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Myth in Metamorphosis: Ancient and Medieval Versions of the Yamatotakeru Legend
Author(s): Isomae Jun'ichi

Source: Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. 54, No. 3 (Autumn, 1999), pp. 361-385
Published by: Sophia University
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Mythin Metamorphosis
Ancientand Medieval Versionsof the
Yamatotakeru Legend
ISOMAE JUN'ICHI
T v HEcompilation
ofNihonshokiHl/1I&Tearlyintheeighth
century
was an
epoch-makingevent.TogetherwithKojiki t*`E (712), itwas composed
to sortout and consolidatethe various legends and historicalaccounts
relatedto Yamato rule thatuntilthatpointhad been preservedin fragmented
formin thehandsof theindividuallineages associatedwiththeYamato court.
Completedin 720, Nihonshokieventuallyacquireda preeminent positionas the
first"official"nationalhistory,and as a consequence,its accountof thelegends
relatedtoYamatorulesignificantly influencedversionsofthosesametalesfound
in textswritten thereafter,
such as Kogoshai A (807) or Sendai kujihongi
t1H:F1eP (ca. earlytenthcentury,also knownas Kujiki 1H+]*). This article
focuseson one oftheselegends,thatoftheill-fatedheroYamatotakeru("Valiant
Prince of Yamato")1 son of the twelfthemperoraccordingto the traditional
chronologyused in these works.By examiningthe evolutionof the Yamato-
takerulegendover time,I wish to exploretheways in whichthecompilersof
latertextsrespondedtotheauthority ofNihonshokiwhilesimultaneously devel-
opingpointsof view distinctively theirown.
The vivid accountsin Nihonshokiand Kojiki of Yamatotakeru'spacification
ofareasnotyetundercentralruleand ofthepowersoftheswordassociatedwith
himendowedtheYamatotakeru legendwithlastingpopularity. It is thusan excel-
lentvehiclefortracingthehistoryof interpretation of theNihonshokiand Kojiki
myths.While todaywe tendto view thosemythsfroma perspectiveshapedby
interpretationsdeveloped in theearlymodernperiodby Kokugaku H* schol-
ars such as MotooriNorinaga ; (1730-1801), a substantialgap separates
thoseinterpretationsand ancientand medievalapproachesto thesame material.
THE AUTHOR is associateprofessor of religiousstudiesat NihonJoshiDaigaku El zC;-+k@. The

followingarticleis a translation
ofa slightlymodifiedversionofchapter3 ofhis book Kikishinwa
no metahisutori-DCMFLP$=O) 7 t- A F 1) - (Yoshikawa Kabunkan, 1998). That chapter appeared
originallyin TokyoDaigaku shiukyogaku nenpo, 8 (1991).
1 The textsdiscussedhereuse different transcriptions
forYamatotakeru,withNihonshoki,for
instance,writingit El/4Z and Kojiki &t-L.As discussedbelow, differences of thissortofferone
meansof tracingtherelationshipbetweentexts.
362 Monumenta Nipponica 54:3
To bringthissituationand itsimplicationsintosharperfocus,I will dividecon-

siderationof themetamorphosis of theYamatotakerulegendintothreestages:
theformsfoundinNihonshoki,Kojiki,and Fudoki)?`-E (provincialgazetteers
orderedcompiledin 713); theinterpretationsdevelopedin theHeian period;and
theinterpretations
thattook shape in theKamakuraand Muromachiperiods.
Early VersionsoftheYamatotakeru Legend: Kojiki,Nihon Shoki,Fudoki

The oldestversionsof theYamatotakerulegendavailable to us todayare those
includedin Kojiki,Nihonshoki,and Fudoki,all of whichwere compiledin the
span oftimeextendingfromthereignsof Tenmu7T- (r. 672-687) and Jitot? b
(r. 687-697) to thoseof GenmeiThW(r. 707-715) and Gensho ThiE(715-724),
the period of the full establishmentof the ritsuryostate.The versionsof the
Yamatotakerulegendfoundin Kojiki and Nihonshokialike describethepacifi-
cationof outlyingareas and recordincidentsdemonstrating thepowers of the
swordKusanagi V.
KojikiandNihonshokirelatethat,owingtohisunusualstrength, Yamatotakeru
is twice orderedby his father,Keiko Tenno '>1)Ea, to undertakeexpeditions
of pacification.His firstexpeditionis to thewest to pacifytheKumaso i in
southernKyushu;2his second expeditionis to thenortheast to quell theEmishi
N' and otherrecalcitrant elements.He encountersvariousobstacles,butinboth
instancescarriesout his mission. Accordingto Kojiki and Nihon shoki,the
authority of theYamato courtbecame morefirmly establishedand geographi-
cally extensivein thefollowingreignsas a resultof his efforts. Membersof the
rulinglineage were dispatchedto distantregions,and theboundariesof "prov-
inces" and "districts"were demarcatedduringthereignof Keiko's successor,
Seimu jlft Two reignslater an expeditionto Korea was undertakenby the
femalerulerJingui KojikiandNihonshokiin effectpresentYamatotakeru's
1T)r2.
pacification of the east and westas bringingmostof theJapaneseislandsunder
theswayoftheYamato court;hisaccomplishments thusmarka keyturning point
in theirnarrativeof thehistoryof thenation.
The swordKusanagi plays a partin thestoryof Yamatotakeru'spacification
of theeast. As relatedin earliersectionsof Kojiki and Nihonshoki,Susanoo fE
fTA 3EPA,had extractedthisswordfromthebody of theeight-tailed dragon
afterslayingthebeastand had presenteditto his sisterAmaterasu . Because
of its fearsomepotencyit laterhad been transferred fromtheruler'spalace to
Ise, whereYamatotakerureceives it fromhis aunt Yamatohime 4f , the Ise
vestal.Ultimately, however,he confronts thehostilelocal deityof Mt. Ibuki {#
PLLIin Omi withoutthesword,and as a consequenceis woundedand dies.
While thepowersof Kusanagi figurein theKojiki and Nihonshokiversions
oftheYamatotakerulegend,comparedto medievalversionstheyarenota major
focus of attention.Kojiki and a variantaccountincludedin Nihon shokirelate
thatan enemyattempted to trapYamatotakeruby settinga grassfireat Yaizu )M
2 RegardingtheKumaso, see Nakamura1980 and Tsuda 1948.
ISOMAE:Myth in Metamorphosis 363
+ and thatYamatotakeruescaped by using the swordto mow down the grass

(thesourceof thenameKusanagi,"Grass Mower"). This storydoes notappear,
however,in the mainNihon shokitext.3Only it, on the otherhand,tells how
Kusanagi,leftbehindbyYamatotakeruin a fatalerror,came tobe keptat Atsuta
H shrinein Owari. At thetimeof thecompilationof Kojiki and Nihonshoki,
F
ithas been argued,theregalia,consistingofthemirror(Yata no Kagami k)Ei),
theswordKusanagi,andthejewel (Yasakani no Magatama k T..), werenot
yetregardedas thecentralindicatorsofkinglysuccession;itwas in themedieval
periodthattheyacquiredthisfunction.4 We need to keep thisin mindwhencon-
sidering the stories about in
Kusanagi Kojiki and Nihonshokiand notinadver-
tantlyread intothemtheassumptionsof laterperiods.
Addingdifferent componentsto theelementstheysharein common,and com-
biningtheseaccordingto theirown narrativestrategies, Kojiki and Nihonshoki
each formulatedtheirown distinctiveversion of the Yamatotakerulegend.5
Below I will brieflyreviewthemaindifferences in thetwo texts.
The versionbestknowntodayis thatofKojiki.WhereasinNihonshokiYamato-
takeruis identified as thecrownprince,in Kojiki,as indicatedby thephrase"the
threeprinces. . . borethetitleofheirapparent,"he is presentedas no morethan
one possible successorto thethrone.6His behavioris thatof a trickster, and his
inabilityto controlhis extraordinary
strengthis a sourceofdisturbance. A prime
exampleis his murderofhis elderbrotherOusu tkW.Commandedby his father,
Keiko Tenno,"to teachand admonish"(negioshie satose KEA?) Ousu for
failingto come to themorningand eveningmeals,Yamatotakerumisinterprets
his father'swordsand killsOusu by tearinghimlimbfromlimb.By negi Keiko
had meant"entreat,"butYamatotakerutookhimto mean to "crush"Ousu.7
Terrified byYamatotakeru's "fearless,wilddisposition,"Keiko decidestodis-
pose ofhimby sendinghimon a campaignagainsttheKumaso.8Yamatotakeru
nevertheless remainsdevotedto his father.Even afterhe recognizesthelatter's
trueintention,he harborsno grudge,simplylamenting, "Is itbecause theemperor
wishes me to die soon?"9The one who comes to his aid in thissituationis his
auntYamatohime.
In KojikiYamatohimeappearsin boththewesternand easternexpeditionsof
pacification.On theoccasion of thewesternexpeditionshe gives Yamatotakeru
an uppergarmentand skirt,whilefortheeasternexpedition,in additionto Kusa-
3 One of thedistinctive featuresofNihonshokiis theincorporation, particularlyin thesections

on theage of thegods and theearlyemperors,of variantversions(knownas issho - or ichiun
s) in additionto themaintext(honbun4Z). On thispointsee also note25 below.
4 For insightfulsuggestionsregardingthe establishment of the imperialregalia,see Konoshi
1994; Yamamoto 1985; Tsurumaki1994.
5 I followherethenotionof thefunction of thenarrativesetforthby HaydenWhite.See White
1978.
6 Philippi1968, p. 229; Kojiki,p. 205.
7 Philippi1968, p. 232; Kojiki p. 207. On thispoint,see Saigo 1973, p. 232.
nagi,she giveshima bag containinga flint.In his campaignagainsttheKumaso

he makesuse of thegarmentsYamatohimegave himto adoptthedisguiseof a
younggirland therebyinsinuatehimselfamongtheenemy.The flinthe utilizes
together withKusanagi whenhis opponenttriesto traphimby settingfireto the
plain at Yaizu. Aftermowingthe grass withthe sword,Yamatotakerusets a
counter-fire withtheflintandinsteadkillstheenemy.Yet despitesuchassistance,
perhapsout of despair,Yamatotakeruforgetsto take Kusanagi withhim when
he goes to confront thedeityof Mt. Ibuki,and in theend loses his life.The leg-
end of Yamatotakeruas presentedin Kojikiis thusthetale of a son murderedby
his father.10
While in Kojiki thegreaterpartof theaccountof thereignof Keiko is taken
up by thestoryof thefeatsof Yamatotakeru,in Nihonshoki,episodes concern-
ing him appear only at intermittant pointsin the annals of Keiko's reign.His
birthis notedundertheeventsof thesecond yearof thereign;his expeditionto
thewest is recordedunderthetwenty-seventh and twenty-eighth year; and his
expeditionto theeast is describedas occurringin thefortieth to forty-third
year.
Nihon shoki also reportsthatKeiko Tenno himselfundertooka campaignto
Kyushuagainstthe Kumaso and otherrebelliousgroupsin thetwelfthyearof
his reign,priorto Yamatotakeru'swesternexpedition.It further recordsKeika
as makinga tourofinspectionaroundtheeasternprovincesinthefifty-third year,
afterYamatotakeru'sdeath.The legendof Yamatotakeruthusconstitutesonly
one partof theannalsof Keiko.
Nihonshokiuses thecharacter son - towritethehonorific termmikotoattached
to thenameYamatotakeru(H E and refersto his mother,Harimano Oira-
tsumeV1W ff,as "empress"(kisaki 4ff), therebyindicatingthathe is to be
regardedas thecrownprince(Kojiki,by contrast,transcribes mikotoas X, fk%
-)0.1lAttesting to this status,Keiko Tenno declares to him,"This empireis thy
empire,and thisdignityis thydignity."Yamatotakeruproudlyidentifies himself
as "thechildofEmperorOtarashihikotXiX [Keiko]," whileKeiko is described
as having"commendedthegood servicedone by Yamatotakeruno Mikotoand
bestowedextraordinary affectionon him."12 In thisway Yamatotakeru'sexpe-
ditionsaie depictednot,as in theKojiki,as a device to drivehimaway fromthe
court,butas a taskproperlyundertaken by theheirto thethrone.
Nihonshokifurther presentsthemutualtrustof Yamatotakeruand Keiko as
foundedon thehierarchicalrelationship betweenlordand vassal. Yamatotakeru
consistently termshimselfthe vassal (shin E) of the emperor,his father.This
usage is trueto theparticularfeaturesof thepositionof heirapparentin thefor-
mativeperiodof the ritsuryostate,13and indicatesthatthe narrativeprinciple
informing theNihonshokiversionof theYamatotakerulegenddates primarily
10 Thereis an extensiveliterature betweenYamatotakeruand his father.For
on therelationship
representativeinterpretations, see Saigo 1973; Ishimoda 1948; Kawai et al. 1983.
l Kikuchi 1970, p. 204.
12
Aston 1972, vol. 1, pp. 204, 201, 202; Nihonshoki,vol. 1, pp. 302, 298, 300.
13
Regardingthepositionof theheirapparentin theritsuryaperiod,see Aoki 1962; Inoue 1965;
Araki 1985.
fromthatperiod. The narrativestructureof the Kojiki version,by contrast,

reflectsearlierpatternsof succession.
WhereasNihonshokiemphasizestherelationshipbetweenfatherand son, it
portraysYamatotakeru'srelationshipwithYamatohimein muchfaintercolors
thandoes Kojiki. Yamatohimemakes no appearancein the westerncampaign
and on theoccasion of the easternone simplygives him Kusanagi, whichthe
maintextdoes notdepictas figuring activelyin theeasternexpedition;at Yaizu
Yamatotakerusetsthecounter-fire witha flintthathe produceson his own and
does notuse Kusanagi to mow down the grass.Yamatohime,saying"Be cau-
tious,andyetnotremiss,"warnsYamatotakeru nottobe overlysureofhimself, 14
buthe disregardsheradvice. Indeed,in contrastto Kojiki whereYamatotakeru
lamentsbeingdispatchedon an impossiblemission,Nihonshokidescribeshim
as takingtheinitiativein the easternexpedition."Thy servant,"he declaresto
his father,"notwithstanding thatit is a laborto him,will speedilyquell thisdis-
turbance."15 Rashly leaving Kusanagi behind,he goes offto fightthe deityof
Mt. Ibukibarehandedand receivesa mortalwound.In bothcases failureto take
theswordwithhimleads to his death,butwhilein Kojiki,distracted, he forgets
thesword,in Nihonshoki,overconfidence in his own strengthinvitesdefeat.
Apartfromtheversionsfoundin Kojiki and Nihon shoki,theYamatotakeru
legendis also takenup in variousFudoki. In Hitachi no kunifudoki'RHJPA?
'PE,referencesto Yamatotakeruappearin theprefaceand thesectionson Shida
't, NamekataJT;, Kashima -y, Kuji At, and Taka f1TI districts, while in
Hizen no kunifudoki J referencesmay be foundin the sectionson
Saka f/A,Oki J*i, and Fujitsui districts.
Amongfragments of otherFudoki
held to be authentic,Yamatotakeruis mentionedin the gazetteersforthepro-
vincesof Owari,Mutsu,and Awa. These worksdescribehimas bringingrebels
underthesway of thecourtand openingland to cultivationin thecourseof his
progressthroughout thecountry, and theyfrequently includeepisodesnotfound
in Kojikior Nihonshoki.In theextantfragment of Owari no kunifudoki)M[H
JX?k, forinstance,Yamatotakeruhappensone nightto see theswordKusanagi
shinewithan unearthly lightand tellsthelocal maidenMiyazuhimeno Mikoto
W0tXin whose house he is staying,"This swordshows thesignsof a deity;
enshrineitand hold it as a tokenofme." This is explainedto be theoriginofthe
enshrinement of Kusanagi at Atsuta.16
Ratherthanconflicting withtheKojikiandNihonshokiaccounts,suchepisodes
be as
may regarded supplementing themfroma different perspective.The order
to compiletheFudoki called on provincialofficialsto
chooseauspiciousgraphsforthenamesofthedistricts
(koriTS)andvillages(sato
14 Aston 1972, vol. 1, p. 205; Nihonshoki,vol. 1, p. 304.

16 Fudoki,p. 441. Accordingto thisfragment, recoveredfromitscitationin themedievalShaku
Nihongi(see ShakuNihongi,p. 107), Yamatotakeruleaves Kusanagi hangingon a treewhenhe
goes outone nightto use theprivy.Whenhe returns to retrieveit,theswordis shiningin thedark
like a deity.Unable to takehold of it,he tellsMiyazuhimeto enshrinetheswordas his token.
of theprovinces
WU1) throughout thecapitalregionand sevencircuits.Recordin
detailthesourcesofsilver,copper,and[mineral] pigmentslocatedwithin thedis-
andtheplants,trees,birds,animals,fish,andinsectslivingthere.Writeup
tricts,
andsubmit informationaboutthecondition ofthesoil,thereasonsforthenames
of mountains,rivers,and fields;reportstoriesaboutnotablemattersand events
passeddownbytheeldersofthearea.17
WhereKojikiandNihonshokitracedtheprocessofexpansionand consolidation
of Yamato rule througha chronologicalaccountcenteredon the imperiallin-
eage, theFudokilooked at thissame issue spatially,surveyingthegeographical
extentoftheimperialline's involvement in thedevelopmentoftheland through
toursofinspectionand expeditionsofpacification.18Whilehavingdifferent nar-
rativepurposes,theseworkscomplementedeach other.The Fudoki,withtheir
spatialperspective,did not have a coherentchronologicalframeworkof their
own; thiswas providedinsteadby Kojiki and Nihon shoki.Kojiki and Nihon
shoki,on theotherhand,focusingon themain pointsof theprocessby which
the Yamato rulersextendedtheirauthorityover the country,deferredto the
Fudokiin termsof comprehensiveness of geographiccoverage.
As different people composed themover a periodof timefollowingthe713
compilationorder,Fudoki contain substantialinconsistenciesin contentand
transcriptions of names. Those fortheKyushuregionexistin two forms,com-
pletetexts(kohonFWI),whichcorrespondin information and terminologywith
Nihon shoki,and fragments (otsuhonL4z), which do not."9Referencesto the
Yamatotakerulegendfoundin thekohonversionofHizen no kunifudokiparal-
lel quitecloselytheaccountofKeiko Tenno's pacificationofthewestcontained
in Nihon shoki,and in a numberof instancesadopt the same wording.20The
otsuhonfragments of Hizen no kunifudokido notincludepassages concerning
Yamatotakeru,but fragments of otherFudoki thatincorporateepisodes about
him show thetypesof divergencethathas been analyzedforthedifferent ver-
sions of the KyushuFudoki. The accountfoundin the fragmentary Owari no
kunifudoki, forinstance,does notcorrespondwitheitherKojikiorNihonshoki.21
The same is trueof Hitachi no kunifudokiand the fragments of Awa no kuni
fudokiFHi)iUM?:.-
Of particular notein theselasttwocases is thatbothspeakof"EmperorYama-
totakeru."22Hitachi no kunifudokiis held,on thebasis of thetermsemployed
17
ShokuNihongi,vol. 1, pp. 197-98. Regardingthepurposeforthecompilationof theFudoki,
see Sakamoto 1940; and Akimoto1958.
18 Regardingthe significanceof toursof inspectionby membersof the imperiallineage, see
Origuchi1932; Hori 1955; Mitani 1981.
19 Sakamoto 1970, pp. 102-106; Tanaka 1950; Tanaka 1951; Kojima 1962.
20
Sakamoto 1942, pp. 17-20.
21 Apartfromdifferences in content,Owari no kunifudokitranscribesMiyazuhimeno Mikoto
as gRX and Yamatotakeru as H,4Cj. Nihon shoki writes Miyazuhime as 1M, while
Kojiki gives thename as .
22 Hitachino kunifudokiuses thecharactersfkAT!4, whileAwa no kunifudokiuses fk !,.
See Mizuno 1955; Sakamoto 1942, pp. 19-20; Takafuji 1994.
ISOMAE: Myth in Metamorphosis 367
in it,tohavebeenwritten before715.23 Interpreting

itsreference
toYamatotakeru
as tennoas evidencethatpriorto thecompilationof Kojiki and Nihonshokihe
was regardedas such,scholarshaveutilizedthismaterialintheattempt torecover
a single,"original"versionof themyths.24 It mightbetterbe takento indicate
thatmultiplevariantsof theYamatotakerulegendcontinuedto existeven after
thecompilationof Kojiki and Nihonshoki,whichwere intendedto consolidate
divergent versionsof themyths.25Otherevidenceof thesame is providedby an
entryin ShokuNihongit: tE4Z
1H forthe 8thmonthof 702 notingreportsof the
groundrumbling inthevicinityofthegraveofYamatotakeru.Althoughincluded
in thesequel toNihonshoki,thisentrydoes notadopttheusage ofthatwork,but
ratherfollowsKojiki in transcribingYamatotakeruas 4QL p.26
While theyincorporatevariousdifferences, theversionsof theYamatotakeru
legendcontainedin Kojiki and Nihonshokiare bothbuiltaroundthepersonal-
ityof Yamatotakeruand his relationshipwithhis father.Fudoki preservethis
perspectivewithintheframework oftheirgazetteerformat.FromtheHeian into
themedievalperiod,however,thissituationchanged.
The Heian Yamatotakeru

The versionsoftheYamatotakerulegenddatingfromtheHeian periodwerefor-
mulatedout of excerptsfromNihonshoki.These reworkingsof extractsare of
twotypes:one was centeredaroundtheeasternand westernexpeditionsand the
otheraroundmiraculouseventsassociatedwiththeswordKusanagi. An exam-
ple oftheformertypemaybe foundin Sendai kujihongi,said tohave been com-
piled aroundthe Engi K' period (901-923) by someone associated withthe
Mononobe Mr%lineage.27
Sendai kuji hongi,whichin its overallorientation
followsNihonshoki,sim-
plysumsup theresultsoftheeasternandwesterncampaigns,incorporating these
at different
pointsof the annals of thereignof Keiko. Regardingthe western
expedition,forinstance,itexcerptsfromNihonshokithephrase"Yamatotakeru
no Mikotowas sentto attacktheKumaso. He was at thistimesixteenyearsof
age."28In Nihonshokithisis theopeningsentenceof a passage thatgoes on to
23 Iwahashi 1956.
24
See, forinstance,Mizuno 1955.
25
For a discussionoftheimplicationsoftheinclusionoflargenumbersofvariantswithinNihon
shokiand the existenceof different versionsof the same mythsin Kojiki and Nihon shoki,see
chapter2 of Isomae 1998. For a critiqueof interpretations of theformation of theYamatotakeru
legend,see Konoshi 1983.
26 ShokuNihongi,vol. 1, p. 59. Apartfromthe sourcesdiscussedhere,a Nara-periodreference
to Yamatotakeruoccurs in thebiographyof Fujiwara no MuchimaroSgJf-rT containedin
Toshikaden.In connectionwithMuchimaro'sclimbingMt. Ibuki,thisworknotes,"In antiquity
PrinceYamatotakeru(ifkAai) . . . receiveda mortalwound fromthedeity[of Mt. Ibuki] and
was transformed intoa whitebird."Toshikaden,p. 351. Here thelegendofYamatotakeruis intro-
duced simplyas partof an explanationof theperilsof climbingMt. Ibuki.
27
On thebackgroundof Sendai kujihongi,see Kamata 1962.
28
Kuji hongi,p. 106. Cf. Aston 1972, vol. 1, p. 200; Nihonshoki,vol. 1, p. 298.
relatevariousdetailsofYamatotakeru' s campaignagainsttheKumaso andother

rebelliouselements.Sendai kujihongi,however,omitssuchdetails.Nihonshoki
does notoffera summationoftheeasternexpedition,so thecompilersofSendai
kuji hongi providedone of theirown instead: "AlthoughYamatotakeruno
Mikoto subduedthe easternbarbarians,he did not succeed in returning to the
court;he passed away in theprovinceof Owari."29Again thecompilersdid not
includeany detailsabout the easternexpeditionor referto episodes involving
Kusanagi.
The mannerin whichtheyexcerptedmaterialfromNihonshokiindicatesthat
thecompilersof Sendai kuji hongiwere notinterestedin theaspectsof human
relationshipsfoundin the original;theirattentionwas focused solely on the
resultsof theprocessof nationalunification.
To illustrateYamatotakeru's brav-
ery,Sendai kujihongiquotesNihonshoki's descriptionof him: "Whilsta child
he had a manlyspirit;whenhe arrivedat manhoodhisbeautywas extraordinary.
He was a rod in height,and his strengthwas such thathe could lifta tripod."30
It does not,however,includeYamatohime'sremonstrance withhimto be cau-
tious;nordoes it mentiontheepisode in whichhe leaves Kusanagi behindand
fightsbarehandedwiththedeityof Mt. Ibuki. As a resulttheYamatotakeruof
Sendai kuji hongi becomes one-dimensional.There is no hintof carelessness
abouthim;he simplyis a figureof strengthwho carriesouttheeasternand west-
ernexpeditions.
Sendaikujihongialso reportstheoffspring
ofYamatotakeru, butthisis because
Chuiai4rPiTenno (thefourteenth tenno)was held to be his son. The clear state-
mentthatYamatotakeru"passed away in the provinceof Owari" presumably
was likewise included so as to account for the subsequentestablishmentof
Wakatarashihiko *Xj5 (thelaterSeimu Tenno) as crownprince.Bothpassages
wereneededto tracetheevolutionof theimperialgenealogy.While derivingits
accountof YamatotakerufromNihonshoki,as indicatedby itsuse of thesame
charactersforhis name,Sendai kujihongithushad a muchmorenarrowfocus.
Apartfromhistoricalworkssuchas Sendai kujihongi,Heian-periodreferences
to Yamatotakeru'sexpeditionsmay also be foundin waka composed in cele-
brationofNihonshoki.DuringtheHeian periodholdinglectureson Nihonshoki
became an establishedcourtcustom,and afterthelecturetheparticipants would
composewaka on thethemeofthefiguresappearingin thework.31On theocca-
sionofthelectureheldin 906, thecouncilor(sangi $ Fujiwarano Arizanei
JEflt (activelateninth-earlytenthcentury),grandsonofFujiwarano Yoshifusa
IAVA9 (804-872), producedthefollowingwaka aboutYamatotakeru:
~ _ lt St I L4LI ~~
t- < b- 7 1
- '
_,tIh S:t-,
t KLO U lAtt
Yamatotake/nishi hingashi no/kunio uchite
tairageyoseshi/miko nihayaranu
29 Kuji hongi,p. 106.

30 Kuji hongi,p. 105; Aston 1972, vol. 1, p. 189; Nihonshoki,vol. 1, p. 283.
31 Yatomi 1930; Nishimiya1970; Seki 1942.
Yamatotakerusmotetherebels
in theprovincesof thewestand east,
and broughtthemto submitto thesovereign;
how inspiringhis example!32
At thetimeFujiwarano Arizanewas chiefof theleftimperialguards(saemonfu
rj*Tfp),33andhis waka acclaimingYamatotakeru'saccomplishment in pacify-
ingeast and westsuggestsan identification of his own positionas one entrusted
withguardingthepalace withthatof Yamatotakeru.
In contrastto Heian workssuch as thesethatfocus on Yamatotakeruas the
pacifierof theland,Kogoshiiiexemplifiesthe second typethatemphasizesthe
miraculouseventsassociatedwithKusanagi.Referencesto Yamatotakeruoccur
in threepassages of Kogoshiii.The firstis thatwhereSusanoo, havingslain the
eight-taileddragon,presentstheswordextractedfromitsbodyto Amaterasu.As
an explanationforwhythesword,knownoriginallyas Ame no Murakumoft
@ ("Gathering Clouds of Heaven") came to be called Kusanagi,thenoteto this
passage states:"The yearhe pacifiedtheeasternprovinces,in Sagami province
Yamatotakeru no Mikotometwithdangerfroma plainsfire.He escapedbymow-
ingthegrassdownwiththissword.Thereforeitwas renamed'Grass Mower."'34
As notedabove,Kusanagidoes notfigurein thegrass-fire episode as described
in themaintextof Nihonshoki,nordoes themaintextmentionthename Ame
no Murakumo.Thispassage ofKogoshiuithusappearstocombineelementsfrom
Kojikiand theNihonshokivariant.35 As an accountof themiraculouspowersof
Kusanagi it is morecomprehensiveand focusedthananyof theindividualver-
sionsfoundin KojikiandNihonshoki,and as suchwas to play an influential part
in themedievalevolutionof storiesaboutthesword.By contrast, it evinceslit-
tleinterestin thepersonofYamatotakeruorthecircumstances ofhis expedition,
and says nothingabouttheeventsleadingup to his escape fromtheplains fire
or whatensuedthereafter. The focusof attention is ratherKusanagi.
The secondreference toYamatotakeruoccursinthepassage concerningevents
ofthereignofKeiko. Whilebased on theaccountfoundinthemaintextofNihon
shoki,thispassage makesno referenceto Keiko' s own activities(whichoccupy
a considerableportionof theoriginal),and insteadrecordsonlyYamaotakeru's
easternexpedition.Further, it gives fewdetailsabouttheexpeditionas such.In
notingYamatohime'sbestowal of Kusanagi on Yamatotakeru,it quotes from
Nihonshokiheradmonishment to himto "be cautious,and yetnotremiss,"but
sumsup his accomplishments withthebriefphrase"Havingpacifiedtheeastern
rebels,he returned."The primepointof interestcontinuesto be Kusanagi,for
32
Nihongikyoenwaka,p. 58. The noteappendedto therufubon'ij>i,4s versionofNihongikyoen
waka states:"ThispoemrelatesthatEmperorOtarashihikodispatchedPrinceYamatotaketo quell
theKumaso and thatthewesternprovinceswerepacified."For an analysisof similarpoems about
Nigihayahi ?A H, who figuresin theeasternexpeditionof Jinmu*A, see Tokumori1995.
33 RegardingFujiwarano Arizane,see Kugyobunin,pp. 140, 160.
34 Kogoshuii,p. 24; see also Kato 1926, p. 24.
35 See Nihonshoki,vol. 1, pp. 122, 304; Kojiki,pp. 213-15.
havingnotedthaton his way back Yamatotakerustoppedto staywithMiyazu-

hime,thispassage goes on to relatethat"takingoffthe sword,he leftit at her
house ... encountered poisonousvaporsand died." As can be seenfromthecon-
cludingsentence,"The swordKusanagi is now at Atsutashrinein theprovince
ofOwari,"theauthor'smainpurposeis toclarifyhow Kusanagiwas movedfrom
Ise to Atsuta.Yamatotakeruappearssimplyas theinstrument forexplainingthe
transfer.36The thirdreferenceto Yamatotakerucomes in theaddendumfollow-
ing thenarrativesectionof thetext,whichstates:"The divineswordKusanagi
is one of theimperialinsignia.In theyearwhenYamatotakeruno Mikotowas
returning frombattle,he stoppedat Owari, and the swordis at Atsutashrine
there."37The thrustofthisnotation(thewordingofwhichis originaltoKogoshuti)
is thesame as thatof thesecondpassage.
The interest
oftheauthorthuslies inthehistory ofKusanagirather thanYamato-
takeruas such; each passage servesto supportthe assertionthatconcludesthe
third:"The miraculouspowersof thedivineobject are thusapparent.It is only
properthaton the ceremonialdays when the courtsends offerings[to major
shrines]it shouldbe paid the same reverence.That thishas been long omitted
and itsritesleftincompleteis [a lamentable]oversight."38 By 807, whenInbe no
HironariAN imTh (activelate eighth-early ninthcentury)submitted Kogoshuiito
the court,the Inbe lineage's role in the ritualfunctionsof the courthad been
largelysubordinatedto thatof theNakatomirP:, and Hironari's majormotive
in composingthisworkwas to call forrestoration of his lineage's statureas rit-
ualistsand its participation
in variousceremonialactivities.39 One of theritual
functionsof theInbe was to presenta duplicateof Kusanagi and thesacredmir-
roron theoccasion of theenthronement of a new emperor.Such considerations
underlieHironari'semphasison thehistoryof Kusanagi and theneed to offer
theoriginalsworddue reverence.
The Heian worksconcerningYamatotakeruare largelyfaithfulto theword-
ing of themain textof Nihonshoki.When thecompilersof theseworkscould
notfindwhattheywantedin themaintext,theycitedtheNihonshokivariantor
Kojiki,buttheydid notdepartgreatlyfromtheframework ofthestoryas toldby
themain text.Its influenceover thematteststo thepositionit had achievedby
the Heian period as the firstof the nationalhistories.At the same timeHeian
authorsemphasizedone aspector anotherof thematerialsfoundin Nihonshoki
and Kojikiby theway in whichtheyexcerptedfromthem,therebyaddingtheir
own accentto theYamatotakerulegend.40
The sixnationalhistoriesrecordthatintheearlyHeianperiodtherewerenumer-
ous suitsand appeals regardinglineages and theirclaims to officesand status.
36 Kogoshuii,p. 40; Kato 1926, p. 39.

37 Kogoshuii,pp. 46-47; Kato 1926, pp. 45-46.
38 Kogoshuii,p. 47; Kato 1926, p. 45. In thesecond passage as well, as notedbelow (p. 372) the
authoradds thatAtsutashrine"has yetto receiveappropriateofferings[fromthecourt]."
39 On thispointsee Tsuda 1949; Nishimiya1985.
40 For an analysisofa comparableprocessevidentin thehistory oftheBible, see Levinson 1992.
Throughsuchappeals people soughtto affiliatethemselveswithinfluential sec-

torsof thearistocracy and to elevatetheirstatusas a steppingstoneto obtaining
more advantageousofficesand reductionsin tax obligations.41 Those making
such appeals wereasked to supplysupporting evidence,and in mostcases they
submittedto thecourtfamilyhistoriesthattook passages fromNihon shokias
theirstarting point.The desireto use theofficialhistoryof therulinghouse to
legitimizetheirclaims motivatedpeople to adopt the exact phrasingof Nihon
shoki.But theyalso combinedexcerptsfromitin sucha way as to advancetheir
own agendas.Throughtheprocessof excerptingon theone handand recompil-
ingon theother,theybothsurrounded themselveswithan auraofhistoricalantiq-
uityand createdthespace forsettingforththeirown perspective.Nihonshoki's
functionas thefirstnationalhistorymayhave contributed to an intellectualanti-
quarianism,butit also had a highlysocial dimension.
In place of thenarrativefocuson particularfiguresfoundin Kojiki and Nihon
shoki,Heian versionsof theYamatotakerulegendare markedby a tendencyto
emphasizediscreteaspects,such as theexpeditionsof pacification, or thepow-
ersofKusanagi.As indicatedbythestatement in Genji monogatarii that
workssuchas Nihonshokitransmit "a merefragment ofthetruth,"42intheHeian
period,theportrayaloftheactivitiesofan individualbecame theprovinceofthe
literary tale withitscapacityto capturetheinnerlifeof thecharactersappearing
in itspages. Notionsaboutdeitiessimilarlybecame absorbedwithintheframe-
workof esotericBuddhism,and the mythsof kingshipin theiroriginalform
ceased to hold sway overpeople.43
TheMedieval Yamatotakeru
The ritsuryostatewas foundedon a balance betweenmonarchalauthority and
thepowerof an office-holding aristocracy.In thelatterpartof theHeian period
the disintegration
of this structuregave rise to the so-called power-blocstate
(kenmontaisei t@tsz9fl),in which influentialelementsof the aristocracyand
majorreligiousinstitutionscompetedamongthemselves.As thecentripetal force
holdingthenationalstatetogetherweakened,people no longerlooked as before
toNihonshokias an instrument forshapingsocial order,andby and largeceased
to compilecollectionsofexcerptsor commentaries on it.In themedievalperiod,
a
however, heightened interest
in theimperialregaliadrewrenewedattention to
theYamatotakerulegend as one of a body of tales of miraclesassociatedwith
Kusanagi.
A typicalexample of thisphenomenonfromthe Kamakuraperiodis theIse
ShintoworkYamatohime no mikotoseiki1Q@ft-'d, whichelaborateson thepart
playedbyYamatohimeinthefounding oftheIse shrines.44ReferencestoYamato-
41 Tsuda 1949; Saeki 1963, pp. 141-80.

42 Seidensticker1979, p. 437; Genji monogatari,vol. 2, p. 432. Regardingthe implicationsof
thisstatement,see Hagitani 1990.
43 On thispointsee Yoshie 1996; Kawane 1984; Okada 1970.
44 Regardingworks producedunderthe influenceof medieval Ise Shinto,see Kubota 1959;
takeruappearin sectionsdealingwitheventsduringthereignsof Keiko and his

predecessor,SuininTenno Al UX. The sectionconcerningthereignof Keiko
takesup thepacification oftheeast,andnotesthemiraculouspowersofKusanagi
and thebackgroundof its enshrinement at Atsuta.The descriptionof Yamato-
hime's bestowalof the swordon Yamatotakeruis takenfromthe mainNihon
shokitextand thatof his escape fromthegrassfirecomes fromtheNihonshoki
variant,whiletheaccountof his deathderivesfromKogoshuii.45The combina-
tionof theseelementsmakes it possible to tell the storyof how Kusanagi,the
divinepowersofwhichweremanifested on theoccasion of theplainsfire,came
to be enshrinedat Atsuta.
A notablefeatureof thisnew compositestoryis its attitudetowardtheNihon
shokivariant,whichit takesto be as valid a sourceas themaintext.Writtenin
smallerlettersin themannerof a gloss to distinguishthemfromthemaintext,
the variantstraditionally had been regardedas of secondaryimportance.That
concerningKusanagi states:"The sword Murakumo,which the princewore,
wieldeditself,and mowed away theherbageneartheprince,thusenablinghim
to escape. Thereforethatswordwas called Kusanagi."46For WataraiYukitada
1iXt (1236-1305), thecompilerof Yamatohimeno mikotoseiki,theattrac-
tionof thevariantoverthemaintextwas itsdepictionof Kusanagi actingof its
own volitionto rescueYamatotakeru.By adoptingit he was able to go beyond
Kogoshuiiin fashioningan evocativeaccountof thepowersof Kusanagi. Yuki-
tada's close association withthe Ise shrinesgave him good reason to tryto
enhancethepowersof Kusanagi,forthatenhancement in turnservedto elevate
the authority of Yamatohime,who had presentedthe swordto Yamatotakeru,
and the Ise shrines,whereit had originallybeen located. In quotingYamato-
hime's admonishment to Yamatotakerufromthemain text,thecompilersimi-
larlyheightenedher statureby changingtheoriginalstatus-neutral "she stated
(iwaku H IJ< )" to thehonorific"she proclaimed(notamawakuE U < )."47
For the descriptionof Yamatotakeru'sdeath,Yukitada chose the accountin
Kogoshiuiratherthanthatin Nihon shoki,presumablybecause the formerin-
cludesthestatement "The swordKusanagiis now atAtsutashrineintheprovince
of Owari." Kogoshiiigoes on to add, "It has yetto receiveappropriateofferings
[fromthecourt]."48For Inbe no Hironarithatissue was themainpoint.Watarai
Yukitada,by contrast,omittedthissentence.In quotingthepassage about the
grassfirefromNihonshokihe similarlyleftout thephraseoffering an etymol-
ogy forthename of the area: "Thereforethatplace was called Yaizu ('Port of
Burning')."49These omissionsattestto a morenarrowscope of interest:forthe
Takahashi 1994; Teeuwen 1993; Teeuwen 1996.

p. 40.
45 Yamatohimeno mikotoseiki,pp. 27-28; Nihonshoki,vol. 1, pp. 303-304; Kogoshiui,
47 Yamatohime no mikotoseiki,p. 27.
48 Kogoshuii,
p. 40; Kato 1926, p. 39.
compilerof Yamatohimeno mikotoseiki whatdid notbear on Ise was of little

import.
In thepassage on eventsduringthe reignof Suinin Tenno, Yamatohimeno
mikotoseikirelatesthehistoryoftheYahiro no HatadonoJikt1 ("Eight-span
WeavingHall") at theIse shrines.It declaresthatYamatotakeruhad bestowed
on theshrinesan "eight-spanspearmade of holly"(hihiragino yairohokoJLit
Ra*, 7), whichYamatohimethenenshrinedin theYahiro no Hatadono as
theembodiment ofthespiritofAmaterasu.50 No mentionis made ofsucha spear
in Nihonshoki,Kogoshiii,or Sendai kujihongi,and it appearsthatthispassage
is based on thestatementin KojikithatKeiko Tenno gave Yamatotakerua spear
of thissortwhenhe senthimoffon theeasternexpedition.51The fact thatthis
passage uses the same characteras Kojiki forthe "takeru"of Yamatotakeru's
name lends supportto thissupposition.Kojiki does not,however,say anything
aboutthespearbeing grantedto theIse shrines;thatelementwould seem to be
derivedfromShokuNihongi,whichin theentryforthe4thmonthof702 records
thecourtpresentinga spearmade of hollyto theshrines.52
The versionoftheYamatotakerulegendfoundin Yamatohimeno mikotoseiki
thusincorporatesphrasesfromKogoshuiiand Kojiki as well as Nihonshoki.In
thatKogoshai was based largelyon excerptsfromNihonshoki,Yamatohimeno
mikotoseikimaybe said to be generallyunderitsinfluence.Yet thefactthatthe
compilerdid notfeelitnecessaryto directlyciteNihonshokiand thathe blurred
the distinctionbetweenthe main textand the variantsshows a decline in the
authority ofthemaintextcomparedtotheHeian period.Greaterfreedomin cita-
tionfacilitatedfurtherelaborationof the storyof Kusanagi, to thepointthatit
came to overshadowthatofitsbearer.Likewisetherecontinuedtobe littleinter-
est in Yamatotakeruas an individualpersonality.
WataraiYukitadaincorporated bothsectionsfromYamatohime no mikotoseiki
in anotherwork,Ise nisho kodaijinguishinmeihisho UAIPt1 t
compiledin 1285. Thispiece recordsthedeitiesworshipedin thevariousshrines
underthejurisdictionoftheIse shrines,and includesthelegendsaboutKusanagi
and theeight-spanspearin thesectionon Saigu AS ("the vestal"; the"vestal"
was Yamatohime).In thissectionYukitadaalso includeda passage notcitedin
Yamatohimeno mikotoseiki,theone fromKojikithatdescribesYamatohimeas
presenting Yamatotakerua bag witha flinttogetherwithKusanagi.53The point
about the giftof the bag was presumablyattractiveas further evidence of the
spiritualpowersof Yamatohimeand theIse shrines.
The tendencyto rereadtheYamatotakerulegendas an accountof thepowers
of Kusanagi can be seen also in commentarieson Nihonshokidatingfromthis
generalperiod.In ShakuNihongiTRE AVE,Urabe no Kanekata V1 (active
50 Yamatohimeno mikotoseiki,p. 31.

52
ShokuNihongi,p. 55.
53 Jukoshinmeihisho,pp. 843-44.
latetwelfth-early thirteenthcentury)citedthepassage fromKojikiaboutYamato-

takeru's escape fromthegrassfireinhiscommentary on thephrase"Yamatohime
no Mikototookthe swordKusanagi and gave it to Yamatotakeruno Mikoto,"
foundin theannalsof Keiko Tenno.In his commentary on "Kusanagi" as itfirst
appearsin thepassage aboutSusanoo extracting theswordfromthedragon,he
similarlycitedthe accountof the originsof AtsutashrinefromOwari no kuni
fudoki.54 Kanekatais also linkedtoKojikiuragaki -N* a setofbriefnotes
on various thingsmentionedin Kojiki thatconstitutesthe oldest extantcom-
mentaryon thattext.One of theitemstakenup in Kojiki uragakiis "thematter
of Kusanagi." While again it is theswordratherthantheYamatotakerulegend
as suchthatattracts thecompiler'sinterest, comparedtothesituationintheHeian
period,theconsiderationof Kojiki indicatesa greateropennessto worksother
thanNihonshoki.55
OutofthistextualactivityrevolvingaroundKusanagi,newimagesofYamato-
takerubegan to emerge.One was thatof himas romantichero.This perspective
is exemplified byOwarino kuniAtsuta daijingiiengiM HIFP,@<i (thought
to have been composed by the end of the Kamakuraperiod;hereafter cited as
Atsutaengi),whichoffersan accountofhow Kusanagicame to be worshipedas
thedivinetreasureofAtsutashrine.56 This workdescribesYamatotakeru'seast-
ernexpedition,payingparticularattention to his escape fromthegrassfireand
hisrelationship withMiyazuhime.In itsutilizationofphrasesfromthemainand
varianttextsof Nihonshokito depictthegrass-fire episode,Atsutaengi resem-
bles Yamatohimeno mikotoseiki. But unlike the latterwork,drawingfrom
Kojiki,italso emphasizestheroleof thebag receivedfromYamatohime.It thus
notes:"The swordhe woreat his waistremoveditselfofitsown accordfromthe
sheath,and mowed down the grass in all directions.And when he opened the
bag he had been given,he founda flint.Amazed and delighted,he struckit,and
lightinga counter-fire,escaped."57In Ise nishokodaijingu shinmeihishoWatarai
Yukitadahad citedtheKojikipassage aboutthebag as a supplementto theinfor-
mationfoundin Nihonshoki,butherethetwo versionswerejoined in a single
compositeaccount.
By combiningelementsfromOwari no kunifudokiand Kojikito tellthestory
of Miyazuhime,Atsutaengi similarlypresentsher relationshipwithYamato-
takeruin a moreintenseformthanis foundin eitherNihonshokiorKojiki.Atsuta
engiadoptsthetranscription used byFudokiforMiyazuhime's nameand largely
followsitsaccountofhow Yamatotakeru, seeingtheswordshiningatnight,real-
ized itwas invested withdivinepowers. goes on to describehimas overriding
It
theobjectionsof his followersand deliberatelyleavingKusanagi withMiyazu-
himeas a sign of his love: "'AfterI returnto thecapitalI will be sureto sum-
54 ShakuNihongi,pp. 107, 144. See also Ibaraki 1995.

55 Kojiki uragaki,p. 25.
56 Kojima 1990; Atsutaengi;Nishida 1962. RegardingtheoriginsofAtsutaengi,see Tada 1988.
57 Atsutaengi,p. 23.
monyoutojoin me,' he declared.'Cherishthisswordas theguardianofmybed,'

he said,and takingoffthesword,gave itto her."58The parallelsectionof Owari
no kunifudokiunfortunately is missing,butthispassage is notfoundin any of
theothersourcesandwouldappeartobe a touchaddedbythecompilersofAtsuta
engi.In KojikiandNihonshokiKusanagi remainsat Atsutasimplyas a resultof
Yamatotakeru'sunexpecteddeath.
In Atsutaengi,too, Yamatotakerudies as a consequence of confronting the
deityof Mt. Ibuki barehanded,but as he leftthe swordbehindas proofof his
love forMiyazuhime,theimmediatecause of his deathcannotbe traced,as in
Nihonshoki,tooverconfidence. In thesameway,whereasinNihonshoki,Yamato-
hime,alludingto sucha danger,warnsYamatotakeruas he setsoffto pacifythe
east "to be cautious,and yetnotremiss,"Atsutaengisimplyhas hercautionhim
toalwayskeeptheswordwithhim:"Be surenevertoletthisgo fromyourside."59
Atsutaengi emphasizesYamatotakeru'slove forMiyazuhimein otherways
as well. Whereasin Kojiki thetwo exchangeone poem each in Nihonshokino
poems whatsoeverare quoted), in the engi theyexchangetwo poems each. In
the Kojiki poems Yamatotakeruexpresses regretthat he cannot sleep with
Miyazuhimebecause sheis inthemidstofhermenstrual period.60The additional
poem by Yamatotakeruin Atsutaengi,whichis not foundin any of the other
texts,declareshishopethat"thesweetgirlHikami Akti[Miyazuhime]"stillwaits
forhim:
Ayuchigata/Hikamianeko wa/ware komuto

tokosaruramuya /aware aneko o
Does thesweetgirlHikami,
sheoftheAyuchiinlet,
no longersetoutherbed,
waitingformetocome?
Ah! thesweetgirl!61
In thatAtsutaengiwas written as an accountoftheoriginsandhistory ofAtsuta
shrine,it quitenaturallyawardsMiyazuhimegreaterprominencethando other
works.Itevenbringsinherbrother, Inataneno Kimi%Hfth , whoinvitesYamato-
takeruto restat theirhouse and assistshim in his pacificationof theeast. Yet
thereappearto be otherfactorsas well behindthedetailin its depictionof the
relationshipbetweenYamatotakeruand Miyazuhime.Whereasa Heian-period
workofthisnaturemightbe expectedtosimplynotewithoutelaborationYamato-
takeru's conjugalrelationswithMiyazuhime,a different notionofhow toendow
a textwithauthenticity would seem to underlieAtsutaengi's effortto portray
thestrength ofthetiesoflove bindingthetwo.The same maybe said ofitsdepic-
60 Philippi1968, pp. 244-45; Kojiki,pp. 217-19.
61 Atsutaengi,pp. 26-27.
tionof otherhumanrelationshipsas well. In its descriptionof Keiko Tenno's

commandto Yamatotakeruto undertakethepacificationoftheeast and his grief
on learningof his son's death,Atsutaengipointsup themutualtrustlinkingthe
twoemphasizedbyNihonshoki.In thesame veinit drawsattention to Yamato-
takeru'sbraveryby noting,as does Nihonshoki,his elderbrotherOusu's cow-
ardice.
Atsutaengitookthebasic framework ofitsaccountoftherelationship between
the main figuresinvolvedfromNihon shoki.At the same time,by reworking
excerptsfromFudokiand Kojikito relatethehistoryof Kusanagi and theAtsuta
shrine,itdevelopeda new imageof Yamatotakeruas a bothbraveand romantic
hero quite different fromthatfoundin Heian and earliermedievalworkswith
theiremphasison theexpeditionsofpacificationand Kusanagiand limitedinter-
est in thehumanfiguresinvolved.
A similarphenomenonmay be seen in Jinnoshotoki*1aPEfIf-:,writtenby
KitabatakeChikafusa1lt"19 (1293-1354) in 1339. Here, however,thefocus
of attentionis notYamatotakeruas a romantichero,butas a paragonofbravery.
WhileChikafusawas influenced bytheideas ofIse Shinto,unlikeothermedieval
works,Jinnoshotokitakesup notonlytheeasternexpeditiontraditionally asso-
ciatedwithYamatohimeand theIse shrinesbutalso thewesternone. In content
and phrasingit primarilyfollowsNihon shoki,but it notesthatKogoshuiipre-
sentsYamatotakeru'sescape fromthegrass fireas havingoccurredin Sagami
ratherthanSuruga.62The influenceofAtsutaengias well maybe seen in itsref-
erenceto Miyazuhime'sbrotheras "Inataneno SukuneMT-Offlof Owari."63
Despite its generaladherenceto the storyline foundin Nihon shoki,Jinno
shotokiomitselementsthatbespeakdeceptionorfoolhardiness on Yamatotakeru' s
part,such as his adoptingthe disguise of a girl in his expeditionagainstthe
Kumaso or his belittling remarksto thedeityofMt. Ibukiwhenhe encountersit
in theformof a smallsnakeon theroad.As a resulttheelementsof cunningand
pridethatcharacterizehis portrayalin Kojiki and Nihonshokifade fromview,
leavingonlyhis stalwartvalor.As inNihonshokihisrelationship withhisfather,
Keiko Tenno,is presentedas foundedon strongbonds of trust.In short,Jinno
shotokigoes beyondNihonshokiin depictingYamatotakeruas a faultlesshero.
The Muromachifounder ofYoshida Shinto,Yoshida Kanetomo H E3 (G1435-
1511), adoptsa similarlyglorifiedview of Yamatotakeruin his commentary on
Nihon shoki. In his remarkson Kusanagi, which show influencefromJinno
shotoki,Kanetomotakesup Yamatotakeru's easternexpedition,butomitspoints
includedby Chikafusa,suchas theconfrontation withthedeityofMt. Ibukiand
thefailuretokeep Kusanagiwithhim.Thereis no hintthatYamatotakeru's death
mightbe attributed to overconfidence or his defeatby thedeity.Regardinghis
deathKanetomosimplywrites,"He passed away at Atsutain Owari as a conse-
quence of his valiantefforts in battle."64
62 Jinnosh6t6ki,p. 75; Varley 1980, p. 97.
63 Jinnosh6t6ki,p. 75; Varley 1980, p. 98.
64
Kanetomo-bon,p. 170.
The glorification
of Yamatotakeruservedalso to further elevatethestatureof
Kusanagi.In describingYamatohime'sbestowaloftheswordon Yamatotakeru,
Kanetomostates:"This was thestartof thepracticeof awarding[thecomman-
derofa pacifyingforce]an insigniaofauthority (setsudoRiiJ).-65Yamatohime's
actiondoes notsimplymanifestherpersonalsympathy forYamatotakeru, butis
something ofofficialimport.In Nihonshoki,too,Keiko' s grantto Yamatotakeru
of a battle-axe(ono masakari ') on the occasion of the easternexpedition
impliesthathe is beingofficiallycommissionedas thecommanderof an expe-
ditionaryforce.66The referenceto a battle-axewould seem to derivefromthe
regulationsformilitaryaffairsin theTang code, whichspecifythat"whendis-
patchinga generalon an expedition,thisshouldbe proclaimedat courtand he
shouldbe granteda battle-axe."67 In Kanetomo's commentary, it is Kusanagi
thatassumesthefunctionof an insigniaof authority.
Apartfromtheinterweaving of citationsfromvarioussourcesevidentin the
medievalaccountsconsideredabove,references totheYamatotakerulegendalso
appearintheworksofdiverseoriginthathavecometobe knownas "themedieval
Nihongi"68and in militarytales suchas Heike monogatari-T* p=f and Taiheiki
T`2F.The primaryfocus of attentionof theseworksis again Kusanagi rather
thanthefigureof Yamatotakeru.In themthegrass-fire episode and theaccount
of how Kusanagi came to be enshrinedat Atsutawere conjoined withother
episodes attestingto itsmiraculousqualities,includingthestoryofitsdiscovery
bySusanoo,itstransfer toIse duringthereignofSuinin,andthethwarted attempt
of theSilla priestTohaeng MIT to stealit duringthereignof Tenmu.
One reasonforsuch works' interestin Kusanagi was theloss duringthebat-
tle of Dannouratmko3in 1185 of the swordheld by theemperoras partof the
imperialregalia. That loss led to a debate regardingthe authenticity of the
Kusanagi sword kept by Atsuta shrine.The militarytales Heike monogatari
(Kakuichi-bonk-4: version)and TaiheikitookthepositionthatthetrueKusa-
nagi had sunkto thebottomof thesea whenAntokuTenno lt)ta drownedat
Dannoura.Jinnoshotoki,Yoshida Kanetomoinhiscommentary on Nihonshoki,
and the Engyo-bonL version of Heike monogatari,on the otherhand,
assertedthattheswordlostinthesea was onlya replicaandthatthetrueKusanagi
was preservedat Atsuta.69Yamatohimeno mikotoseikiand Atsutaengi did not
referto thedrowningof Antoku,but,like Jinnoshotoki,assertedthatthetrue
KusanagiexistedatAtsuta.Kogoshuii,originallyno morethanan accountofhis-
toryas seen fromtheperspectiveof one particularlineage,was ofimportanceto
65 Kanetomo-bon,p. 170.
66 Nihonshoki,vol. 1, p. 301, Aston 1972, vol. 1, p. 203.
67 Niida 1933, p. 371. The Japanesecodes containeda similararticle.See Takigawa 1956.
68 Regarding"themedievalNihongi,"see thefollowingworks:Ito 1972; Ito 1985; Abe 1985;
Abe 1993.
69 The followingworksdiscuss in some detail storiesabout Kusanagi foundin military tales:
Takagi 1992; Matsuo 1987; Tada 1988. Kuroda 1995 offersan accountof medievalreferencesto
Yamatotakeru'suse of theflint.
thisdebatebecause it recordedthe manufacture of a replica of Kusanagi, and

therebyacquiredenhancedstatureas a source.70
For thecourt,whose authority restedincreasinglyon symbolratherthansub-
stance,thefateof Kusanagi was a pressingmatter.The same was trueforthose
associatedwiththeIse and Atsutashrines,forcedby thedeclineof thecourtto
findnewmeansofeconomicsustenance.For thesegroupsobjectssuchas Kusa-
nagi wereimportant as tangibleproofof thelegitimacyof theirclaim to a priv-
ileged standing.71In theirworldthehierarchyof textsanchoredin Nihonshoki
characteristicoftheancientperiodno longerhad meaning.Withthecourt'sloss
of politicalpower,Nihon shokilikewise lost the capacityto reinforcea court-
centeredsocial order,and close adherenceto its wordingand contentceased to
be a criteriaof textualvalidity.
TowardEarly ModernPerspectives
As seen above, in thecourseof theancientand medievalperiods,themannerof
people's engagementwithNihonshokiand Kojikichanged.Withtheformation
of theritsuryostate,Nihonshokibecame establishedas an officialnationalhis-
tory,butalternative textswithdifferent content,suchas KojikiandFudoki,main-
taineda certainstature.The authority of Nihonshoki,and moreparticularly its
maintext,as therecognizedaccountincreasedin theHeian period,and thishad
a visible effecton new workstakingup the same subjectmatter.These works
closelyfollowedthelead ofNihonshokiintheirtranscription ofnamesandphras-
ing,but did notquote it in toto.TheircompilersinsteadexcerptedfromNihon
shokithepartsrelevantto theirpurposeand supplementedthesewithinforma-
tionfromKojiki and Fudoki.While thisprocedurealignedthenew workswith
Nihonshokiin termsof style,it also facilitatedmodification of itscontent.Most
notablyinterest in theactivitiesand fateofkeycharacterssuchas Yamatotakeru,
whichhad sustainedtheKojiki andNihonshokinarratives, faded.Insteadatten-
tioncame to focuson particularepisodes,suchas theexpeditionsofpacification
and theeventsinvolvingKusanagi.While themoreprivategenreof monogatari
literaturetookas itsspecialfeaturetheexplorationofthemotivations andbehav-
ior of individualcharacters,textsdrawingfromNihonshokifunctioned primar-
ily to legitimatethe social positionheld or soughtby theirproducers.This
circumstance was closelyrelatedto theHeian preeminenceofNihonshoki.That
preeminencerestednoton itsabstractauthority as a sourceof information about
a mythological past,buton itsspecificcapacitytolocateparticular entitieswithin
a largersociopoliticalstructure.
In the medieval period,the weakeningof thatcapacityin tandemwiththe
decline of the institutionalstructuresustainingit reducedNihon shoki's con-
straining influenceon thosewho tookup anew theYamatotakerulegend.These
authorsincludedmaterialsfroma varietyof othersourcesand introducedsig-
70 See Kogoshuii,p. 38; Kat6 1926, p. 37.

71 Kawai 1953; Kojima 1959.
nificantchangesintothewordingof phrasesderivedfromNihon shoki.Some

works,suchas Jinnoshotoki,werewritten inJapaneseratherthankanbun.Pieces
thathad originallyreflectedconcernsspecificto a particularlineage or institu-
tioncame to be regardedas a generalsourceof information aboutthepast,and
thus,likethemilitary tales,relevanttoa broaderaudience.In thesecircumstances
people showedincreasinginterest in thepersonofYamatotakeruas an exemplar
of virtueor a romantichero.
These medievaldevelopmentsheraldedthe typesof interpretation of Nihon
shokiand Kojiki thattook shape in theearlymodernperiod,whenvariousfig-
ureschallengedthe supremacyof Nihonshokias thefirstnationalhistory,and
KokugakuscholarsproclaimedthepreeminenceofKojikiinstead.Havingceased
to carryabsoluteauthority, Nihonshokibecame simplyone of manysourcesof
information. People grewaccustomedtothinking ofitin conjunctionwithKojiki
and to speakingof theseworks,as we do today,in combinationas the"chroni-
cles" (kiki--2,C).Regardinglinguisticformat,too, people began to regardthe
hybridSino-Japaneselanguageof Kojiki as moreauthenticthanthekanbunof
Nihonshoki.They took increasinginterestin thecharactersappearingin these
texts,and foundin themmodels of humanfeeling.The image of Yamatotakeru
thatMotooriNorinagadrewfromhis readingof Kojiki is a primeexample of
thesedevelopments.Commentingon Kojiki's portrayalof Yamatotakeru'san-
guishedlamentwhendispatchedby Keiko on theeasternexpedition,Norinaga
wrote,"His valorwas notintheslightest diminished, andhe was filledwithdeter-
minationto carryout thegreatmissionwithwhichhis father,theemperor,had
chargedhim.Buthe also lamentedwhatwas lamentableandweptwithgriefover
whatwas grievous.In thiswe see theactualityof thehumanheart."72
This interpretationbespeaksNorinaga's characteristic emphasison emotional
sensitivityas the primevalue of humanexistence.In the modernperiod the
tendencyevidenthereto rereadKojikiandNihonshokiin termsoftheinnersen-
timentsof its charactershas grownincreasinglystrong.Groundedin an under-
standingof humanbeings particularto the earlymodernand modernperiods,
suchinterpretations reflecta typeof interestin Kojiki and Nihonshokidifferent
fromthatseen in theancientand medievalperiods.73Whattheystress,however,
is notexplicitin theoriginal,but somethingderivedfromreadingbetweenthe
lines. We thushardlycan claim thattheseinterpretations are necessarilymore
"true"to theoriginalworksthanthoseof earliereras.
Translatedby KATEWILDMAN
NAKAI
72Kojikiden,vol. 3, p. 219.
73For a discussionofthetypesofinterpretation
ofKojikiandNihonshokifoundin theearly
modernand modernperiod,see chapters1 and 4 of Isomae 1998.
380 MonumentaNipponica 54:3
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Myth in Metamorphosis: Ancient and Medieval Versions of the Yamatotakeru Legend

Author(s): Isomae Jun'ichi

THE AUTHOR is associateprofessor of religiousstudiesat NihonJoshiDaigaku El zC;-+k@. The

To bringthissituationand itsimplicationsintosharperfocus,I will dividecon-

Early VersionsoftheYamatotakeru Legend: Kojiki,Nihon Shoki,Fudoki

2 RegardingtheKumaso, see Nakamura1980 and Tsuda 1948.

+ and thatYamatotakeruescaped by using the swordto mow down the grass

3 One of thedistinctive featuresofNihonshokiis theincorporation, particularlyin thesections

nagi,she giveshima bag containinga flint.In his campaignagainsttheKumaso

fromthatperiod. The narrativestructureof the Kojiki version,by contrast,

14 Aston 1972, vol. 1, p. 205; Nihonshoki,vol. 1, p. 304.

in it,tohavebeenwritten before715.23 Interpreting

The Heian Yamatotakeru

relatevariousdetailsofYamatotakeru' s campaignagainsttheKumaso andother

29 Kuji hongi,p. 106.

havingnotedthaton his way back Yamatotakerustoppedto staywithMiyazu-

36 Kogoshuii,p. 40; Kato 1926, p. 39.

Throughsuchappeals people soughtto affiliatethemselveswithinfluential sec-

41 Tsuda 1949; Saeki 1963, pp. 141-80.

takeruappearin sectionsdealingwitheventsduringthereignsof Keiko and his

Takahashi 1994; Teeuwen 1993; Teeuwen 1996.

compilerof Yamatohimeno mikotoseiki whatdid notbear on Ise was of little

50 Yamatohimeno mikotoseiki,p. 31.

latetwelfth-early thirteenthcentury)citedthepassage fromKojikiaboutYamato-

54 ShakuNihongi,pp. 107, 144. See also Ibaraki 1995.

monyoutojoin me,' he declared.'Cherishthisswordas theguardianofmybed,'

Ayuchigata/Hikamianeko wa/ware komuto

tionof otherhumanrelationshipsas well. In its descriptionof Keiko Tenno's

thisdebatebecause it recordedthe manufacture of a replica of Kusanagi, and

70 See Kogoshuii,p. 38; Kat6 1926, p. 37.

nificantchangesintothewordingof phrasesderivedfromNihon shoki.Some

AO?DitlAMM: CAN,-ndJ?DO-#. Orig. pub. 1948, repr.in vol. 10 of IshimodaSho

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