JULIUS CAESAR AS ARTFUL REPORTER: The War Commentaries as Political Instruments Edited by Kathryn Welch and Anton Powell Contributors Jonathan Barlow, Adrian Goldsworthy, Lindsay G, H. Hall, Barbara Levick, Anton Powell, Louis Rasulings, Catherine Torigian, Kathryn Welch TP. Wiseman Duckworth, ‘The Classical Press of WalesJULIUS CAESAR AS ARTFUL REPORTER: The War Commentaries as Political Instruments Kathryn Welch and Anton Powell $e Contributors Jonathan Barlow, Advian Goldsworthy, Lindsay G. H. Hall, Bavbava Levick, Anton Powell, Louis Raclings, Catherine Torigian, Kathryn Welch, TP. Wiseman Duckworth The Classical Press of Wales3 ‘THE AOTOE OF CAESAR’S BELLUM GALLICUM ESPECIALLY AS REVEALED IN ITS. FIRST FIVE CHAPTERS Catherine Torigian “This paper examines the beginning chapters ofthe Balla Galion in order to pint out what signs they contain ofthe larger ehetorial {sige ofthe 8G, Casa’ intentions in writing i and the methods he fermploys to fll hose intentions These three components of the Work are what i meant by its ope, wll emp to demonstrate that the BG ss thoroughly purposeful and careful designed a work shat ies parla Soyo i operative frown its ears chapters and even from is first words. Inston, comparson of portions of Book 7 withthe beginning of Book T wil lustate how the fundamental ature of Caesars shetoric on topics such as the Gallic Tesdership Femained constant over the entire span of tine during which he ‘Composed the vious books ofthe BG! ‘Stents of Caesar's career and writings are well aware chat Cesar was @ consummate orstor and shetorcian sealing and sometimes Testing even Cero. When composing the BG,» work wth treme The am ofthis Paper, however. iilferent from Rambauds in that its objective i ot to lget behind Caesars narrative to the reality of evens, as in Rambaud's exposition on the Yea’ reason fr dhe Hfveian ign tion Rather, 0 discover the effets on the reader of Caesar's presentation as fr as those effets may be undersood, I shorts what mater ithe present study is not the reality of the station in Gaul tht Caesars version of pone reali, and he inferences which his readers wete intended to daw from ie “Catherine Trion “The course I sal ster through the beginning ofthe AG wil be as follows. Fist in order to underscore the level of care with which Casa composed the nial chapter shall pout out what appeats 0 bea previously unnoticed instanceof ring comporiion which subsly fides the eader's valuation of Cacsrs defeat of the Helveti, Nex, Thal show how Caesar's description ofthe physi orientation ofthe Calle tbs and their cultural dillerence, slong with his remarks om the mitre of Belgian si, imply the ease and naturalness of Rome's, tnd coincidentally is own, attempts to dominate aul After this Till cus the eles of a striking thematic and shetoncal thread hich originates in chapter Tad extends tothe en of chapter 3. By ‘hating tr various appearances, I shall present an interpretation of what Caesar intended with hi inclusion ofthe Ongetori passage Book 1 Finally I shall demonstrate the thematic ink betwen the fiat ‘chapters of Book 1 and certain ideas in Book 7. Taken together, these passages illuminate a paricular aspect of Caesar projected sel nage, one that he subscribed to ax eatly an 5K wc, and which he ltended, in t,o stand ava ind of historical record ot his rlation Rome on the eve of is return there. “The presence of shetviel figure ina given text signifies a the very len that te author did ot dath cof carelesaly, but composed and set it down in a definite and intentional arrangement. At she mort ‘eine, sch figures evoke fr more inthe reader than pleasure i the author's fity for invention and sora and can tell ws some thing about the Heol! princples according which the tent has teen shaped. “Thete rat eas one such figure, an instanceof tng composition, in chapter | of BG Book 1, which indices the degree of care which (Cae ave wo the arrangement ofthis seemingly simple portion of his ‘commentary The ving begins in the second half ot the very frst {entence (LD, Gallia est mis diva im pari tris quarunn wna incolunt Begs alam Aqutani,crtiam qu ipeorum lingua Cele hota Gall appelintur™ Caesar names the three main divisions of {alc peoples inthe order Belgae, Aquitan, and Celtae all which tides can be abled A,B,C respectively. Inthe thd sentence (1.12), ‘utining the geopraphical boundaries between these three pepe, acs its Callr ab AguitanisGarunna flumen, a Belg Matron fe Sequana divi” The order here Call Aguitan, and Belgae, that SE:B.A with he two sequences forming he ring ABC-CBA The Aéyosof Case’ Bellu Galicurn What, if anyehing to make of hit? One might argue that while the thee divisions of Gaul can be presented in any order in Caesar's Set enteric, the description of dhe iver bourdares between them inthe third tay pethaps Be presente in what Cacse thought was the most ‘Alcent or even the neceary geographical arrangement The order ff naming the boundaries, the order Gala, Aqutans Belg, woul in thatcase, be considered the determining factor in de sequence, which in turn prompted Cast lt the tribes in the opening sentence In the inverse order. The ring thu crested would effec a mild rhetorical ‘ccraton-Thiss one possible explanation, though ts ical see ‘what principle of geographic neces might have determined that the Sequence be onstucted in this way. There however, another pos De explanation forthe ring’ presence and is effet. ‘hen, nthe fourth sentence (1-1 3), Caesar gives filler ecount of the character af one ofthe thre peoples, the Belgaeof whom he seth, that to ye et Galle ation ame in he fs Sentence Tn this way, after the eing ABC-CBA, the reappearance ofthe Belge. ie. A luntions a Kind of repre ofthe beginning ofthe eommen- lary This in elf x not sigieant unl we perceive that ts with hi Second mention of the Belgse that Cacsr introduces the tea that German incuraons Forge strength and valor in the defenders, which topic alls bm o segue into remarks onthe Hehesi "As many have noted the Hele belong propery to she Gall, not the Belg, so hat thet en into the text ere nterrupe the pater ‘of Cacsa’s presentation, The Helveh are, however, the ibe over Sebi Caen as hist Gale itory and they occupy half Book 1 ‘ofthe BG. Their entance into Caesar's ex.s handled skilfully, could fehance the significance af both their defeat and his victory. and {Caesar therefore appends the Helveti tothe ring he bas created. In this reading, the ring functions not only asa style curve but Allows fora rhetorically esonant foreshadowing of the coming chap ters Tissue wielding of eres and sequences hardly more thas to be expected from a rhetorian of Casas sil, 0” nthe famous fis sentence ofthe BG, we lear Gallia es omni cis in prs tr (1-1), What commentaries have to say on these word i Tied to tot remarks on oun ad da on oma explanation tits we o mean completely oral, and on di, not o use i tn adjectival ene rater that as part oa perfect passive onstruction * ‘What le oid one sty about them? Uwe scrutinize the remainder ofCorie Tigi (Caesar's description of Gaul it emerges that wht is emphasized is (Gauls divided and daunted mature, an empl llecsel I ball {hid of Gnul emus not underestimate the effet which foreknom- ‘ge ofthe fate of the Heleti had on Roman readers. The situation Would not be unlike that during «tragic performance in filth century ‘Athens the audience knowing the end ofthe try before ever a word trasuitered. Casa’ presentation of events could easily have taken 2 Sarr of teva. “There in| would argue, another effet of Caesar's presentation of Galle unity, namely the creation of un inverse image of Roman tity, wheter real or fabricated. Fist Caesars simple nat the Srsttentence wands in wark but eloquent contrat wo the existence oft ‘mukipiy of diferen tongues in Gaul Then at I-13 Caesar eters {othe Roman province ss mercy provincia. Relying on the frane af {ference which he and his readers share, and thereby underscoring i Gast ie this term no further elaboration. By thet very succinct res the terme a and provincia underscore the shared nature of Rome's tinge and tit. These are frther indications that Caesar’ first chapter peaks not only of Gaul, bt ao of Rome, and we should omider whether by his adoption of the terminology of shaved Romans, Caesar ot emphasizing something about mse as well the fat hate isa Roman frst and forement, and that hi campos are underaken nt for personal aggrandizement but for the glory of ome. lt intereing wo epeclate whether Caesars habit of veering to Riel in the commentaries in the third person fy not another ‘measure calusted to minimize his indiiduality and bolster heres Rome’ agent, thereby rendering his campaigns more attractive to ‘hove bak hoe, ‘The niyo of Cass Blum Galcum le Caesarcan Hauer Rome by hissubl use of login the description of| the Gale ees, he can abo de simular inverse implication to exhort Rome to keep is poner tong, The Belgae and Heleti ae inked by {Gaerr through the rita excellence they have acquired ar result ‘of comtinsal confrontations with the German bes Irom across the Rhine (1-134). Can this remark be construed as another intimation fof Rome's superiority to Gaul? The reat of comparing Rome and ‘Gaul om this point may be the suggestion that Rome, t00, requires ‘ontnuing military campaigns to keep the edge of ts military prowess ‘Sharpened, campaigns such a those of Casa in Gaul At L7.1 Caesar sects his tion aginnt the Helse with dhe need exact rerbu Tiom for ther defeat ofthe consul Lucius Canin 107 wet. Might not chapter I contin an addional, more suble, urging ofthe practical ood to Rome ofthe Gallic campaigns? lemay at fist appear problematic that alongside his lear demonstra ‘dom of the fragmented sate ofthe Gallic peoples, Caesar nevertheless lows che specie of Gallic unity to make x brief appearance in Book 1 Inthe form of Orgetori plan forthe Helsetan migration. thal demonstrate thatthe dacombiting subjects raised ony to llusrate the {mposibiltyof suc attempte a ifeation ever reaching flilmen. ‘When Orgetorsinflames hit countrymen and eonspies with the sulle ofthe Ae and Squat, what he urges on both paris ithe ‘domination of all Gaul, Indeed, the words tte Gala par o their “ppronimation appeat oles thn three mes in this episode, at 123 d7, and 13.8 Historically, Orgetoris wat not the fs Gallic leader to attempt the unico of the tribes under a singe ruling power. In Book 7, chaper 4, Caesar ays explcly that Cellos, the father of \ercingetri, had succeeded in obtaining the rina of a Gaul in tnhat mas period of Calc history prior to the tine of Orgetors elitr was in the end, murdered, ad ot for the attempt at uni tion, but because he went beyond principatas and sought rani, ie tighter and more dicttorial form of power over the tes." Yet ‘Caesar chooses not to mention the earlier precedent when speaking of (Ongetorn, wo thatthe Heletia’s plan appears wuly revolutionary and, given the foreknowledge of ss outcome in readers” minds foolhardy. mn his sudy of Caesars portrayal of the Gallic wes and thei leaders, Demetrios Koutoubat argues that, by urging subtle compar ‘sons, Caesar portray varkus Gall leaders in way that enhances his acatherine Frigian ‘own reputation "Inthe ase of Orgetors, Koutroubas maintains shat (Caer emphasizes the conspiracy in order to rane Tear at Rome over fn imigorted Galle Hinghp. The actual motive for Orgetris’ pro post ofthe Heletian inigration ~ the pressure of the Germanic vations andthe desire 1 unify the country ~ Caesar hid.” Kout roubas this takes Orgetorit to be a misunderstood and mistepre- Semed visionary working for the common good, and he ikens hit Vercngetors, the Cali unifier of Book 7, In Koutroubae vere forthe ‘truth’ behind Caesar's account of the filed Gallic visionaries, i not dificult to sce the influence of Rambaud, Vet the question remains that f Caesar wanted to nce i Rome n desire for war with the Helv, why would Oreo plan 0 tte Gaul nosis even withoutan acount of his treachery agains the Hehveti? How tha element of his scheme works to Caesar's pur post has not yet been determined. More importantly. to posit genuine Roman teror asthe result of reading about 3 Helvedan threst (0 forget that Rome would sce Cacear’s account onl alter that threat had ‘bw removed. Underscoring this uh fact that Caesar employs hi frst pst verb tenses in chapter 2. rhetorical choice which dicances the reader from what Caesar reports If, then, Caesar inchides (Orgetoric rab for power in Book Ihe must have some other reason for doing so a 1891 arc, Yves Gerhard argues thatthe allnces made by COrgetorx withthe leading men of the Aedul and Sequani parallel ‘ose made by Cast himself with Pompey and Crassuein the year 60 fez in whats connmony referred to a the frst riumirate. Gerhard ‘cei argument om the flowing evidence: the inily secret ture ofboth lanes (271) the fact that Both were formed inthe year bo (211, the paralleinm between Orgetorix giving his daughter in mariage o Durnorix and Caeser marrying Julia to Pompey (273), the pretence ofan active opporon between the plebs and avatocracy in ech scenario (272, and, nally, the uma flare of each set of tances t bold together (273). Gerhard holds that Caesar’ text tdemonsrater a foreknowledge of he cventsl dissolution of his tes CCrantn nd Pompey, and tht Caesar cited the failure of Orgetorx lance o put his fellow trumvirs on notice (273), "Yet such connections ax he maker between Orgetorix and Caesar ae. in Gerkards own opinion, isuicent grounds for Caesars nee ‘Son ofthe Ongetoric story, and Gerhard ends hi study with the ‘Mminion that he does ot Lnow why the episode i there. The notion (of parle rumvirate ended a eapiating one, but it dacs not ‘The Asosef Cau’ Btu Gllicum take into consideration the presence of a rhetorical link between Orgetoric thinking and Caesars own which revenls how incision of this episode serves Caesar's propagandiaic goals The link ix eta ‘pears ratio abiquain the mouth of Orgetor "Ar L-L4, breaking of his consideration of Belgian valor o cast a lance atthe Helveti, Caesar writes. "qua de causa Helvett quogue Feliguos Calls vrttepraccedun Tin uerion Caesar makes inthe ‘oie ofthe narration ths fa, i is own voice. The reader, mast De ememered, has not yet encountered Caesar's use of third person singular verb o refer to himsel a does noe occa until chapter 7. ‘Caesar hs, n dion, alteady ued the potesve pronoun nour a [U1 puting hime forward at otha Roman and dhe voce ofthe tex ‘Ac 2, Caste reports the subtance of Orgetri’ harangue othe Helet in indiect dacourse: ‘perce ee, cum virute omnibus pracearen, tous Gallse imperso pot Several features of this Speech meri comment. The word pefacie is used only thee mes in the BG, wice in pasages where Orgetorix i speaking and once when (Caesar reports the words of Vercingetorix® The first time occur, 1122 iisa maser svoke n Caesar's charactetieation of Orgetorix and renders sucinely but eectively the conspirators self-assured manner before hi people. More importantly, the Bt part of Orgewrix speech repeats what Casat himself had asserted at 1.4 with 2 alight but sigoiicant aeration. Caer sido the Hevei that ligas Cal ‘raced, whereas Ongetorix sutures his people that they, i fat futeine one, all thers Caesar's account, Orgetor sures the Helveti, and they believe, that they ae superior not merely tothe ‘other Gallic nations, but everybody, without quaifeation, including, Drosumably he Romane. With a single word, Caesar creates a scene ‘at is no only compeling but one that aches his readers personally. What docs i sity that Caesar pats am anerion which neatly mirrors his own words nto the mouth ofthe enemy? We mort exam Ine tro farther pantages before venting an answer to his question, "At 13.6, when Ongetorix proposes an allance to Dumori and Ccasieus, the esence of his argumentation is given by Caesar a8 follows Pesta it pro cnt porte pee np ie ‘As earlier, Orgetorn’ confident manner i aptured by Caesar in theater Torigion phrate erace fat ee and Orgetore repent his susurance that Hevetwil be powerfl in Gaul, We find, however, that he has there hs earlier reprsenaton, for he now omits wn relerence (0 the superior vs ofthe Helvti and reduces the phrase ote Galliee ‘xpere ptr, aed belore his own people, to ats Gellie plurima| Helos post. Thr new wording makes no mention of the deste of {he Helvti fr soe rule of Gaul and reers only to the probability of Helvean predominance in Cali alas Docs Orgetorix minimize his people's ambitions for reasons of| Aliplomacy. became so revolutionary an idea might acare of his poten- {ial ali or for some ether reas? Let us consider the elements Shih Orgetori now introduces into the miss the phrases iu sae ‘lt inperimobetre ata csp eerie Mle rope ‘cat confirma. Between Orgetorx’ rt reported speech and tissecond, the non of mperioy has shite content so that what was the goal of the Hei i Gaul now that of Ongetori helt ‘over his own pope, Here we se revealed the fundamentally se ‘Serving character of Orgetoi ambitions, his desire co tin era ‘versa His omsion of any reference to Helvetia vis 3 Sign and a consequence of his betrayal of their fai in him. The Hevetian salor of which Orgetorb spoke with pride to his people Imaters to him only 30 fat a8 can be exploited for his own ends, namely to ter hit people into aking the course most advantageous ohm “The final passage to consider occurs in the next sentence where Caesar deveibes the ellects of Orgetorix’ words on the conspirators and their pact (1.8.7: nit pou peran “This page is linked with Orgetoris® two earlier specches via the notion of tta Gali pin, ye the result of his embassy i not the tscutng of ales in aid ofthe Helvetian plan but the double violation tf that plan. Not nly does Orgetorix deprive the Helveti oftheir planned dominion of Gaul but he puts forward as the foundation of | {he conspiracy the subjugation of his people Wo himelt The oath ofthe ‘conspirators and, in particular, the reflexive swe reveal sith erect, ‘ly tat ue of Gal wil the hands ofthe direc meat the op “The phrase orotic ae frminias pops exes Caesars ‘nial devcripson of Gaul In chapter 1 Gaul was portrayed as divided inc thre prs sch a way that minimized the pony of Gale The Niosof Cass Bellun Gallic lumiy. The machinations of Orgetorix onthe other hand, aim at ‘parte division of Gal based on 2 three sharing of imperiom, ‘Where there previously exe only calleion of disconnected peo ples to subdue, Orgetori plan envisone central alliance ready and le wo defend its domain. Yet even in his plan, Gaul does ot stain imate unity. and the establishment of thre internal dvsions repre: Senta the greatest degree af intereomneciednes that can be achieved Asi turned out even this ipartite configuration was never realized, tnd the implica, while abe, that Rome's isthe ely power Capable of ening and controlling the Gali re. 'A further level of sigificance in Caesars use of Ongetrix may be discerned i we eosider dhe eh and psychological shading ofthe episode. What lestures of Orgetris’ character does Caer highligh? Flint smooth and selfasured manners communiated bythe two sceurrences ofthe word fore second, a tendency towards bombast ‘shen useful as wih tte nds rere thir, a ease in deal With revoetionary dear such a tia Gale ier oti: fourth 3 high degree of etorcl skill which enables Orgetorx to tailor hi ‘words to appeal to diferent audiences. Finally, Orgetorix does not Ieaate to dssimlate in the furtherance of his plans for personal slry. The loyalty he oves the Hele etransfered 0 the onspir: tors with whom he enters into ais anden, and he has no dca tubordinating the good of his cvs to his own desire for power. In this way, Caesar demonstrates tat Cali teachery makes imposible the loyal required i org gensine uy ‘Orgetori’ fithlesnen is emphasized thetorcally by 2 chiasmus which Caesar constructs at the ery Beginning of hie account At 12-1, (Caesar summarizes Orgetori’ ations as conwration fet which an be labeled A, and erent, B. Then, proceeding to elaborate on these vents, Caesar begina at 122 with Orgetori exchation of the Holveti, tht ie Byater which, at 81, he outline dhe conti, A, forming the chins AB-BA. This device not only organizes Caesar's presentation, but stress the fit that Orgetors plans for personal power depend on hit sucesfl deception ofthe Hele dhey must, be convinced fie so that he can we thet resolve a leverage inhi Damon and Casi, connection between these several passages and Caesar's initial anesment ofthe sttength of the Hebets noted primary mothe for incorporating the Orgetorix episode aay be fiscerned. Against the background of his description of Gallic fragmentation in chapter 1, Caesar turns wo the most falar andCathrine Trion ‘recent perturbation in Gaul to underscore that any Gallic striving for ‘nity if doomed to fulure. The Maw in any plan the Gauls may {ormulae te ewofld, onsiing oftheir inaiey to know themselves, fi Cactar knows them, and the evanescent nature of Gale alliances a6 ihatrted by dhe fale of Orgetors’ co-conspirators wo come to his SH. Furhen; Orgetori’ own copia ad ere fil Snare ever is ‘own safe, et sone procure the Hg promised to hi allies. Con: ‘ersly since Caesar's view of deeply divided Gaul is the correct one, to ton are his campaigns the correc move for Rome as the most ‘atualand simples way of wppressing Orgetorix’ brand of agitation, ‘Though ultimately inelctual, diurbances such as the Helvetian Imiration should nat be iven the opportunity to recur ‘Beyond serving Caesars purpose by Hs iid demonstration of his ‘gop of the suston in Gaul be Orgetori ephode ar a further remy sbile ut nevertelesdicernble resonance with Caesar's SaEportaic in BG Book 1. This emerges from the contrast between the metoral dazele of Orgetors before his various steers and the Iimprestion of a saightdorward, rank and completely non-rhetoreal ecount created by Caesar's own eof Lain. I Orgetori’ Weachery ‘promulgeted throug rhetorie, then Caesar's claim of validity forthe {Call cmpaigns, by contrast only enkanced by his plain and simple fle He fin the end, 4 for erafuer rhewrican than the failed Hevea, The representation of Orgetori ths serves Caesars pur pose bythe manner as well a bythe very fat of te inclusion, and Gear's question canbe put tore, Chapters 1-3 of Book I function Stabackdrop crf lid forthe unfolding of Caesar's account of his ‘cries in Gal “That Gallic afr reflect the relation between Caesir's campaign and Roman pois ix subject raed bythe Begining of Book 7 ofthe BG: “The content of these opening chapters is, however, more overtly politi han inthe beginning of Book Vin at Tea two ways, Fis (Geer makes explic in Book 7 the influence of Roman polis, in ‘Scemining whether Gaul at peace oti rebellion, by Ins demon Station othe chain of eause and ele in the sequence of events that leads tothe Gale uprisingof 32 nr. Book 7 begins nthe winter of that your with Cater in Hay where he learns of the murder of ‘Codie and alla an order ofthe Senate to enol recruits from Calpe Gal (11, these alli soon reach the eas of the Gal ‘ho imterpret thon to mean that Caesars partyin Rome has cen ‘The neyo of Cat's Bellu Gallicume weakened and thatthe general himself cannot return this army i {Gaul as planned (71.2); the Gaul then begin to meet in seeret confer tence, the result being thatthe Carmutes lunch » succesful stack on ‘Cenabum (-18-8.1y news ofthese developments is heard among the ‘Avverni where Vercingetorix begin simi ration to foment revel (783-41: by the tine news of the disturbances In Gaul reaches (Caesar, afr in Rome have been seed by Pompey and Caesars Free to reuen his armies (7.6.12), “The connection between Roman poles and Gallic quis could not be clearer: unrest in Rome his obstructed Caesar's oath dacharge ‘ot his miliary campaigns and has even undone some of his achieve ‘ments in Gaul. What the sequence also implies hat, despite is long isence from Rome, Caer remains at he center of Roman pies An emergency ofthe greatest politica significance for Rome and 5 major rebelion in Gaul ean be linked inthis way only because Cast has united the Roman miliary and poliieal spheres within himsel and therefore welds 2 power which should not be underestimated. "The beginning of Book 7 recalls Book I in another way at well as ‘Caesar represents him, Vercingetorx stands a the inverse image of the acheming Orgetris” The introduction of Vercingetorix against the background ofthe career of his fathe, Cll, recalls Orgetorb in hat Ceillus shied for precisely the same Kid of grab for power 2: toppled Orgetorix, Caesar ase on Chills, principe alti oStnuerat to nm ccm, quad regio epee, a cat eral Imre (74.1) ao foreshadows a central feature of Caesar's por {raya of Vercingetorix. For despite his seifles objectives and patio. ‘sm, the Gauls plague him continually wih accusations of clusion ‘with Rome al they fll eve o acho lesge his tela efforts ree (Gaul fom Roman rule "The accounts of Ongetorix and Vereingetorc taken together ile rate distinc insights by Caestr ito the nature of Gali leadership. ‘The histories ofthe ewe men, as well ar the brie mention of Calas demonstrate chat while the Gauls may fora me adhere tothe leader Ship of man who attempts to unite dem, they cannot, ithe end, endure the dominance ofa single powerful Gal rule, The personal ambition of Orgetorsx and Cells doomed both, and Caesar's por {raitof Vercingetortx brings light more ofthe complex response of the Gauls o men of high eaiber 'A fst clsparaged by those in power among the Arverai soon Vereingetorix rab suis appllaar (74.9). Galc constancy ad Fea ot power. however. cause his followers alternately to praise and malign ”Catherine Forigian ‘im accordingly a their fortunes ise and al” Vercors tobe sure, ot fem and unwavering is leadership, and volte led by his peopl rather than persuading them to his chosen path of scion, 38 Sit his decion tet Avaricum stand rather than ordering it buried Tiong wth he other Gallic oppda™ Sl no aceurations of cslyalty by his people dissuade Vereingetorc from his course, though hie stead {anes fist inspire hi followers for move than a shor ime Even sthen portraying the greatest Callie champon, Caesar's accnt makes ‘Rabundandy cea hat Gal wil never be red fom within Ye the Gauls do come iopether on accasion, as at 7.12, where Ccaesrsabnence roses them to unite theif Mutterings against Rome: mirener commen Gali ferme, Men wh ure Went tperae Independent Irom one another now speak spontaneously of ‘heir common suffering, common goal nd eomeson snceators, and SAhot this becuse ofthe pressure of acs armies (717-8) bth say we are agin shown that Gaul is unable to coalesce around native Calc ladership but instead vulnerable to dominion by the com (quetor who comes from without. That i, ie omly i slavery and ‘presi that Gaul unites, and this characterise sn evidence even ithe manner of Veringetoris’ leadership. For its when he iat his harshest the beginning the revolt and nreatens his men with the inex punishments that they follow his orders mont eager” Apart fiom this anhners, Vercingetoris’ dream of a free Caul docs not lie to bold his followers to their commitment The greatest oppres- or of Gaui ofcourse, Caesar hime nd ith way he emerges. ironical the tue nifier af the Calte peoples: tf By enslaving therm tha he causes them vo come togeter, however briefly, in {fendveallance This unity forged of desperation willbe merged {ovo the very ferent unity conferred by Roman rule on its subjects snc an xcursuson the nature ofthe Gals and Calli leadership is presen in Carers writing a this reading ofthe fist and last books tthe BG suggeas we may venture a further, and final interpretive point Book Fas writen by Caesar as his own lst instalment of the Sccount of his procensulship, anid 1 would argue thats sul i neces tary presumes and implies his return to Rome and the pic arena, ‘This not ocur nl the year 51, Dut the fact that Caesar cone to nd his commentary with Book 7 rather than adding am eighth SShaple undertaking given hi il of rapid wrting, implies chat he Tooke upon tis bok athe completion of hi sell-reprenentation, n suppor ofthis view, we note te erie speed, even by Caesat's standard of events inte final two chapters of Book 7."Theve ty ‘The Ae of Cara's Bellu Calticum sudon, a phase Caesar uses which as tothe ar of finaly in this book tne fermath othe ied pan-Calic revolt ed by Vercngetors theleadersot the rebel ae handed ovr: das product (89. ‘The juaposion of wo words, soun and verb, alk the sine root snd presented without further adornment, ring in ts phic: ‘The pave thus constructed sounds a coda simutancously boast and plat. implying thatthe dacs of Gaul ad arrived at thee fatual tog, both strategically and linguistically, and that there ‘would be no tore leaders to reckon with in Gaul Among the dices ‘aesar names Vercingetori of whom Book 7 had stds much. As for {he other her anonymity enhances thea of finality, for whether Uhre were indeed! eter Calle agers of note Caesi'ssvih coda sloses over continuing woubles in Gal=the text implies that the end Jha been stained that any further diturbances were neil. The Sonar hi flected ender turber abraton of cts ow at iy supertaous and ics roc that in histo complete the Gele of Caras commentaries by ading an cghth book to he BG, the loyal Hiri commited an unwiting srupton of his ends design Book 7. then, is what Caesar penned is Gal account of himslt before being require to ay dow his command i order to r-eer poll ie Having demonstrated that he knew the heart of Gaul and foul impose Roman rte on it despite intlrance fr power individuals Cas returned othe equally facous world Of Rome and proceeded down a roa! leading, nthe end, to 2 ima pose tion Of his authority. As we well know, Rome could not abide the Siar ad the enfin beancen cea andinlerance proved [tas devastating ot ast Gaul To fhe pnt ay wee he erin ny TG Norling, Ii Die nd lava Sr in Caer + Skt Rau, ale frond ha. iste, Cama aie War JH, and WS, Aes an J Hon, i er pada pa fhe Be decd neCatherine Toiion koi, ad ‘nla ates abet quatre qungu {Gn pais ae magne, Hg, mous, sai, hgts prorae Solem Thomas More Up Latif and gl Prato George MC Eagan Rober Me Adams, and Clarence I Miler Cambrige 1096. Queen om Book 2 * Rie pole inmade daewhere inthe BG soot the Neri (2.15.4 and ‘he Germans (121 and 428). We Royce UB. Mow ‘Mowe an he Bella Calica’ CB 66 (190) ‘tga coum quod repum appetebt, abate erat mrt Goatees Raprechvkar-Univeruant e™ ™ Cunn Baw gprae "Yee Goan, Ongtoix Hehe oe Bla Callen de Car’ LEE satan, t6-74 1 oft made of iret nd indies speech in Casa’ works thee of Dee Rasen, Eon Contr Se ad Sie! Beit Sie i Caingen T9,to este Moc, Pa an ind throughocs: Veneer heir cussions nor any oer take me oF {he lnerotmecon ofthe passages aout oe dco "Ongar 122 and 1361 Verdngeork: 7042 "The word docs nat appear the Bl Cle Kouba apc 18, manaos that Oretori and Veringtrix stand oposite eno the Ban examples the Calc trogg f m hdd tear ingot hare by Cac er, eg 730 80am un Vv ptr, 4 ‘THE VENETI REVISITED GEE. Stevens and the tradition on ‘Caesar the propagandist Barbara Levick 1. Context in my father’s House ate many mansions and in the history wing loud are the dispute of the ihabisant- One historian who aught and trvote bythe original Gospel dict was Courtenay Edvard Stevens He died in Agua 1976, ane twenty eatsisa longtime in scholarship. iis good fo hve this opportunity of reviewing his contibution to {sje that continues to have lntinnie ane methodological interes ‘asthe pupil of RG. Callngwood and Caml ella, Sevens was sell quale to contbute to the subject both as archaeologist and as Fistoran: And inspite of radia changes in hstory-writing bis parciulay sength aan historian has mene that is approach re Iain relevant Fhe halla of recent schools radical epic of Irriten historia texts athe product consciously oF unconsciously Uistrted ofan age anda individ! By contrat atlas ave sen Stat thet mesoge tents tobe tea longue those verbal texts Both changing clog) a hes tat ofthe era and non Iherary text have given Anthropology and Archaeology a particularly prveged stat in hora work ofthe st fey decades ‘Stevens, howeves belonged to a generation of English scholars that tna begun sil in chal o Momimen, withthe constitutional historian HIM, fast inthe Camden Chat of Ancient History at Oxtord twas nly hen ‘Stevens was etablingimel as an historian tha the ‘OFF: Miner, A. som Premersen, and M, Gelzer began to have is impact on Bra scarp response the plication in 1988 [IR Syne Te owen Reon And Momsen's eased portrait Si Caer, enforcing the elec that the Beli Glico had on gen ‘tations schonloys, lang peste rough such standard works as Tr Rie Holmes’ Caves Gong of aad ad The Ronn Rep,