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The Neo-Classical Utilitarian Philosophy of John Stuart Mill (1806-1873) - An Updated Version of Jeremy Bentham
The Neo-Classical Utilitarian Philosophy of John Stuart Mill (1806-1873) - An Updated Version of Jeremy Bentham
Mill was both collectivist and individualist. His work on the economy tends towards
collectivism in the context of laissez-faire. While regarding individualism, his greatest
fear is of society itself, apart from government. Moreover He considered himself a
utilitarian though it is still debatable because his utilitarianism it quite different.
Democracy and Representative Government
Mill appreciates the virtues of democracy and warns of its dangers. If it secures
individual freedom, it is highly valuable, and the best form of government. It
contributes to the improvement of man. Mill is deviating from the Bentham’s
utilitarianism when he is talking about the improvement of man. He is neglecting the
idea that happiness is the end of a system. Mill thought that men will do better in a
democracy even if they are not happier. He also argues that a bad despotism is
preferable to a good one, since despotism is always degrading, and if it is benevolent
people are prone to accept their degradation. He modified the utilitarian principle.
In his work, utilitarianism starts from the premise of “greatest happiness” and then
argues that such happiness should be measured by both qualitative and quantitative
methods. He also states that happiness has its own lower and high kinds which is
quite contrary to Bentham. To Mill, what men are is as important and as what men
do. This is what he stresses on in On Liberty.
For Mill, the dangers of democracy lies in its advantages. In a democracy men are free
to pursue their own interests. If they are wise, they will understand that their selfish
interests is inseparable from the general interests, and this knowledge will lead them
to act so as to secure individual benefits through social advantage.
Unfortunately, majority are incapable of displaying this kind of farsightedness. They
must be pressed in the direction of their true interests, but that does not justify elite
rule. Men must be permitted a degree of participation, or their loss of freedom will
be greater than any material advantage that might be gained by despotism, no matter
how benevolent. The answer lies in a representative system, but one somewhat more
complex from Bentham.
Mill’s representative system comprises three levels—the people, their elected
representatives, and a policy-making body. Citizens will choose their legislative
agents. They are capable of this choice, and the process must involve debate,
discussion, criticism, and education. This level constitutes the base of a good
representative system.
The representative elected, will have knowledge and judgment superior than the
electorates. But they will lack the formulation of intricate legislation as required by
the complex industrial society.
Therefore, for this purpose there is a need of a superior, expert and trained body.
They will not be responsible to public. They will be allowed to enact legislation on
their own authority. But their ability to identify the general interest is greater than
the people and their representatives. It is the duty of this body to submit legislative
proposals to the elected representative. The representatives or legislators in turn
debate, question members of the policy body, and after thorough argumentation and
consideration with the constituents accept or reject the offered policies. The
members of the policy body can be removed by the representatives. Similarly, the
3
Why is this? First, to silence an opinion is to rob mankind. If the silenced opinion is
right, the loss is obvious. And if it is wrong, men lose the chance to gain a clearer
perception and livelier impression of the truth. Second, the truth is a changing thing,
it may change in accordance with the circumstances, therefore, and there is a need
of free speech to determine it. Third, we should be worry about the truth because
history is witness to the persecution of it. Fourth, silencing an opinion is an
“assumption of infallibility”, but the fact is that no one is infallible and no one is
capable of knowing the whole truth. Finally, truth needs always to be attacked in
order to preserve its vigor. In other words, truth is a by-product of the clash of ideas.
5
Society should encourage nonconformity because that is the only way to progress.
Free thinking and imagination is a way to progress. Even the most radical thinkers
should not be prevented from expressing their opinions. He remarks,
In this age, the mere example of non-conformity, the mere refusal to
bend the knee to custom, is itself a service. Precisely because the
tyranny of opinion is such as to make eccentricity a reproach, it is
desirable, in order to break through that tyranny, that people should be
eccentric. Eccentricity has always abounded when and where strength
of character has abounded; and the amount of eccentricity in a society
has generally been proportional to the amount of genius, mental vigor,
and moral courage it contained. That so few now dare to be eccentric
marks the chief danger of the time.
Class Discussion/Activity:
Synthesis of Rights and Utility
Mill’s Harm Principle—Contradictions (Agency, Harm and Good
Science)
What is Harm?
Thalidomide Disaster in the 1950s—who is responsible?
Truth as by-product of the clash of ideas
Libertarianism
Night-watchman State—Robert Nozick