dan... en je stelt je daar ook niet
boven maar je behandelt hen echt op gelijke voet, je laat hen merken dat je zelf ook problemen hebt
met je kinderen, weet ik, dat stimuleert hen op lange duur om inderdaad van alles te komen vertellen
en te komen vragen. Het heeft vooral veel mee te maken met: ‘Hoe behandel jij, hoe sta jij tegenover
die ouders?(…) (Teacher municipal school)
Alle ouders voelen zich betrokken bij het onderwijs van hun kinderen. De vaardigheden om deze
betrokkenheid te uiten kunnen echter sterk verschillen. Het is de opdracht van de school om in hun
relatie met ouders voldoende diversiteit te ontwikkelen zodanig dat alle ouders zich aangesproken
voelen377.
Teachers frequently expect parents to participate more intensively, while parents often lack the
confidence to do so378. Teachers can interpret this as a lack of interest, whereby teachers
subsequently lower their expectations towards parents. Here, a phenomenon of self-fulfilling
prophecy will possibly deploy, and parents’ little participation is reinforced by the way in which
teachers interact upon parents379. The simple lowering of expectations contains the risk of
enlarging the existing gap between parents and teachers380.
I: Wat zijn als leerkracht uw verwachtingen ten aanzien van ouders?

P: In het begin van mijn carrière waren mijn verwachtingen heel hoog en nu zijn mijn
375
376
377
Johan Lamote, coordinator Local Consultative Bodies. Introduction study day “Samen school maken. Allochtone
ouders op school.’ May 18th 2005, Koning Boudewijnstichting.
378
Chrispeels, J. (1996), ‘Effective schools and Home-School-Community Partnership roles: A framework for parent
involvement’, in: School Effectiveness and School Improvement, 297-323.
379
380
213
verwachtingen gedaald tot het nulpunt.
I: Tot het nulpunt?
P: Ja, ik verwacht niets meer.
I: En hoe komt dat? Welke ervaringen of zo hebben dat ...?
P: Geen reactie, of weinig reactie op ... Bijvoorbeeld nog deze week: ik telefoneer, ik heb afspraken
laten maken, het staat in de agenda voor een gesprek met ouders en die komen gewoon niet opdagen.
En na een tijdje zeg je: “Het hoeft allemaal niet meer.” Ik krijg toch geen reactie. (…)Ik zou willen
dat alle ouders meer betrokken zijn bij het schoolgebeuren, bij het huiswerk, bij het begeleiden van
hun kinderen, zoals ik dat als kind heb meegemaakt. Mijn ouders doen dat. Mijn zus is bezig met
mijn neefjes en nichtjes. Ze is er elke avond mee bezig, ze met ... Nu moesten ze een stamboom
maken. Die ouders zijn daar meer bij betrokken. Ze helpen die kinderen, ze komen ook naar
ouderavonden. Ze maken zich vrij en als dat niet gaat verontschuldigen ze zich en zoeken ze een
andere oplossing. Wat allemaal moet kunnen. En dat is mijn visie, dat het hetzelfde is. (Teacher
municipal school)
The negative picture of teachers has to be put into perspective by the fact that teachers are
regularly unaware of their monocultural attitude and the resulting consequences, Conversely,
teachers are aware of the conflicting frames of reference, but feel incompetent to effectively deal
with them. Therefore, there is an enormous demand for formations that provide instructions on
how to deal with families that stem from a different cultural or socio-economic background.
Chrispeels (1996) examined the effectiveness of schools and she concluded that few teachers have
been offered courses on working with parents, especially with parents from diverse
backgrounds381.
“Soms denk ik dat we elkaar niet begrijpen. Als je iemands achtergrond en cultuur niet kent? Je
staat er wel voor open, maar… Soms volgen we nascholingen - en dat is meestal zo gericht op witte
scholen - waarin gezegd wordt “Ja, maar jullie zijn toch een speciaal geval. We gaan daar de
volgende wel dieper op in.” En dan is de investering in die nascholing voor ons wel wat een
teleurstelling” (EEO-teacher private school)
Omdat we, vooral in projecten die we hadden lopen met leerkrachten, heel regelmatig aanvoelden
dat leerkrachten met 20-30 jaar ervaring, die zich heel open opstelden maar zeer weinig ervaring
hadden, vertelden: ik zit wel in een wijk met veel allochtonen, In de klas doe ik wel mijn best; ik heb
een goede relatie met die kinderen maar tot daar stopt dat; ...maar vanaf dat ik in die buitenschoolse
wereld kom is dat niet meer mijn wereld; ik zit dan in een ander continent (Younes El Yousfi,
PRICMA)
Research (López, 2001; Koning Boudewijnstichting, 2005) showed that some teachers feel
reluctant to put great efforts into encouraging parental participation with ethnic minorities because
it demands the critical evaluation of long-lived communication and information strategies, as well
as the creativity to create new ones382. As research by López et al. (2001) demonstrated,
increasing the educational participation of migrant parents requires for the redefining of the
concept of parental participation. It is necessary to complement strict occupational related
activities with extracurricular activities such as home visits and other initiatives to bring school to
381
382
214
migrants’ homes383. One can imagine that engaging in ethnic minorities and low socio-economic
parents’ educational participation requires an enormous commitment. In addition to the fact that
teachers dread the enormous commitment, they also fear the loss of more stable families. Schools
find themselves on an area of tension between complying with the needs of the less empowered
families and taking the risk of losing families with a higher socio-economic status; or, they keep
focusing on the stable families– and thereby systematically exclude more deprived families.
In bepaalde gevallen zitten ouders met de handen in het haar en zeggen: sorry, maar de huistaken
die jullie geven en de ondersteuning die jullie daaraan koppelen, die zijn voor ons niet realiseerbaar.
We willen wel ondersteunen, we willen wel alles doen. Maar daar speelt de druk van de sterkeren
ook mee. Huistaken zijn dikwijls ook een plan naast andere activiteiten. Laat ons zeggen het
inpakpapier van de school en men staat dat niet zomaar af. Een school die in bepaalde kringen een
naam heeft en vanuit een beleid rond huistaken een zekere bekendheid heeft en beslist om de
huistaken toegankelijker te maken: Wij gaan dat in het belang van iedereen naar beneden trekken.
Niet zoveel huistaken meer meegeven. Dan zie je dikwijls dat er reacties komen vanuit de hoek van
de sterkere ouders omdat dat ook een parameter is: ‘Dat is een kwalitatieve school’. Dat is wat de
ouders zien van de buitenkant. Ze zijn daarmee vertrouwd. Het gaat dan over sterke ouders.(Younes
El Yousfi, PRICMA)
It is clear that schools will need to revise traditional communication and information strategies
and will have to be prepared to engage in extracurricular initiatives if they want to enhance ethnic
minorities parents’ educational participation. However, practitioners indicated that the educational
system has a closed bastion, which is not easily open to change384. Leman (2006) points to the fact
that policy reports on equal educational opportunities are soaked with the idea of assimilation,
where at-risk families are provided by extra means in order to catch up with mainstream pupils385.
The aim is to remedy the situation of economic deprivation, by dealing with unequal opportunities
that hinder success in the prevailing educational system. The assimilation model starts from
deficits of the poor, without paying attention to their strengths and possibilities. The assimilation
model unilaterally focuses on the interests and expectancies of the school system, thus ignoring
the other two important contexts on learning and development: the home and the community. The
next section focuses on the two aforementioned social institutions.
V.3.3.3. ‘Community – Family’ Partnerships
The second part of our topic list for our parent interviews focused on the social networks and
the social participation on neighbourhood level, specifically with reference to educational
activities. The interview elaborated on what was labelled in the theoretical model of overlapping
spheres of influence as ‘Family – Community’ and ‘Community – Family’ partnerships.
‘Community – Family’ partnerships refer to the educational support and assistance in the
383
López et. Al. (2001), ‘Redifining parental involvement: Lessons from high-performing migrant-impacted schools’,
in: American Educational Research Journal, 38(2), 253-288.
384
Younes El Yousfi, PRICMA; Marc Laquière, IQRA
385
Lezing Johan Leman, lezingenreeks ‘Allochtonen en Onderwijs’. Erasmushogeschool Brussel.
215
upbringing of children. This support is provided by friends, family, community organizations,
parent committees, religious organizations and the like. Community organizations can invest in
school-like programs that promote positive school attitudes, enhance the students’ and the
parents’ self-esteem, and reduce educational deprivation. This partnership was investigated in the
interviews with parents. Additionally, we searched for existing school-supporting initiatives in the
north of Antwerp.
During the interviews, some parents indicated that they could rely on family members– who
lived in their neighbourhood- when assistance was needed in their children’s educational process.
Generally, help came from elder siblings or cousins. One Assyrian Turkish father told us about
their association with other family members that mainly concerned the youngsters. In this case,
we can actually speak about a transplanted community, whereby a family of more than 100
members migrated to Belgium because of political reasons. Solidarity and social networks
between the family members are really strong. This extended family started an association for
youngsters. Among other things, the organisation focuses on the children and youngsters’
education.
De bedoeling is meestal voor jongeren: sportief, cultureel, onderwijsactiviteiten. Als vereniging

komen we twee keer per maand, of om de twee maanden samen .... vooral alle jongeren. En dan
praten we als er een probleem is en we proberen ook de juiste, goede weg te wijzen, advies te geven
om hier beter te studeren of ... in de maatschappij een beetje zich te gedragen en zo. (…) Voor
huistaken, huiswerk; als onze kinderen het niet kunnen, dan vragen we de grote kinderen van een
andere familie. Die komen onze kinderen helpen of andersom. Hij geeft een voorbeeld: we zijn zoals
joden. We zijn onderling zeer solidair; zeer behulpzaam en zeer solidair.(I6 - Translated)
This extended family we just described can be labelled as a ‘natural support system’. Natural
support systems (Delgado & Rivera, 1996) are networks of extended families, religious groups,
merchants, social clubs, and other individuals or groups that people contact for assistance instead
of, or in addition to seeking help from formal institutions such as hospitals, health centres, and
schools”386.
With exception to the family mentioned above, one of the more clear and recurrent distresses
of the parents we interviewed was that they did not succeeded in supporting their children’s
educational achievement. When parents were asked about the existence of projects or services that
aimed to eliminate the deficit, they responded negatively. Parents did not feel supported by any
facility and they perceived this as the school’s responsibility.
386
Epstein, J. L. & Sanders M. G. (2000), ‘Connecting Home, School, and Community. New directions for Social
Research’ in: Handbook of the Sociology of Education, Hallinan, M. T. (Ed.). Kluwer Academic/ Plenum Publishers,
New York, 2000.
216
Ze zegt dat ze van andere scholen heeft gehoord, van vriendinnen ook van haar, dat kinderen die
bijvoorbeeld een taalachterstand hebben, dat hun leerkrachten buiten de lesuren bij de kinderen
thuis over de vloer komen en hen beter begeleiden. Ze zegt dat ze heel goed beseft dat haar
talenkennis haar kinderen niet verder kan helpen. En ze zou het leuk vinden –want ze ziet dat er
problemen zijn met haar kinderen- dat ze wat steun zou kunnen krijgen van leerkrachten buiten de
schooluren. (I5)
Considering the existing work overload of migrant populated schools, these extra tasks will be
too demanding without additional support. Other parents expressed the need for a remedy centre
that is not necessarily embedded in the school. In order to eliminate the educational issues of
ethnic minority children in the neighbourhoods we visited, serious remediation is needed. Since
parents lacked the cultural capital to provide this remediation, they expressed their need for
additional support.
F: Ik vind dat elke school die bestaat hier in Vlaanderen of in Wallonië of waar dan ook, ... Als ze
zeggen van:”Ja, de jeugd erbij betrekken en de gelegenheid geven aan de jeugd om te kunnen
studeren en te werken”, enzovoort, dan moet je vanaf het begin... Je moet niet wachten tot ze van een
technische afdeling naar een professionele afdeling gaan en bijvoorbeeld zoals ik, of nog jonger dan
mij, op hun zestien of veertien jaar ofwel stoppen, helemaal. Terwijl dat als zij de gelegenheid
hadden gekregen om hun studies voort te doen en iemand hen had kunnen begeleiden, dan waren ze
misschien een krak geworden. Dus als je eigenlijk de mogelijkheid niet geeft aan het kind om zich te
evolueren en kennis te maken met alles wat er nog aankomt, dan kan ...
I: Dat is dan toch nog een ruimere opdracht voor de school dan eigenlijk?
F: Je kúnt het een ruimere opdracht voor de school noemen, maar ik zeg niet dat het van de school
zelf moet komen hè.
I: Ja, natuurlijk. Gewoon, er is nood aan?
F: Ja (I8)
A remedy centre, that is embedded in the school or in the local community is considered a
valuable alternative. Actually, the IQRA-project387 seems to match the expressed needs of our
respondents perfectly. The project corresponds to the parents’ need for additional support, since
they consider themselves as incapable of assuming educational roles. While some school staff
perceived this call for extra support merely as a desire for extra forms of childcare, our
respondents wanted extra class hours because they believed that children have better learning
possibilities in school than at home.
P: We hebben hier een huiswerkklas.

I: En worden ouders daarbij betrokken, bij die huiswerkklas of niet?
P: Nee, zij zien dat meer, heb ik de indruk, als extra opvang: “Mijn kinderen zijn nog een uurtje
extra langer op school”. (Teacher municipal school)
In plaats van:”School gedaan om 15.30u.” Om half vier is de school gedaan. Waarom eigenlijk
geen klas organiseren voor mensen die hun huiswerk willen maken met twee leerkrachten die er
kunnen blijven tot vijf uur? Dat is anderhalf uur. Waarom is dat niet mogelijk eigenlijk, twee
leerkrachten per school?(I8)
387
Section V.1.4. discusses the IQRA-project in detail
217
The IQRA-project does not solely focus on the educational deprivation of children, it also aims
to improve the parents’ lack of self-esteem in supporting their children’s educational achievement.
The project is convinced of the importance of parents’ educational involvement, especially in the
case of ethnic minorities. Parents are subsequently intensively involved in the project and
significant efforts are being made on the empowerment of parents through formations in the
educational system, on education rights, enrolment rights as stipulated in the EEO-decree, and so
forth. Mothers have a meeting once a week and fathers come together each month. The project
spawns from the assumption that all parents want to be involved in their children’s education.
Many migrant populated schools invest significant efforts in the remediation of educational
deprivation, and this is commonly manifested without the involvement of parents. This way,
parents’ feelings of incompetence in their role are reinforced and the gap between schools and
families is preserved. The IQRA-project is an integrated project that, along with attention to
parental involvement, focuses on leisure time. Thus he narrow ‘Child-School’ focus is extended to
the family and the local community (leisure time).
The project (discussed in V.1.4.) is a community initiative of the Federation of Moroccan

Associations and it is works very closely with Moroccan children388. The success of the initiative
is explained by the fact that IQRA is an integrated project that focuses on ‘Home – School –
Community’ partnerships. The IQRA-project starts from the strengths and possibilities of the
child instead of their weaknesses and deficits. In that sense, it builds on children’s backgrounds.
Unfortunately, the IQRA-project can only provide assistance to 24 children and their parents
while more than 200 children currently are on a waiting list. It is clear that the city of Antwerp is
in need for more intensive remedy projects.
Along with the IQRA, a second community service in the north of the inner city provides
school-related support to ethnic minority families, namely the Complaints Desk Education389. The
Complaints Desk receives complaints concerning education rights and assists families in making
an informed choice. The Complaints Desk is widely known by word-of-mouth promotion and
migrant people find their way quite easily to the desk. Also, social workers from the complaints
desk cooperate with the IQRA-project and maintain networks with other community
organizations, so that referrals can be made.
388
First of all, the project envisages pupils with educational deprivation. Because it is an initiative of the Federation of
Moroccan Associations, and because of the limited capacity (24 children) of the project, participants all belong to the
Moroccan community.
389
Section V.1.5 discusses the Complaints Desk Education in detail
218
The third community initiative of our sample that invests in the educational empowerment of
ethnic minority families was De Schoolbrug. The aim of De Schoolbrug is twofold: on the one
hand, it supports vulnerable parents’ and pupils’ educational participation; and on the other, it
assists schools in the creation of a more accessible, participative schools climate. In other words,
De Schoolbrug intends to reduce the gap between families and schools by focusing on parents, on
schools and other relevant educational partners.
The empowerment of parents in the two selected schools was effectuated by means of two
projects: a mother group and an info-class. By regularly inviting parents to school to work on
school related themes, the school community workers increased parents’ familiarity with the
school climate and educational system and created consciousness on parents’ and children’s
educational rights. In the two projects, De Schoolbrug also provided individual remediation to
single families. When pupils were at high risk to get behind in school, a school community
worker visited the family at home to give extra remediation exercises. Considering the busy
workload of De Schoolbrug, individual remediation constituted marginal activity that was
performed by student teachers and volunteers. One of the school community workers we
interviewed considered the personnel and time constraints regarding intensive remediation
regrettable, taking into account the spectacular results of one-to-one remediation.
P: Er komen inderdaad mensen, ook studenten, aan huis om de leerlingen te remediëren; geen
huiswerk begeleiden, maar echt gewoon te remediëren, in samenwerking met de school. En het
kleuterproject, of schoolrijpheid, die leerlingen die een risico vormen en waarvan de kleuterjuffen
zeggen:”Hij is nogal zwak en misschien gaat het allemaal niet lukken dit jaar”.
Ja... maar we hebben er zelf niet altijd de tijd voor dus daarmee dat we ook studenten en stagairs en
vrijwilligers daarvoor inschakelen.
I: Ja, dat verwonderde mij toen, dat ze zo bij mensen thuis ging en echt op individuele basis
begeleiding gaf.
P: Ja, dat is jammer genoeg maar bij een heel beperkt aantal gezinnen maar toch heeft het een
spectaculair resultaat. (School community worker)
Irrespective of the success of the three community initiatives, the projects we cited are small-
scale and they did not respond to the magnitude of ethnic minorities’ educational problems. The
IQRA-project demonstrated that intensive remediation works. However, due to the intensive
character of the project, enrolment possibilities are restricted. Research evidence of our fieldwork
demonstrates that the ‘Community – Family’ partnerships are insufficiently developed and
deserve more attention in the future.
V.3.3.4. ‘Family – Community’ Partnerships
Along with the educational supportive activities of relatives, friends, and community
associations (‘Community – Family’ partnerships), the contribution to these community beneficial
219
initiatives was inquired. ‘Family – Community’ partnerships include the contribution and the
participation in community level activities such as sports activities, community associations,
youth movements, and parents’ groups that support children’s education. Participation in the
social networks provides access to information and power over resources that contribute to
children’s school success. We studied the social networks and access to resources in a
neighbourhood of low socio-economic status, where social participation may be diminished and
where community initiatives and participation may be reduced to a minimum level.
None of our respondents contributed to community initiatives that directly supported children’s
education. For our Muslim respondents, the most important extracurricular activity consisted of
Arabic lessons and Koran instruction. Although our respondents stressed the importance of the
acquisition of Dutch, great emphasis was put on the mother tongue390.
Het is niet omdat ze Nederlands spreken dat ze geen Arabisch meer kunnen. Ze kunnen de twee. En
ik zou graag hebben, dat ze de twee behouden. Maar zo spontaan een keer Nederlands, een keer
Arabisch, ze kunnen dat goed hoor, ik vind dat wel goed hoor. Wij vergelijken ook. Ik spreek ook
Nederlands. Het is niet zoals onze vaders, dat is de generatie. Als we maar één woord Nederlands
spraken, zeiden ze: “Spreek Arabisch.” Dat was wel extreem hoor... Ze hadden schrik dat we alleen
Nederlands gaan spreken en dan zijn we weg, dan worden wij échte Belgen. Alleen Nederlands, dat
willen zij niet. Ze willen dat we de twee talen spreken; en ik wil dat ook, dat ze de twee talen spreken.
Arabisch is geen probleem. (I7)
In this connection, religion proved to be a source for a sense of community and solidarity. The
mosque fulfilled a function as a place where people developed social contacts and engaged in
voluntary work. Engagements in religious organizations are potentially powerful influences on
students’ educational achievement. Sanders (1998) found that students’ involvement in Black
churches positively influenced school-related attitudes and behaviour, such as pupils’ academic
self-concept391.
During the fieldwork, we noticed that social relations remained commonly restricted to the
individual’s ethnic group. Participative observation in the schoolyard of the private school showed
that Moroccan mothers socialized with other Moroccan mothers; Sub Sahara African with Sub
Sahara African mothers; Turkish with Turkish mothers; and so forth. The same phenomenon was
observed during mother groups and the info-class. The principal of the private school indicated
that the idea of interculturalism was not something that people paid attention to. When school was
390
Also a finding in Timmerman, C. (1999), Onderwijs maakt het verschil. Socio-culturele praxis en
etniciteitsbeleving bij Turkse jonge vrouwen, Leuven: Acco;
391
Sanders, M. G. (1998), ‘The effects of school, family, and community support on the academic achievement of
African-American adolescents, in Urban Education, 33, 385-410.
220
over, each ethnic group turned back to their homes, with their own stores, their own associations
and their own religious organizations392.
Ze zegt dat ze wel babbelt, maar ze moet ook toegeven – en daarmee moest ze ook lachen- dat het
voornamelijk de Turkse moeders zijn waarmee ze contact heeft.(I5 – Translated)
Moreover, school staff reported that the majority of parents lived in social isolation. Whereas
“traditional” migrant groups, such as Moroccan, Turkish and Italian people are in their ethnic
social networks, the “new” migrant flows are often characterized by social isolation. In the
organization of a project, whereby parents had to invite other families to their homes for a theatre
performance, the EEO-teacher of the municipal school observed that parents lacked the
competences to make invitations. The private school hoped to fill the void of social contacts by
admitting parents in the schoolyard. After all, parents’ educational participation assumes a
minimal involvement in the host society, and this is impossible without social contacts.
P: Maar wil je participeren aan onze maatschappij, dan verwacht je eigenlijk al een vorm van
taalbeheersing; dat is één. Dan verwachten wij automatisch ook een vorm van betrokkenheid op die
maatschappij. Voor ons betekent dat dan eigenlijk: Je hebt een deel werk en daar ga je naartoe en je
hebt een deel sociale contacten. Maar als je dat voor onze mensen ziet, zijn sociale contacten vaak
de familie. En als zij hier alleen zijn, de groep waartoe ze behoren qua land van herkomst.
I: Dat zijn ook sociale contacten?
P: Dat wel. We hebben ook een aantal mensen die hier echt geïsoleerd wonen. Bijvoorbeeld X komt
van Bolivia. Haar moeder is eigenlijk een vorm van outcast voor haar eigen gemeenschap. Ze wordt
er echt niet in opgenomen. Waarom? Er moet iets gebeurd zijn maar wat? Dat weten we niet. Er zijn
dan ook een aantal mensen die zo pièce unique zijn ... we hebben mensen van Bhutang. Er zijn er zo
weinig die daar blijkbaar weg geraken dat ze hier gewoon geen sociale contacten hebben. We
hebben iemand uit Libië, dat is ook een vrij zeldzaam land van herkomst. Dan kun je ook niet
verwachten dat hier dat sociaal vangnet van de ras- en landgenoten groot gaat zijn. Wat vormt dan
daar het contact? Meestal de straat, de vzw en / of de moskee.
I: Dat sociaal contact hebben die mensen toch wel.
P: Je merkt ook heel vaak dat door de school open te stellen voor de mensen, dat daar dus de sociale
contacten... het zijn veel vrouwen die hun kinderen komen halen en wegbrengen en het wordt
toegestaan door hun man. Dat is een gescreende, veilige omgeving waar ze niets vreemd in zien of
schrik voor moeten hebben; die mannen dan. Dus de school is voor heel veel van onze moeders een
veilige haven waar ze ’s morgens wat langer kunnen blijven hangen en ’s avonds wat vroeger
naartoe komen. (Principal private school)
The recent arrival of new ethnic groups provoked some interethnic tensions, especially in the
neighbourhood around the Stuivenberg Square. Some of our respondents voiced their
dissatisfaction with certain groups, such as people from the former Yugoslavia or the asylum
seekers.
M: Ja, er komt veel mensen van, ik weet niet welke…[vraagt iets aan man in de kamer]…veel
Kosovaren, veel problemen met die mensen die hier woont. Waarom wonen zij hier? Hier is het
bureau voor te helpen, dat geeft eten, één keer per week.
I: Het OCMW?
392
Interview with the principal of the private school
221
M: Ja, OCMW dat is hier…In de handelsstraat, alle winkels, Marokkaanse winkels, daar komen die
mensen groenten pakken, alles is er gratis, brood.(I2)
I: En kunt u een beetje vertellen over de buurt? Woont u er graag?

F: Nee… De eerste drie jaar hebben we er graag gewoond. En dan in feite, met die dingen in
Kosovo en zo, is het zo dat ze hier heel veel van die mensen, van die vluchtelingen hebben
opgenomen. Dan is het heel veel achteruit gegaan. (I9)
Generally, a sphere of distrust towards “the other” influenced our respondents’ perceptions of
the neighbourhood. Regardless of the fact that some parents liked the neighbourhood because of
the interculturalism and the animation in the streets, they perceived it as a rather unsafe
environment for their children. The perceptions of danger were attributed to the overall socio-
economic deprivation and to the high traffic of the neighbourhood: not to the ethnic character of
the neighbourhood. We conducted fieldwork in an urban context with a lot of traffic in the streets,
which reduces the possibility for children to play in the streets.
I: Je bent bang?
M: Ja. Er zijn hier vele mannen, van het OCMW en die werken niet, hebben niets te doen en ze
blijven daar op het plein en ...Ik weet het niet, je kunt het nooit weten. ...Ik ben altijd zo bang. Op het
journaal laten ze altijd vermiste kinderen zien. En dat zit heel diep bij mij, ik ben altijd zeer bang. Ik
heb maar één kindje (I11)
F: Het zijn meestal allochtone kinderen die daar spelen, in die straat. En het ergste is dat hij (de
buurman) al eens de opmerking maakte: “Maar Mohammed, we zien uw kinderen bijna nooit, in de
straat, uw mannen komen niet in de straat.” En dat is waar, ze komen niet in de straat. Ze komen
nooit niet in de straat. Ik vind dat de straten niet veilig zijn. We hebben een klein stadstuintje en een
grote garage dus ze kunnen daarin spelen, maar niet in de straat. (…) Maar qua veiligheid is het
nu... Je hebt van die jonge kerels, het is niet omdat ze Marokkaans zijn of zo hè, maar je hebt van die
heethoofden die met auto’s daar rijden zonder te zien waar ze rijden. Ze rijden met knetsende
banden. Dat is gevaarlijk. Qua veiligheid in de stad is het niet evident, niet gemakkelijk. (I8)
Although none of our respondents contributed to community initiatives that directly supported
educational achievement, some of their children participated in scouts and sports clubs. A mother
indicated that that her daughter would like to start music classes, but that she lacked the
knowledge on where these activities were organized.
Ze zegt dat haar oudste dochter nu al een tijdje zegt: “Mama, ik wil graag viool spelen.” En ik zei
dan: “Ja, waarom schrijf je haar dan niet in? Je moet niet zo ongerust zijn.” En ze zegt dat ze niet
ongerust is, maar dat ze niet weet waar en hoe en waar ze terecht moet voor zulke dingen.(I5 –
Translated)
We can conclude that the ‘Family – Community’ partnerships in the selected field case are
rather weak. Poverty, interethnic tensions, constant arrival of newcomers, the urban context and
continuous shifts in neighbourhood inhabitants are all factors that do not contribute to ‘Family –
Community’ partnerships. Our respondents were active in religious organizations and
occasionally participated in in-group associations. Engagement in school supporting activities that
exceeded the individual families was not observed in our fieldwork.
222
V.3.3.5. ‘School – Community’ Partnerships & ‘Community – School’ Partnerships
‘School – Community’ and ‘Community – School’ partnerships will be discussed jointly

because the concept of Broad Schools perfectly match the reciprocal partnership between
community organizations and schools. Broad schools, window schools, or open neighbourhood
schools are concepts that originate in the Netherlands. In the Netherlands, an intensive
cooperation between schools, pre- and after school child care, neighbourhood centres, and other
local services developed during the last decades. Due to the added value of locally embedded
schools for the local community, the school environment, pupils and parents, the idea of broad
schools recently gained interest in Flemish policy circles and in the educational landscape in
Flanders. In the period between 2004-2009, four Flemish ministerial policy reports were written
about the concept of a broad school393. In the beginning of the year 2006, a Flemish expertise
centre on broad schools was established. Also, in the United States (“Community schools”),
Sweden and Denmark, similar tendencies towards ‘community – school’ partnerships took place.
Even though the concrete implementation of the partnerships can vary significantly, there is an
international tendency towards a growing partnership between schools and other partners 394.
A broad school can be described as “a network of accessible services for children, youngsters,
families and the local community (neighbourhood, district, village, city), with the school as being
the central partner in the network. In this network, schools, partner organizations, pupils, parents,
seniors and volunteers cooperate with the aim of creating added value for all actors involved”395.
An all-embracing definition of a broad school is unclear because the nature of the partnership, the
actors involved, and the goals depend on the unique situation and the local needs of the partners.
The first broad schools were developed in deprived or migrant populated neighbourhoods.
Due to the restricted financial means and the complex problems that characterized these
neighbourhoods, broad schools naturally grew in response to the acute needs of the school and the
surrounding neighbourhood. Schools and local community organizations collaborated in order to
enhance equal education opportunities and to reduce educational deprivation. Gradually, the
393
‘Vandaag kampioen in wiskunde, morgen ook in gelijke kansen’: Policy report Education (Flemish minister of
Education, Frank Vandenbroucke), ‘Beleidsnota Cultuur’: Policy report Culture (Flemish minister of Culture, Youth,
Sport and Brussels, Bert Anciaux), ‘Kinderen en jongeren: vertrouwen geven, verantwoordelijkheid nemen’: Policy
report Jouth (Flemish minister of Culture, Youth, Sport and Brussels, Bert Anciaux), ‘Meer sport in de samenleving,
meer samenleven in de sport. Meer mensen in de sport, meer sport in de mensen’: Policy report Sport (Flemish
minister of Culture, Youth, Sport and Brussels, Bert Anciaux)
394
Leclercq, C. (2005), ‘Brede school, een Vlaams verhaal’. Expertisecentrum Brede School Vlaanderen.
www.bredeschool.be. Geconsulteerd op 28/03/2006.
395
‘Brede school’. Expertisecentrum Brede School Vlaanderen. www.bredeschool.be. Geconsulteerd op 28/03/2006.
223
realization of the benefits of the ‘School – Community’ partnership have increased. This
generated initiatives in the domains of culture, sport and leisure activities.
López (2001) indicates that a school’s investment in a community-wide network of social,

psychological, physical and educational services creates the opportunity to meet migrant families’
needs in a more holistic way. Conversely, this network strengthens the school and ensures that the
school is not doing it alone396. In the two schools we visited, the school staff reported that the
creation of a network, or the embedment of the school in the surrounding neighbourhood,
constituted one of the focal points of interest. The networks make it possible to meet migrant
families’ needs and to understand and deal with the changing pupil population. The principal of
the municipal school spontaneously mentioned the concept of a broad school:
Maar als je dan tussen twee scholen kan kiezen? Dan denk ik dat het de school wordt waar je het
meest van weet en waar dat het natuurlijk ook positieve dingen zijn. Een school in de buurt, een
‘brede’ school zoals ze zeggen. Dat is een school die samenwerkt met allerlei organisaties.
(Principal municipal school)
The EEO-teacher of the municipal school stressed the importance of the development of a
network and illustrated her remark by the school’s collaboration with the “Boekenkaravaan”397
and “Luxemburg”398. Also, the principal of the private school summed up several collaborations
with community organizations:
P: Ook met de Federatie van Marokkaanse Verenigingen, IQRA bijvoorbeeld, die mensen vanuit de
Turkse Federatie,...
I: En zijn er kinderen van deze school die deelnemen aan het IQRA - project?
P: Ja, één iemand uit het derde leerjaar. Die dingen allemaal, ... mensen van Dienst Integratie
Antwerpen, tolkenwerking, ... (Principal private school)
Furthermore, the principal of the private school and the other school staff stated that contacts
with Mosques and Imams provided useful information on pupils as imams are more closely linked
with the social background situation of families.
I: En die contacten met de moskee bijvoorbeeld, wat houdt dat precies in?
P: (…) Wanneer leerlingen echt buitensporig gedrag vertonen gaan we eens informeren of zij daar
weet van hebben omdat zij zelf wel een heel deel informatie hebben vanuit hun sociale contacten en
er zicht op hebben en dergelijke. Dat is ook wel nuttig voor de school.
I: Ja, ik vroeg het mij af of de ouders dat dan niet raar vinden dat de school via iemand...
P: Nee, dat heeft ook niet altijd rechtstreeks te maken met confrontatie; dat hoeft ook geen
confrontatie te zijn. Het heeft gewoon te maken met uitwisselen van ideeën, van gedachten, van
kennis, van zicht hebben op dat gezin en dergelijke dingen meer. Je kunt ook moeilijk vlakaf gaan
vragen aan een moeder: “Hoe zit dat met uw scholing?”, of “Volg je de kinderen op?”. Maar dat
heeft ook te maken met ... er wordt vanuit de Imams ook gesproken met een aantal mensen... dat
hoeft dan niet in de moskee te zijn of wat dan ook, maar gewoon de Imam als figuur die spreekt over
396
López, G. R., Scribner, J. D. & Mahitivanichcha, K. (2001), ‘Redefining Parental Involvement : Lessons from
High-Performing Migrant-Impacted Schools’, in: American Educational Research Journal, 38(2), 253-288.
397
The “Boekenkaravaan” is a voluntary organization in Antwerp, whereby volunteers go to autochthonous and
migrant families’ homes to read out loud. Target group are families with no read aloud tradition.
398
“Luxemburg” is a theatre organization, that brings theatre into the homes of families.
224
dingen als: “Wat doe je met kinderen thuis; wat doe je met vrije tijd; wat doe je met de
rollenpatronen jongen – meisje; verwachtingen van een meisje t.o.v. het verwachtingspatroon van
een jongen,...”. Daar kun je voor een stuk mee in discussie gaan, maar ook gewoon weet hebben van
hoe hij erover denkt. (Principal private school)
On the other hand, the schools we visited felt supported by their partnership with the De
Schoolbrug. De Schoolbrug of the north of Antwerp was one of the three selected community
initiatives in our fieldwork (largely described in section V.1.4.). Literally translated as the school
bridge, De Schoolbrug is an organization that assists parents and schools in building a bridge
towards each other. Departing from the philosophy of collaboration between schools, parents and
pupils enhance educational success and overall development, De Schoolbrug implements a variety
of projects in the participating schools. In the two schools we have presented, De Schoolbrug
implemented two projects that enhanced parental involvement, namely a mother group (private
school) and an info-class (municipal school). The aim was to reduce barriers between parents and
schools through the invitation of and the information briefings of parents in school; the
organization of projects that enhance parents’ familiarity with the school; and to sensibilize and
support school staff in the creation of a participative school climate.
The EEO-teacher of the private school mentioned that she felt that De Schoolbrug provided
much support to her. Parental participation was one of the priorities in the private school’s EEO-
plan, but the EEO-teacher confessed that parental participation was a great challenge, where
school staff needed additional support. She expressed the fact that the school’s staff often felt
insecure in dealing with low socio-economic or ethnic minority families because of differences in
the frame of reference. The social workers from De Schoolbrug developed an expertise in dealing
with issues on parental involvement, and particularly with reference to the educational
involvement of ethnic minority parents. The fact that a portion of the school community workers
has migrant backgrounds themselves, the initiatives of De Schoolbrug are even more accessible
and it enhances the understanding of the barriers ethnic minorities’ face concerning school.
We can conclude that the concept of a broad school is especially valuable in the case of
migrant populated schools. Through networks and collaboration with community organizations,
schools can fall back on expertise regarding the backgrounds and interests of migrant and families
with a low socio-economic status. The claims on today’s schools to effectively manage the
growing diversity of the pupil population are continuously increasing and networks with
community organizations can result to a relief for the migrant populated schools. Conversely, a
community-wide network of social, psychological, physical and educational services creates the
opportunity to meet migrant families’ needs in a holistic way.
225
V.4. Conclusions and recommendations
Our research in Flanders focused on the educational participation of ethnic minority parents in
two schools. First of all, we have to stress that no generalizations can be made. ‘The educational
participation of ethnic minorities’ as a homogeneous group does not exist. Within the group of
ethnic minorities, differentiation has to be made on the basis of the nationalities of the parents; the
parents’ educational attainment; the degree of similarity between the educational system in the
host country and the homeland; the involvement in the host society; and, so forth. Furthermore,
educational involvement is a personal feeling resulting from a complex interplay that is unique for
each parent. Involvement practices and the feelings of the parents in our sample do not count for
the total ethnic population. In this regard, we also have to bear in mind the selectivity of our
sample. Due to time constraints, we included more empowered parents. Nevertheless, some
interesting conclusions and (policy) recommendations could be formulated. Recommendations are
put forth on a national, local and school level.
V.4.1. Conclusions
V.4.1.1. Towards a Redefinition of Parental Involvement
First of all, we can conclude that the traditional concept of parental involvement no longer
matches the increasing diversity of the pupil population. The traditional concept of parental
involvement- based upon the middle income white parent- expects parents to spontaneously come
to school; to contact teachers; to create a school-supportive environment at home; to help with
homework; to participate in school events and activities, and take up an active role in formal
participation structures such as school councils or parent committees. This is a monocultural
interpretation of parental involvement that does not necessarily match the educational attitudes
and practices of families who have different cultural or socio-economic backgrounds. Schools’
expectations of parental involvement can be biased with the cultural habits of intellectual and
economical elites399.
The majority of ethnic minority and low socio-economic status parents experience a
significant gap between their homes and the school, and they often lack the self-confidence to take
up educational roles. Thus, it is clear that they do not fit in the traditional concept of parental
involvement and that it is unrealistic to expect them to do so. This demonstrates that the
399
Onderwijsrecht en Onderwijsbeleid, 2005-2006 (1-2), pp. 97-113.
226
assimilation model, that attempts to fit parents into the mainstream idea of parental involvement,
does not work and it presumably increases frustrations as well for teachers as for the parents. As
research by López et al. (2001) demonstrates, school staff can no longer take parents’ educational
involvement for granted and require for parents to spontaneously contact schools. It is good to get
parents into the school site, but it is also advisable for school personnel to invest significant
efforts to reduce the gap between families and schools by trying to bring the school to migrant
families. Therefore, the new concept of parental involvement pays considerable attention towards
school staff’s involvement in the home and it necessarily includes the importance of school
personnel’s home visits400. This commitment clearly surpasses teachers’ narrow job descriptions.
Instead of expecting parents to assimilate to the traditional concept of parental involvement, it
seems more relevant for schools to put their traditional practices into question and to adapt their
efforts to the needs of low socio-economic ethnic minority families. Also, in the broad educational
context, this strict assimilation model managed to fail.
Nicaise (2001) attributes the enduring unequal educational position of low and high socio-
economic status children to the fact that efforts were always concentrated on the incorporation of
children belonging to low social class into the mainstream educational system by the provision of
extra means. So, these children were approached as being characterized by deficiencies, instead of
valuing their opportunities and capacities and critically considering the selectivity of the
educational system401.
V.4.1.2. Selectivity of the Educational Context
The second conclusion complements the first, in the sense that it puts a higher claim on schools’
flexibility to meet all families’ needs. At this point, we want to discuss the selectivity of the
educational system. As Bourdieu’s concept of cultural capital (1977) demonstrates, the school
context is not class neutral, but unilaterally focuses on the culture of the dominant status group, or
middle to high social status groups402. Because the school environment corresponds to a greater
degree with the cultural experiences of middle to high-income families, these children begin
school with a considerable head start, while ethnic minorities commonly start with educational
lag. As a consequence, the cultural experiences of middle to high-social status groups are
400
López, R., Scriber, J., and Mahitivanichcha, K. (2001), ‘Redefining Parental Involvement: Lessons from High-
401
Nicaise, I. (2001), ‘Onderwijs en Armoedebestrijding: op zoek naar een nieuwe adem’, in: Vranken, J e.a. (Eds.),
Armoede en sociale uitsluiting. Jaarboek 2001.
402
227
transformed into cultural capital, of which low socio-economic and ethnic minority families
remain deprived. Therefore, ethnic minority and poor parents are unfamiliar with and deprived
from the cultural capital necessary to produce school success for their children.
In order to involve ethnic minority and low socio-economic status parents, schools need to
critically examine and reorient their communication practices and evaluate them against the light
of accessibility for minority parents. Within the school context, educational goals and
methodologies, the teachers’ expectations and our (Western) educational values can no longer be
taken for granted, they need to be communicated and explained by school staff. The traditional
communication medium par excellence, the school diary, can no longer be seen as the most
optimal way to communicate with parents, since the majority of ethnic minority children speak a
language other than Dutch at home.
Also, the homework policy of a school can be discriminatory towards ethnic minority
families. The complexity and frequentness of homework can be so high that parents’ support to
complete the tasks may be indispensable. Parents may have difficulties supporting their children
in these tasks. Since ethnic minority parents often lack the competences and resources to provide
adequate support, the homework policy can reduce the opportunities of ethnic minority children.
Schools can be unaware of these–often-subtle– forms of exclusion.
But resistance towards change can be the basis of the schools’ attachment to traditional
educational practices and communication strategies. Since homework policy can be perceived as a
school’s façade that reflects the educational level of the school, the school staff may be unwilling
to make homework more accessible for ethnic minority and low socio-economic status families
out of fear of losing stable families. So schools actually find themselves in an area of tension
between complying with the needs of the less empowered families and taking the risk of loosing
solid families; or keep focusing on the strong families and systematically excluding more
deprived families. This conclusion demonstrates the process of segregation between ‘elite’ and
‘concentration’ schools, and this will be discussed in the next paragraph.
V.4.1.3. From Desegregation to Investment in the Quality of Concentration Schools
The EEO policy aims– in the long term- at the desegregation of ‘white’ and ‘black’ schools.
Regardless of the fact that the EEO policy already generated some positive changes in the
improved association between autochthonous and ethnic minority pupils, ‘concentration’ or
228
migrant populated schools remain a reality in the near future. The stereotypes surrounding
‘concentration’ schools reinforce this segregation process. Moreover, interviews with ethnic
minority parents in our research demonstrated that stereotypes- like a low educational level and
reduced teacher quality of migrant populated schools – were internalised by the parents
themselves. The EEO teachers also indicated that the schools were perceived rather negatively in
the surrounding neighbourhood, simply and solely because of the high amount of ethnic minority
pupils. Irrespective of the lower educational level in low socio-economic and or migrant
populated schools, the segregation between ‘elite’ and ‘concentration’ schools is aggravated by
the perceptions that the presence of ethnic minorities leads to a lower educational level. These
negative, biased perceptions reinforce the so called ‘black flight’, or the tendency that the most
promising and successful ethnic minority families move to more prosperous neighbourhoods and
enrol their children in a ‘white’ school. So autochthonous and ethnic minority families are
indoctrinated with the belief that their children are better off in schools with a minimum level of
ethnic minorities. These perceptions contribute to the formation of ‘elite’ schools and the creation
of low socio-economic status schools.
Since the goals of the EEO decree are set for the long term, the most pragmatic short-term
solution for the existence of ‘concentration’ schools constitutes the investment in the quality of
concentration schools403 through the provision of financial means, and also through expertise that
enhances the pedagogical project of schools. Initiatives that deal with the negative stereotypes of
‘concentration’ schools and increase in educational quality can be supported on the school, local,
as well as federal level (see V.4.2., recommendations).
V.4.1.4. Parents’ Call for Support and Information
A school’s openness and willingness to get acquainted with the backgrounds of migrant and
migrant-origin pupils, is one of the central keys to increase parental involvement 404. The parents
we interviewed attached great importance to a school’s openness and accessibility. The gap
between ethnic minority or low socio-economic status families and the school is high405. With its
Western educational goals and strategies, the school environment constitutes a foreign place, a
place where ethnic minority parents do not feel at home. As a consequence, these parents may
remain on the sidelines.
403
Stichting Gerrit Kreveld. Rondetafelgesprek ‘Concentratiescholen: versterking gericht op kwalitatief hoogstaand
onderwijs’, in het kader van het project ‘Onderwijs in de immigratiesamenleving’. 23/11/2005.
404
405
Chrispeels, J. (1996), ‘Effective Schools and Home-School-Community Partnerships Roles: A Framework for
Parent Involvement’, in: School Effectiveness and School Improvement, 7(4), 297-323.
229
Previous research406 supports our contention that a school’s openness and willingness to involve
parents can reduce the gap between parents and schools. Today, high expectations are imposed on
the school staff’s persistence in contacting parents, inviting them at school, engaging in home
visits and informing parents on educational goals and the role that parents can play in the
attainment of these goals. Research demonstrates that, despite the fact that efforts to contact
parents are time consuming, and in the short-run unsatisfactory, the most important way to
increase parental involvement is through more proactive communication and openness by the
school407.
Dom and Verhoeven (2006) conclude that a constructive partnership between low socio-
economic status parents and schools is contingent upon the schools’ efforts to meet the needs of
these families. Also, López et al. (2001) indicate that the differential characteristic that
distinguishes successful migrant populated schools from less successful ‘concentration’ schools is
the school staff’s commitment “to meet the multiple needs of migrant parents on a daily and
ongoing basis”408. Parents’ degree of educational involvement is, after all, directly related to a
school’s information and involvement initiatives and with the school staff’s commitment to assist
parents in helping children with their homework. Furthermore, these practices seem to be more
important in predicting parents’ educational involvement than parents’ educational level, marital
status, children’s school grades and family composition409.
In this regard, the invitation of parents in the schoolyard of the private school demonstrated to
be a good practice example of school openness. The admission of parents in the school yard
increased parents’ trust in the school; provided extra opportunities for contacts between parents
and teachers; made parents more comfortable with the educational context; and most importantly,
it made parents feel welcomed at school. The interviews demonstrated that a school’s openness
contributes to the satisfaction of the school. Previous research demonstrated that satisfaction with
the school produces higher educational involvement410.
406
performing Migrant-Impacted Schools, in: American Educational Research Journal, 38(2), 253-288; Dom, L. &
Verhoeven, J. C. (2006), ‘Kansarme ouders en de school. Een wereld van verschil?’, in: Tijdschrift voor
Onderwijsrecht en Onderwijsbeleid, 2005-2006 (1-2), pp. 97-113; Verhoeven, J. C., Devos, G., Stassen, K. and
Warmoes, V. (2003), ‘Ouders over scholen’. Antwerpen/ Apeldoorn: Garant.
407
Feuerstein (2001), ‘School characteristics and parent involvement: Influences on participation in children’s
schools’, in: Journal of Educational Research, 94(1), 29-40.
408
409
410
Garant.
230
Another facilitating factor for educational involvement – related with a school’s openness -
proved to be information. The Western educational context can no longer be taken for granted. A
precondition for the realization of parental involvement is a minimum degree of familiarity with
the school context and the educational system. Interviews with parents and with people who have
the experience and authority about parental participation, so called privileged witnesses in our
research, demonstrated that parents with an ethnic background are not informed enough about the
educational system. In particular, the interviews with the first generation parents, who recently
migrated to Belgium, revealed that their knowledge on the educational system and the educational
landscape in Flanders was incomplete. Ethnic minority parents seem to lack the information to
make well-considered choices about schools and related issues. A lot of children are automatically
enrolled in the school in their neighbourhood, or in the school recommended by family or
neighbours. Because parents are without adequate information, children often let their classmates
guide their decisions in what to study, without consideration to their own capacities. This can be
overcome by provisioning extra information sessions on the educational system, school choice
and related issues.
Along with lack of information, parents felt frustrated about their incompetence in the support
and stimulation of their children’s educational careers. Due to their own limited educational
experiences, language problems, and the unfamiliarity with the educational goals and
methodologies in Flanders, parents called for additional support in order to provide their children
with more adequate guidance. The parents of our sample expressed the concern that their children
needed extra support, because their children suffer from language deficiencies and educational
lag. Parents’ own limited language mastery handicapped an adequate guidance and support of
their children.
V.4.1.5. School Staff’s Call for Support Regarding Parental Participation
The need for assistance and expertise in dealing with low socio-economic and ethnic minority
parents was mentioned during the interviews with teachers. It is a painful reality that a large
amount of teachers in migrant populated schools suffer from burnout symptoms. They are left
with unanswered questions regarding pedagogic and didactic methodologies, and they feel
exhausted from doing all they can to encourage the involvement of ethnic minority parents411. The
teachers we interviewed felt disappointed about the low attendance rate of ethnic minority parents
411
231
on school initiated involvement practices, like info-classes. Teachers are generally unaware of
their ethnocentric attitudes, which cause them to have identical expectations from ethnic minority
parents as they have from middle-income, white parents. Because the former parents frequently
fail to match this image, teachers tend to lower their expectations. So, parents’ relative
invisibleness can be reinforced by the way teachers interact with them: this phenomenon is called
a self-fulfilling prophecy.
Teachers generally belong to middle socio-economic status groups412, having a different frame of
reference than low socio-economic status or ethnic minority families. The EEO-teachers reported
their awareness of these conflicting frames of reference, but felt incompetent to effectively deal
with it. They admitted to having inadequate knowledge on pupils’ backgrounds and their home
situations. Few teachers have been offered courses on working with parents, especially with
parents who have different ethnic backgrounds413. Interviews during our fieldwork demonstrated
that there is a considerable demand for formations, specifically those that deal with parental
participation, that provide insight into how to deal with families that stem from a different cultural
or socio-economic background.
V.4.1.6. Father’s Educational Participation
Because of the gender focus of our research, we equally focused on the educational participation
of fathers. If we excluded fathers from research on educational involvement, we would risk
enlarging the existing gap between the sexes in the educational domain. We also intended to fill in
the void of research on fathers’ educational participation.
Research findings demonstrated that fathers’ educational participation is not easily realized. This
can be attributed partly to the fact that men are primarily occupied with wage work. Subsequently,
men have little time left to be present in school activities. However, more subtle exclusion
mechanisms also lead to the under-representation of men in the school context: instead of
promoting fathers’ educational involvement, men’s absence in schools is reinforced. A large body
of initiatives regarding parental involvement is unilaterally directed towards mothers. The gender
specific roles, which dedicate educational roles to mothers, are therefore reproduced on a school-
412
‘KONING BOUDEWIJNSTICHTING (2005). ‘Samen school maken. Allochtone ouders op school.’ Studiedag
voor de verspreiding van de deskundigheid opgedaan op het terrein. 18 mei 2005.
413
232
level and these perceived roles turn schools into the woman’s domain, where fathers do not feel
welcome.
V.4.1.7. Importance of ‘Home-School-Community’ Partnerships
In our research, we used the theory of overlapping spheres of influence (Epstein, 1987)- that
stressed the importance of three contexts of influence on a child’s learning and development: the
school, the home and the local community. The model states that the greater the overlap between
the three spheres, the more prosperous a child’s learning and development will be.
With regards to research on ethnic minorities, the role of the community cannot be ignored.
Migrant populated schools that search intensively for pedagogic methodologies and strategies to
deal with a multicultural pupil population, have to realize that a part of the solution lays in the rich
traditions and cultures of the migrant communities themselves. Schools can benefit from
investigations of pupils’ backgrounds and from the willingness to adapt traditional learning
methods and styles to the growing diversity of the pupil population. Furthermore, in economically
distressed neighbourhoods, strong school-like communities can compensate for the lack of family
involvement, and can provide important guidance and encouragement to these students414.
In this regard, we introduced the concept of a ‘broad school’, or a school that develops “a network
of accessible services for children, youngsters, families and the local community, with the school
as being the central partner in the network”415. The EEO-teachers of the two selected schools
stressed the importance of the investment of effort in a community-wide network. In order to get
insight into pupils’ social, cultural and economic background and to meet migrant families’ needs
in a more holistic way, the schools maintained partnerships with community based organizations
such as the Urban Integration Service, the IQRA project416, De Schoolbrug, IMAMS, and so on.
This immersion of the school in the local community strengthens the school in the sense that the
school is not doing it alone.
V.4.2. Recommendations
V.4.2.1. Flemish community
414
Epstein, J. L. (1995), ‘School/family/community partnerships’, in: Phi Delta Kappan, 76(9), 701-713.
415
‘Brede school’. Expertisecentrum Brede School Vlaanderen. www.bredeschool.be. Geconsulteerd op 28/03/2006.
416
The IQRA project is described in section V.1.4.
233
Since teachers lack the adequate training to deal with ethnic minorities and or people with
a low socio-economic status, it is necessary to dedicate considerable attention to educating
teachers about the issue of ethnic diversity. The Flemish government works on a
reformation of the teacher formation417. The preliminary design of the reformation stresses
the importance of teachers’ competencies to deal with students from different cultural and
socio-economic backgrounds as well as the teachers’ ability to cope with diverging
educational contexts. It seems crucial that the definite decree adopts this recommendation
and that the teachers’ formation obtains a more multicultural image. More specifically,
our research demonstrates that the teachers’ formation needs to include training on the
educational participation of ethnic minority parents. The teachers we interviewed
indicated that they had never learned to interact with ethnic minority parents and that they
needed training on the subject. They also pointed at the fact that the current teacher
formation does not provide skills to deal with families with different ethnic and or socio-
economic backgrounds. Therefore, the new teacher formation necessarily allows new
teachers to gain practical experience in the field.
In this regard, the Antwerp Provincial Integration Centre418 works together with high
schools to increase students’ practical experience. Students have to complete a practicum
that brings them into the houses of low socio-economic and or ethnic minority families.
During the stage, students need to remedy certain learning problems of children by
reading out loud or by providing children some assistance with their homework. Intensive
coaching and assistance of high schools’ school staff and social workers of the Antwerp
Provincial Integration Centre accompany the stage.
Along with teacher formations, other trainings or workshops that provide know-how on
the cooperation with ethnic minority and low socio-economic status parents need to be
developed. Until now, the schools rely almost exclusively on the expertise of the school
community work. The EEO-teachers stressed the fact that there is a shortage in training on
dealing with minority groups.
In line with the preceding recommendation, migrant populated schools need additional
support for parental participation. This strategy can contribute to the de-stereotyping of
417
De Vlaamse Regering. Voorontwerp van decreet betreffende de lerarenopleiding in Vlaanderen.
http://www.ond.vlaanderen.be/hogeronderwijs/leraar/Voorontwerp_decreet_lerarenopleiding.pdf, geraadpleegd op
28/03/2006
418
PRICMA: Provinciaal Integratie Centrum Antwerpen
234
‘concentration’ schools. Through additional support– for instance, financial means and
expertise– migrant populated schools can increase educational quality. The ‘colouring’ of
a school may scare people, but the high quality of the pedagogic project may ultimately
convince them to positively evaluate a school’s diversity.
In his policy report419, the Flemish Minister of Education stressed the importance of
parental participation without reserving financial means for it. This lack of budget results
in the lack of teachers being hired in schools and the overload of students that each teacher
has to deal with. Migrant populated schools suffer from a relatively high degree of teacher
burnout. They need additional manpower to strengthen the school team. After all, a
school’s quality is directly related with a school teams’ enthusiasm and vitality420. Extra
personnel can therefore increase the pedagogical comfort. In addition to financial means
and personnel, migrant populated schools are in need of expertise regarding parental
participation. The Participation Decree (2004) promised the creation of an Umbrella
Expertise Centre on participation for the three educational networks421. Whereas such an
expertise centre corresponds to a manifest need, to date, the network crossing expertise
centre remains non-existent.
Initiatives on parental involvement are usually short-term and small-scale projects.

Therefore, a large body of relevant experiences disappear along with the projects. To
attain large-scale results and long-lasting effects, initiatives need to move from a project-
based approach to a structural approach, supported by the Flemish government. We can
illustrate this recommendation by the EEO-decree. With the EEO-decree, the temporary
character of the Educational Priority Policy (1991) and the Policy on Extension of Care
(1994) was replaced by a structural approach, which allows schools to generate a body of
expertise.
In the United States, federal programs led to the recognition of the importance of parental
participation and stimulated schools to put parental involvement as a priority on their
agendas422. Policy makers through the launch of Head Start already acknowledged the
importance of parental involvement in low socio-economic families in 1964. Head Start
legally recognized the involvement of low socio-economic status parents by provisioning
419
420
421
Subsidized Public Schools, Subsidized Private Schools and Community education
235
intensive pre-school and early elementary education programs. Head Start was followed
by programs like Follow Through and Title I programs.
V.4.2.2. Local level: Antwerp
The support for migrant populated schools is ideally coordinated on a local level. Whereas
the EEO policy is centrally driven, the desegregation policy needs to be adapted to the
local situation423. It is likewise important that schools are supported in the development of
networks through which experiences and practices can be exchanged. In this respect,
schools can form partnerships and exchange teachers or compare school regulations.
Schools can also develop a kind of tutorship, that links poorly performing migrant
populated schools with high performing migrant populated schools.
The local policy can stimulate ‘School-Community’ partnerships- or the development of

broad schools- through the provision of subsidies for projects that enhance the cooperation
between schools and the local community. For example, financial assistance can be
provided to an ethnic minority organization that conducts a project on parental
involvement in certain schools. Furthermore, if a school organizes an event in which the
local community is involved, it can receive financial means for it.
Extra support and stimulation for projects focusing on the empowerment of ethnic
minority parents is necessary: especially those projects that were initiated by ethnic
minority communities. We can illustrate this recommendation with the Moroccan
Federation’s successful IQRA-project. We can consider this program as the best practice
example and recommend it to the local policy to promote similar projects in other
communities. It is important to stress that the IQRA project is an integrated project,
focusing on the three spheres of influence; namely, the school, the home situation, and
spare time. In the future, the concerning holistic character of the program can be a
criterion to evaluate parental participation projects.
In order to increase ethnic minorities’ formal participation in education, it is advantageous

to organize school councils on the level of an individual school, instead of on the level of
422
423
236
a school community that clusters various schools. Educational involvement of ethnic
minorities on a level that exceeds support for their own child (i.e. the school level) is not
easily realized. It is thus unrealistic to expect ethnic minorities’ involvement on a level
that extends various schools and children of other schools.
A positive signal was the recent attention for parents’ support in socializing their
children424 by the Alderman of Education and Youth in Antwerp. The aim of parents’
support in socializing their children is not to impose normative rules on parents regarding
their children’s education, but to make education debatable and to provide parents with
services that can offer them advice. The city of Antwerp provides a central window, a
website, a telephone number and a television program on the local channel to provide
parents with advice and information425. Also a privileged witness in our research pointed
at the usefulness of supporting parents with socializing their children. When parents are
left to fend for themselves, diverging educational patterns are integrally adopted. The
adopted educational patterns possibly conflict with parents’ role expectancies in another
culture. It is not tantamount to say that minority cultures have to adapt to mainstream
culture, but ethnic minority parents need to be provided by information on the functioning
of the educational system, and they need to be acquainted with skills to support their
children in their success in society’s key institutions such as the educational system, the
labour market and the political system426.
V.4.2.3. School level
It is necessary that schools undertake efforts to install a participative school climate.

Parental participation can be stimulated on a Flemish and local level, but these efforts
remain absent if the school staff does not cooperate. Parental participation of ethnic
minorities is not realized easily, but is necessary to enhance children’s learning and
development. If the school staff really wants to involve ethnic minority parents, we
suggest for a critical evaluation of the suitableness of the traditional concept of
parental involvement and its related expectancies. Instead of expecting parents to
come spontaneously to schools, it is more realistic to bring school to ethnic minorities’
homes. Many teachers feel resistance towards the investment in ethnic minority
parents’ involvement because of the point of view that children- and not parents-
424
opvoedingsondersteuning
425
De Standaard. Maandag 6 maart 2006. pp.6-7.
426
Younes El Yousfi, PRICMA.
237
constitute a school’s target population. By involving parents, some teachers reported
to be more occupied with parents than with children. Nevertheless, the EEO-teachers
stressed the importance of the keeping in contact with parents.
The preceding recommendation placed high claims on the school staff’s commitment
to parental participation. Therefore, it is necessary to rethink teachers’ traditional job
descriptions. As demonstrated in our report, teachers in migrant populated schools
have to be more socially engaged, more culturally sensitive, use more creative
methods to reach parents, and avoid getting stuck in old traditions. These important
teacher characteristics can serve as selection criteria in a school’s selection of future
teachers. Teachers would feel more motivated if these characteristics were rewarded
by the local and Flemish government, as well as by school boards. Because the
investment in parental involvement appears to be demanding and time-consuming, it
may be worth thinking about the reduction of the regular teaching package to enable
teachers to use the available time to get acquainted with issues to do with ethnic
minorities’, to build networks with local community organizations, and to engage in
home visits.
It is necessary that parental involvement programs start in kindergarten. During the

first three years of primary education, parents can get acquainted with the educational
system, learning methods, and development goals of schools. The creation of a
connection between the school and parents in early education facilitates parental
participation during primary and secondary school. Moreover, longitudinal research in
the United States demonstrated positive effects of pre-school programs on children’s
future school success.
On the basis of our research, we can suggest for the schools to consider the formal
involvement of ethnic minorities. According to mainstream discourses, ethnic
minority parents are not interested in formal participation, such as parent committees
and school councils. Our research demonstrated that some parents needed a structure
where they could voice concerns and exert an impact on school decisions and
practices. Ethnic minorities’ absence in formal participation structures can likewise be
attributed to the inaccessibility of formal participation structures and the way these
structures are organized. The way in which parent committees or school boards are
organized, is generally inaccessible for parents who are not familiar with the Western
tradition of organizing meetings. Without encouragement, these parents often lack the
238
self-confidence to participate. Since parent committees or school councils are often
composed of the most eloquent parents, who generally defend the principal’s points of
view; ethnic minority parents feel as if they stand alone in these structures. It seems
logical that parents’ participation in formal structures is contingent upon their
empowerment and encouragement to participate, and upon the accessibility of these
structures.
Our research demonstrated that fathers’ educational participation deserves special

attention. Most parental involvement initiatives are unilaterally directed towards
women as gender based stereotypes appear to be reproduced. Schools are often
perceived as an exclusive women’s domain, where fathers do not feel welcomed.
School staff can engage in efforts to turn these biased perceptions. To involve fathers,
well-considered efforts in line with the communities’ acceptable outlooks and men’s
interests are requested. In this regard, the fieldwork demonstrated that simply mixing
up groups does not increase fathers’ educational involvement because of the tradition
of separation between men and women.
The next idea is unique for Catholic basic education. Because of the religious
authority’s preference for integrated religious education427, ethnic minority teachers
are scarce in Catholic education428. Since every teacher has to provide Catholic
education, they all need to dispose of a proof being baptised. As a consequence, non-
religious people and people with another religion remain excluded from an
appointment in Catholic basic education. This policy hinders the presence of ethnic
minority teachers in basic education. Particularly for migrant populated schools, ethnic
minority teachers proved to be important. They can function as a role model for the
children, and take up bridging functions between the school and parents. Some schools
already found creative solutions to by-pass the concerning regulation. Although the
umbrella organization of Catholic education429 invests efforts to create the possibility
that religious courses are provided by a specific teacher (as is the case in municipal
and community education), the organizing authority430 of every school has to critically
427
Every teacher is responsible for a class’ religious instruction, which means that every teacher has to provide
Catholic religion. According to this line of policy, religion can not be isolated from other courses. This means that
every appointment or nomination as class functionary needs to be accompanied by a mandate for Catholic education.
This is different for public or community education, where Catholic education is usually provided by a specific
teacher.
428
De Standaard. Vrijdag 28 april 2006, p. 7. ‘Meer allochtonen voor de klas’.
429
Vlaams Secretariaat van het Katholiek Onderwijs. De Standaard. Maandag 13 maart 2006. ‘Katholiek onderwijs wil
meer allochtonen voor de klas’, pp.2.
430
Inrichtende macht
239
evaluate the discriminatory character of integrated religious education for ethnic
minority teachers.
The creation of a more positive image of migrant populated schools is crucial in

shaking off the stereotypes surrounding concentration schools. Along with the Flemish
and the local policy, schools can also attempt to influence the perception that migrant
populated schools are characterized by a lower quality of education. Therefore, it is
necessary for schools to actively work to create a more positive image to parents and
to the surrounding neighbourhood. As our research demonstrated, parents’ perceptions
and their satisfaction with a school depends on a school’s openness and the degree of
information provided by the school. If schools undertake extra efforts to inform
parents on the educational system, on school activities, on a child’s progress, and on
how to support children’s educational progresses, then parents would gain a more
realistic image of a school’s commitment to their children’s’ school success. This
would generate the parents’ trust. To inform the parents is a democratic solution that
can close the gap between schools and families. Additionally, openness towards
parents makes them feel welcome in school and turns the school context into a more
familiar environment. This can be realized through the invitation of parents on school
activities such as open class days, or accessible information sessions, as well, through
guiding parents in taking up school supporting roles.
To generate a more positive image in the neighbourhood, teachers can pay extra
attention to discipline at the school gate, before and after school time. The school staff
can also regulate traffic when children are leaving the school. Furthermore, schools
can organize projects that involve the surrounding neighbourhood in school activities,
or invite the surrounding neighbourhood on school events such as theatre plays,
expositions or intercultural information days.
240
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252
ANNEXES
Annexes Fieldcase 1 : Visé
253
ANNEX 1: INTERVIEW LIST - VISE-CHERATTE
N° Date Nom Fonction(s) Lieu

1 19/04/05 Pierre Verjans Politologue Université de Liège Liège
2 28/04/05 Bernadette Kinet Assistante sociale - CPAS Visé - Coordinatrice du PIC CB
3 29/04/05 Martine Bourdoux Responsable CPAS Visé Visé
4 29/04/05 Ernür Colak Elu communal PS Visé
5 10/05/05 Ertürgül Onerbay Secrétaire Asbl « Association culturelle turque de Cheratte » CB
6 10/05/05 Düzgün Ozcan Président Asbl « Association culturelle turque de Cheratte » CB
7 19/05/05 Dominique Niwa Ville de Visé - Service de prévention Visé
8 19/05/05 Catherine Mavroudis Cheratte Quartier de Vie CB
9 19/05/05 Danny Germain Président Cheratte Quartier de vie - Elu communal MR CB
10 01/06/05 Altay Manço IRFAM - Chercheur Liège
11 08/06/05 Jean-Pierre Lensen Conservateur - Musée de Visé Visé
12 08/06/05 Eliane Delsupexhe Educatrice - Ville de Visé - Service prévention Visé
13 08/06/05 Mustapha Jemali Educateur - Ville de Visé - Service prévention Visé
14 08/06/05 Jean-Jacques Sini Educateur - Ville de Visé - Service prévention Visé
15 15/06/05 A. Turkish-origin resident (woman) CB
16 15/06/05 B. Turkish-origin resident (woman) CB
17 15/06/05 Viviane Couchard -Dessart Echevine « Commerce, Tourisme et Vie sociale », MR Visé
18 26/06/05 Jacques Chevalier Cheratte Quartier de Vie - Conseiller CPAS, PS CB
19 28/06/05 Ismael Koç Asbl Association culturelle de Cheratte -Mosquée Aya Sofya CB
20 28/06/05 C. Belgian resident (man) CB
21 28/06/05 D. Turkish-origin resident (man) CB
22 05/07/05 Francis Theunissen Elu communal, PC Visé
23 05/07/05 Fabrice Mairlot Elu communal, MR Liège
24 NA Alphonse Vandenput St Vincent de Paul CB
25 06/07/05 Marcel Neven Bourgmestre, Echevin enseignement MR Visé
26 11/07/05 Pierrette Cahay-André Echevine « Qualité et propreté de l’espace public », MR Visé
27 14/07/05 E. Moroccan-origin resident (man) CH
28 NA Christophe Parthoens IRFAM et AMO Visé Visé
29 14/07/05 Pasteur Davi Pasteur Temple Protestant Cheratte CH
30 14/07/05 Jean-Marie Kreusch Centre de Santé mentale - PIC Visé
31 18/07/05 Jean-François Verjans Conseiller CPAS, Ecolo Visé
32 18/07/05 Michel Hofman Conseiller CPAS, PS CH
33 15/09/05 Michel Born Psychologue, Université de Liège Liège
34 16/11/05 Ahmet Karabayir Conseiller CPAS, MR - PIC CB
CH: Cheratte-Hauteurs - CB: Cheratte-Bas
254
ANNEX 2: FACE TO FACE INTERVIEW - GUIDE
1- Trajectoire personnelle
- Rapport à Visé? à Cheratte?

- Rapport à ce travail spécifique?
- Types d’activités et d’objectifs?
- Rapport éventuel à l’immigration (personnel et/ou travail)
2- Les enjeux de la vie locale
- Quels sont les enjeux les plus importants à vos yeux à Visé/Cheratte?
- Et pour votre communauté?
- Peut-on parler de l’éducation et des écoles?

- École des devoirs
- Écoles publiques / privées
- Enseignement en langue étrangère
- Enseignement religieux
- Rôle des parents
- Comment se déroulent les activités religieuses dans la commune?

- Les lieux de cultes
- Et les Mosquées? (Mimar Sinan, Milli Gorus, Marocaine)
- Les fêtes religieuses
- Les cimetières?
3- La vie associative locale
- Comment avez-vous créé votre association?

- historique
- membres
- objectifs
- nom et logo
- rôle dans l’association
- Avec quelles autres associations travaillez-vous?

- Comment se passent vos rapports avec la commune?
- Et avec les autres partenaires (régional, fédéral, université)?
4- La participation politique
-Comment décririez-vous la participation des habitants à la vie locale?

- Et celle des femmes?
- Et celle des personnes d’origine étrangère?
- Vous semblent-elles bien représentées au conseil communal?
- Les personnes d’origine étrangère vont pouvoir voter aux élections communales en mars
2006. Le saviez-vous? est-ce que cela change quelque chose?
5- Cheratte / Visé
255
- Pour vous, qu’est ce que cela représente Cheratte?
- Comment décrire les liens entre Cheratte-Hauteurs et Cheratte-Bas?
- Et les liens entre Cheratte et Visé?
- Que représentent pour vous des initiatives comme

- Couleurs locales?
- nommer une rue Atatürk?
- le PIC
- Plusieurs organismes ont travaillé à Cheratte, notamment l’université de Liège et l’IRFAM?

- Le saviez-vous?
- Si oui, avez-vous perçu des changements? pouvez vous m’en parler?
256
ANNEX 3: FOCUS GROUPS - GUIDE
- Exposé des objectifs de la recherche
Depuis le mois de mars, nous avons commencé une recherche à Visé et à Cheratte et nous
avons interviewé plusieurs personnes de manière individuelle sur la vie de Visé et de Cheratte
et sur les changements qui ont eu lieu depuis la fusion des communes en 1976. Avec le
groupe de discussion collectif, l’objectif est de mieux comprendre la vie de Cheratte et
comment, vous, habitants de Cheratte, vous envisagez le futur de Cheratte.
- Méthode
Nous avons défini quelques thèmes de discussion après avoir fait des entretiens avec une
trentaine de personnes à Visé et à Cheratte, et après avoir lu différents documents, en
particulier des articles de presse. Avec le groupe de discussion collectif, nous espérons mieux
comprendre Cheratte grâce à votre expérience personnelle.
- Technique
Les groupe de discussion collectifs visent à favoriser l’échange collectif au lieu de multiplier
des entretiens individuels, ils favorisent une conversation libre et spontanée, à partir des idées
et des avis personnels sur les thèmes abordées. Il nous permet d’enrichir notre connaissance
pour notre recherche sur la vie locale à Visé et à Cheratte.
THEME 1: les enjeux de la vie locale (25 min)
QUESTION GENERALE:
Selon vous, qu’est ce qui est important aujourd’hui pour Cheratte?
Quelles choses aimeriez-vous voir s’améliorer ou changer à Cheratte?
Quels sont les enjeux importants pour le futur de Cheratte?
Qu’est-ce qui ne devrait pas changer à Cheratte?
QUESTIONS DE PRECISION
Selon vous, est-ce que la commune répond aux demandes de Cheratte?

Est-ce que vous pensez que Cheratte a gagné ou a perdu avec la fusion des
communes ?
Selon vous, est-ce qu’il est important d’avoir des écoles à Cheratte?
Selon vous, est-il important d’avoir des lieux de culte à Cheratte?
THEME 2: la participation à la vie locale (40 min)
QUESTION GENERALE:
L’année prochaine, il y aura des élections communales. Selon vous, est-ce que les élections
communales sont importantes pour Cheratte?
QUESTIONS DE RELANCE
257
En quoi les élections communales sont un moment important de la vie locale?
Est-ce que vous pensez que les habitants de Cheratte vont participer à ces
élections?
Les personnes d’origine européenne peuvent voter aux élections communales

depuis quelques années. Selon vous, est-ce important pour Cheratte?
Aux prochaines élections, les personnes d’origine non européenne, si elles
habitent depuis au moins cinq ans en Belgique, pourront voter aux élections
communales. Selon vous, est-ce important pour Cheratte?
Selon vous, y-a-t-il d’autres moyens de participer à la vie locale que les
élections?
Pensez-vous que les associations ont un rôle important pour la vie de
Cheratte? ce rôle est-il plutôt positif ou plutôt négatif?
Pensez-vous que les lieux de culte ont un rôle important pour la vie de
Cheratte? ce rôle est-il plutôt positif ou plutôt négatif?
THEME 3: l’identité locale (30 min)
QUESTION GENERALE:
Vous sentez-vous Cherattois?
QUESTIONS DE RELANCE
Qu’y a-t-il de spécial à Cheratte?

Cheratte a-t-il changé depuis que vous y habitez?
Y-a-t-il des points communs entre Cheratte-Hauteurs et Cheratte-Bas? et des

différences?
Qu’est-ce que cela représente d’être Cherattois?
Les Cherattois sont-il aussi des Visétois?
(Si et seulement si le thème ne ressort pas:

On entend dire parfois que Cheratte est un ghetto, qu’en pensez-vous?
Un livre écrit sur Cheratte a pour titre « un village musulman en Wallonie ».
Pour vous, que représente ce titre?)
EVALUATION DU GROUPE DE DISCUSSION
- D’après vous, qu’est ce que nous n’avons pas évoqué, mais qui est important
pour notre discussion?
- Avons-nous oublié d’évoquer des thèmes importants?
- Qu’avez-vous pensé de la discussion?
- fiche de renseignement signalétiques à faire remplir
258
ANNEXE 4: RETRANSCRIPTION FOCUS GROUP 1 - 24/10/2005
PARTIE I: Vous êtes Visétois ou Cherattois?
Tous: Cherratois… Cherattois…
C.: moi je dis que je suis Cherattoise
JM: les limites de Cheratte?
S.: On y est né, on est habitué d’être là, je ne voudrais pas partir de Cheratte, quoi
C.: moi non plus je n’aimerais pas partir, mais il y au moins deux choses que je ne suis pas aussi contente qu’il y
a 25 ans d’ici, c’est plus pareil
S.: oui c’est plus pareil
JM: ça a changé?
C.: oui, beaucoup changé, c’est pas pour ça que je quitterai Cheratte, mais bon il y a beaucoup de
changement…c’est au niveau de la population, surtout au niveau de la population, certains qui n’ont aucun
respect… aucun respect…
B.: je crois que ce qu’on a fait, c’est qu’on a fait un genre de ghetto, les italiens sont arrivés, enfin les polonais
sont arrivés avant nous, puis les Italiens, les espagnols, les grecs, et là qu’est-ce qu’on a fait, un gros défaut, on a
mis tout le monde dans le même canton, là il y a rien un faire, les ghettos se forment à force de ne pas disperser
les gens, de ne pas les mélanger, on les laisse ensemble alors à force de mettre les gens ensemble…
H.: ce n’est même pas les mettre ensemble, c’est les parquer
B.: C’est regrettable, c’est ça, ça a été fait avec nous et maintenant avec …
S.: oui, c’est vrai rien n’est en plus comme avant
H.: nous on n’a même plus des rapports comme on avait avant avec les gens, avant je me rappelle quand je suis
arrivé en 1980 à Cheratte, on était copain, maintenant… on ne sort même plus, on ne se voit plus
C.: c’est chacun chez soi
B.: attention, mais c’est un peu partout ça, c’est pas uniquement à Cheratte
H.: oui mais on est au stade où même notre culture fout le camp. Cheratte vous connaissez bien, ici, c’est tous
des gens de Cheratte, il y a en beaucoup qui était là bien avant moi, il y a tout un passé culturel sur Cheratte, tous
les artistes qu’on a eu, tous les armuriers, on a eu, rien de tout ça, le charbonnage, moi j’ai l’impression que tout
fout le camp
C.: c’était la belle époque avec le charbonnage, je ne sais pas
259
H.: quand on commence à te dire à la darse431: « Cheratte c’est à nous, c’est pas chez toi, là je commence à
fatiguer », je rouspète parce qu’on vient me jeter des sacs poubelle dans l’eau… on me dit, « c’est pas toi qui
nettoie de toutes façons, c’est la ville » … alors oui… ou alors, tu attrapes des articles dans les journaux, les
gens se plaignent, mais voilà
B.: oui, quand même, à notre époque Cheratte.. je sais bien qu’on est toujours nostalgique du passé, mais il y a
quand même certaines valeurs qui doivent rester, non?
C.: tu as parlé des ghettos, d’accord, mais toutes les nationalités ils ont fait en sorte à sortir du ghetto, mais
maintenant ils ne sortent pas du ghetto… tu vois, attention, certains sont là depuis plus de 20 ans, en 1974
certains, attention, plus de 30 ans, mais les autres nationalités, il ne leur a pas fallu autant d’années pour sortir du
ghetto
B.: oui, mais c’est à dire que la situation, que la situation n’était pas la même non plus, quand on est venu ici
c’était le plein emploi, on venait ici pour travailler, hein, et alors on a connu aussi l’époque que…
C.: oui c’est vrai
B.: l’époque que les Italiens arrivaient en train gare des Guillemins, le lendemain dans le trou432 et s’ils ne
voulait pas redescendre le surlendemain, on le prenait par le peau du dos, on le remettait sur le train et on lui
disait, écoute tu retournes chez toi
C.: tandis que maintenant..
B.: C’est le passé ça, faut pas oublier hein!
C.: Oui je sais
B.: Tandis que maintenant les ouvertures des frontières font que, je veux pas ici faire le cruel et dire que tout le
monde chez soi et celui qui n’a pas, ben qu’il crève hein, mais enfin, mais il faut dire que l’ambiance aujourd’hui
n’est plus la même
C.: non (d’accord)
M.: le contexte n’est plus le même
B.: et avec ça, évidemment
H.: y avait quand même des autres contacts avant, dans les familles, des liens qui…il y avait plusieurs
nationalités
B.: mais faut dire, quand on arrivait en Belgique, nos parents c’était les Macaroni, hein, faut pas oublier, ils était
pas les bienvenues…
(passages entrecoupés, plusieurs réagissent au terme)
H.: oui d’accord, mais quand même
431
Bord de rivière
432
Mine
260
M.: excusez moi, mais le débat, le débat c’était de faire quoi? la critique d’une partie de Cheratte ou discuter de
Cheratte, parce que là on est parti sur…
JM: non chacun donne son point de vue sur sa perception, l’évolution de Cheratte
E.: dans le temps, on laissait nos portes ouvertes, bon ben,
C.: Maintenant on n’ose plus faire ça…
H.: j’habitais Cheratte et on me disait on me disait, ah la la, on s’amuse bien à Cheratte, quel quartier et
maintenant, c’est ouh ... la cité, voilà (négatif)
S.: Istanbul moi qu’on me dit …
H.: oui c’est ça.
JM: les changements…
B.: les rapports auparavant entre les nationalités, c’est de ça qu’on parle, les italiens, les espagnols, les grecs,
malgré que pas la même nationalité on essayait de communiquer de se parler de faire des choses ensemble tandis
qu’ici il y a une barrière pour le moment, on essaie de se parler, mais ç’est ça, parce que ces gens là, comment
donc, ils ne s’intègrent pas réellement comme nous.
H.: c’était un peu curieux moi au début que je suis arrivé à Cheratte, les italiens font ça comme ça et les
espagnols font ça comme ça, mais que ce soit un italien ou un espagnol, t’aimais bien montrer de ta culture et il
te montrait de sa culture, tandis que maintenant… C’est vraiment vous autres là et nous autres là, on est pas les
mêmes quoi.
B.: oui c’est vrai
C.: c’est dommage
H.: je dis que ce ne sont pas les Belges qui sont racistes ou quoi que ce soit, parce quand on se rappelle les
italiens ou les grecs qu’on a eu, toutes les nationalités et tout ça, on n’a jamais eu de problèmes
C.: attention, on a toujours eu du racisme avec les autres nationalités
M.: je me souviens de mes parents, ils ont été traités comme tous les autres ont été traités, faut pas croire
E.: on a pas eu facile, faut pas croire
C.: on est en train de stigmatiser une population, je crois et c’est vrai qu’avec la communauté musulmane on a
des rapports plus difficiles, dans le fait qu’ils ne s’intègrent pas et que nous nous sentons la minorité dans le
village, voilà, ce qui est arrivé, donc chaque activité qu’on a pu développer, tous les appels ont toujours été vers
cette communauté et très peu, on y arrive peu, les résultats sont vraiment très médiocres, on a très peu de
contacts l’un avec l’autre, j’ai peu d’amies musulmanes, si j’ai des amies, ce sont elles qui ont fait la démarche
de venir vers nous, mais il y a la frontière de la langue et la culture qui est fortement différente et que nous nos
activités, nos amusements ne correspondent peut être pas du tout à leur besoin et ce sont pas, on n’a pas la même
culture.
E.: et Visé?
261
S.: pas forcément facile, je me souviens, quand je suis arrivée, on n’est pas forcément intégré, je veux dire,
maintenant, au début que je suis arrivée je peux dire que j’ai pleuré toutes les larmes de mon corps (rire), ça c’est
sûr, parce que je suis arrivée après une séparation douloureuse, dans un appartement où les murs étaient moisis,
etc. et vous vous demandez, mais dans quoi je suis tombée? les gens vous regardent… et quand vous dites,
j’habite à Cheratte: à Cheratte? (avec de grands yeux) et la première question: Cheratte-Haut ou Cheratte-Bas? si
vous dites Cheratte-Haut c’est le grand sourire, si vous dites Cheratte-Bas, ah bon, c’est pas vrai..
Y.: parfois je préfère dire que j’habite Visé…
S.: oui vous êtes catalogués tout de suite au premier rapport, ou on va vous dire, c’est où on brûle des voitures,
où on casse et on vole, etc. donc, franchement, j’ai essayé de faire attention, mais je dois dire que je n’ai jamais
eu aucun problème ni à Cheratte ni avec mes voisins, qui sont des Turcs, je veux dire proches, je ne peux pas
dire qu’on est amis, mais je peux dire qu’on a un rapport de voisin, on se dit bonjour, si ils sont dehors... où on se
propose des choses, mais c’est vrai que je dois dire que moi j’ai un tempérament où je suis ouverte, bon, je suis
commerçante, aussi, donc je n’ai pas de barrière, donc maintenant c’est sûr que eux ne font pas forcément le pas
de venir vers vous, mais bon… j’ai aussi une histoire, j’ai des grands-parents qui sont d’origine italienne, qui
sont arrivés aussi en Belgique, et je me souviens comment ils ont été reçus, parce qu’ils venaient soit disant
piquer dans l’assiette des Belges, et pourtant ils ont toujours travaillé tous les deux, ils se sont toujours battus,
voilà. Maintenant dire, à 100% que je suis Cherattoise, je ne sais pas, mais je suis fière d’habiter à Cheratte, c’est
sûr, mais pas dire comme des gens qui y ont vécu toute une vie, qui ont connu les charbonnages, et le reste
JM: Cheratte-Bas et Haut?
E.: oui il y a un différence, oui pour l’extérieur
C.: carrément.
B.: oui pour nous aussi, si je dis je suis Cherattois, je dis je suis Cherattois de Bas, Cheratte-Haut et bas, c’est un
autre village
H.: c’est Casablanca et Istanbul!

(rires collectifs)
E.: c’est vrai parce qu’il y a des Marocains là haut et des Turcs en Bas!
H.: je dis je suis de Cheratte-Bas et haut, c’est presque un autre village
M.: oui il faut dire que ce sont presque deux villages différents
Y.: mais je pense que quand on est ouvert aux gens, alors les gens sont ouverts à vous, quand on essaie de faire
des liens, moi c’est pareil, on me parle un truc ou n’importe qui, de Cheratte-Bas ou haut, je réponds, c’est
comme cela qu’on s’entend le mieux avec les gens
S.: c’est vrai, si on est réticent, alors c’est difficile
C. : moi j’en fréquente là plus haut et bien ils sont très gentils, c’est partout, j’ai travaillé dans des centres
culturels, où il y avait de l’alphabétisation et de toutes les nationalités, mais c’est vrai que les nationalités
marocaines et disons, plutôt arabes, il y a de grosses différences
C.: il y a de grosses différences, c’est vrai même entre eux
262
H.: mais moi je suis déçu parce que pour moi ce sont les parents. Je vois bien, mes voisins, on ne se parlait pas,
et tout, il y a peut être deux ans, parce que la petite, elle venait chez moi chercher des CD et des DVD et tout ça;
il a fallu que ce soient les enfants, parce que sinon, je ne parlais même pas avec mes voisins, j’étais un peu déçu
de la pêche, il y avait des enfants qui voulaient venir, et les parents ont dit non, alors qu’il n’y a pas un franc à
payer, pour le BBQ tout on paie tout et chaque enfant avait un pêcheur pour le guider, donc aucun problème,
mais les parents ont refusé…alors qu’à mon avis, on doit surtout s’attaquer à tous ces problèmes là par l’école et
les enfants, je crois, ce sont eux même le plus de solutions, ils parlent déjà un peu
M.: c’est une question de génération
H.: oui mais dis, il y en a ça fait 20 ans qu’ils sont là et ils savent toujours pas parler français! au moins te
débrouiller non! ils doivent toujours aller chercher leurs enfants
C.: oui mais c’est la culture qui est si différente
A.: Oui mais c’est aussi le travail dis donc, maintenant je parle français, mais toutes les femmes de la cité qui ne
travaillent, où veux tu qu’elles apprennent le français? moi j’ai commencé à travailler et comme ça j’ai appris le
français
M.: j’habite depuis 1958 - depuis 47 ans je suis là. Je suis bien fière d’habiter à Cheratte, c’est mon village
X.: mais où veux-tu aller d’autre?
M.: je suis bien ici, on a tout ici. Il y a je suis bien à Cheratte, c’est vrai que dernièrement il y a beaucoup de
choses, dû à des personnes qui et des problèmes qui arrivent, mais bon, c’est mon village ici
A.: ce n’est pas la totalité, il y a toujours des minorités…
JM: et entre cheratte et Visé?
E.: Visé c’est un ville et Cheratte c’est un village, je ne penserais jamais aller habiter à Visé
(réactions simultanés)
X.: c’est depuis la fusion de commune, disons qu’on nous a un petit peu laissé tomber, à mon avis c’est cela qui
a changé, on nous a laissé tomber et puis Cheratte c’était un village ouvrier et Visé c’était les gens bien, voilà
quoi… il y des choses avant avec les charbonnages avant, les relations sont froides entre Visé et Cheratte
(rires)
H.: désolé pour Marcel Neven, mais moi j’ai l’impression qu’il les met tous ici pour être tranquille à Visé, et
une fois qu’il y a des plaintes pour les déchets, à la police on m’a dit… écoutez, M. Neven ne veut pas de
problème avec Cheratte! j’ai dit quoi, et je vais ramasser les poubelles des gens ou quoi?
X.: attention, il y a des choses qu’il fait, tu crois peut être qu’il peut s’occuper de tout ce qui se passe à Cheratte,
les gens doivent être responsables
H.: oui bien sûr, je crois que vous voyez que c’est dans la tête des gens
X.: dis donc, avant de parler d’eux, il faut aussi voir comment dans la tête des gens ça fonctionne!
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E.: oui mais tout ce qu’il a promis de faire ici, il n’a jamais fait
H.: justement on est Cherattois et pas Visétois, quoi, ça vient de tout ça, nous sommes cherattois
S.: on met tous les étrangers ici sous prétexte qu’ils ont plus facile à s’intégrer parce que les autres ont là et en
attendant on a tous ces problèmes, mais ils ne sont jamais à Visé parce qu’à Visé ils ne seraient pas les
bienvenus, hein! toutes les nationalités pour ici…
M.: on avait dit que mon mari ce serait le dernier émigrant, il est arrivée en 1958, le dernier hein, et depuis que
mon mari est venu, il en est venu beaucoup, et ça continue, hein? je ne critique pas rien qu’on accueille les
immigrés, mais qu’ils travaillent pour la Belgique, parce que nous sommes habitués (obligés) à travailler pour
cela qui nous donne à manger, pas imposer notre culture espagnole aussi, mais
X.: quand il y a du travail… (seulement si)
JM: A., vous voyez aussi une différence entre Visé et Cheratte?
A.: oui, Cheratte c’est, on a pas la même comment on dit… excusez moi pour le français. Il faut dire qu’on a pas
les mêmes services, les fleurs et tout ça
X.: moi on n’avait jamais nettoyé ma rue, mais on la nettoie maintenant!
Z.: Visé c’est plus propre. j’aime bien
B.: à Visé, jamais de voiture qui restent sans plaque, mais à Cheratte, ça va rester des semaines et des mois, à
Visé ils l’embarquent le même jour!
H.: oui mais maintenant on a un nouveau cantonnier rien que pour Cheratte, donc j’espère que ça va changer, il y
a beaucoup de boulot, mais faut pas avoir peur de lui sonner
A.: quand même, ils ne s’occupent pas des voitures, on le voit jamais à Cheratte et les ordures, derrière chez
nous
(simultanés…)
H.: mais il y a aussi une chose difficile avec ces gens là, c’est qu’ils ne lisent pas les mêmes journaux que nous,
la télé non plus, donc déjà il y a un grand problème de communication, on en a encore parlé l’autre fois,
vendredi, c’est
M.: c’est pas la même religion déjà…
H.: oui
(entrecoupés)
O.: attention, on dit à une femme, attention t’as parlé à un homme, c’est pas la politesse, c’est pas la religion,
c’est le mari qui ne veut pas
X.: oui, ça me choque, la dernière fois j’étais assise à une table de café, il y a cet homme avec sa femme, et il a
donné la main à tous les hommes, et pas à moi! j’étais vexée dis donc, et toi comment tu réagis face à ça?
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j’estime qu’il doit me dire bonjour, ou alors, et sa femme, quand elle me voit elle me donne un bisou, mais
quand il est là, elle ne donne pas de bisou, alors!
JM on va terminer le thème, fusion des communes…
S.: c’est à dire qu’avant on avait, je vois au niveau, j’ai habité 30 ans dans la cité, il y des liens créées avec
certaines personnes, et quand je les revois après autant d’années ça fait vraiment plaisir, de revoir
C.: On a des repères comme je dis souvent
S.: oui ça fait plaisir, mais il y a la fusion des communes on dirait qu’il y a comme une barrière qui est tombée
C.: oui, avant on avait notre commune ici, et pour faire les papiers, la police, tout était dans les environs, mais
depuis, on n’a plus rien de tout cela, on doit aller à Visé, pour tout faire
S.: et la poste aussi, et la banque
X.: Et les gens qui ont une voiture oui, mais les gens sans voiture et les personnes âgées, ils devraient faire une
antenne.. tous les services
B.: je crois qu’ici on se contredit un peu, par ce qu’on dit ici on manque de tout, et on est fier d’habiter et de
vivre à Cheratte et maintenant on lui trouve tous les défauts (rire), alors plus de poste, plus de commune, donc
E.: Mais c’est vrai, non!
H.: Et c’est la preuve qu’on aime bien Cheratte on voudrait que les services soient là
B.: oui, mais tous ces points négatifs là, font que il y a des gens qui disent…
X.: il faut faire quelque chose, parce que moi je vois que nous on est chacun de notre côté, quand on parle des
arabes ou des turcs, ils se mobilisent ensemble, ils font des choses ensemble, comme le séisme au Pakistan,
tandis que nous on est chacun chez soi c’est comme ça qu’on vit, et si le voisin a un problème tant pis, on ne se
mobilise pas non plus pour faire des choses (énervée), parce qu’on a un groupement d’asbl d’environnement
(CQV) et y a pas beaucoup de monde qui vient nous rejoindre pour nous aider, faut pas croire, on fait plein de
choses, mais personne ne s’y intéresse non plus! et pour y arriver faut être tous ensemble!
H.: attendez, parce que vendredi je suis venu pour ça, c’est pour rappeler que c’est inadmissible, qu’il y a 131
membres et qu’on connaît pas, moi je savais même pas qu’il y avait Cheratte Quartier de Vie, alors que c’est le
moment de se regrouper ensemble
X.: on fait plein de choses pour tout le monde, le nettoyage de la darse, de la cité, c’est CQV, les égouts, c’est
CQV les « éminguages », c’est CQV, on fait plein de choses, mais les autres c’est, il faut que les citoyens, les
citoyens ils ne s’associent pas à ça alors que c’est pour les citoyens, il y en a qui disent que c’est politique, c’est
faux, c’est pour les citoyens
E.: S. ?
S.: plutôt négatif
C.: je vois cela de l’extérieur, mais je me demande si Cheratte c’était logique que ça aille avec Visé, il y a plus
une attirance des gens de Cheratte vers Wandre, que vers Visé, on a plus difficile d’aller faire ses achats, on va
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plus vers Herstal vers Wandre tandis qu’à Visé c’est une autre mentalité, Cheratte, culturellement on était mieux
rattaché à Wandre, ou Herstal à Liège
E. : on est mieux perçu à Wandre ou Herstal, tandis qu’à Visé, tu ne peux pas y aller avant 10h, le marché, ils
ferment à midi, ouvrent à 2 heure
X.: pourquoi ils ferment tout le temps?
B.: maintenant j’habite à Wandre et il faut pas croire que c’est tout rose, hein! nous on est rattaché à Liège, mais
malheureusement on aurait mieux aimé d’être rattaché à Blégny nous! parce que les taxes additionnelles toujours
maximum, les rues pas mieux entretenus qu’ailleurs, le tronçon par réparé, celui qui n’a pas un 4X4, il va casser
sa voiture, donc faut pas croire que Wandre c’est tout rose
E.: bourgmestre à Cheratte, c’était important?
H.: je ne sais pas si c’était une erreur, mais on voit quand même la différence, on a l’impression qu’on fait plus
pour Visé que pour Cheratte, enfin c’est le sentiment que j’ai, je ne sais pas si c’est vrai; mais c’est mon
sentiment, je le sens comme ça.
A.: on l’a vu quand même, les pots de fleurs, les rues, les berlines…
(entrecoupés)
H.: oui, mais dis donc, on a replanté pour 40.000 anciens francs d’arbres, mais à Cheratte, tout a été arraché dans
la darse, on a même proposé des caméras pour surveiller, j’ai refusé parce que ça ne sert à rien, j’apprends après
que CQV a demandé des caméras et on a refusé parce que c’est trop cher alors que moi on me les a proposées!
attendez au lieu de me dire qu’il y a un comité de quartier avec qui on pourrait travailler, mais non, on laisse les
pêcheurs: diviser pour mieux régner, ben moi c’est comme cela que je l’ai ressenti aussi…
B.: on devrait faire une assemblée tous les deux ou trois mois, on en a parlé.
THEME II: formes de participation
E.: élections communales. Un moment important?
Y.: pour moi non, parce que il y a déjà eu des élections, et on n’a pas vu de changement, donc ce n’est pas
important pour Cheratte - voilà
X.: en fait, le moment important c’est avant les élections pour contacter les politiciens et les avoir à l’écoute,
avant les élections sinon…
M.: toujours eu un moment électoral durant deux ou trois mois, on obtient beaucoup de chose qu’on a demandé
depuis des années, c’est comme ça, dan cette période on obtient le plus de chose, c’est un fait
H.: moi je ne sais, vous savez qu’il y a un parti ultra dangereux (FN?) et à chaque fois qu’on va voter, ay, je me
dis, qu’est ce qui va encore arriver, parce qu’on voit des choses, à chaque fois, ici c’est peut être pas la même
chose, voter pour n’importe quoi, ça me fait peu peur, ay comment les gens vont réagir, peut être prendre des
directions dangereuses
E.: différence entre élections communales et les autres élections?
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B.: maintenant tous les étrangers peuvent voter, donc ça change, il y a plus de voix à Cheratte quand même, ça
peut jouer, Cheratte peut faire basculer d’un parti en bien ou en mal
C.: l’autre solution serait que le bourgmestre soit d’ici de Cheratte… voilà, ça ça pèserait
E.: ça serait bien
H.: mais ce que j’ai remarqué aussi, depuis que les étrangers ont le droit de vote, il y a des Belges qui revotent..
ça j’ai remarqué.. j’en connais beaucoup qui ne votaient plus, parce qu’en vérité beaucoup en avait assez et
maintenant les Belges commencent à voter
B.: les Belges européens et les Belges hors Europe aussi, hein - moi je suis toujours italien mais c’est pas pour
cela que je ne vote pas - de voter pour la Belgique pour les communales, c’est vrai que je peux donner mon avis,
mais je peux aussi voter en Italie par exemple, mais alors là ça ne m’intéresse parce que je ne connais personne,
on ne peut pas voter au pif comme ça, on peut bien voter pour un parti à la rigueur, mais alors pour une
personne… oui, c’était un point positif pour nous, c’est vrai, mais il y a aussi les nouvelles générations qui eux
se font belges, mi j’ai encore la fierté d’être italien, donc je garde ma nationalité, mais aujourd’hui les jeunes
enfin les parents prennent la nationalité belge pour la sécurité parce que moi je suis persuadé qu’ils (les Turcs)
n’en ont rien à foutre d’être Belge, c’est la sécurité qui les intéresse, c’est tout, parce que les mentalités ne
changent pas
C.: mais dis donc, ce n’est pas parce qu’on a pris la nationalité belge qu’on n’a pas la fierté d’avoir sa nationalité
d’origine, même. Ce que tu as dis toi, c’est je suis fier d’être italien, je n’ai pas pris la nationalité belge, mais on
ne renie pas son origine avec une autre nationalité, on peut aussi encore être fier
B.: non non bien sûr, mais ici je parle au niveau culture, de la religion tu vois, que ce soit espagnol, italien,
polonais on a la même culture, tandis que les autres, ben, … il font ça par profit, c’est ce que je ressens, c’est
mon avis personnel
X.: moi je me rappelle, moi je n’ai pas changé de nationalité, enfin après mes enfants vont devenir
automatiquement belges, parce que mes parents ont travaillé longtemps ici, mais on reste espagnol, moi je suis
espagnole, on va pas me demander, je peux pas dire que je suis belge,
X.: je suis en Espagne et je suis espagnole
E.: et je suis en Belgique et je suis Belge
X.: c’est un peu ça oui,
E.: de toutes façons on va en Grèce et on nous dit voilà la Belge et en Belgique on nous dit voilà la Grecque!
C.: exactement (rires collectifs)
B.: faut pas croire qu’on est accueillis comme des rois..
E.: mais les petits enfants, ils nous regardaient, comme si on était des… malheureux, mais maintenant les enfants
(turcs), la génération qui va venir, ils vous regardent et vous disent bonjour, ça va venir
M.: ça change, c’est une question de génération
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O.: quand mes parents sont venus ci comme ouvriers et immigrés, maintenant, la deuxième génération, on a
étudié, et la troisième génération encore plus et le français est parfait, quelque soit l’origine, ils parlent français
entre eux
A.: mais une femme de mon âge ou même plus jeune que moi, malgré qu’elles ont été à l’école ici, elle ne sait
pas parler français, parce que les parents de première génération qui sont venus ici, ils ne savent pas parler
français avec leurs enfants
X.: mais nous aussi, à la maison, je me souviens je parlais souvent espagnol avec maman et malgré ça on a
appris le français, hein?
A.: oui, mais c’est ceux qui travaillent … et il y a combien de femmes turques qui travaillent dans la Cité? elle
va au magasin et elle parle turc, son voisin il est turc, comment tu eux qu’il apprenne le français. Moi, madame,
ça fait 20 ans que j’habite ici et malgré que j’ai pas été à l’école ici, j’ai appris le français, mais les femmes qui
restent chez soi… elles parlent turc tout le temps, café turc, magasin turc…
X.: c’était pareil avec les autres nationalités… et quand la commune envoie des papiers, elle les envoie en turc!!
et les papiers de signalisation
(un peu de tensions)
E.: revenons sur la question du vote
S.: mes grands- parents étaient italiens et elle a aidé sa famille, elle était traitée ici de sale italienne, après elle est
retournée quelques années voir sa famille, elle était traitée de sale belge.. elle était étrangère, ça veut dire… si je
suis étrangère chez moi…!
E.: vote des personnes d’origine européenne aux élections communales
S.: la première fois que je l’ai fait je pense que c’était important, mais cette fois-ci
B.: son avis c’est important, donner un avis
S.: ça n’a pas changé grand chose -: je pense que ça vaut quand même la peine de donner son avis, ça peut faire
un changement, c’est une liberté bien sûr
(simultané)
H.: moi je voudrais revenir sur avant la question des nationalités, les espagnols a qui on dit qu’ils ne sont plus
dans leur pays, moi je voudrais dire en Wallonie, moi je suis belge et je suis étranger, parce que moi je suis
flamand, moitié hollandais et moitié allemand, mais je suis flamand, en flandres, je parle flamand et je suis sale
wallon et ici je suis sale flamand (avec l’accent), donc faut pas vous tracasser si on est espagnol ou grec ou quoi,
déjà les Belges, déjà entre eux…
(rires collectifs: oui c’est vrai)
E.: moi je ne sens pas que je suis étrangère, ni ici ni en Grèce, je suis bien partout
X.: mais nous quand on était à l’école primaire, je me rappelle bien que on nous disait qu’on prenait le pain des
belges, alors que mes parents ont toujours travaillé, ça a changé, mais avant ici, à l’époque.
E.: les personnes européennes vont voter: est-ce important pour Cheratte?
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X.: non, et ça fait peur
C.: oui ça fait peur, un peu peur, parce que qu’ils sont une grosse communauté et s’ils commencent à se mettre à
voter tous pour un des leurs, comme ils n’ont pas vraiment, l’intégration n’est pas vraiment là, alors ils vont
peut être avoir plus de privilèges que nous, on va encore se sentir encore plus exclus que maintenant
X.: c’est un peu les politiciens qui ont voulu ça non? plus tard ils pensaient qu’un parti serait plus fort, mais
maintenant ils ne vont pas voter pour le MR ou pour le Parti socialiste, mais ils vont voter pour un des leur, c’est
eux qui ont créé ça…
C.: oui tout à fait, c’est parce qu’en Belgique on ne consulte pas la population
H.: vous prenez un échantillon un bête truc, l’eurovision, vous avez tout compris… moi je dis que quelqu’un qui
n’habite pas à Cheratte n’a pas à voter, mais si on vote ici, il faut au moins être dans le pays, être concerné, avoir
les contacts avec la population, je ne sais pas moi, ce qui se passe, on a fait du racolage pour avoir des voix, on
sait bien, il y a 40 ans qu’ils ne sont plus en Belgique et ils votent, qu’est ce que c’est que ça! non, il faut
remettre sur place. Attention, je suis pour le droit de vote des étrangers, car ils font partie de la vie de quartier,
donc tout le monde doit pouvoir donner son avis, mais aller chercher des gens qui ne sont même pas d’ici, même
s’ils sont Belges on les fait voter alors qu’ils ne vivent plus ici, non
B.: mais c’est partout, pour l’Italie, quand on vote, moi je reçois une carte, ma femme qui est belge, qui est restée
belge, elle reçoit aussi, et mon fils qu’est belge, vu l’effet qu’il est né ici, et que ma femme est belge, il est belge
avec la loi GOL, donc je reçois trois cartes pour lui, alors qu’on ne vit pas là bas, donc les italiens aussi ils
essaient de racoler. (rire)
Z.: je suis réfugié, je ne peux pas voter, mais ce serait important
C.: moi c’est la première fois que je vais voter, alors ça dépend si on choisit quelqu’un qui peut faire quelque
chose, mais comme ils disent, s’ils ne font rien…
B.: je ne sais pas si ça peut changer quelque chose pour la commune, parlons crûment, si une famille musulmane
avec 7 gosses cherche un appartement sur Visé, je ne crois pas qu’ils l’auront, on va les cantonner ici, faut pas
croire, ce n’est pas avec quelqu’un d’ici qu’ils vont avoir un changement…
H.: et au niveau des services, ce sera difficile
O.: je dois dire franchement, même moi, première chose… pour pouvoir voter, faut parler français, ceux qui ne
parlent pas français ils ne comprends pas. Pour moi c’est comme cela et il faut la nationalité belge aussi
A.: mais tous ils ont la nationalité belge maintenant
B.: mais il faut se dire aussi moyennant 5, 10 ou 15 ans, logiquement il ne devrait plus y avoir de problème avec
l’Europe, en réalité, la première chose, c’est s’adapter et apprendre la langue du pays, au minimum
E.: mais la nationalité belge c’est
B.: mais si c’est pour le profit, c’est pas intéressant
E.: est-ce qu’on se sent mieux représenter par qqun de même nationalité?
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Simultané: mais non!
C.: mais non, c’est la personne qui compte et si elle fait quelque chose de bien
X.: il ne faut pas parler de la nationalité
B.: si tout le monde serait intégré de la même façon, qu’il voudrait participer à la vie quotidienne, je suis
persuadé que la personne qui est la pour vous défendre, pour être mieux, un représentant élu, qu’il soit italien,
espagnol ou grec, il le défendra pareil, si les gens s’intègrent ils sont dans la même logique
E.: pour moi si c’est quelqu’un n’importe lequel qui travaille bien
B.: quand on voit l’Europe qui s’agrandit avec certains pays et maintenant le gros problème de la Turquie, je
crois que les hommes politiques ils doivent réfléchir un peu, pourquoi ils veulent la Turquie dans l’Europe?
parce que demain ce sera la plus grand pays d’Europe et ce sera eux qui auront le pouvoir, hein?
E.: 70 millions, c’est ça (rires)
C.: c’est ça qui fait peur, un échevin ce sera possible déjà ici d’avoir un échevin (d’origine turque sous entendu).
C.: c’est déjà le cas à Bruxelles, non?
C.: quelle va être sa démarche? elle sera tournée vers sa communauté, nous ça va nous nuire, je dis, c’est ça le
danger, c’est vrai que l’Europe est très réticente avec la Turquie, mais nous, ils sont obligés, mis devant le fait
accompli, ils sont là, ils représentent, ils sont en masse, ils représentant un gros potentiel, et puis on se dit, qu’est
ce qui va arrivé de Cheratte si ça devait arriver, il y a un élu… euh, il est plus tourné vers sa communauté, il ne
vient jamais à la rencontre d’autres habitants
X.: c’est pas parce que moi je suis espagnole, que je vote forcément pour un espagnol! franchement, je le dis -
C.: si c’est un espagnol et qu’il est du côté que tu votes, alors tu voteras pour lui!
B.: on vote pour la personne, moi j’ai des amis turcs, et je suis comme cela avec eux (doigts serrés), mais le
problème vous comprenez, c’est la religion, c’est tout, c’est ce qui fait la coupure
Y.: et la culture
B.: si les voisins veulent être différent, alors il aura les gens de sa communauté sur le dos, c’est difficile
E.: et la vie associative (à Sophie)
S.: je ne parle pas beaucoup moi …
B.: je crois que
E.: je demandais plutôt à votre voisine (rires collectifs)
S.: c’est important, ça apport beaucoup de chose, ça anime le village
H.: ça bouge à Cheratte-Bas, il faut le dire, à côté de Wandre, il y a rien à Wandre
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Y.: c’est vrai
X.: à mon époque on était entre nous, entre amis mais c’est plus la même chose,
(entrecoupés - premiers départs de 2 personnes)
A.: oui mais avant c’était plus entre famille, au lieu de venir chez toi, ta famille a grandi ils restent entre eux,
mais les familles elles restent entre eux, c’est moins avec les amis
X.: il y avait une association des immigrés, à l’époque… c’était une organisation quand il y avait un problème, tu
venais trouver les gens, j’ai même des photos avec le bourgmestre Kowalski,
E.: et les lieux de culte c’est important pour animer le village?
B.: oui, dans la salle, une fois par an, il y a couleurs locales - ah les lieux de culte, il y a moins, beaucoup moins,
il n’y a que la procession
Y.: il y a des années il y avait des processions, on était dans la cité ils étaient déjà sur la grand rue..
B.: mais tout ça, ça a disparu, et les associations c’est important pour remplacer, avant on avait une procession
H.: maintenant on vit renfermé
B.: mais les loisirs ont changé, avant c’était uniquement le dimanche, maintenant c’est tous les jours
S.: il n’y a plus rien
A.: ce n’est plus la même chose, ça fait 11 ou 12 ans que j’habite à Cheratte, je me souviens au début ici, la fête
du village, ça se passait très bien, aujourd’hui il n’y a plus rien
Y.: mais ils cassent tout c’est ça…
E.: Et les mosquées, elles animent la vie du village aussi?
H.: les amitiés islamo-chrétiennes, mais ça s’est perdu ça aussi, mais
M.: je crois aussi que ça change, comme pour les Eglises, avant il y avait du monde, plus maintenant, et les
mosquées je suis sûr que ce sera la même chose, si tu reviens dans 10 ans
C.: j’habite à côté de la mosquée, c’est quand même un lieu de rencontre important pour la communauté turque
et musulmane, je le vois bien -
B.: il y a deux mosquées, non?
C.: moi j’en connais qu’une, c’est vrai que le vendredi, je vois pas mal de personnes qui y vont, en ce moment
c’est le ramadan et c’est pas mal animé, ils font des fêtes ou des tombolas ou un marché, et aussi un camion de
vêtement qui partait je ne sais pas où, pour le Pakistan peut être
O.: oui c’est ça
C.: donc là le camion est parti plein, le lieu de culte de l’église, je ne crois pas qu’il reste beaucoup
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B.: c’est ça le problème, la religion, moi je suis persuadé que les non- musulmans ne vont pas à la mosquée
C.: non…
B.: alors que il y a trente ans d’ici, si ma mère allait à l’église, on y rencontrait une espagnole, une polonaise, une
belge, à la mosquée, c’est ça le problème
O.: oui mais la Turquie n’est pas 100% turque ni musulmane, 70% musulmans et des catholiques et autres
C.: il y a un temple et on ne connaît pas les gens du temple…
E.: ça remplace l’église?
B.: oui, il y a de l’animation, mais c’est un vase clos, c’est un vase clos
M.: mais la religion musulmane, ça évolue aussi, mais c’est plus en communauté
C.: mais ça dépend aussi des mosquées, une mosquée, c’est tenu par des musulmans du village comme j’habite à
côté de la mosquée, c’est animé quand c’est un comité dynamique qui s’occupe alors il y a des activités mais
quand c’est un comité moins dynamique, il y a moins, donc tout dépend de qui gère
S.: je pense que d’ici 20 ou 30 ans, avec les générations futures ça va changer, il faut revenir discuter de cela ans
20 ans, je suis sûre
Y.: il y a 5 ans peut être, dans l’Eglise, quand il y avait un curé de Cheratte, les enfants se regroupaient, mais
maintenant il n’y a plus de Curé propre à Cheratte, mais ce curé est parti et ça s’est perdu, donc les enfants et les
parents ne viennent plus.
E.: le futur de Cheratte?
E.: j’aimerais bien que ça reste comme cela! pour changer, comment expliquer, j’aime bien comment on est
attaché ici, j’aime bien les gens ne sont pas froids comme en ville,
S.: on aimerait une amélioration quand même, les anciens charbonnages, qu’on nous fasse quelque chose de bien
avec
A.: voir des couleurs, des fleurs, ici c’est tout noir, les charbonnages c’est noir, le village c’est noir
O.: un bourgmestre ou un échevin de Cheratte, ça j’aimerais bien
H.: pour moi Cheratte ça restera toujours la même chose
M.: beaucoup de choses à changer, mais depuis 25 ans, beaucoup de chose sont changé parce qu’on a une
association très dynamique qui fait beaucoup
M.: et le retour des services - prenez une banque, pour les gens qui ne sont plus actifs, les personnes âgées, sans
moyen de se déplacer
C.: que les gens se parlent aussi, que ça crée des liens d’avoir des services aussi,
272
H.: Cheratte pour loi ça restera toujours pareil
C.: la réhabilitation des charbonnages, pas d’investissement, mais ça nous dépasse, il y a un château en ruine en
train de mourir et pas de pression des politiques sur le propriétaire
H.: quand on a connu Cheratte dans les années 1960, on dirait vraiment que Cheratte aujourd’hui est en train de
mourir, c’est un déclin - c’était une autre vie que maintenant
(collectif oui, oui)
273
Annexes Fieldcase 2 : Antwerp
ANNEX 1: OBSERVATION ACTIVITIES
Date Activity Initiator Location
18/11/2005 Mother group ‘school community Private school

work’(De Schoolbrug)
08/12/2005 Student Guidance Counsel Student Guidance Counsel Private school

meeting with parents
12/12/2005 Student Guidance Counsel Student Guidance Counsel Private school

meeting with parents
13/12/2005 Mother group ‘school community work’ Municipal school
20/12/2005 Info-class ‘school community work’ Municipal school
24/01/2006 Parent support group for Teachers Municipal school

the assistance during
school trips
ANNEX 2: INTERVIEWS WITH PRIVILEGED WITNESSES
Date Name Function Location Duration
13/12/2005 Judith Corthouts Principal municipal municipal school 53 min.

school
16/12/2005 Koen Tubeeckx Principal private private school 51 min.

school
13/01/2006 Caroline Van den ‘school community The office of the 36 min.
Bossche en Samira work’, the “Schoolbrug”
El Bouachaouni “Schoolbrug”
16/01/2006 Mieke Richart Complaints Desk The office of the 52 min.

Education (“De 8”) Complaints Desk
Noëmi Putzeys
Education
18/01/2006 Younes El Yousfi Provinciaal Integratie OASeS 2 hours 13 min.

Centrum
Minderheden
Antwerpen
19/01/2006 3 Teachers (6th class, Municipal school municipal school 31 min.

st
1 class, and class
between kindergarten
274
and 1st class)
02/02/2006 Marc Laquière IQRA-project, Federation of 1 hour 12 min.

detached from the Moroccan
Ministry of Associations
Education
10/03/2006 EEO-teacher EEO-teacher433 Private school 1 hour

private school
16/03/2006 EEO-teacher EEO-teacher Municipal school 45 min.

municipal school
ANNEX 3: INTERVIEWS WITH PARENTS
Date Sex of the School Interview location Duration

respondent
23/11/2005 female Private school Respondent’s home 52 min.
20/12/2005 female Private school School 51 min.
22/12/2005 male Private school Respondent’s home 59 min.
04/01/2006 male Private school Respondent’s home 1 hour 1 min.
05/01/2006 male Private school Respondent’s work 1 hour 46 min.
16/01/2006 female Municipal school School 34 min.
17/01/2006 male Municipal school School 49 min.
28/01/2006 female Municipal school Respondent’s home 1 hour 27 min.
30/01/2006 female Municipal school School 48 min.
433
An EEO-teacher (Equal Educational Opportunities) has to be situated in the context of the EEO-decree (see I.2.2.1).
Schools with a certain degree of EEO-pupils, are provided with extra class hours, expressed in extra teachers. These
extra teachers are the so-called EEO-teachers.
275
ANNEX 4: BACKGROUND INFORMATION OF THE RESPONDENTS (PARENTS)
Backgroun Interviews
d variable I1 I2 I3 I4* I5 I6
School St-Maria St-Maria St-Maria St-Maria St-Maria St-Maria St-Maria
Sex Woman Woman Woman Woman Man Woman Man
Age 24 45 24 27 34 35 34
Country of Morocco Morocco Mauretania Morocco Morocco Turkey Turkey
origin (Arabic) (Arabic) (Berber) (Berber) (Assyrian)
Number of 7 years 24 years 5 years 27 years 15 years 9 years 15 years

years in (Born in
Belgium Belgium)
Migration Family Family Family Born in Family Family Political
motivation Reunificati Reunificati reunificatio Belgium reunification reunificatio refugee
on on n n
(Marriage) (Marriage) (Marriage)
Labour unemploye Unem- unemploye unemployed Industrial Assistant Self-
situation d ployed d worker with her employed
self-
employed
husband
Educationa Lower Lower Unfinished Secondary Unfinished Secondary Lower
l level education education higher education higher education education
education education
Extra Dutch Dutch No Missing Missing Dutch Mortising &
training value value setting
Civil status Married Widow; Maried Maried Maried Maried Married
Cohabi-
tation with
second
partner**
Age 33 Missing Missing 34 27 38 30
partner value value
Country of Morocco Morocco Mauretania Morocco Morocco Turkey Turkey
origin (born in (Born in (Assyrian)
partner Belgium) Belgium)
Number of 33 years 6 years 10 years 15 years 27 years 10 years 15 years
years in (legally)
Belgium
partner
Migration Born in Economic Economic Family Born in Economic Political
motivation Belgium reunification Belgium refugee
partner
Labour Technical Employed Translator Industrial unemployed Self- unemployed
situation function – – at worker employed
partner replacemen Temporary Departmen
t contract jobs t of Federal
Immigratio
n
276
Children 1 girl, 3 2 girls, 5 & 1 girl, 4 2 boys, 10 months & 6 2 girls, 12 7 children;
(sex and years; 1 8 years; 2 years; 1 years; 2 girls, 2 and 3 years & 5 years; 1 the oldest is
age) boy 5 ½ boys 18 & boy, 2 boy, 8 years 16 years,
years 23 years years the
youngest 5
years
* Interview 4 was conducted with the mother as well as the father.

** partner of this respondent is the second partner.
Backgroun Interviews
d variable I7*** I8 I9 I10 I11 I12
School St-Maria St-Maria Stuivenberg Stuivenberg Stuivenberg Stuivenberg
Sex Man Man Man woman woman woman
Age 33 40 36 23 36 33
Country of Morocco Morocco Belgium Bulgaria Brazil Poland
origin (mixed (Turkish
marriage Bulgarian)
between
German
mother and
Moroccan
father)
Number of Born in 31 years Born in 5 months 10 years 10 years
years in Belgium Belgium
Belgium
Migration Born in Family Born in Family Marriage Economic
motivation Belgium reunification Belgium reunification
Labour Technical Employee unemployed unemployed unemployed Unemployed
situation function – with the city jobseeker
replacement of Antwerp
contract
Educationa Secondary Secondary Secondary Lower Lower Higher
l level education – education – education education education education
professional professional
training education
Extra Unfinished Spaans, Missing value No No Dutch, French
training teacher Italiaans,
training animator
Civil status Married Divorced and Cohabitation Married Married Married
remarried with partner
Age 24 Missing value Missing value Missing valua 52 37
partner
Country of Morocco Algeria Belgium Bulgaria Belgium Turkey
origin (Turkish
partner Bulgarian)
Number of 7 years 11 years Born in 2 years Born in 30
years in Belgium Belgium
Belgium
277
partner
Migration Family Family Belgian Economic Born in Family
motivation Reunification reunification belgium reunification
partner (Marriage)
Labour unemployed unemployed Part time, Employed Self-employed Unemployed
situation shop keeper jobseeker
partner
Children 1 girl, 3 years; 5 boys: 16, 10, 2 children are 1 girl, 6 years 1 girl, 8 years 1 girl, 8 years
(sex and 1 boy, 5 ½ 8 and a twin in Morocco; 1
age) years of 6 years boy, 8 years
*** I7 is the husband of I1
ANNEX 5:TOPICLIST
Achtergrondgegevens
1. Naam
2. Leeftijd: hoe oud bent u?
3. Burgerlijke staat: Bent u getrouwd?
4. Kinderen? Aantal + geslacht + leeftijd
5. Hoe oud is uw partner?
6. Sinds wanneer woont u in België? Waar bent u geboren?
7. Waarom kwam u naar België?
8. Sinds wanneer woont uw echtgenoot in België?
9. Waarom kwam hij naar België?
10. Origine: Van welk land bent u (zijn uw ouders afkomstig)?
11. Wat is je eerste, tweede, derde taal?
12. Welke taal spreekt u thuis met uw echtgenoot?
13. Welke taal spreekt u thuis met uw kinderen?
14. Geniet u OCMW-steun/ een uitkering?
Sociaal, economisch en cultureel kapitaal
1. Opleiding
15. Bent u naar school geweest?

16. Tot welke leeftijd bent u naar school geweest?
17. Kunt u vlot Nederlands, Frans, (moedertaal – er wonen ook Polen? Afrikanen?…)
Turks/ Arabisch lezen?
18. Waar bent u naar school geweest? Tot welke leeftijd?
19. Wat is uw hoogst behaalde diploma?
a. Indien school gelopen in België: wat is uw hoogst behaalde diploma in België?
b. Indien school gelopen in Marokko/ Turkije: wat is uw hoogst behaalde
diploma in Marokko/ Turkije?
20. Heb je ooit deelgenomen aan bijscholing voor volwassenen, zoals taallessen,
rijlessen, informaticalessen? Welke?
2. Arbeidsmarktparticipatie
278
21. Werk je zelf ergens om geld te verdienen?
Indien NEE
22. Waarom niet?
Indien JA
23. Wat voor werk doe je precies?
24. Heeft het feit dat u werkt een invloed op het onderwijs van je kinderen? Welke
invloed? Hebt u voldoende tijd voor het schoolwerk van uw kinderen?
25. Wie staat vooral in voor het onderwijs en de opvoeding van de kinderen thuis?
26. Werkt uw partner buitenshuis om geld te verdienen? Wat voor werk doet hij?
3. Cultureel kapitaal
Wat doet u zoal overdag (voor moeders die niet gaan werken)/ in uw vrije tij
(moeders die gaan werken)? Neem je deel aan activiteiten van bepaalde verenigingen
(vb. vrouwenverenigingen, wijkcentrum, ocmw) of activiteiten verbonden aan een
moskee? Vertel daar eens wat over: welke vereniging is het, wat doe je daar, hoe
vaak ga je ernaar toe, wie ontmoet je daar…
J Via wie of op welke manier heb je deze organisatie leren kennen?
J Hoe lang ga je al naar deze organisatie?
J Hoe vaak ga je naar deze organisatie?
J Aan welke activiteiten neem je zoal deel?
J Zijn deze activiteiten enkel voor vrouwen of voor vrouwen en
mannen samen?
J Zijn deze activiteiten enkel voor migrantenvrouwen, of ook voor
Belgische mensen?
J Waarvoor ga je naar die activiteit/ die vergadering?
J Hebben die activiteiten altijd binnenshuis plaats of gaan er
activiteiten door buitenshuis?
J Wat is de houding van je man, familie hiertegenover?
27. Doe je vaak uitstapjes met de kinderen? Wat doe je dan zoal?
‘Family – Community’ en ‘Community – Family’ partnerships
Vertel eens een beetje over uw buurt. Hoe lang woont u hier al, waarom verhuisde u
naar hier, woont u hier graag, hebt u veel vrienden/ familie in de buurt…
28. Hoe lang woont u reeds in deze buurt?

29. Waar woonde u voordien?
30. Waarom bent u naar hier verhuisd?
31. Woont u hier graag? Waarom wel/ niet? (En er zijn geen negatieve dingen aan je
buurt?)
32. Gaan de meeste kinderen uit de buurt naar de school van uw kind? Naar welke andere
scholen in de buurt gaan ze nog?
279
33. Hebt u contact met andere moeders of vaders uit de buurt? Gaan deze kinderen ook
naar de school van uw kind? Kunt u het contact met die moeders omschrijven? Wat
doet u samen?
34. Hebt u contact met Belgische moeders uit de buurt?
35. Indien niet: waarom niet?
36. Wonen je vriendinnen/ familie in de buurt? Indien niet, waar wel?
37. Met wie in de buurt kan je babbelen over de kinderen, de school van de kinderen?,
38. Wie past er soms op de kinderen?
39. Bent u lid van een vrouwenvereniging? Welke? Wat is de opdracht van de vereniging
en wat zijn uw taken in de vereniging?
40. Bent u lid van een (Marokkaanse of Turkse) vereniging op buurtniveau? Welke? Wat
is de opdracht van de vereniging en wat zijn uw taken in de vereniging?
41. Zijn er op buurtniveau initiatieven om ouders meer te betrekken bij de school
van de kinderen? Welke? Vindt u dit nodig? Waarom?
‘School – Home’ en ‘Home – School’ partnerships
42. In welk leerjaar zitten uw kinderen? Heeft één van hen al een jaar moeten overdoen?
Wie van uw kinderen? In welk studiejaar?
43. Is uw kind naar de kleuterklas geweest? Hoeveel jaar? Alle dagen? Waarom (niet)?
44. Zijn uw kinderen altijd in België naar school geweest? (Indien “nee”: waar elders?
Hoe lang gaan ze reeds in België naar school? Spreken ze al goed Nederlands?
Volgen ze Nederlands buiten school? Krijgen ze bijles om de schoolachterstand weg
te werken?)
45. Zijn ze hier altijd naar school geweest? (Indien “nee”: Waarom zijn ze veranderd?)
46. Waarom gaan uw kinderen hier naar school? Waarom deze school en geen andere?
47. Vindt u het een goede school? Waarom wel/ niet? Wat vindt u niet goed aan de
school/ wat kan verbeteren?
48. Hebt u vertrouwen in de leerkracht/ de school? Waarom wel/ niet?
49. Wat is voor u het kenmerk van een goede school?
50. Wat verwacht u van de school? Wat vindt u belangrijk?
51. Wanneer voelt u zich betrokken bij het onderwijs van uw kinderen?
52. Wat is het beeld van de school in de buurt? Wat is de relatie tussen de school en
de buurt? Krijgt de school soms klachten van buren?
53. Brengt u uw kinderen naar school en gaat u ze afhalen?

54. Heeft u contact met andere moeders aan de schoolpoort? Welk contact? Zegt u
enkel goedendag of maakt u wel eens een praatje?
55. Heeft u contact met andere moeders buiten school? Waar ontmoet u andere moeders
van de school van uw kinderen? Wat doen jullie dan?
56. Met wie praat u over de opvoeding van uw kind? Met wie buiten uw echtgenoot?
57. Gaat uw kind ( gaan uw kinderen) wel eens naar verjaardagsfeestjes van andere
kinderen uit de klas? En van kinderen die niet op zijn/ haar school zitten?
58. Organiseert u voor uw kind wel eens een (verjaardags)feestjes waarop het vriendjes
kan uitnodigen?
59. Wat betekent betrokken zijn voor u? Wanneer voelt u zich betrokken bij de school
van uw kind(eren)?
280
60. Onderneemt de school – de directie en de leerkrachten – inspanningen om de
ouders te betrekken bij het onderwijs van uw kind? Welke? (voorbeeld lessen
Nederlands voor moeders: leren Nederlands en een hogere betrokkenheid bij de
school)
61. Bent u lid van de ouderraad of oudercomité?
62. Vind je dat de school meer inspanningen moet leveren om ouders bij het onderwijs te
betrekken? Heb je deze behoefte al geventileerd naar de school toe? Wat was het
antwoord?
Kunt u wat vertellen over het contact met de school, uw relatie met de school? Hoe
vaak en waar ontmoet u leerkrachten, hoe verloopt het contact met de school?
63. Wanneer er een oudercontact is of de leerkracht wil jullie spreken, wie gaat er dan?
Hoe verloopt een oudercontact?
64. Welke taal spreekt u met de leerkracht? Kunt u met hem/ haar spreken of vormt taal
een probleem? Is er iemand die wel eens vertaalt voor u (familie, leerkracht,
consulenten van op school)?
65. Hebt u op een andere manier contact met de school? Kunt u de leerkracht
gemakkelijk aanspreken?
66. Hebt u contact met andere leerkrachten, buiten die van uw kind? (vb. leerkracht
Islam). Met wie? Waarom hebt u contact met die leerkracht?
67. Vind je het belangrijk om zelf af en toe met de leerkracht te praten? Waarom (niet)?
68. Ben je in het verleden op school uitgenodigd? Wat was de reden?
69. Heb je al leerkrachten of andere mensen van school op bezoek gehad bij u thuis? Wie
kwam toen op bezoek? Wat was de reden? Vond u dit prettig?
70. Nodigt u wel eens leerkrachten uit op religieuze feesten?
71. Help je soms mee op schoolfeestjes, schoolreizen, uitstappen, enz van de school? Is
het je al gevraagd om mee te helpen?
72. Wat koopt u zoal voor de school van uw kind(eren)? Wat moet u zoal betalen
voor de school? Kunt u soms moeilijk betalen? Wat doet u dan?
73. Neemt u, alleen of samen met anderen, inspanning om kinderen te stimuleren bij
hun schoolwerk? Welke initiatieven neemt u precies? Kunt u voorbeelden
geven? (vb. naar de bibliotheek gaan)
74. Zit je in een moedergroep van de school, of in schoolopbouwwerk? Zo ja: hoe hebt u
de moedergroep leren kennen? Hoe vaak komen jullie samen? Sinds wanneer bent u
bij de groep? Wat doen jullie? Wat vindt u er goed aan? Bent u dankzij de
moedergroep meer betrokken bij het onderwijs van uw kind(eren)?
75. Heb je het gevoel je kind goed te kunnen begeleiden bij zijn/ haar schoolwerk?
Waarom (niet)?
76. Kan je kind ergens terecht voor hulp bij een bepaalde huistaak of als hij/ zij iets niet
begrijpt? Bij wie?
77. Praat je met je kind vaak over school? Over wat? De leerstof, vrienden, problemen,…
78. Hoe volg je je kind op op school? Hoe weet je wat je kind doet op school?
79. Heeft uw kind problemen gehad op school? Kunt u daar wat over vertellen?
Welke problemen waren het, wat werd gedaan om ze op te lossen, wie hielp u
daarbij?
a. Heeft uw kind leermoeilijkheden op school? Heeft het problemen met bepaalde
vakken? Welke?
281
b. Heeft uw kind moeilijkheden met bepaalde leerlingen? Wordt uw kind gepest?
Waarom?
c. Heeft uw kind problemen met bepaalde leerkrachten? Welke problemen?
d. Kampt uw kind met andere problemen op school?
80. Als er problemen zijn op school, wie probeert die dan op te lossen?
81. Als er problemen zijn op school, hoe worden die dan opgelost?
a. bij leermoeilijkheden, problemen met een bepaald vak, zoals rekenen of taal.
b. Bij gedragsproblemen, ongehoorzaam zijn, wat zich uit door klachten van de
school (nota’s, rapport, contactopname van de leerkracht).
82. Hebt u al gehoord van een Centrum voor Leerlingenbegeleiding (CLB?)
83. Hebt u al contact gehad met een CLB? Waarom?
84. Ben je tevreden over de dienstverlening van een CLB?
85. Neemt je kind deel aan na-schoolse activiteiten, zoals sport, taallessen, Koranlessen,
muziek, enz? (Via wie of op welke manier heb je deze organisatie leren kennen? Hoe
lang gaat hij/ zij al naar deze organisatie? Hoe vaak gaat hij/ zij naar deze
organisatie? Aan welke activiteiten nemen ze daar deel?
282

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Interuniversitary Consortium on Migration and Integration: Qualitative Research Part

Migrants’ Political and Social Participation in Belgium

Emmanuelle LE TEXIER (CEDEM, University of Liège), Ph.D.

Els VANDERWAEREN (OASeS - MeM, Antwerp University), Ph.D. candidate

Ter nagedachtenis van Charles Ullens.

PART I : LITERATURE STUDY............................................................................... 13

CHAPTER I: DESCRIPTION OF THE SITUATION OF ETHNIC MINORITIES IN

CHAPTER II : SOCIO-POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND MIGRATION.................... 35

CHAPTER III: ETHNIC NEIGHBOURHOODS .................................................................... 60

PART II : PRESENTATION OF THE FIELDWORK................................................. 71

CHAPTER IV: PRESENTATION OF FIELD CASE I: VISÉ – CHERATTE .................... 71

CHAPTER V: PRESENTATION OF FIELD CASE II: ANTWERP ................................. 133

REFERENCES ........................................................................................................................... 241

CHAPTER I: DESCRIPTION OF THE SITUATION OF ETHNIC MINORITIES IN

I.1. Belgium’s (im)Migration History

I.2.1. Labour Situation of Ethnic Minorities in Belgium

Turkish (obs.) Turkish (exp.) Moroccan (obs.) Moroccan (exp.) Native

Source: 1991 Census Data

The unemployment among second-generation immigrants is high. Some 40% of second-

1.2.2.The Educational Situation of Ethnic Minorities in Belgium

I.2.2.1. Educational Policy in Flanders

I.2.2.2. Educational Policy in the Belgian French Community

I.2.2.3. The Educational Position of the Second Generation.

Observed school levels Moroccan Turkish

Source: HMSM survey Data 1994-1996.

Adjusted school levels Moroccan Turkish

Source: HMSM survey Data 1994-1996.

Source: HMSM survey Data 1994-1996.

I.2.3. Explaining the Educational Position of the Second Generation.

I.3. Living Conditions of Ethnic Minorities in Belgium

I.4. Integration Policies in Belgium

II.1. Migrants and Poor People’ s Participation

Literature on political participation mainly focuses on conventional forms of participation

In both approaches, political participation by excluded people seems a challenge, particularly

Yet, others approach migrants’ political participation by referring to a micro-level analysis.

II.2. Migrant’s and Low-income People’s Educational Involvement / Participation

The proposed broad definition of political participation enables us to focus on social

This triangular home-school-community partnership regarding education is central and forms

II.2.1.Parental Involvement: Definition and Conceptualisations

In the literature, social participation in the context of education is conceptualised as ‘parental

Parental involvement is a multidimensional construct, which includes multiple facets, such as

II.2.2. ‘Home – School – Community’ Influences: Theory of Overlapping Spheres of Influence

Departing from a social organizational perspective, the theory of overlapping spheres of

II.2.3. Parental involvement: the Flemish Situation

1. Subsidized Publicly Run Schools (“Officieel gesubsidieerd onderwijs”) that consist of

A study on the implementation of the Decree on Equal Educational Opportunities (EEO)

II.2.4. Parental Involvement and Low-income/ Ethnic minority people

Mahitivanichcha (2001), ‘Redefining Parental Involvement: Lessons from high-performing Migrant-Impacted

The summation of explanatory factors on an individual level have to be completed by school

II.3. Gender, Migration and Participation

Characteristics of the of the urban marginalization of minorities182 include: physical

III.2.1. The Socio-economical Approach of Living in Belgium

Segregation and concentration of allochthonous population groups are approached in Belgium–

III.2.2. The Interethnic Neighbourhood Life

Today, a reconsideration of the classic idea of a community is needed because it is inadequate

Interethnic relations among neighbours display similarities among neighbours in general.

III.3. Key-issues and Problems

CHAPTER IV: PRESENTATION OF FIELD CASE I: VISÉ – CHERATTE

Local level : Visé – Cheratte