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3 Digital Currencies and Decentralized Payment Systems
3 Digital Currencies and Decentralized Payment Systems
3 Digital Currencies and Decentralized Payment Systems
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Blockchain and the Law
61
Research, global remittances topped $500 billion, more than three times
the combined amount of international aid.12
Despite its crucial role, the current payment infrastructure has certain
limitations. It is still impossible to transfer money across the globe in a seam-
less and cost-effective way. Often it takes longer to transfer money electroni-
cally than it does to physically transport cash to another state or country.13
Banks and other financial institutions can take up to a week to transfer
funds.14 Online payment providers, such as Paypal, make electronic pay-
ment easier but charge high fees and lack universal availability.
Remittance systems are equally rickety. Sending currency abroad is often
expensive, slow, and cumbersome. Fees charged by banks or other money
transmitters, such as Western Union, can be significant, averaging well over
7 percent,15 and payment can take days, thereby delaying relief to loved ones
and other beneficiaries.
Even in countries like the United States, with stable currencies and
convenient means of payment, blockchain technology is being explored to
exchange widely used fiat currencies in a fast and secure manner. The tech-
nology is viewed as a new technological backbone for depository institutions
and central banks to conduct interbank transfers and convert funds from
one currency to another.20
For example, R ipple uses a blockchain to give banks the ability to
exchange funds from one currency to another in a m atter of seconds and at
little to no cost.21 To make an exchange, the R ipple protocol creates a series
of transactions between foreign exchange traders who participate in the
R ipple network. The R ipple protocol calculates the most cost-effective way
to convert funds from one currency to another and then creates a series of
trades, which are instantaneously settled using a blockchain.22 Instead of di-
rectly converting one currency to another through a simple transaction,
with the R ipple protocol, an exchange of U.S. dollars to Japanese yen may
require two separate trades: an initial trade of U.S. dollars to euros with one
party and a second trade from euros to yen with another.23
Because R ipple provides nearly instantaneous access to widely used
currencies, a growing number of financial institutions in the United States,
Germany, and Australia have begun to integrate R ipple’s protocol into
their respective payment infrastructures on an experimental basis.24 Cus-
tomers of these banks now enjoy the efficiencies of blockchain technology
and can exchange currencies at lower fees without ever having to convert
existing deposits—held either in U.S. dollars or in euros—to a digital
currency. Blockchain technology operates invisibly in the background,
often without the end user’s knowledge.
Blockchains are beginning to bring similar efficiencies to remittance mar-
kets. Because certain blockchains enable parties to transfer funds worldwide,
at little to no cost, the technology is underlying new services that provide
immigrants with the ability to send money to their families abroad quickly
and cheaply, without the need to rely on existing services such as Western
Union and MoneyGram. With blockchain technology, sending money
abroad does not require a visit to a teller or brick-and-mortar establishment,
and is as easy as sending a text message. Through services like Abra, immi-
grants can join a peer-to-peer remittance network by using their phones
and, through a simple app, accept or send funds to anyone around the globe.25
These services do not rely on a middleman—such as a bank or other deposi-
While blockchains offer the promise of new and improved payment systems,
the technology often runs into conflict with existing laws and regulations
because of its distributed, transnational, and pseudonymous nature. A
number of countries have a dopted anti–money laundering (AML) and
money transmission laws that mandate that financial institutions closely
monitor financial transactions in hopes of stamping out international tax
havens, money laundering, drug trafficking, and terrorist activity. While
t hese rules vary by jurisdiction, many require that regulated institutions
“know their customers” and report suspicious activity.27
For instance, in the United States—as a result of the federal Bank Se-
crecy Act (BSA) and related state money transmission laws—an interlacing
dissuade parties from accepting digital currency that has been associated
with criminal activity. By creating secondary liability for the holders of
tainted digital currencies, governments could go beyond tracking transac-
tions and make it illegal for people to transact with allegedly criminal ac-
count holders or other parties that a government deems problematic. If such
policies w
ere implemented, the (perceived) economic value of any tainted
digital currency would decrease.
If this possibility sounds remote, similar techniques have already been
implemented in the private sector in reaction to criminal activity. In 2012,
web-hosting company Linode was hacked, resulting in the theft of 43,000
bitcoin (over $755 million as of December 2017).51 In reaction, Mt. Gox—
then one of the largest Bitcoin exchanges—froze all accounts whose trans-
actions could to some extent be traced back to the theft. The exchange only
unlocked frozen accounts a fter users verified that their accounts w ere not
involved in the theft.52
As Bitcoin has gained wider adoption, there have been increasing calls
for the Bitcoin protocol to introduce new features to allow the introduction
of a blacklist of tainted transactions.53 Researchers have even suggested that
such an approach would be a “promising” way to fight crime by rendering
any criminal activity associated with Bitcoin useless.54