Maximilien Robespierre

Maximilien François Marie Isidore de Robespierre

(French: [mak.si.mi.ljɛ̃ fʁɑ̃ .swa ma.ʁi i.zi.dɔʁ də ʁɔ.bɛs.pjɛʁ]; 6 Maximilien de Robespierre
May 1758 – 28 July 1794) was a French lawyer and statesman who
was one of the best-known and most influential figures of the
French Revolution. As a member of the Constituent Assembly and
the Jacobin Club, he campaigned for universal manhood suffrage[1]
and the abolition both of celibacy for the clergy, and slavery. In
1791, Robespierre became an outspoken advocate for the citizens
without a political voice, for their unrestricted admission to the
National Guard, to public offices, and for the right to carry arms in
self-defence.[2][3][4] He declared: True religion consists in
punishing for the happiness of all, those who disturb society.[5]
Robespierre played an important part in the agitation which brought
about the fall of the French monarchy on 10 August 1792 and the
summoning of a National Convention.[6] His goal was to create a
united and indivisible France, equality before the law, to abolish
prerogatives and to defend the principles of direct democracy.[7]
Robespierre c. 1790 (anonymous),
Musée Carnavalet, Paris
As one of the leading members of the insurrectionary Paris
Commune, Robespierre was elected as a deputy to the French Member of the Committee of Public
Convention in early September 1792 but was soon criticised for Safety
trying to establish either a triumvirate or a dictatorship. In April In office
1793, Robespierre urged the creation of a sans-culotte army to 27 July 1793 – 28 July 1794
enforce revolutionary laws and sweep away any counter- Preceded by Thomas-Augustin
revolutionary conspirator, leading to the armed Insurrection of 31
de Gasparin
May – 2 June 1793. Because of his health Robespierre announced
to resign but in July he was appointed as a member of the powerful Succeeded by Jacques Nicolas
Committee of Public Safety, and reorganized the Revolutionary Billaud-Varenne
Tribunal. In October, after Robespierre proposed in vain to close the In office
convention, the Committee declared itself as revolutionary 25 March 1793 – 3 April 1793
government. Those who were not actively defending France
member of the Commission of Public
became his enemy.[8] He exerted his influence to suppress the
Safety
Girondins to the right, the Hébertists to the left and then the
Dantonists in the centre. 24th President of the National
Convention
Robespierre is best known for his role as a member of the In office
Committee of Public Safety as he personally signed 542 arrests, 4 June 1794 – 19 June 1794
especially in spring and summer 1794.[9][a] The question of how Preceded by Claude-Antoine
responsible Robespierre was for the law of 22 Prairial remains
Prieur-Duvernois
controversial.[10] Coming into effect at the height of the Reign of
Terror, the law removed the few procedural guarantees still afforded Succeeded by Élie Lacoste
to the accused, vastly expanded the power of the tribunal, and In office
ultimately resulted in the number of executions in France rising 22 August 1793 – 7 September 1793
dramatically. Although Robespierre always had like-minded allies,
Preceded by Marie-Jean Hérault
the politically motivated bloodshed that he incited disillusioned
many. Moreover, the deist Cult of the Supreme Being that he had de Séchelles
founded and zealously promoted generated suspicion in the eyes of Succeeded by Jacques-Nicolas
both anticlericals and other parties who felt he was developing Billaud-Varenne
grandiose delusions about his place in French society.[11][12] Deputy of the National Convention

Robespierre was eventually undone by his obsession with the In office

vision of an ideal republic and his indifference to the human costs 20 September 1792 – 27 July 1794
of installing it, turning both members of the Convention and the Constituency Paris
French public against him.[13] The Terror ended when he and his Deputy of the National Constituent
allies were arrested in the Paris' town hall on 9 Thermidor. Assembly
Robespierre was wounded in his jaw, but it is not known if it was In office
self-inflicted or the outcome of the skirmish. About 90 people,
9 July 1789 – 30 September 1791
including Robespierre, were executed in the days after, events that
initiated a period known as the Thermidorian Reaction.[14] Constituency Artois
Deputy of the National Assembly
Robespierre's legacy and reputation have since remained matters of In office
academic and popular debate.[15][16][17] To some, Robespierre was
17 June 1789 – 9 July 1789
the Revolution's principal ideologist and embodied the country's
first democratic experience, marked by the often revised and never Constituency Artois
implemented French Constitution of 1793. To others, he was the Deputy to the Estates General
incarnation of the Terror that followed during Year II of the French for the Third Estate
Revolutionary calendar.[18] In office
6 May 1789 – 16 June 1789
Constituency Artois
Contents President of the Jacobin Club
In office
Early life
31 March – 3 June 1790
Early politics
In office
Jacobin Club 7 August – 28 August 1793
Opposition to war with Austria Personal details
The insurrectionary Commune of Paris Born Maximilien François
The National Convention Marie Isidore de
Execution of Louis XVI Robespierre
Destruction of the Girondists 6 May 1758
Reign of Terror Arras, Artois,
The "enemy within" France
Died 28 July 1794
Abolition of slavery
(aged 36)
Cult of the Supreme Being Place de la
Downfall Révolution, Paris,
Arrest France
Execution Cause of death Execution by
Legacy and memory guillotine
Public memorials Political party The Mountain
Street names (1792–1794)
Plaques and monuments
Arras Other political Jacobin Club (1789–
affiliations 1794)
Paris and elsewhere
Resistance units Alma mater Collège Louis-le-
Screen portrayals Grand
University of Paris
Notes
Profession Lawyer and
References
politician
Sources (selection)
Signature
Further reading
External links

Early life
Maximilien de Robespierre was born in Arras in the old French province of Artois. His family has been traced
back to the 15th century in Vaudricourt, Pas-de-Calais; one of his ancestors, Robert de Robespierre, worked as
a notary in Carvin the mid-17th century.[19] His paternal grandfather, also named Maximilien de Robespierre,
established himself in Arras as a lawyer. His father, François Maximilien Barthélémy de Robespierre, was a
lawyer at the Conseil d'Artois who married Jacqueline Marguerite Carrault, the daughter of a brewer, when she
fell pregnant. Maximilien was born five months after their marriage as the eldest of four children. His siblings
were Charlotte (1760–1834),[b] Henriette (1761–1780),[c] and Augustin (1763–1794).[20][21]

Early in July 1764, Madame de Robespierre gave birth to a stillborn daughter; she died twelve days later, at the
age of 29. Devastated by his wife's death, François de Robespierre left Arras around 1767.[d] His two
daughters were brought up by their paternal aunts, and his two sons were taken in by their maternal
grandparents.[22] Already literate at age eight, Maximilien started attending the collège of Arras (middle
school).[23] In October 1769, on the recommendation of the bishop fr:Louis-Hilaire de Conzié, he received a
scholarship at the Collège Louis-le-Grand. His fellow pupils included Camille Desmoulins and Stanislas
Fréron. In school, he learned to admire the idealised Roman Republic and the rhetoric of Cicero, Cato and
Lucius Junius Brutus. In 1776 he was awarded first prize for rhetoric. He also studied the works of the
Genevan philosophe Jean-Jacques Rousseau and was attracted to many ideas, written in his "Contrat Social".
Robespierre became intrigued by the idea of a "virtuous self", a man who stands alone accompanied only by
his conscience.[24] His study of the classics prompted him to aspire to Roman virtues, but he sought to emulate
Rousseau's citizen-soldier in particular.[25][26] Robespierre's conception of revolutionary virtue and his
programme for constructing political sovereignty out of direct democracy came from Montesquieu, Rousseau,
and Mably.[27][e] With Rousseau, Robespierre considered the "volonté générale" or the general will of the
people as the basis of political legitimacy.[31]

Early politics
Robespierre studied law for three years at the Sorbonne. Upon his graduation on 31 July 1780, he received a
special prize of 600 livres for exemplary academic success and personal good conduct.[32] On 15 May 1781,
Robespierre gained admission to the bar. The bishop of Arras, Hilaire de Conzié, appointed him as one of the
five judges in the criminal court in March 1782. Robespierre soon resigned, owing to discomfort in ruling on
capital cases arising from his early opposition to the death penalty. His most famous case took place in May
1783 and involved a lightning rod in St. Omer. His defence was printed and he sent Benjamin Franklin a
copy.[33]

On 15 November 1783, he was elected a member of the literary Academy of Arras.[34] In 1784 the Academy
of Metz awarded him a medal for his essay on the question of whether the relatives of a condemned criminal
should share his disgrace, which made him a man of letters.[35] He and Pierre Louis de Lacretelle, an advocate
and journalist in Paris, divided the prize. Robespierre attacked inequality before the law: the indignity of
illegitimate or natural children, the lettres de cachet (imprisonment without a trial) and the sidelining of women
in academic life. (Robespierre had particularly Louise-Félicité de Kéralio
in mind).[36] He became acquainted with Martial Herman, a lawyer, the
young officer and engineer Lazare Carnot and with the teacher Joseph
Fouché, all of whom would play a role in his later life.[37] Robespierre
also claimed to have seen Rousseau, shortly before he died.[38][39][40]

In August 1788, King Louis XVI announced new elections for all
provinces and a gathering of the Estates-General for 1 May 1789 to solve
France's serious financial and taxation problems. Robespierre participated
in a discussion regarding how the French provincial government should
be elected, arguing in his Address to the Nation of Artois that if the
former mode of election by the members of the provincial estates was
again adopted, the new Estates-General would not represent the people
of France. In late February 1789, France saw a pressing crisis due to its
desire for a new constitution, according to Gouverneur Morris.[41]

In his electoral district, Robespierre began to make his mark in politics The house where Robespierre
with his Notice to the Residents of the Countryside of 1789 in which he lived between 1787 and 1789,
now on Rue Maximilien de
attacked the local authorities.[f] With this, he secured the support of the
Robespierre
country electors. On 26 April 1789, Robespierre was elected as one of
16 deputies for Pas-de-Calais to the Estates-General; others were Charles
de Lameth and Albert de Beaumetz.[43] [g] When the deputies arrived
at Versailles they were presented to the king and listened to Jacques
Necker's three-hour-long speech about institutional and political
reforms.[44] They were informed that all voting in the Estates General
of 1789 would still be "by order" not "by head", so their double
representation as promised in December 1788 was to be
meaningless.[45][46] It resulted in Abbé Sieyès opposing the veto of
the King, suggesting that the Third Estate meet separately and change
its name.[47] On 13 June, Robespierre joined the deputies, who would
call themselves the National Assembly representing 96% of the
nation.[48] On 9 July, the Assembly moved to Paris. It transformed
itself into the National Constituent Assembly to discuss a new
constitution and taxation system.

On 13 July, the National Assembly proposed to reestablish the

"bourgeois militia" in Paris to control the riots.[49] On 14 July, the
people demanded arms and stormed the Hotel des Invalides and the Maximilien de Robespierre dressed
Bastille. Without going into detail the militia changed its name into as deputy of the Third Estate by
National Guard,[50] keeping the very poorest citizens at arm's Pierre Roch Vigneron, c. 1790
(Palace of Versailles)
length.[51] Marquis de La Fayette was acclaimed their commander-in-
chief.[52] On 20 July, the Assembly decided to establish National
Guards in every commune in the country.[53][54] The Gardes
Françaises were admitted and supported to elect "new chefs".[55] Discussing the matter and attacking Lally-
Tollendal who called for law and order Robespierre defended in his first speech the citizens who had defended
liberty a few days before, but were not allowed to have access to it.[56][57]

In October he and Louvet supported Maillard after the Women's March on Versailles.[58] The original group of
nascent all-female protesters had a relatively conciliatory message, and they were augmented by more
militarized and experienced male groups by the time they reached Versailles.[59] While the Constituent
Assembly occupied itself with male census suffrage, Robespierre and a few more deputies opposed the
property requirements for voting and holding office.[60] In December and January Robespierre succeeded in
attracting the attention of the excluded classes, particularly Protestants in France, Jews,[61] blacks, servants and
actors.[62][63]

As a frequent speaker in the Assembly, Robespierre voiced many ideas in support of the Declaration of the
Rights of Man and of the Citizen (1789) and constitutional provisions for the Constitution of 1791 but rarely
attracted a majority among fellow deputies, according to Malcolm Crook.[64][65] Robespierre, who never gave
up wearing a culotte and always 'poudré, frisé, et parfumé', seems to have been nervous, timid and suspicious.
Madame de Staël described Robespierre as 'very exaggerated in his democratic principles'. He supported the
most absurd propositions with a coolness that had the air of conviction.[66]

Jacobin Club
From October 1789, Robespierre lived at 30 Rue de Saintonge in Le
Marais.[68] Pierre Villiers claimed he was his secretary for several
months, and they shared the apartment on the third floor.[69] Robespierre
associated with the new Society of the Friends of the Constitution,
commonly known as the Jacobin Club. Originally, this organization (the
Club Breton) comprised only deputies from Brittany, but after the
National Assembly had moved to Paris into a former and empty
monastery, the Friends of civic participation admitted non-deputies,
supporting the changes in France. Among these 1,200 men, Robespierre Jacobin club in February 1791.[67]
found a sympathetic audience. Equality before the law was the keystone
of the Jacobin ideology. In January he held several speeches in response
to the decision making the exercise of civil rights dependent on a certain
sum in the tax. During the debate on the suffrage, Robespierre ended his
speech of 25 January 1790 with a blunt assertion that ‘all Frenchmen
must be admissible to all public positions without any other distinction
than that of virtues and talents’.[70] He began to acquire a reputation, and
on 31 March 1790 Robespierre was elected as their president.[71] On 28
April Robespierre proposed to allow an equal number of officers and
soldiers in the court martial, based on his democratic principles.[72]
Unlike Niccolò Machiavelli who promoted the creation of local or
regional citizen militia, a system which after three centuries seemed to be
outdated, Robespierre supported the cooperation of all the National
Guards in a general federation on 11 May.[73] On 19 June he was elected
secretary of the National Assembly.

In Spring 1790 the departments of France were reorganized; the Paris

Commune was divided up in 48 sections and allowed to discuss the
election of a new mayor. In July Robespierre demanded "fraternal Terracotta bust of Robespierre by
equality" in salaries. [74] On 2 August Jean Sylvain Bailly became Paris' Deseine, 1791 (Musée de la
first elected mayor with 12.500 votes; Georges Danton had 49, Marat Révolution française)
and Louis XVI only one. [75][76] Discussing the future of Avignon
Robespierre and his supporters on the galleries succeeded in silencing
Mirabeau. Before the end of the year, he was seen as one of the leaders of the small body of the extreme left.
Robespierre was one of "the thirty voices", as Mirabeau referred to Barnave with contempt: "That man will go
far—he believes everything he says."[77] On 5 December Robespierre delivered a speech on the urgent topic
of the National Guard.[78][79][80] "To be armed for personal defense is the right of every man, to be armed to
defend freedom and the existence of the common fatherland is the right of every citizen".[81] Robespierre
coined the famous motto "Liberté, égalité, fraternité" by adding the word
fraternity on the flags of the National Guard.[h][83][84] On 18 December
it was decreed to supply the National Guard with 50,000 fusils.[85]

In 1791 Robespierre held 328 speeches. On 28 January Robespierre

discussed the organisation of the National Guard in the Assembly;[86] for
three years a hot topic in French newspapers.[87] Early March provincial
militias were abolished and the Paris Department was placed above the
Commune in all matters of general order and security. According to Jan
ten Brink it had the right to suspend the Commune's decisions and to
dispose of the army against her in case of emergency. On 27 and 28
April 1791, Robespierre opposed plans to reorganize the National Guard
and restrict its membership to active citizens.[88][89] It was regarded as
too aristocratic. He demanded the reconstitution of the National Guard on
a democratic basis.[90] He felt that the National Guard had to become the
instrument of defending liberty and no longer be a threat to it.[91][92]
Courtyard of the house of
On 9 May, the Assembly discussed the right to petition.[93]
Article III Maurice Duplay, Robespierre's
specifically recognised the right of active citizens to meet together to landlord. Robespierre's room was
draw up petitions and addresses and present them to municipal on the second floor, above the
fountain. Other lodgers were his
authorities.[94] On 16–18 May when the elections began, Robespierre
sister, brother and Georges
proposed and carried the motion that no deputy who sat in the
Couthon
Constituent assembly could sit in the succeeding Legislative
assembly.[95] The principal tactical purpose of this self-denying
ordinance was to block the ambitions of the old leaders of the Jacobins,
Antoine Barnave, Adrien Duport, and Alexandre de Lameth,[96] aspiring to create a constitutional monarchy
roughly similar to that of England.[97][i]

In a debate on the legitimacy of slavery Robespierre uttered the famous words: "Let the colonies perish, rather
than a principle".[99] On 28 May, Robespierre proposed all Frenchmen should be declared active citizens and
eligible to vote.[100] On 30 May, he delivered a speech on the abolishment of the death penalty but without
success.[101] According to Hillary Mantel: It is perfectly constructed, a brilliant fusion of logic and emotion: as
much a work of art as a building or a piece of music could be.[102] The following day, Robespierre attacked
Abbé Raynal, who sent an address criticising the work of the Constituent Assembly and demanding the
restoration of the royal prerogative.

On 10 June, Robespierre delivered a speech on the state of the army and proposed to dismiss officers.[91] On
11 June, he accepted the function of the public prosecutor in Paris.[103] On 13 June L'Ami du Roi, a royalist
pamphlet, described Robespierre as a "lawyer for bandits, rebels and murderers".[78] On 14 June, the abolition
of the guild system was sealed; the Le Chapelier Law prohibited any kind of workers' coalition or assembly. (It
concerned in the first instance as much collective petitioning by the political clubs as trade associations.[104])
Proclaiming free enterprise as the norm upset Jean-Paul Marat, but not the urban labourer nor
Robespierre.[105] On 15 June, Pétion became president of the "tribunal criminel provisoire", after Duport
refused to work with Robespierre.[106]

After Louis XVI's failed flight to Varennes, the Assembly decreed that the king be suspended from his duties
on 25 June until further notice. Between 13 and 15 July the Assembly debated the restoration of the king and
his constitutional rights.[107] Robespierre declared in the Jacobin Club on 13 July: The current French
constitution is a republic with a monarch.[108] It is therefore neither a monarchy nor a republic. She is
both.[109] The crowd on the Champ de Mars approved a petition calling for the king's trial. Alarmed at the
progress of the Revolution, the moderate Jacobins in favour of a constitutional monarchy founded the club of
the Feuillants on the next day, taking with them 264 deputies. In the evening, the King was restored in his
functions.

On Saturday 17 July, Bailly and La Fayette declared a ban on gathering followed by martial law.[110][111]
After the Champ de Mars massacre, the authorities ordered numerous arrests. Robespierre, who attended the
Jacobin club, did not dare to go back to the rue Saintonge where he lodged, and so asked Laurent Lecointre if
he knew a patriot near the Tuileries who could put him up for the night. Lecointre suggested Duplay's house
and took him there.[112] Maurice Duplay, a cabinetmaker and ardent admirer, lived at 398 Rue Saint-Honoré
near the Tuileries. After a few days, Robespierre decided to move in permanently, although he lived in the
backyard and he was constantly exposed to the sound of working.[113] He was motivated by a desire to live
closer to the Assembly and the Jacobin club in the rue Saint-Honoré. [j] According to his friend, the surgeon
Joseph Souberbielle, Joachim Vilate, and Duplay's daughter Élisabeth, Robespierre became engaged to
Duplay's eldest daughter Éléonore, but his sister Charlotte vigorously denied this; also his brother Augustin
refused to marry her.[114][115][116]

On 3 September, the French Constitution of 1791 was installed. On 29 September, the day before the
dissolution of the Assembly, Robespierre opposed Jean Le Chapelier, who wanted to proclaim an end to the
revolution and restrict the freedom of the clubs. Robespierre had been carefully preparing for this confrontation
and it was the climax of his political career up to this point.[117] Pétion and Robespierre were brought back in
triumph to their homes.[k] On 16 October, Robespierre held a speech in Arras; one week later in Béthune, a
small town he wished to settle. Robespierre noticed the inns in Pas de Calais were filled with émigrés.[118] On
28 November, he was back in the Jacobin club, where he met with a triumphant reception. Collot d'Herbois
gave his chair to Robespierre, who presided that evening.

Opposition to war with Austria

As Marat, Danton and Robespierre were not elected in the new
legislature thanks to the Self-Denying Ordinance, oppositional politics
often took place outside the Assembly. On 18 December 1791,
Robespierre gave a (second) speech at the Jacobin club against the
declaration of war.[120] Robespierre warned against the threat of
dictatorship stemming from war, in the following terms:

If they are Caesars, Catilinas or Cromwells, they seize

power for themselves. If they are spineless courtiers,
uninterested in doing good yet dangerous when they seek
to do harm, they go back to lay their power at their
master's feet and help him to resume arbitrary power on
condition they become his chief servants.[121]

On 25 December, Guadet, the chairman of the Assembly, suggested

that 1792 should be the first year of universal liberty.[122] Jacques Portrait of Robespierre (1792) by
Pierre Brissot stated on 29 December that a war would be a benefit to Jean-Baptist Fouquet. By using a
the nation and boost the economy. He urged that France should physiognotrace a "grand trait" was
declare war against Austria. Marat and Robespierre opposed him, produced within a few minutes. This
arguing that victory would create a dictatorship, while defeat would life-size drawing on pink paper was
restore the king to his former powers; neither end, he said, would completed by Fouquet.[119]
serve the revolution.[123]
 The most extravagant idea that can arise in a politician's head is to believe that it is enough for a
people to invade a foreign country to make it adopt their laws and their constitution. No one loves
armed missionaries... The Declaration of the Rights of Man... is not a lightning bolt which strikes
every throne at the same time... I am far from claiming that our Revolution will not eventually
influence the fate of the world... But I say that it will not be today (2 January 1792).[124]

This opposition from expected allies irritated the Girondins, and the war became a major point of contention
between the factions. In his third speech on the war, Robespierre countered in the Jacobin club, "A
revolutionary war must be waged to free subjects and slaves from unjust tyranny, not for the traditional reasons
of defending dynasties and expanding frontiers..." Indeed, argued Robespierre, such a war could only favour
the forces of counter-revolution, since it would play into the hands of those who opposed the sovereignty of
the people. The risks of Caesarism were clear, for, in wartime, the powers of the generals would grow at the
expense of ordinary soldiers, and the power of the king and court at the expense of the Assembly. These
dangers should not be overlooked, he reminded his listeners; "...in troubled periods of history, generals often
became the arbiters of the fate of their countries."[125] Already, Robespierre knew that he had lost, as he failed
to gather a majority. His speech was nevertheless published and sent to all clubs and Jacobin societies of
France.[126]

On 10 February 1792, he gave a speech on how to save the State and

Liberty and did not use the word war. He began by assuring his
audience that everything he intended to propose was strictly
constitutional. He then went on to advocate specific measures to
strengthen, not so much the national defences as the forces that could
be relied on to defend the revolution.[129] Not only the National
Guard but also the people had to be armed, if necessary with pikes.
Robespierre promoted a people's army, continuously under arms and
able to impose its will on Feuillants and Girondins in the
Constitutional Cabinet of Louis XVI and in the Legislative
Assembly.[130] The Jacobins decided to study his speech before
deciding whether it should be printed.[131]
Maximilien Robespierre,
The Girondins planned strategies to out-manoeuvre Robespierre's
physionotrace by Chrétien, the
influence among the Jacobins.[132] He was accused by Brissot and
inventor.[127] By adjusting the
needles of a pantograph he achieved
Guadet of trying to become the idol of the people.[133] On 26 March,
a reduction ratio. This device was Guadet accused Robespierre of superstition, relying on divine
connected to an engraving needle. providence;[134] being against the war he was also accused of acting
Thus it enabled the production of as a secret agent for the Austrian Committee.[135] When in Spring
multiple portrait copies.[128] 1792, under pressure from the Assembly, the king accepted a few
Girondin ministers into his cabinet, according to Louvet it was only
due to a smear campaign by Robespierre and his followers that he
was not also appointed.[136] On 10 April, Robespierre resigned the post of public prosecutor, which he had
officially held since 15 February.[137][138] He explained his resignation to the Jacobin Club, on 27 April, as
part of his speech responding to the accusations against him. He threatened to leave the Jacobins, claiming he
preferred to continue his mission as an ordinary citizen.[139]

On 17 May, Robespierre published the first issue of his journal Le Défenseur de la Constitution (The Defender
of the Constitution), in which he attacked Brissot and publicised his scepticism over the whole war
movement.[140][141] The journal, printed by his neighbor Nicolas served multiple purposes: to print his
speeches, to counter the influence of the royal court in public policy, to defend him from the accusations of
Girondist leaders and to give voice to the economic and democratic interests of the broader masses in Paris and
defend their rights.[142][143]
The insurrectionary Commune of Paris
When the Legislative Assembly declared war against Austria on 20
April 1792, Robespierre stated that the French people must rise and
arm themselves completely, whether to fight abroad or to keep a
lookout for despotism at home.[144] On 23 April Robespierre
demanded Marquis de Lafayette to step down. Robespierre responded
by working to reduce the political influence of the officer class and
the king. While arguing for the welfare of common soldiers,
Robespierre urged new promotions to mitigate the domination of the
officer class by the aristocratic and royalist École Militaire and the
conservative National Guard.[l] Along with other Jacobins, he urged
in the fifth issue of his magazine the creation of an "armée
révolutionnaire" in Paris, consisting of at least 20,000 men,[146] to
defend the city, "liberty" (the revolution), maintain order in the
sections and educate the members in democratic principles; an idea he
borrowed from Jean-Jacques Rousseau.[147] According to Jean
Jaures, he considered this even more important than the right to
strike.[90]
Le Défenseur de la Constitution (n°5)
On 29 May 1792, the Assembly dissolved the Constitutional Guard,
suspecting it of royalist and counter-revolutionary sympathies. In early
June 1792, Robespierre proposed an end to the monarchy and the
subordination of the Assembly to the General will.[148] Following the
king's veto of the Assembly's efforts to suppress on proposal of
Carnot and Servan to raise a (permanent) militia of volunteers on 8
June,[149] the monarchy faced an abortive demonstration of 20
June.[150][151] Sergent-Marceau and Panis, the administrators of
police, were sent out by Pétion to urge the Sans-culottes to lay down
their weapons, telling them it was illegal to present a petition in arms
(to demand the king to apply the constitution, accept the decrees, and
recall the ministers). Their march to the Tuileries was not banned.
They invited the officials to join the procession and march along with Demonstration of 20 June 1792 at
them.[152] the Tuileries

Because French forces suffered disastrous defeats and a series of

defections at the onset of the war, Robespierre and Marat feared the possibility of a military coup d'état. One
was led by the Lafayette, head of the National Guard, who at the end of June advocated the suppression of the
Jacobin Club. Robespierre publicly attacked him in scathing terms:

"General, while from the midst of your camp you declared war upon me, which you had thus far
spared for the enemies of our state, while you denounced me as an enemy of liberty to the army,
National Guard and Nation in letters published by your purchased papers, I had thought myself
only disputing with a general... but not yet the dictator of France, arbitrator of the state."[153]

On 2 July, the Assembly authorized the National Guard to go to the Festival of Federation on 14 July, thus
circumventing a royal veto. On 11 July, the Jacobins won an emergency vote in the wavering Assembly,
declaring the nation in danger and drafting all Parisians with pikes into the National Guard.[154] (Meanwhile,
Fédérés entered the city for the celebration of 14 July; Pétion was reinstalled.) On 15 July, Billaud-Varenne in
the Jacobin club outlined the program following the uprising; the deportation of all the Bourbons, the cleansing
of the National Guard, the election of a Convention, the "transfer of
the Royal veto to the people", the deportation of all "enemies of the
people" and exemption of the poorest from taxation. This sentiment
reflected the perspective of more radical Jacobins including those of
the Marseille Club, who wrote to the mayor and the people of Paris,
"Here and at Toulon, we have debated the possibility of forming a
column of 100,000 men to sweep away our enemies... Paris may have
need of help. Call on us!" [155]

A few days later the news of the Brunswick Manifesto began

sweeping through Paris. It was frequently described as unlawful and
offensive to national sovereignty.[156] On 1 August the Assembly
voted on Carnot's proposal and ordered the municipalities that pikes
should be issued to all citizens, except vagabonds, etc.[157][158][159]
On 3 August the mayor and 47 sections demanded the deposition of
the king. On 4 August the government planned to evade; during the
night volunteers from Marseille led by Charles Barbaroux moved into
the Cordeliers Convent.[160] On 5 August Robespierre announced the
uncovering of a plan for the king to escape to Château de
Gaillon.[161] On 7 August Pétion suggested to Robespierre to
contribute to the departure of Fédérés to appease the capital.[162] The
Council of Ministers suggested arresting Danton, Marat and
Robespierre if they visited the Jacobin club.[163] On 9 August, when
the Assembly refused to impeach LaFayette, the tocsin called the
sections into arms.[164] In the evening the "commissionaires" of
several sections (Billaud-Varenne, Chaumette, Hébert, Hanriot,
Fleuriot-Lescot, Pache, Bourdon) gathered in the town hall. At
midnight the municipal government of the city was dissolved. Sulpice
Huguenin, head of the sans-culottes of the Faubourg Saint-Antoine,
was appointed provisional president of the Insurrectionary Commune.

Early in the morning on (Friday, 10 August) 30,000 Fédérés A sans-culotte with his pike
(volunteers from the countryside) and Sans-culottes (militants from the
Paris sections) led a successful assault upon the Tuileries;[165]
according to Robespierre a triumph for the "passive" (non-voting) citizens. The frightened Assembly
suspended the king and voted for the election of a National Convention to take its place.[166] On the night of
11 August Robespierre was elected to the Paris Commune as a representative for the "Section de Piques"; the
district where he lived. The governing committee called for the summoning of a convention chosen by
universal male suffrage,[167] to form a new government and reorganize France. On 13 August Robespierre
declared himself against the strengthening of the départments.[168] On 14 August Danton invited him to join
the Council of Justice. Robespierre published the twelfth and last issue of "Le Défenseur de la Constitution",
both an account and political testament.[169] On 16 August, Robespierre presented a petition to the Legislative
Assembly from the Paris Commune to demand the establishment of a provisional Revolutionary Tribunal that
had to deal with the "traitors" and "enemies of the people". The next day Robespierre was appointed as one of
eight judges, but he refused to preside over it.[170] He declined any position that might take him out of the
political arena.[171] (Fouquier-Tinville was appointed as president.) The Prussian army crossed the French
frontier on 19 August. The Paris armed sections were incorporated in 48 battalions of the National Guard
under Santerre. The Assembly decreed that all the non-juring priests had to leave Paris within a week and the
country within two weeks.[172] On 27 August, in the presence of almost half the population of Paris, a funeral
ceremony was held on Place du Carrousel for the victims who were killed during storming the Tuileries.[173]
The passive citizens still strived for acceptance and the supply of weapons. Danton proposed that the
Assembly should authorize house searches ‘to distribute to the defenders of the "Patrie" the weapons that
indolent or ill-disposed citizens may be hiding’.[170] The section Sans-culottes organized itself as surveillance
committee, conducting searches and making arrests all over Paris.[174][175] The gates were closed to prevent
(royalist) suspects and deputies would leave the city. The raids began on 29 August which seem to have gone
on for another two days.[170] Marat and Robespierre both disliked Condorcet who proposed that the "enemies
of the people" belonged to the whole nation and should be judged constitutionally in its name.[176] A sharp
conflict developed between the Legislative and the Commune and its sections.[177][171] On 30 August the
interim minister of Interior Roland and Guadet tried to suppress the influence of the Commune because the
sections had exhausted the searches. The Assembly, tired of the pressures, declared the Commune illegal and
suggested the organization of communal elections.[178]

Robespierre was no longer willing to cooperate with Brissot, who promoted the Duke of Brunswick, and
Roland, who proposed that the members of the government should leave Paris, taking the treasury and the
king with it.[170] On Sunday morning 2 September the members of the Commune, gathering in the town hall
to proceed the election of deputies to the National Convention, decided to maintain their seats and have
Rolland and Brissot arrested.[179][180] Madame de Staël who tried to escape Paris was forced by the crowd to
go to the town hall. She noted that Robespierre was in the chair that day, assisted by Collot d'Herbois and
Billaud-Varenne as secretaries.[181]

The National Convention

On 2 September 1792 French National Convention election began. At
the same time, Paris was organizing its defence, but it was confronted
with a lack of arms for the thousands of volunteers. Danton delivered
a speech in the assembly and possibly referring to the (Swiss) inmates:
"We ask that anyone who refuses to serve in person, or to surrender
their weapons, is punished with death.[182][183] Not long after the
September Massacres began.[184][185][186] Charlotte Corday held
Marat responsible, Madame Roland Danton. Robespierre visited the
Temple prison to check on the security of the royal family.[187] The
next day on proposal of Collot d'Herbois the Assembly decided Imaginary meeting between
excluding royalist deputies from re-election to the Convention. [188] Robespierre, Danton and Marat
Robespierre made sure Brissot (and his fellow Brissotins Pétion and (illustrating Victor Hugo's novel
Ninety-Three ) by Alfred Loudet
Condorcet) could not be elected in Paris.[189] According to Charlotte
Robespierre, her brother stopped talking to his former friend, mayor
Pétion de Villeneuve, accused of conspicuous consumption by
Desmoulins,[190] and finally rallied to Brissot.[191] On 5 September, Robespierre was elected deputy to the
National Convention but Danton and Collot d'Herbois received more votes than Robespierre.[m] Madame
Roland wrote to a friend: "We are under the knife of Robespierre and Marat, those who would agitate the
people."[192]

On 21 September Pétion was elected as president of the convention; nearly all members were lawyers. The
Jacobins and Cordeliers took the high benches at the back of the former Salle du Manège, giving them the
label the "Montagnards", or "the Mountaineers"; below them were the "Manège" of the Girondists, moderate
Republicans. The majority the Plain was formed by independents (as Barère, Cambon and Carnot) but
dominated by the radical Mountain.[193] On 25 and 26 September, the Girondists Barbaroux and Lasource
accused Robespierre of wanting to form a dictatorship.[194] Danton was asked to resign as minister as he was
also a deputy. Rumours spread that Robespierre, Marat and Danton were plotting to establish a triumvirate to
save the First French Republic. (From October 1791 until September 1792 the French Legislative Assembly
saw an unprecedented turnover of four ministers of Justice, four ministers of Navy, six ministers of the interior,
seven ministers of foreign affairs, and eight ministers of war.[195]) On 30 September Robespierre advocated
for better laws; the registration of marriages, births and burials was withdrawn from the church. On 29
October, Louvet de Couvrai attacked Robespierre.[196] He accused him of star allures,[197] and have done
nothing to stop the September massacre; instead, he had used it to have more Montagnards elected.[198]
Robespierre, who seems to have been sick was given a week to respond. On 5 November, Robespierre
defended himself, the Jacobin Club and his supporters in and beyond Paris:

Upon the Jacobins, I exercise, if we are to believe my accusers, a despotism of opinion, which
can be regarded as nothing other than the forerunner of dictatorship. Firstly, I do not know what a
dictatorship of opinion is, above all in a society of free men... unless this describes nothing more
than the natural compulsion of principles. This compulsion hardly belongs to the man who
enunciates them; it belongs to universal reason and to all men who wish to listen to its voice. It
belongs to my colleagues of the Constituent Assembly, to the patriots of the Legislative
Assembly, to all citizens who will invariably defend the cause of liberty. Experience has proven,
despite Louis XVI and his allies, that the opinion of the Jacobins and the popular clubs were those
of the French Nation; no citizen has made them, and I did nothing other than share in them.[199]

Turning the accusations upon his accusers, Robespierre delivered one of the most famous lines of the French
Revolution to the Assembly:

I will not remind you that the sole object of contention dividing us is that you have instinctively
defended all acts of new ministers, and we, of principles; that you seemed to prefer power, and we
equality... Why don't you prosecute the Commune, the Legislative Assembly, the Sections of
Paris, the Assemblies of the Cantons and all who imitated us? For all these things have been
illegal, as illegal as the Revolution, as the fall of the Monarchy and of the Bastille, as illegal as
liberty itself... Citizens, do you want a revolution without a revolution? What is this spirit of
persecution which has directed itself against those who freed us from chains?[200]

In November 1792 Condorcet considered the French Revolution as a religion and Robespierre had all the
characteristics of a leader of a sect,[201][202] or a cult.[203] As his opponents knew well, Robespierre had a
strong base of support among the women of Paris. John Moore (Scottish physician) was sitting in the galleries,
and noted that the audience was ‘almost entirely lled with women’.[204][205] He is a priest who has his
devotees but it is evident that all of his power lies in the distaff. Robespierre tried to appeal to women because
in the early days of the Revolution when he had tried to appeal to men, he had failed.[204] The Girondines
called on the local authorities to oppose the concentration and centralization of power.

Execution of Louis XVI

The convention's unanimous declaration of a French Republic on 21 September 1792 left the fate of the
former king open to debate. A commission was therefore established to examine the evidence against him
while the convention's Legislation Committee considered legal aspects of any future trial. Most Montagnards
favoured judgment and execution, while the Girondins were more divided concerning how to proceed, with
some arguing for royal inviolability, others for clemency, and others advocating lesser punishment or
banishment.[206] On 13 November Robespierre stated in the Convention that a Constitution which Louis had
violated himself, and which declared his inviolability, could not now be used in his defence.[207] Robespierre
had been taken ill and had done little other than support Saint-Just, a former colonel in the National Guard,
who gave his first major speech to address and argue against the king's inviolability. On 20 November, opinion
turned sharply against Louis following the discovery of a secret cache
of 726 documents consisting of Louis's personal communications with
bankers and ministers.[208] At his trial, he claimed not to recognize
documents clearly signed by himself.[209]

With the question of the king's fate now occupying public discourse,
Robespierre delivered on 3 December a speech that would define the
rhetoric and course of Louis's trial.[210] All the deputies from the
Mountain were asked to attend. Robespierre argued that the dethroned
king could now function only as a threat to liberty and national peace Plaidoyé de Louis XVI accompagné
and that the members of the Assembly were not to be impartial judges de De Sèze, Valazé à l'assemblée de
but rather statesmen with responsibility for ensuring public safety: la Convention, salle du Manège,
palais des Tuileries, 26 décembre.
Engraving by Reinier Vinkeles
Louis was a king, and our republic is established; the
critical question concerning you must be decided by
these words alone. Louis was dethroned by his crimes;
Louis denounced the French people as rebels; he
appealed to chains, to the armies of tyrants who are his
brothers; the victory of the people established that Louis
alone was a rebel; Louis cannot, therefore, be judged; he
already is judged. He is condemned, or the republic
cannot be absolved. To propose to have a trial of Louis
XVI, in whatever manner one may, is to retrogress to
royal despotism and constitutionality; it is a counter-
revolutionary idea because it places the revolution itself
in litigation. In effect, if Louis may still be given a trial,
he may be absolved, and innocent. What am I to say? He
is presumed to be so until he is judged. But if Louis is
absolved, if he may be presumed innocent, what
becomes of the revolution? If Louis is innocent, all the
defenders of liberty become slanderers. [211]

In arguing for a judgment by the elected Convention without trial, Robespierre supported the
recommendations of Jean-Baptiste Mailhe, who headed the commission reporting on legal aspects of Louis's
trial or judgment. Unlike some Girondins, Robespierre specifically opposed judgment by primary assemblies
or a referendum, believing that this could cause a civil war.[212] While he called for a trial of Queen Marie-
Antoinette and the imprisonment of the Dauphin of France, Robespierre advocated that the king be executed
despite his opposition to capital punishment:

Yes, the death penalty is, in general, crime, unjustifiable by the indestructible principles of nature,
except in cases protecting the safety of individuals or the society altogether. Ordinary
misdemeanours have never threatened public safety because society may always protect itself by
other means, making those culpable powerless to harm it. But for a king dethroned in the bosom
of a revolution, which is as yet cemented only by laws; a king whose name attracts the scourge of
war upon a troubled nation; neither prison nor exile can render his existence inconsequential to
public happiness; this cruel exception to the ordinary laws avowed by justice can be imputed only
to the nature of his crimes. With regret, I pronounce this fatal truth: Louis must die so that the
nation may live.[213]
On 4 December the Convention decreed all the royalist writings illegal.[214] 26 December was the day of the
last hearing of the King. On 14 January 1793, the king was unanimously voted guilty of conspiracy and
attacks upon public safety. On 15 January the call for a referendum was defeated by 424 votes to 287, which
Robespierre led. On 16 January, voting began to determine the king's sentence; the session continued for 24
hours. Robespierre worked fervently to ensure the king's execution. The Jacobins successfully defeated the
Girondins' final appeal for clemency.[215] On 20 January half of the deputies voted for an immediate death.
The next day Louis XVI was guillotined.[216]

Destruction of the Girondists

After the execution of the king, the influence of Robespierre, Danton

and the pragmatic politicians increased at the expense of the
Girondins who were largely seen as responsible for the inadequate
response to the Flanders Campaign they had themselves initiated. At
the end of February, more than a thousand shops were plundered in
Paris. Protesters claimed that the Girondins were responsible for the
high prices.[217] On 24 February the Convention decreed the first, but
unsuccessful Levée en Masse as the attempt to draft new troops set off
an uprising in rural France. The Montagnards lost influence in Journées des 31 Mai, 1er et 2 Juin
Marseille, Toulon and Lyon. On 10 March 1793, a provisional 1793, an engraving of the Convention
Revolutionary Tribunal was established; the Convention appointed surrounded by National Guards,
Fouquier-Tinville as the public prosecutor and Fleuriot-Lescot as his forcing the deputies to arrest the
assistant. Girondins and to establish an armed
force of 6,000 men. The insurrection
On 12 March Charles-François Dumouriez criticized the interference was organized by the Paris
of officials of the War Ministry which employed many Jacobins.[218] Commune and supported by
The Jacobin leaders were quite sure that, after the Battle of Montagnards.
Neerwinden (1793), France had come close to a military coup
mounted by Dumouriez and supported by the Girondins. On 18
March Barère proposed to establish a Committee of Public Safety. On 22
March Dumouriez urged the Duke of Chartres to join his plan to dissolve
the Convention, to restore the French Constitution of 1791, the
restoration of a constitutional monarchy and to free Marie-Antoinette and
her children.[219][220] On 25 March Robespierre became one of the 25
members of the Committee of General Defence to coordinate the war
effort.[221] He demanded that relatives of the king should leave France,
but Marie-Antoinette should be judged.[222] He spoke of vigorous
measures to save the Convention, but left the committee within a few
days. Marat began to promote a more radical approach, war on the
Girondins.[223] He would be arrested a few weeks later.

On 3 April Robespierre declared before the Convention that the whole

war was a prepared game between Dumouriez and Brissot to overthrow
the Republic. On 5 April the Convention substantially expanded the
power of the Tribunal révolutionnaire; the Montagne raised the stakes by François Hanriot chef de la
sending out a circular from the Jacobin Club in Paris to all the sister section des Sans-Culottes (Rue
Jacobin clubs across France, appealing for petitions demanding the recall Mouffetard); drawing by Gabriel in
– that is, the expulsion from the Convention – of any deputés who had the Carnavalet Museum
tried to save the life of ‘the tyrant’. On 6 April the Committee of Public
Safety was installed with deputies from the Plaine and the Dantonists but
no Girondins or Robespierrists.[224] Robespierre who was not elected was pessimistic about the prospects of
parliamentary action and told the Jacobins that it was necessary to
raise an army of Sans-culottes to defend Paris and arrest infidel
deputies, naming and accusing Brissot, Vergniaud, Guadet and
Gensonné.[225] There are only two parties according to Robespierre:
the people and its enemies.[226] Robespierre's speeches during April
1793 reflect the growing radicalization. "I ask the sections to raise an
army large enough to form the kernel of a Revolutionary Army that
will draw all the sans-culottes from the departments to exterminate the
rebels ..."[227] "Force the government to arm the people, who in vain
demanded arms for two years."[228] Suspecting further treason, The uprising of the Parisian sans-
Robespierre invited the convention to vote the death penalty against culottes from 31 May to 2 June
anyone who would propose negotiating with the enemy.[229] Marat 1793. The scene takes place in front
was imprisoned calling for widespread murder as well as the of the Deputies Chamber in the
suspension of the convention. On 15 April the convention was Tuileries. The depiction shows Marie-
stormed by the people of from the sections, demanding the removal of Jean Hérault de Séchelles and Pierre
the Girondins. Till 17 April the convention discussed the Declaration Victurnien Vergniaud.
of the Rights of the Man and of the Citizen of 1793, a French political
document that preceded that country's first republican constitution. On
18 April the Commune announced an insurrection against the convention after the arrest of Marat. On 19 April
Robespierre opposed article 7 on equality before the law; on 22 April the convention discussed article 29 on
the right of resistance.[230] On 24 April 1793 Robespierre presented his version with four articles on the right
of property. Robespierre was in effect questioning the individual right of ownership.[231] He advocated a
progressive tax and fraternity between the people of all the nations.[232] On 27 April the convention decreed
(on proposal of Danton) to sent 20,000 additional forces to the departments in revolt.[233] Pétion called for the
help of supporters of law and order.[234]

On 1 May, according to the Girondin deputé Dulaure 8,000 armed men prepared to go to the Vendée
surrounded the convention and threatened not to leave if the emergency measures (a decent salary and
maximum on food prices) demanded were not adopted.[235][236] On 4 May the convention agreed to support
the families of soldiers and sailors who left their home to fight the enemy. Robespierre pressed ahead with his
strategy of class war.[237] On 8 and 12 May in the Jacobin club, Robespierre restated the necessity of founding
a revolutionary army to be funded by a tax on the rich and would be intended to defeat aristocrats and counter-
revolutionaries inside both the convention and across France. He said that public squares should be used to
produce arms and pikes.[238] Mid May Marat and the Commune supported him publicly and secretly.[239]
After hearing these statements, the Girondins became concerned. On 18 May Guadet called for the closing of
all the political institutions in Paris and to examine the "exactions" and to replace municipal
authorities.[240][241][242] Within a few days the Convention decided to set up a commission of inquiry of
twelve members, with a very strong Girondin majority.[243] On 24 May the Twelve proposed reinforcing the
National Guard patrols round the convention.[244] Jacques Hébert, the editor of Le Père Duchesne, was
arrested after attacking or calling for the death of the 22 Girondins. The next day, the Commune demanded
that Hébert be released. The president of the Convention Maximin Isnard, who had enough of the tyranny of
the Commune, threatened with the total destruction of Paris.

On 26 May, after a week of silence, Robespierre delivered one of the most decisive speeches of his career.[245]
He openly called at the Jacobin Club "to place themselves in insurrection against corrupt deputies".[246] Isnard
declared that the Convention would not be influenced by any violence and that Paris had to respect the
representatives from elsewhere in France.[247] The Convention decided Robespierre would not be heard.
(During the whole debate Robespierre sat on the gallery.) The atmosphere became extremely agitated. Some
deputies were willing to kill if Isnard dared to declare civil war in Paris; the president was asked to give up his
seat. On 28 May a weak Robespierre excused himself twice for his physical condition, but attacked in
particular Brissot of royalism. He referred to 25 July 1792 where their points of view split.[248][249]
Robespierre left the Convention after applause from the left side and obviously went to the town hall.[250]
There he called for an armed insurrection against the majority of the Convention. "If the Commune does not
unite closely with the people, it violates its most sacred duty", he said.[251] In the afternoon the Commune
demanded the creation of a Revolutionary army of sansculottes in every town of France, including 20,000 men
to defend Paris.[252][246] On 29 May, the Commune decided to create a revolutionary army of 20,000 men to
protect and defend Paris.[253] The delegates representing 33 of the Paris sections formed an insurrectionary
committee.[254] Robbepierre admitted he almost gave up his career because of his anxieties since he became a
deputy.[255] On 30 May Saint-Just was added to the Committee of Public Safety; Couthon became secretary.
The next day the tocsin in the Notre-Dame was rung and the city gates were closed; the Insurrection of 31
May - 2 June began. Hanriot, "Commandant-General" of the Parisian National Guard since the evening before
was ordered to fire a cannon on the Pont-Neuf as a sign of alarm. Vergniaud suggested to arrest him.
Robespierre urged the arrest of the Girondins, who had supported the installation of the Commission of
Twelve.[256] Around ten in the morning 12,000 armed citizens appeared to protect the Convention against the
arrest of Girondin deputies. On Saturday 1 June the Commune gathered almost all day. The "Comité
insurrectionnel" ordered the arrest of Roland and Étienne Clavière. It ordered Hanriot to surround the
Convention ‘with a respectable armed force’.[257] In the evening 40,000 men surrounded the building to force
the arrest. Marat lead the attack on the representatives, who in January had voted against the execution of the
King and since then paralyzing the Convention.[258][259] The Committee of Public Safety postponed decisions
on the accused deputies for three days; Marat demanded a decision within a day.[260]

Unsatisfied with the result the commune demanded and prepared a "Supplement" to the revolution. Hanriot
was ordered to march his National Guard from the town hall to the National Palace.[261] In the early evening
on 2 June, a large force of armed citizens, some estimated 80,000 or 100,000, but Danton spoke of only
30,000,[262] surrounded the Convention with artillery. "The armed force", Hanriot said, "will retire only when
the Convention has delivered to the people the deputies denounced by the Commune."[263] The Girondins
believed they were protected by the law, but the people on the galleries called for their arrest. The accused
Girondins attempted to exit, walked around the palace in a theatrical procession and confronted on all sides by
bayonets and pikes, returned to the meeting hall and submitted to the inevitable. Twenty-two Girondins were
seized one by one after some juggling with names.[264] They finally decided that 31 deputies were not to be
imprisoned,[n] but only subject to house arrest.[265]

The Montagnards now had unchallenged control of the convention; according to Couthon the citizens of Paris
had saved the country.[266] The Girondins, going to the provinces, joined the counter-revolution.[267] Within
two weeks and for three months almost fifty departments were in rebellion.

During the insurrection of 31 May – 2 June 1793 Robespierre had scrawled a note in his memorandum-book:

What we need is a single will (il faut une volonté une). It must be either republican or royalist. If it
is to be republican, we must have republican ministers, republican newspapers, republican
deputies, a republican government. The internal dangers come from the middle classes; to defeat
the middle classes we must rally the people. ... The people must ally itself with the Convention,
and the Convention must make use of the people.[268][269]

On 3 June French the convention decided to split up the land belonging to Émigrés and sell it to farmers. On
12 June Robespierre wanted to resign lacking strength.[270] On 13 July Robespierre defended the plans of Le
Peletier to teach revolutionary ideas in schools.[271] On the following day the convention rushed to praise
Marat - who was murdered in his bath tube - for his fervor and revolutionary diligence. Opposing Pierre-Louis
Bentabole Robespierre simply called for an inquiry into the circumstances of his death. On 17 or 22 July the
Émigres were expropriated by decree; proofs of ownership had to be collected and burnt.
Reign of Terror
After the fall of the Girondins, the French government faced serious
internal challenges, when four provincial cities—Caen, Bordeaux,
Lyon, and Marseille—rebelled against the more radical revolutionaries
in Paris. In July France threatened to plunge into civil war, attacked
by the aristocracy in Vendée and Brittany, by federalism in Lyon, in
Le Midi and in Normandy, in a struggle with all Europe and the
foreign factions.[272]

On 27 July 1793, Robespierre was added to the Committee of Public

Safety and replaced Gasparin the only member of a sleeping The Pavillon de Flore, the seat of the
subcommittee of war.[273] It was the second time he held any Committee of Public Safety and
executive office to coordinate the war effort. It may seem Robespierre General Police Bureau. Also,
behaved as a kind of Minister without Portfolio,[274] apparently as the Joachim Vilate lived there in an
unofficial prime-minister but the committee was non-hierarchical.[275] apartment. Drawing in brown ink
(1814)
On 4 August the French Constitution of 1793 which included
universal suffrage passed through the convention. Article 109 stated:
All Frenchmen are soldiers; all shall be exercised in the use of
arms.[276] From the moment of its acceptance, it was made
meaningless, first by the Convention itself, which had been charged to
dissolve itself on completion of the document, then by the
construction of the working institutions of the Terror.[277][o] On 21
August Robespierre was elected as president of the convention.[281]
On 23 August Lazare Carnot was appointed in the Committee; the
provisional government introduced the Levée en masse against the Peasants and commoners (insurgent
enemies of the republic. Robespierre was particularly concerned that royalists or Chouans) in the Vendée,
the public officials should be virtuous.[282] He sent his brother Maine, the south of Normandy or the
Augustin (and sister Charlotte) to Marseille and Nice to suppress the eastern part of Brittany defending a
Catholic church. Artist unknown
federalist insurrection.[283]

On 4 September, the Sans-culottes again invaded the convention.

They demanded tougher measures against rising prices and the setting up of a system of terror to root out the
counter-revolution,[284] despite the amount of assignats in circulation doubled in the previous months. On 5
September the Convention decided on a proposal of Chaumette, supported by Billaud and Danton to form a
revolutionary army of 6,000 men in Paris to sweep away conspirators, to execute revolutionary laws and to
protect subsistence.[285][p] The next day the ultra's Collot d'Herbois and Billaud-Varenne were elected in the
Committee of Public Safety.[288] The Committee of General Security which was tasked with rooting out
crimes and preventing counter-revolution began to manage the country's National Gendarmerie and finance.
On 8 September, the banks and exchange offices were closed to prevent the exchange of forged assignats and
the export of capital.[289] On 11 September the power of the Comité de Salut Public was extended for one
month. On 17 September, the Law of Suspects was passed, which authorized the imprisonment of vaguely
defined "suspects" within 24 hours. Jacques Thuriot, a firm supporter of Danton, resigned on 20 September
because of irreconcilable differences with Robespierre and became one of the bolder opponents of Maximilien
Robespierre.[290] The Revolutionary Tribunal was reorganized and divided into four sections, of which two
were always active at the same time. On 29 September, the Committee introduced the maximum, particularly
in the area which supplied Paris.[291] According to Augustin Cochin (historian) the shops were empty within a
week.[292] On 1 October the Convention decided to exterminate the "brigands" in the Vendée before the end
of the month.
On 3 October Robespierre was convinced the convention was divided up in two factions, friends of the people
and conspirators.[293] He defended 73 Girondins as useful,[294][295] in order to serve as hostages,[296] but
more than 20 were sent on trial. He attacked Danton, who had refused to take a seat in the Comité, and
believed a stable government was needed which could resist the orders of the Comité de Salut Public.[297] On
8 October the Convention decided to arrest Brissot and the Girondins. Robespierre called for the dissolution of
the convention; he believed they would be admired by posterity. Cambon replied that was not his intention;
applause followed and the session was closed.[298] After the Siege of Lyon Couthon entered the city, the
centre of a revolt. On 10 October the Convention decreed to recognize the Committee of Public Safety as the
supreme "Revolutionary Government",[299] (which was consolidated on 4 December).[300] The provisional
government would be revolutionary until peace according to Saint-Just. Every eight days the Committee of
Public Safety would report to the convention.[301] Though the Constitution was overwhelmingly popular and
its drafting and ratification buoyed popular support for the Montagnards, on 10 October the Convention set it
aside indefinitely until a future peace.[302] They would instead continue governing without a Constitution.[303]
The Committee became a War Cabinet with unprecedented powers over the economy as well as the political
life of the nation, but it had to get the approval of the convention for any legislation and could be changed any
time.[304] Danton who was dangerously ill since a few weeks,[305] probably knowing that he could not get
along with Robespierre,[306] quit politics and set off to Arcis-sur-Aube with his 16-year-old wife, who pitied
the Queen since her trial began.[307]

On 12 October when Hébert accused Marie-Antoinette of incest with her son, Robespierre had dinner with
some strong supporters Barère, Louis de Saint-Just and Joachim Vilate. Discussing the matter, Robespierre
broke his plate with his fork and called Hébert an "imbécile".[308][309][310] According to Vilate Robespierre
then had already two or three bodyguards. One of them was his neighbour, the printer Nicolas. The verdict of
the former queen, pronounced by the jury of the Revolutionary Tribunal, on the 16th, at four o'clock in the
morning, was executed at noon.[311] On 25 October the Revolutionary government was accused of doing
nothing.[312] At the end of the month, several members of the General Security Committee assisted by armées
revolutionnaires were sent into the provinces to suppress active resistance against the Jacobins. Fouché and
Collot d'Herbois halted the revolt of Lyon against the National Convention, Jean-Baptiste Carrier ordered the
drownings at Nantes; Tallien succeeded in feeding the guillotine in Bordeaux; Barras and Fréron went to
Marseille and Toulon and Joseph Le Bon in Somme and Pas-de-Calais. Saint-Just and Le Bas visited the
Rhine Army to watch the generals and punish officers for the least sign of treasonous timidity, or lack of
initiative.[313] On 31 October Brissot and 21 Girondins were guillotined in 36 minutes by Charles-Henri
Sanson.

On 8 November the director of the manufacture of assignats and Manon Roland were executed. On the
morning of 14 November, François Chabot burst into Robespierre's room dragging him from bed with
accusations of counter-revolution and a foreign conspiracy, waving a hundred thousand livres in assignat
notes, claiming that a band of royalist plotters gave it to him to buy Fabre d'Eglantine's vote, along with others,
to liquidate some stock in the French East India Company.[314][315] Chabot was arrested three days later;
Courtois urged Danton to return to Paris immediately. On 25 November, the remains of Comte de Mirabeau
were removed from the Pantheon and replaced with those of Jean-Paul Marat.[316] It was on the initiative of
Robespierre when it became known that in his last months the count had secretly conspired with the court of
Louis XVI.[317] On 3 December Robespierre accused Danton in the Jacobin club of feigning an illness with
the intention to emigrate to Switzerland. Danton showed too often his vices and not his virtue. Robespierre
was stopped in his attack. The gathering was closed after applause for Danton.[318]

On 4 December, by the Law of Revolutionary Government, the independence of departmental and local
authorities came to an end, when extensive powers of Committee of Public Safety were codified. This law,
submitted by Billaud, implemented within 24 hours, was a drastic decision against the independence of
deputies and commissionaires on a mission; coordinated action among the sections became illegal.[319] The
Commune of Paris and the revolutionary committees in the sections had to obey the law, the two Committees
and the convention.[320] On 7 December all the armées revolutionnaires in France were dismissed within 24
hours (except the ones authorized by the convention as in Paris).[321] On 12 December Robespierre attacked
the wealthy Cloots in the Jacobin club of being a Prussian spy. (One week before Robespierre denounced the
dechristianizers as foreign enemies.) The Indulgents mounted an attack on the Committee of Public Safety
being murderers.[322]

The "enemy within"

On 5 December the journalist Camille Desmoulins launched a new

journal, Le Vieux Cordelier. He defended Danton and warned not to
exaggerate the revolution. He compared Robespierre with Julius
Caesar and arguing that the Revolution should return to its original
ideas en vogue around 10 August 1792.[323] [324] In the fourth issue
Desmoulins took up the cause of the 200,000 defenseless civilians
and had been detained in prisons as suspects.[325] A Committee of
Grace had to be established. Desmoulins addressed Robespierre
directly, writing, "My dear Robespierre... my old school friend...
Remember the lessons of history and philosophy: love is stronger,
more lasting than fear."[326] Under intense emotional pressure from
Lyonnaise women, Robespierre suggested that a secret commission be
set up to examine the cases of the Lyon rebels, to see if injustices had Triumvirate of : (L-R) Saint-Just,
been committed. This is the closest Robespierre came to adopting a Robespierre, and Couthon
public position against the use of terror.[327] On 17 December Vincent
and Ronsin were arrested. On 21 December Collot d'Herbois
declared: "...if I had arrived two days later I would perhaps have been
put under indictment myself."[328] Desmoulins counselled
Robespierre not to attempt to build the Republic on such a rare quality
as virtue.

On the next day, December 25, thoroughly provoked by Desmoulins’

insistent challenges, Robespierre produced his Report on the
Principles of Revolutionary Government.[324] Robespierre replied to
the plea for an end to the Terror, justifying the collective dictatorship
of the National Convention, administrative centralization, and the
purging of local authorities. He said he had to avoid two cliffs: Print representing a fr:Comité de
indulgence and severity. He could not consult the 18th century surveillance of the Parisian section
political authors, because they had not foreseen such a course of of the year II, after Jean-Baptiste
events. He protested against the various factions [Hébertists and Huet. (National Library of France,
Dantonists] that threatened the government. [329][330] Robespierre Paris.)
strongly believed that the Terror should be increased in intensity,
rather than diminished; "the Government has to defend itself" [against
conspirators] and "to the enemies of the people it owes only death."[331][332][333] According to R.R. Palmer
and Donald C. Hodges, this was the first important statement in modern times of a philosophy of
dictatorship.[334][335]

In his Report on the Principles of Political Morality of 5 February 1794, Robespierre praised the revolutionary
government and argued that terror and virtue were necessary:

If virtue is the spring of a popular government in times of peace, the spring of that government
during a revolution is virtue combined with terror: virtue, without which terror is destructive;
terror, without which virtue is impotent. Terror is only justice prompt, severe and inflexible; it is
 then an emanation of virtue; it is less a distinct principle than a natural consequence of the general
principle of democracy, applied to the most pressing wants of the country ... The government in a
revolution is the despotism of liberty against tyranny.[336]

Aulard sums up the Jacobin train of thought, "All politics, according to Robespierre, must tend to establish the
reign of virtue and confound vice. He reasoned thus: those who are virtuous are right; error is a corruption of
the heart; error cannot be sincere; error is always deliberate."[337][338] From 13 February to 13 March 1794,
Robespierre had withdrawn from active business on the Committee due to illness.[339] On 19 February,
Maximilien decided therefore to return to the Duplays.[340] Saint-Just was elected president of the Convention
for the next two weeks. Early March in a speech at the Cordeliers Club, Hébert attacked Robespierre on the
violation of human rights and Danton on being too soft. Hébert, the voice of the Sans-culottes, used the latest
issue of Le Père Duchesne to criticize Robespierre. (There were queues and near-riots at the shops and in the
markets; there were strikes and threatening public demonstrations.) Some of the Hébertistes and their friends
were calling for a new insurrection.[341] On the night of 13–14 March, Hébert and 18 of his followers were
arrested on charges of complicity with foreign powers. On 15 March, Robespierre reappeared in the
convention.[q] Subsequently, he joined Saint-Just in his attacks on Hébert.[24] They were guillotined on 24
March and their death was a sort of carnival, a pleasant spectacle according to Michelet's witnesses. The
leaders of the "armées révolutionnaires" were denounced by the Revolutionary Tribunal as accomplices of
Hébert.[343][344][r]

On 25 March Condorcet was arrested as he was seen as an enemy of the Revolution; he committed suicide
two days later. On 29 March Danton met again with Robespierre privately; afterwards, Marat's sister urged
him to take the offensive.[349] On 30 March the two committees decided to arrest Danton and Desmoulins
after Saint-Just became uncharacteristically angry.[350] On 31 March Saint-Just publicly attacked both. In the
Convention criticism was voiced against the arrests, which Robespierre silenced with "...whoever trembles at
this moment is guilty."[351] Legendre suggested to hear Danton in the convention but Robespierre replied "It
would be violating the laws of impartiality to grant to Danton what was refused to others, who had an equal
right to make the same demand. This answer silenced at once all solicitations in his favour."[352] From 21
March - 5 April Tallien was president of the Convention,[353] but could not prevent the final triumph of
Robespierre. No friend of the Dantonists dared speak up in case he too should be accused of putting friendship
before virtue.[354]

On 2 April the trial began on charges of conspiracy with the Duke of Orléans and Dumouriez. Corruption and
a financial scandal involving the French East India Company provided a "convenient pretext" for Danton's
downfall.[355][356] The Dantonists were not serving the people. They had become false patriots, who had
preferred personal and foreign interests to the welfare of the nation. "Danton had been a traitor from the
beginning of the Revolution and the emergency law voted to stifle his resounding voice make this one of the
blackest moments in the whole history of the Revolution."[357][358] The defendants, of whom nine were
députés of the convention, were removed from the room before the verdict was delivered. Fouquier-Tinville
asked the tribunal to order the defendants who "confused the hearing" and insulted "National Justice" to the
guillotine. Desmoulins struggled to accept his fate and accused Robespierre, the Committee of General
Security and the Revolutionary Tribunal. He was dragged up the scaffold by force. On the last day of their trial
Lucile Desmoulins was imprisoned. She was accused of organizing a revolt against the patriots and the
tribunal to free her husband and Danton. She admitted to having warned the prisoners of a course of events as
in September 1792, and that it was her duty to revolt against it. Remarkably Robespierre was not only their
eldest friend but also witnessed at their marriage in December 1790, together with Pétion and Brissot.[359][360]

On 1 April Lazare Carnot proposed the provisional executive council of six ministers be suppressed and the
ministries be replaced by twelve Committees reporting to the Committee of Public Safety.[232] The proposal
was unanimously adopted by the National Convention and set up by Martial Herman on 8 April. When Barras
and Fréron paid a visit to Robespierre, they were received extremely unfriendly. (Robespierre was without the
spectacles he usually wore in public.) At the request of Robespierre,
the Convention orders the transfer of the ashes of Jean-Jacques
Rousseau to the Panthéon. On 16 April, it was decreed to centralize
the investigation of court records and to bring all the political suspects
in France to the Revolutionary Tribunal to Paris; the two committees
received the power to interrogate them immediately. On 17 April
foreigners were no longer allowed to travel through France or visit a
Jacobin club; Dutch patriots who had fled to France before 1790 were
excluded.[361] On 22 April Malesherbes, a lawyer who had defended
the king and the deputés Isaac René Guy le Chapelier and Jacques
Guillaume Thouret, four times elected president of the Constituent
Assembly were taken to the scaffold. On 23 April the triumvirate set
up a General Police Bureau, independent of the Committee of
General Security, tasked with gathering information and mostly report
directly to Robespierre,[362][363] as he took over the running and
expanded its remit within a week when Saint-Just left Paris for the
army in the north.[364]

On 5 June François Hanriot ordered to detain every baker in Paris

who sold his bread to people without (distribution) card or from Cartoon showing Robespierre
another section.[365] On 10 June Georges Couthon introduced the guillotining the executioner after
drastic Law of 22 Prairial. The Tribunal became a simple court of having guillotined everyone else in
condemnation refusing suspects the right of counsel and allowing France.
only one of two verdicts – complete acquittal or death and that based
not on evidence but on the moral conviction of the jurors.[366][367]
The courtroom was renovated to allow sixty people to be sentenced simultaneously. The guillotine was moved
to the Faubourg Saint-Antoine in order to stand out less. The amount of death sentences doubled.[368] Within
three days, 156 people were sent in batches to the guillotine; all the members of Parliament of Toulouse were
executed.[369][370] The commune had to solve serious problems on the cemeteries because of the smell. Mid-
July two new mass graves were dug at Picpus Cemetery in the impermeable ground.[371][372]

Abolition of slavery
Throughout the Revolution, Robespierre (at times ambivalently and at others outspokenly) opposed slavery on
French soil or in French territories and he played an important role in abolishing it.[373][374]

On 12 May the National Assembly gave citizenship to mulattos, but the colonial whites refused to implement
the decree.[375] Robespierre argued passionately in the National Assembly against the Colonial Committee,
dominated by slaveholders in the Caribbean. The colonial lobby declared that political rights for Black people
would cause France to lose her colonies. Robespierre responded, "We should not compromise the interests
humanity holds most dear, the sacred rights of a significant number of our fellow citizens," later shouting,
"Death to the colonies!"[376] Robespierre was furious that the assembly gave "constitutional sanction to
slavery in the colonies," and argued for equal political rights regardless of skin colour.[377] Robespierre did not
argue for slavery's immediate abolition, but slavery advocates in France regarded Robespierre as a
"bloodthirsty innovator" and a traitor plotting to give French colonies to England.[376] Only months later,
hundreds of thousands of slaves in St Domingue led a revolution against slavery and colonial rule.[378]

In the following years, the slaves of St. Domingue effectively liberated themselves and formed an army to
oppose re-enslavement. Robespierre denounced the slave trade in a speech before the Convention in April
1793 about Declaration of the Rights of the Man and of the Citizen of 1793 On June 4, 1793, a delegation of
sans-culottes and men of color, led by Chaumette, presented to the convention a petition requesting the general
freedom of the Blacks in the colonies. On 6 July Marat was elected to the board of the colonial
Convention.[379] The radical 1793 constitution supported by Robespierre and the Montagnards, which was
ratified by a national referendum, granted universal suffrage to French men and explicitly condemned slavery.
However, the French Constitution of 1793 was never implemented. On 17 November 1793, Robespierre
insulted the people who denied the existence of the French republic, calling them imbeciles, the deputies from
the Gironde, calling them pygmies,[380] and criticized the former Governor of Saint-Domingue Léger-Félicité
Sonthonax and Étienne Polverel, who had freed slaves on Haïti, but then proposed to arm them.[381]
Robespierre denounced the French minister to the newly formed United States, Edmond-Charles Genêt, who
had sided with Sonthonax, and informed the Committee not to count on the whites to manage the colony.[382]

By 1794, French debates concerning slavery reached their apogee. The discussions focused on the question if
the colonies had to impose the same laws as in France. In late January, a small delegation of mixed color,
representing the slaveholders, their opponents, as well as a former slave arrived in France.[379] After being
briefly imprisoned, the member opposing slavery was freed on the orders of the Committee of Public Safety.
The National Convention then passed a decree banning slavery on 4 February and examine the behavior of
Sonthonax and Polverel.[383][384] On the day after the emancipation decree, Robespierre delivered a speech in
the Convention arguing that terror and virtue were necessary. He praised the French as the first to "summon all
men to equality and liberty, and their full rights as citizens," using the word slavery twice but without
specifically mentioning the French colonies.[385] Despite petitions from the slaveholding delegation, the
Convention decided to endorse the decree in full. However, the decree was only implemented and applied in
Saint-Domingue, Guadeloupe and French Guyane.

Several weeks later, in a speech before the Committee of Public Safety, Robespierre linked the cruelty of
slavery with serfdom:

Ask a merchant of human flesh what is property; he will answer by showing you that long coffin
he calls a ship... Ask a gentleman [the same] who has lands and vassals... and he will give you
almost the identical ideas.

— Robespierre, "The Principles of Property", 24 April 1794.[386][387]

He attended a meeting of the Jacobin club in June 1794 to support a decree ending slavery, and later signed
orders to ratify it.[386] The decree led to a surge in popularity for the Republic among Black people in St-
Domingue, most of whom had already freed themselves and were seeking military alliances to guarantee their
freedom.[377]

Cult of the Supreme Being

Robespierre's desire for revolutionary change was not limited only to
the political realm. He also opposed the Catholic Church and the
pope, particularly their policy of clerical celibacy.[389] Having
denounced the Cult of Reason and other perceived excesses of
dechristianization undertaken by political opponents in France, he
sought to instil a spiritual resurgence across the nation predicated on
Deist beliefs. On 6 May 1794 Robespierre announced to the
Convention that in the name of the French people, the Committee of
Public Safety had decided to recognize the existence of God and the Stage of the Festival of the Supreme
immortality of the human soul. Accordingly, on 7 May, Robespierre Being constructed by Maurice
delivered a long presentation to the Convention ‘on the relation of Duplay.[388]
religious and moral ideas to republican principles, and on national
festivals’.[232] Robespierre supported a decree that the Convention
passed to establish an official state religion called the Cult of the
Supreme Being. The notion of the Supreme Being was based on the
creed of the Savoy chaplain that Jean-Jacques Rousseau had outlined
in Book IV of Emile.

In the afternoon of 8 June (also the Christian holiday of Pentecost) a

"Festival of the Supreme Being" was held. Everything was arranged
to the exact specifications that had been drawn up previously set
before the ceremony. The ominous and symbolic guillotine had been The Festival of the Supreme Being,
moved to the original standing place of the Bastille. Pregnant women by Pierre-Antoine Demachy (1794)
and breastfeeding mothers with their babies were specifically invited
to walk in the procession which started at the Tuileries.[390] (Joachim
Vilate had invited Robespierre to have lunch in the Pavillon de Flore, but he ate little.)

The festival was also Robespierre's first appearance in the public eye as a leader for the people, and also as
president of the convention, to which he had been elected only four days earlier.[391] Witnesses state that
throughout the "Festival of the Supreme Being", Robespierre beamed with joy. He was able to speak of the
things about which he was truly passionate, including virtue, nature, deist beliefs and his disagreements with
atheism. He dressed elaborately, wearing feathers on his hat and holding fruit and flowers in his hands, and
walked first in the festival procession. According to Michelet: "Robespierre, as usual, walked quickly, with an
agitated air. The Convention did not move nearly so fast. The leaders, perhaps maliciously and out of
perfidious deference, remained well behind him, thereby isolating him."[392] The procession ended on the
Champ de Mars. The Convention climbed to the summit, where a liberty tree had been planted.[232] (The
choirs were composed by Étienne-Nicolas Méhul and François-Joseph Gossec, with lyrics from the obscure
poet Théodore Désorgues.) Robespierre delivered two speeches in which he emphasized his concept of a
Supreme Being:

Is it not He whose immortal hand, engraving on the heart of man the code of justice and equality,
has written there the death sentence of tyrants? Is it not He who, from the beginning of time,
decreed for all the ages and for all peoples liberty, good faith, and justice? He did not create kings
to devour the human race. He did not create priests to harness us, like vile animals, to the chariots
of kings and to give to the world examples of baseness, pride, perfidy, avarice, debauchery and
falsehood. He created the universe to proclaim His power. He created men to help each other, to
love each other mutually, and to attain to happiness by the way of virtue.[393]

Robespierre came down the mountain in a way that resembled Moses as the leader of the people. To offset his
small stature (5’3" = 160 cm), he wore elevated shoes with silver buckles. While for some it was exciting to
see him at his finest, other deputies agreed that Robespierre had played too prominent a role. Someone was
heard saying, "Look at the blackguard; it's not enough for him to be master, he has to be God". On 15 June,
the president of the Committee of General Security Vadier on behalf of the two committees presented a report
on a new conspiracy by Catherine Théot, Christophe Antoine Gerle and three others. He insinuated that
Robespierre fitted her prophecies.[394] His speech caused much laughter in the convention. Robespierre felt
ridiculed and demanded on the 26th that the investigation of Théot be stopped and Fouquier-Tinville
replaced.[395] Robespierre with his ‘tyrannical habit of judging’ demanded the heads of nine people, who
opposed his republic of virtue.[396] According to Madame de Staël, it was from that time he was lost.[397]

Downfall
On 20 May, Robespierre personally signed the warrant for Theresa
Cabarrus' arrest. Never did Robespierre pursue a victim more
remorselessly.[398] On 23 May, Cécile Renault was arrested after
having approached Robespierre's residence with two penknives and a
change of underwear in her bag. She said the fresh linen was for her
execution.[399] Dressed in a red smock she was executed together
with her parents (and 52 others) one week later. Robespierre refused
to reunite husbands, wives and children dispersed in different prisons
in a common detention house.[400] He used this assassination attempt
against him as a pretext for scapegoating the British.[401] The Committee of General Security
was located in Hôtel de Brionne on
On 10 June, the Law of 22 Prairial was introduced without the right; it gathered on the first floor.
consultation from the Committee of General Security, which (The Tuileries Palace, which housed
deepened the conflict between the two committees.[402] It doubled the the convention, is on the left)
number of executions; the so-called "Great Terror" had begun. Collot
d'Herbois, Fouché and Tallien feared for their lives, due to the
excesses carried out by them in various regions of France to stamp out
opposition to the revolutionary government.[403] Like Brissot,
Madame Roland, Pétion, Hébert and Danton, Tallien was accused of
organizing (or taking part) in conspicuous dinners.[404] Almost all the
deputies agreed it had become dangerous.

On 11 June Robespierre attacked Fouché, accusing him of leading a

conspiracy. On 24 June Carnot foresightedly despatched a large part
of the Parisian artillery to the front.[405] Meanwhile the Austrian
Netherlands were almost entirely occupied. At the end of June, Saint-
Just arrived in Paris and discovered that Robespierre's political
position had degraded significantly. Carnot and Cambon proposed to
end the terror. Carnot described Saint-Just and Robespierre as
"ridiculous dictators".[232][406] On 1 July, Robespierre spoke in the
Jacobin club: "In London, I am denounced to the French army as a
dictator; the same slanders have been repeated in Paris."[232] On 3 On 9 Thermidor Tallien threatened in
July he left the Committee slamming the door and shouting "Then the convention to use his dagger if
save the country without me".[407] He attacked Tallien and had him the National Convention had not the
excluded from the Jacobins on 11 July.[408] On 14 July Robespierre courage to order the arrest of
had Fouché expelled. To evade arrest, which usually took place Robespierre.
during the night, about fifty deputies avoided staying at home.

To escape the heat it seems he occasionally went to Maisons-Alfort, 12 km outside of Paris, and stayed on a
farm, owned by François-Pierre Deschamps, his courrier.[409] Robespierre walked through the fields or along
the Marne, perhaps with his dog. On 22 and 23 July, the two committees met in a plenary session. Both
committees were responsible for suppressing counterrevolution but ended targeting each other.[299][410] Saint-
Just declared in negotiations with Barère that he was prepared to make concessions on the subordinate position
of the Committee of General Security.[411][412] Couthon agreed to more cooperation between the two
committees. For Robespierre, the Committee of General Security had to remain subordinate to the Committee
of Public Safety. He wanted to take away the authority of the Committee of General Security.[413]

On 23 July the Commune published a new maximum, limiting the wages of employees (in some cases by half)
and provoking a sharp protest in the sections.[414] Almost all the workers in Paris were on strike.[415]
Robespierre decided to make himself clear in a new report, hoping to be reelected in the Committee of Public
Safety for another year. On Saturday 26 July, Robespierre reappeared at the convention and delivered a two-
hour-long speech on the villainous factions.[416] Dressed in the same sky-blue coat and nankeen trousers
which he had worn on the proclamation of the Supreme Being, he
defended himself against charges of dictatorship and tyranny and then
proceeded to warn of a conspiracy against the Committee of Public
Safety. Calumny, he charged, had forced him to retire for a time from
the Committee of Public Safety; he found himself the most unhappy
of men. He gave the impression that no one was his friend, that no
one could be trusted.[417] He complained of being blamed for
everything;[418] and that not only England but also members of the
Committee of General Security were involved in intrigue to bring him
down. (When he was interrupted Robespierre accused the Convention
of limiting the freedom of speech; Billaud Varennes replied they all
wanted that.[419]) Specifically, he railed against the bloody excesses
he had observed during the Terror.[420] "I'm made to fight crime, not
to govern it", he exclaimed.[421] Intoxicated with his virtue,
Robespierre announced a new wave of purification. "Punish the
traitors, purge the bureau of the Committee of General Security, purge
the Committee itself, and subordinate it to the Committee of Public
Safety, purge the Committee of Public Safety itself and create a Collot d'Herbois
unified government under the supreme authority of the
Convention".[422]

When called upon to name those whom he accused, he simply

refused. Joseph Cambon flew to the rostrum. "One man paralyzes the
will of the National Convention".[423] His vehemence changed the
course of the debate.[424] The Convention decided not to have the
text printed, as Robespierre's speech had first to be submitted to the
two committees. It contained matters sufficiently weighty that it
needed to first be examined.[425] Robespierre was surprised that his
speech would be sent to the very deputies he had intended to sue. The Fall of Robespierre in the
convention on 27 July 1794
In the evening, Robespierre delivered the same speech, which he
regarded as his last will, at the Jacobin Club, where it was very well
received.[426] He spoke of drinking hemlock, and David, the painter, cried out: "I will drink it with you."
Collot d'Herbois and Billaud-Varenne were driven out because of their opposition to the printing and
distribution of the text. Billaud managed to escape before he was assaulted, but Collot d'Herbois was knocked
down. They set off to the Committee of Public Safety, where they found Saint-Just working. They asked him
if he was drawing up their bill of indictment. Saint-Just promised to show them his speech before the session
began.[427][428]

Gathering in secret, nine members of the two committees decided that it was all or nothing; after exactly one
year in power Robespierre had to be voted off. Barras said they would all die if Robespierre did not.
According to Barère: "We never deceived ourselves that Saint-Just, cut out as a more dictatorial boss, would
have ended up overthrowing him to put himself in his place; we also knew that we stood in the way of his
projects and that he would have us guillotined; we had him stopped."[429] (The Convention lost 144 delegates
in 13 months; 67 were executed, committed suicide, or died in prison.) Now extremists and indulgents joined
against him. Laurent Lecointre was the instigator of the coup,[430] assisted by Barère, Fréron, Barras, Tallien,
Thuriot, Courtois, Rovère, Garnier de l’Aube and Guffroy. (Fouché was no longer involved and had
hidden.[431]) Each one of them prepared his part in the attack. They decided that Hanriot, his aides-de-camp,
Lavalette and Boulanger,[432] the public prosecutor Dumas, the family Duplay and the printer Charles-
Léopold Nicolas had to be arrested first, so Robespierre would be without support.[430]
At noon, Saint-Just went straight to the convention, prepared to blame everything on Billaud, Collot d'Herbois
and Carnot.[433] He began: "I am from no faction; I will contend against them all."[344] [420] After a few
minutes, Tallien — having a double reason for desiring Robespierre's end, as, on the evening before,
Robespierre refused to release Theresa Cabarrus — interrupted him and began the attack. "Yesterday a
member of the government was left quite isolated and made a speech in his own name; today another one has
done the same thing." He continued "Yesterday, the president of the revolutionary tribunal [Dumas] openly
proposed to the Jacobins that they should drive all impure men from the Convention." Billaud-Varennes
complained about how he was treated in the Jacobin club on the evening before and that Saint-Just had not
kept his promise the show his speech before the meeting. Since March they had organized a spy system among
the representatives in the Convention whom they wanted to destroy. He better stop talking about justice and
virtue. Billaud would use his dagger if Robespierre was not arrested.[434] Tallien demanded the arrest of
Dumas, Hanriot and Boulanger. According to Barère, the committees asked themselves why there still existed
a military regime in Paris; why all these permanent commanders, with staffs, and immense armed forces? The
committees have thought it best to restore to the National Guard its democratic organization.[435]

Almost thirty-five deputies speak against Robespierre that day, most of them from the Mountain.[436] As the
accusations began to pile up, Saint-Just remained silent. Robespierre rushed toward the rostrum, appealed to
the Plain to defend him against the Montagnards, but his voice was shouted down. Robespierre rushed to the
benches of the Left but someone cried: "Get away from here; Condorcet used to sit here". He soon found
himself at a loss for words after Vadier gave a mocking impression of him referring to the discovery of a letter
under the mattress of the illiterate Catherine Théot.[s] When Garnier witnessed Robespierre's inability to
respond, he shouted, "The blood of Danton chokes him!"[441] Robespierre then finally regained his voice to
reply with his one recorded statement of the morning, a demand to know why he was now being blamed for
the other man's death: "Is it Danton you regret? ... Cowards! Why didn't you defend him?"[442]

Arrest

At around 1 or 2 p.m., Louis Louchet called for Robespierre's arrest;

Robespierre the Younger demanded to share his fate. The whole
Convention agreed, including the two other members of the
triumvirate, the disabled Couthon and Saint-Just. Le Bas decided to
join Saint-Just. Robespierre shouted that the revolution was lost when
he descended the tribune. The five deputies were taken to the
Committee of General Security and questioned. At around 3 p.m.,
Hanriot was ordered to appear in the convention; he or someone else
Saint-Just and Robespierre at the
suggested to only show up accompanied by a crowd. (Dumas was
Hôtel de Ville on the night of 9 to 10
already arrested at noon and at four taken to Sainte-Pélagie Prison, as Thermidor Year II. Painting by Jean-
well as members of the family Duplay.[444]) On horseback, Hanriot Joseph Weerts
warned the sections that there would be an attempt to murder
Robespierre, and mobilized 2,400 National Guards in front of the
town hall.[232][445][446][447] What had happened was not very clear to their officers; either the convention was
closed down or the Paris Commune. Nobody explained anything.[448] The Paris Commune gave orders to
close the gates (and to ring the tocsin), and summoned an immediate meeting of the sections to consider the
dangers threatening the fatherland.[449] For the Convention, that was an illegal action without permission of
the two committees. It was decreed that anyone leading an "armed force" against the convention would be
regarded as an outlaw.

At around 7 p.m., the five deputies were taken in a cab to different prisons. Robespierre to the Palais du
Luxembourg, Couthon to "La Bourbe" and Saint-Just to the "Écossais". Augustin was taken from Prison
Saint-Lazare to La Force Prison,[450] like Le Bas who was refused at the Conciergerie.[451][452][113] The
Paris Commune was in league with the Jacobins to bring off an insurrection, asking them to send over
reinforcements from the galleries, ‘even the women who are regulars
there’.[204] Around 8 p.m., Hanriot appeared at the Place du
Carrousel in front of the convention, but he was taken prisoner.
According to Eric Hazan, "Now came the turning-point of this
journée: instead of taking advantage of its superiority, in both guns
and men, to invade the nearby hall where the Convention was sitting,
the column, lacking orders or leaders, returned to the Maison-
Commune."[232] After 9 p.m., the vice-president of the Tribunal
Coffinhal went to Committee of General Security with 3,000 men and
their artillery.[453] As Robespierre and his allies had been taken to a
prison in the meantime, he succeeded only in freeing Hanriot and his
adjutants.[454][455]

How the five deputies escaped from prison was disputed. According
Proclamation by the Commune,
to Le Moniteur Universel, the jailers refused to follow the order of
found in the pocket of Couthon.
arrest, taken by the convention.[456] According to Courtois[451] and Couthon was invited by Robespierre,
Fouquier-Tinville, the police administration was responsible for any in etc. for which they used official
custody or release.[457] Nothing could be done without an order of police writing paper.
the mayor.[458] Escorted by two municipals, Robespierre the younger
was the first to arrive at the town hall.[459][460] An administrator of
the police, who happened to be at the Luxembourg palace, took
Robespierre the older around 8 p.m. to the police administration on Île
de la Cité; Robespierre insisted on being received in a prison.[461] He
hesitated for legal reasons for possibly two hours.

At around 10 p.m., the mayor appointed a delegation to go and

convince Robespierre to join the Commune movement.[232]
Robespierre was taken to the town hall.[462][463] At around 11 p.m.,
Saint-Just was delivered,[464] after which Le Bas and Dumas were
brought in.[451] (Couthon arrived as the last one in the town hall, but
The troops of Convention Nationale
after midnight.[465][466]) The Convention declared the five deputies attack the Commune. Print by Pierre-
(plus the supporting members) to be outlaws. It then appointed Barras Gabriel Berthault and Jean
and ordered troops (4,000 men) to be called out.[467] Duplessis-Bertaux (1804)

After a whole evening spent waiting in vain for action by the

Commune, losing time in fruitless deliberation, without supplies or
instructions, the armed sections began to disperse. According to Colin
Jones, apathy prevailed, with most of them drifting back to their
homes.[460] Around 400 men from three sections seem to have stayed
on the Place de Grève, according to Courtois.[468][469] At around 2
a.m., Barras and Bourdon, accompanied by several members of the
Convention , arrived in two columns. Barras deliberately advanced
slowly, in the hope of avoiding conflict by a display of force.[469][467]
Then Grenadiers burst into the Hôtel de Ville; 51 insurgents were
gathering on the first floor. Robespierre and his allies had withdrawn
to the smaller "secrétariat".[470] Apprehension of Robespierre ... who
on being seized by a Gendarme fired
There are many stories what happened then. Le Bas killed himself a pistol into his mouth, but did not
with a pistol, handing another to Robespierre, who shot himself in the wound himself mortally.
jaw.[471] According to Barras and Courtois, Robespierre tried to
commit suicide[472][473][474] by pointing the pistol at his mouth, but a
gendarme seems to have prevented this.[475] (This change in orientation might explain how Robespierre,
sitting in a chair, got wounded from the upper right in the lower left
jaw.[476][477][452][t]) According to Bourdon, the soldier Méda
wounded Robespierre from a short distance and then succeeded
hitting the adjutant of Couthon in his leg.[479][480][481][482][483]
Couthon was found lying at the bottom of a staircase in a corner,
having fallen from the back of his gendarme. In order to avoid
capture, Augustin Robespierre took off his shoes and jumped from a
broad cornice.[484] He landed on some bayonets, resulting in a pelvic Valery Jacobi's painting showing the
fracture and several serious head contusions, in an alarming state of wounded Robespierre
"weakness and anxiety".[485] The unperturbed Saint-Just gave
himself up without a word. According to Méda, Hanriot tried to
escape by a concealed staircase to the third floor.[486] Most sources
say that Hanriot was thrown out of a window by Coffinhal after being
accused of the disaster. (According to Ernest Hamel, it is one of the
many legends spread by Barère.[487]) Whatever the case, Hanriot
landed in a small courtyard on a heap of glass.[448] He had strength
enough to crawl into a drain where he was found twelve hours later
and taken to the Conciergerie.[448] Coffinhal, who had successfully
escaped, was arrested seven days later, totally exhausted.[488][489]

Execution Closing of the Jacobin Club by Louis

Legendre, in the early morning of 28
For the remainder of the night, Robespierre was laid in an July 1794. Four days later it was
antechamber of the Committee of General Security.[490] He lay on the reopened by him.[443]
table with his head on a deal (pine) box, his shirt covered in blood. At
5 a.m. his brother and Couthon seem to have been taken to the nearest
hospital, Hôtel-Dieu de Paris, to see a doctor. Barras denied that
Robespierre was sent there too; the circumstances did not permit
it.[491] A military doctor was invited and removed some of his teeth
and fragments of his broken jaw. Robespierre was then placed in the
cell in the Conciergerie and deposited on the bed in which Danton
had slept while detained.[448]

In the afternoon of 10 Thermidor (28 July, a décadi, a day of rest and

festivity) the Revolutionary Tribunal condemned Robespierre and 21
"Robespierrists" (his followers or supporters among which 13 Lying on a table, wounded, in a room
members of the insurrectionary Commune) to death by the rules of the of the convention, Robespierre is the
law of 22 Prairial, only verifying their identity at the trial. Halfway object of the curiosity and quips of
through the proceedings, Fouquier-Tinville, who did not want to pass Thermidorians, painting by Lucien-
Étienne Mélingue (Salon de 1877)
judgment on his friend the mayor Fleuriot-Lescot, took off his official
[492] (Musée de la Révolution française)
robe. In the late afternoon, the convicts, whose average age was
34, were taken in three carts to the Place de la Révolution to be
executed along with the cobbler Antoine Simon, the jailer of the
Dauphin. A mob screaming curses followed them right up to the scaffold. His face still swollen, Robespierre
kept his eyes closed throughout the procession. He was the tenth called to the platform and ascended the steps
of the scaffold unassisted.[448] When clearing Robespierre's neck, executioner Charles-Henri Sanson tore off
the bandage that was holding his shattered jaw in place, causing him to produce an agonising scream until the
fall of the blade silenced him.[493] Sanson's grandson wrote that while his grandfather did this carefully,
Robespierre nevertheless roared like a tiger in response.[448] After he was beheaded, applause and joyous cries
arose from the crowd and reportedly persisted for fifteen
minutes.[494][495] Robespierre and his guillotined associates were
later buried in a common grave at the newly opened Errancis
Cemetery near what is now the Place Prosper-Goubaux.[u]

Legacy and memory

Though nominally all members of the committee were equal, during
the Thermidorian Reaction Robespierre was presented as the most Robespierre on the day of his
responsible by the surviving protagonists of the Terror, especially by execution; Sketch by Jacques Louis
Bertrand Barère, a prominent member of the Plain. The day after his David
death, Barère described him as the "tyrant" and "the Terror itself". On
that day about 70 members of the Paris Commune were sent to the
guillotine;[496]{{efn|Was it half or a quarter of Commune? Did she
have 288 or 144 members? meanwhile 35 sections congratulated the
convention, some marched through the hall.[497] On Thuriot's
proposal, the Revolutionary Tribunal was suspended and replaced by
a temporary commission.[498] On 30 July Courtois took in custody
Robespierre's books by Corneille, Voltaire, Rousseau, Mably, Locke,
Bacon, Pope, articles by Addison and Steele in The Spectator, an
English and Italian dictionary, an English grammar, and the
Bible.[499] Nothing about Richard Price or Joseph Priestley who had
influenced Condorcet, Mirabeau, Clavière and Brissot so
much.[500][501] On 1 August the Law of 22 Prairial was abolished;
The execution of Couthon; the body
Fouquier-Tinville was arrested. Mid August Courtois was appointed of Adrien Nicolas Gobeau, ex-
by the convention to collect evidence against Robespierre, Le Bas and substitute of the public prosecutor
Saint-Just, whose report has a poor reputation, selecting and Fouquier and member of the
destroying papers.[502] At the end of the month, Tallien stated that all Commune, the first who suffered, is
that the country had just been through was the "Terror" and that the shown lying on the ground;[448]
"monster" Robespierre, the "king" of the Revolution, was the Robespierre {#10} is shown holding a
orchestrator. In fact, a whole new political mythology was being handkerchief to his mouth. Hanriot
created.[503] To preach terrorism after Thermidor was to expose {#9} is covering his eye, which came
oneself to suspicions of Robespierrism, suspicions which above all out of its socket when he was
other had to be avoided. The Robespierre legend grew, or rather two arrested.
distinct legends, portraying a Robespierre whose irresponsible
ambition had led to calamity, and a Robespierre who was an early
friend of the proletariat, about to embark on economic revolution when he fell.[504]

Robespierre's reputation has gone through several cycles of re-appraisal.[505] His name peaked in the press in
the middle of the 19th century, between 1880-1910 and in 1940.[87] The eyewitness Helen Maria Williams
who worked as a translator in Paris, attributed all the grim events to his hypocrisy and cunning. She described
him as the great conspirator against the liberty of France; she mentioned the forced enthusiasm required from
the participants of the Festival of the Supreme Being.[506] The laborious Buchez, a democratic mystic, was
producing volumes (forty in all) in which the Incorruptible rose up as the Messiah and sacrificial being of the
Revolution.[507] For Jules Michelet, he was the "priest Robespierre" and for Alphonse Aulard Maximilien was
a "bigot monomaniac" and "mystic assassin".[508] In the 1920s the influential French Marxist Albert Mathiez
argued that he was an eloquent spokesman for the poor and oppressed, an enemy of royalist intrigues, a
vigilant adversary of dishonest and corrupt politicians, a guardian of the French Republic, an intrepid leader of
the French Revolutionary government, and a prophet of a socially responsible state.[509] François Crouzet
collected many interesting details from French historians dealing with Robespierre.[510] According to Marcel
Gauchet Robespierre confused his private opinion and virtue.
By making himself the embodiment of virtue and of total commitment, Robespierre took control of the
Revolution in its most radical and bloody phase: the Jacobin republic. His goal in the Terror was to use the
guillotine to create what he called a "republic of virtue", wherein virtue would be combined with terror.

Robespierre's main ideal was to ensure the virtue and sovereignty of the people. He disapproved
of any acts which could be seen as exposing the nation to counter-revolutionaries and traitors and
became increasingly fearful of the defeat of the Revolution. He instigated the Terror and the
deaths of his peers as a measure of ensuring the Republic of Virtue but his ideals went beyond the
needs and wants of the people of France. He became a threat to what he had wanted to ensure
and the result was his downfall.[24]

In 1941 Marc Bloch, a French historian, sighed disillusioned (a year before he decided to join the French
Resistance): "Robespierrists, anti-robespierrists ... for pity's sake, just tell us who was Robespierre?"[12]
Soboul argues that Robespierre and Saint-Just "were too preoccupied in defeating the interest of the
bourgeoisie to give their total support to the sans-culottes, and yet too attentive to the needs of the sans-culottes
to get support from the middle class."[511] According to R.R. Palmer: the easiest way to justify Robespierre is
to represent the other Revolutionists in an unfavourable or disgraceful light. This was the method used by
Robespierre himself.[512] For Peter McPhee, Robespierre's achievements were monumental, but so was the
tragedy of his final weeks of indecision. The members of the committee, together with members of the
Committee of General Security, were as much responsible for the running of the Terror as Robespierre."[513]
They may have exaggerated his role to downplay their own contribution and used him as a scapegoat after his
death.[514][515] J-C. Martin and McPhee interpret the repression of the revolutionary government as a response
to anarchy and popular violence, and not as the assertion of a precise ideology.[500] Martin keeps Tallien
responsible for Robespierre's bad reputation, and that the "Thermidorians" invented the "Terror" as there is no
law that proves its introduction.[287] Many historians neglected Robespierre's attitude towards the French
National Guard from July 1789 till August 1792, promoting civilian armament between June 1792 and 2 June
1793 and the creation of a revolutionary army of 20,000 men in his magazine.[516] Dubois-Crancé described
Robespierre as the general of the Sansculotte.[517] Within a year, Carnot the minister of war reversed several
measures and became the enemy of Saint-Just. Also Barère changed his mind; the voluntary Guards and
militant Sans-culottes lost influence quickly.

Robespierre fell ill many times: in the spring of 1790, in November 1792 (more than three
weeks); in September–October 1793 (two weeks); in February/March 1794 (more than a month);
in April/May (about three weeks) and in June/July (more than three weeks). These illnesses not
only explain Robespierre's repeated absences from committees and from the Convention during
important periods, especially in 1794 when the Great Terror occurred, but also the fact that his
faculty of judgment deteriorated - as did his moods.[500]

In the Soviet era, Communist historians, following Lenin, portrayed Robespierre as an heroic exemplar of a
model Revolutionary.[518]

Peter McPhee stated in 2015 there is a long line of historians "who blame Robespierre for all the less attractive
episodes of the Revolution."[519] Thus Jonathan Israel is sharply critical of Robespierre for repudiating the true
values of the radical Enlightenment. He argues, "Jacobin ideology and culture under Robespierre was an
obsessive Rousseauiste moral Puritanism steeped in authoritarianism, anti-intellectualism, and xenophobia, and
it repudiated free expression, basic human rights, and democracy."[520] He refers to the Girondin deputies
Thomas Paine, Condorcet, Daunou, Cloots, Destutt and Abbé Gregoire denouncing Robespierre's
ruthlessness, hypocrisy, dishonesty, lust for power and intellectual mediocrity.[521] According to Hillary
Mantel: He could not survive if he trusted nobody, and could not work out who to trust.[102] According to
Charles Barbaroux, who visited him early August 1792, his pretty boudoir was full of images of himself in
every form and art; a painting, a drawing, a bust, a relief and six physionotraces on the tables.[522]

Colin Haydon and William Doyle report that, "Robespierre remains as controversial as ever, two centuries
after his death."[523] James Friguglietti says that the eminent French scholar Georges Lefebvre (1874–1959)
believed Robespierre to be a "staunch defender of democracy, determined opponent of foreign war, saviour of
the Republic and man of integrity and vision."[524] However the Marxist approach that portrayed him as a
hero has largely faded away.[525] François Furet was especially critical of the "Marxist line" of Albert Soboul
.[526]

Public memorials

Street names

Robespierre is one of the few revolutionaries not to have a street

named for him in the centre of Paris. At the liberation, the municipal
council (elected on 29 April 1945 with 27 communists, 12 socialists
and 4 radicals out of 48 members), decided on 13 April 1946, to
rename the Place du Marché-Saint-Honoré ‘Place Robespierre’, a
decision approved at prefectorial level on 8 June. However, in the
wake of political changes in 1947, it reverted to its original name on 6
November 1950. Streets in the so-called ‘Red belt’ bear his name, e.g.
at Montreuil. There is also a Metro station ‘Robespierre’ on Line 9
(Mairie de Montreuil - Pont de Sèvres), in the commune of Montreuil,
named during the era of the Popular Front. There are, however, La Place Robespierre in Marseille
numerous streets, roads and squares named for him elsewhere in with the inscription: "Lawyer, born in
France. Arras in 1758, guillotined without trial
on 27 July 1794. Nicknamed
L'Incorruptible. Defender of the
Plaques and monuments people. Author of our republican
motto: Liberté Égalité Fraternité".
The Soviet Union built two statues of him: one in Leningrad and
another in Moscow (the Robespierre Monument). The monument was
commissioned by Vladimir Lenin, who referred to Robespierre as a Bolshevik before his time.[387] Due to the
poor construction of the monument (it was made of tubes and common concrete), it crumbled within three
days of its unveiling and was never replaced.[527] The Robespierre Embankment in Saint-Petersburg across
Kresty prison is now called Voskresenskaya Embankment.[528]

Arras
On 14 Octobre 1923, a plaque was placed on the house at 9 Rue Maximilien Robespierre
(formerly Rue des Rapporteurs) rented by the three Robespierre siblings in 1787–1789, in the
presence of the mayor Gustave Lemelle, Albert Mathiez and Louis Jacob. Built in 1730, the
house has had a varied history as a typing school, and a craftsmen's museum, but is now being
developed as a Robespierre Museum.
In 1994, a plaque was unveiled by ARBR on the façade of the Carrauts’ brewery on the Rue
Ronville, where Maximilien and Augustin were brought up by their grandparents.
An Art Deco marble bust by Maurice Cladel was intended to be displayed in the gardens of the
former Abbey of Saint-Vaast. A mixture of politics and concerns about weathering led to it being
placed in the Hôtel de Ville. After many years in a tribunal room, it can now be seen in the Salle
 Robespierre. Bronze casts of the bust were made for the bicentenary and are displayed in his
former home on Rue Maximilien Robespierre and at the Lycée Robespierre, unveiled in 1990.

Paris and elsewhere

Robespierre is commemorated by two plaques in Paris, one on the exterior of the Duplays’
house, now 398 rue Saint-Honoré, the other, erected by the Société des études robespierristes
in the Conciergerie.
In 1909, a committee presided over by René Viviani and Georges Clemenceau proposed
erecting a statue in the garden of the Tuileries, but press hostility and failure to garner enough
public subscriptions led to its abandonment. However, Robespierre is recognisable in
François-Léon Sicard’s marble Altar of the National Convention (1913), originally intended for
the gardens of the Tuileries and now in the Panthéon.
A stone bust by Albert Séraphin (1949) stands in the square Robespierre, opposite the theatre
in Saint-Denis, with the inscription: "Maximilien Robespierre l'Incorruptible 1758-1794".[529]
Charles Correia's 1980s bronze sculptural group at the Collège Robespierre in Épinay-sur-
Seine depicts him and Louis Antoine de Saint-Just at a table, working on the 1793 Constitution
and Declaration of Human Rights.[530] A mural in the school also depicts him.[531]
In 1986, Claude-André Deseine’s terracotta bust of 1791 was bought for the new Musée de la
Révolution française at Vizille. This returned to public view Robespierre's only surviving
contemporary sculpted portrait. A plaster cast of it is displayed at the Conciergerie in Paris, and
a bronze cast is in the Place de la Révolution Française in Montpellier, with bronzes of other
figures of the time.[532]

Resistance units

In the Second World War, several French Resistance groups took his name: the Robespierre Company in Pau,
commanded by Lieutenant Aurin, alias Maréchal; the Robespierre Battalion in the Rhône, under Captain
Laplace; and a maquis formed by Marcel Claeys in the Ain.

Screen portrayals
Sidney Herbert portrayed Robespierre in Orphans of the Storm (1921)
Werner Krauss portrayed Robespierre in Danton (1921)
Edmond Van Daële portrayed Robespierre in Napoléon (1927)
George Hackathorne portrayed Robespierre in Captain of the Guard (1930)
Ernest Milton portrayed Robespierre in The Scarlet Pimpernel (1934)
Henry Oscar portrayed Robespierre in The Return of the Scarlet Pimpernel (1937)
Leonard Penn portrayed Robespierre in Marie Antoinette (1938)
Richard Basehart portrayed Robespierre in Reign of Terror (1949)
Keith Anderson portrayed Robespierre in the Doctor Who episode, The Reign of Terror (1964)
Christopher Ellison portrayed Robespierre in Lady Oscar (1979)
Richard Morant portrayed Robespierre in The Scarlet Pimpernel (1982)
Wojciech Pszoniak portrayed Robespierre in Danton (1983)
Andrzej Seweryn portrayed Robespierre in La Révolution française (1989)
Ronan Vibert portrayed Robespierre in The Scarlet Pimpernel (1999-2000)
Guillaume Aretos portrayed Robespierre in Mr. Peabody & Sherman (2014)
Nicolas Vaude portrayed Robespierre in The Visitors: Bastille Day (2016)
 Louis Garrel portrayed Robespierre in One Nation, One King (2018)

Notes
a. Most of the arrests during the Reign of Terror came from Bertrand Barère, Lazare Carnot and
Pierre Louis Prieur; most of the orders dealing with supply, transport, munition for the army and
navy from Robert Lindet, Carnot and Prieur.
b. Baptized Marie Marguerite Charlotte de Robespierre, at the time of her brother's prominence,
she was betrothed to Joseph Fouché, who broke the engagement after the events of 9
Thermidor. Charlotte never married and died aged 74.
c. Baptized Henriette Eulalie Françoise de Robespierre, was educated with Charlotte at the
couvent des Manarres in Tournai and died age 18.
d. Returning at intervals, living in Mannheim around 1770, he was buried on 6 November 1777 in
the Salvatorkirche in Munich.
e. De Montesquieu praised the virtues of the citizen-soldier in his "Reflections on the Grandeur
and Decline of the Romans" (1734).[28] In 1762 Rousseau published The Social Contract and
Emile, or On Education which were both burned and banned. At the end of the Seven Years'
War Mably published his "Conversations with Phocion" in Amsterdam (1763). He wished (for
Classical Athens but it looks like Sparta): May our republic be a military one; may each citizen
be designed to defend his fatherland; may he be exercised each day how to handle his
weapons; may he learn in the town the discipline that is necessary in the camp. By such a
policy you would not only educate invincible soldiers but you would give another new force to
law and to civic virtues.[29][30] Rousseau and Gabriel Bonnot de Mably were both invited to
submit suggestions for the reformation of Poland's unique "Golden Liberty", leading to
Rousseau's Considerations on the Government of Poland (1772). In the same year Guibert
defined the citizen-in-arms as virtuous by his attachment to the community (in contrast to the
mercenary).
f. According to apocryphal Mémoires authentiques he was elected as president of the Arras
Academy early 1789.[42]
g. The Third Estate had as many deputies as the other two orders together (in the ratio 4:4:8) on
instigation of Jacques Necker.
h. The first use of the motto "Liberté, égalité, et fraternité" was in Robespierre's speech "On the
organisation of the National Guard" on 5 December 1790, article XVI,[82] and disseminated
widely throughout France by Camille Desmoulin in his journal "Les révolutions de France et de
Brabant" among the associated Societies.
i. The ordinance, designed to demonstrate the disinterested patriotism of the framers of the new
constitution, accelerated political change: the Constituent Assembly was derived from the
Estates-General, and so included a large number of nobles and clergy, many of whom were
conservative in outlook. Banning all of the now experienced national politicians from the new
legislature meant that this new body would be drawn largely from those who had made a name
for themselves in the years since the Constituent Assembly was convened, revolutionaries
active in local politics, so this ordinance had the effect of shifting the political orientation of the
national legislature to the left.[98]
j. In September 1792, his younger sister and brother joined him and lived in the front house, but
Charlotte insisted on moving to 5 Rue St Florentin because of his increased prestige and her
tensions with Madame Duplay.[69]
k. On 16 November 1791 Pétion was elected mayor of Paris in a contest against Lafayette.
l. The selling of all sorts of positions, military or otherwise, was rampant in the courts of the
Ancien Régime and so the officer corps’ mass exodus from France naturally coincided with that
of the aristocrats. Not all aristocrats were officers, but all officers were aristocrats.[145]
m. The average age of the 24 deputies from Paris was 43. Robespierre was 34, Danton 33 and
Marat 49.
n. 19 Girondins, ten members of the Commission of Twelve and two ministers, Lebrun-Tondu and
Clavière.
o. Condorcet the main author of the first draft was accused of federalism had to go into hiding
early July.[278] At the end of August rebellious Marseille, Bordeaux and Lyon had not accepted
the new Constitution. By mid September the Jacobin club suggested not to publish the
Constitution with the argument the General will was missing. Although an overwhelming
majority favored it.[279] The choice seem to have been either a Convention without a
Constitution or Constitution without a Convention.[280]
p. Barère voiced the Committee of Public Safety's support for the measures desired by the
assembly. He presented a decree that was passed immediately, establishing a paid armed
force of 6,000 men and 1,200 gunners ‘designed to crush the counter-revolutionaries, to
execute wherever the need arises the revolutionary laws and the measures of public safety that
are decreed by the National Convention, and to protect provisions.[286] Barère exclaimed:
"Let's make terror the order of the day!" but terror was never formally instituted as a legal policy
by the Convention, more deployed as a concept.[287]
q. On 16 March Robespierre was sharply critical of Amar's report, which presented the scandal
around Fabre and Chabot as purely a matter of fraud. Robespierre insisted that it was a foreign
plot, demanded that the report be re-written, and used the scandal as the basis for rhetorical
attacks on William Pitt the Younger he believed was involved.[342]
r. On 27 March on proposal of Barère the armée revolutionnaire, for seven months active in Paris
and surroundings, was disbanded, except their artillery.[345][346][347][348] Their infantry and
cavallery seem to be merged with other regiments.
s. On 9 Thermidor Vadier used a letter—supposedly found under the mattress of Théot—as an
opportunity to attack Robespierre and his beliefs.[437] This letter announced to him that his
mission had been prophesied in Ezekiel, that the re-establishment of religion, freed of priests,
was owning to him.[438] By stating that Robespierre was the "herald of the Last Days, prophet
of the New Dawn"[437] (because his festival had fallen on the Pentecost, traditionally a day
revealing "divine manifestation"), Catherine Théot made it seem that Robespierre had made
these claims himself, to her. She also claimed that he was a reincarnation of Saul, the saviour
of Israel, and the chosen of God.[439] Vadier becoming increasingly trivial was stopped by
Tallien.[440]
t. A coloured print but with a different caption on this cold case can be seen here.[478]
u. (in French) Landrucimetieres.fr (http://www.landrucimetieres.fr/spip/spip.php?article243). A
plaque indicating the former site of this cemetery is located at 97 rue de Monceau, Paris.
Between 1844 and 1859 (probably in 1848), the remains of all those buried there were moved
to the Catacombs of Paris.

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&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwjJs_fyuLftAhXPDewKHW7LAXcQ6AEwAXoECAMQAg#v=onepage&q
=Robespierre%20cunning&f=false)
07. R.R. Palmer (1970) The Twelve who ruled, p. 396
08. Annie Duprat, " Cécile Obligi, Robespierre. The probity revolting ", an historical Record of the
French Revolution [online], 370 | October–December 2012, available online 28 January 2013,
accessed 7 February 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ahrf/12537
09. Mathiez 1977.
10. François Crouzet (1999) Historians and the French Revolution: the case of Maximilien
Robespierre, p. 256-261 (https://books.google.nl/books?id=VM5hh2Ssde0C&pg=PA255&dq=
Crouzet+%E2%80%9CFrench+Historians+and+Robespierre&hl=de&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjH
88aRnOjkAhVCKVAKHXpKClkQ6AEIQDAD#v=snippet&q=crouzet&f=false)
11. Ishay 1995, p. 65.
12. R.R. Palmer (1970) The Twelve who ruled, p. 400
13. Linton 2013, p. 229.
14. Serna 2005, p. 369.
15. Annie Jourdan, « Robespierre, An Indecisive Revolutionary », Books and Ideas, 18 May 2017.
ISSN 2105-3030 (https://www.worldcat.org/search?fq=x0:jrnl&q=n2:2105-3030). URL :
http://www.booksandideas.net/Robespierre-the-Indecisive.html
16. Le Défenseur de la Constitution, no 5 / par Maximilien Robespierre, député à l'assemblée
constituante | 1792 | Gallica (bnf.fr)
17. P. McPhee (2013) p. 95
18. Robert Mayer, "Lenin and the Jacobin Identity in Russia" Studies in East European Thought
51#2 (1999), pp. 127-154 online (https://www.jstor.org/stable/20099700)
19. Peter McPhee, "The Robespierre Problem: An Introduction" H-France Salon'] Volume 7 (2015),
Issue 14, #1 at p. 9.
20. Israel 2014, p. 521.
21. The Enlightenment that Failed: Ideas, Revolution, and Democratic Defeat ...by Jonathan I.
Israel, 482 (https://books.google.nl/books?id=BlS_DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA482&dq=B%C3%A9liss
a+Bosc+Robespierre&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjqt9SBkYroAhWCzaQKHT3zCJoQ6AEIK
TAA#v=onepage&q=B%C3%A9lissa%20Bosc%20Robespierre&f=false)
22. Mémoires de Charles Barbaroux, député à la convention nationale ..., Volume 5 by Charles
Jean Marie Barbaroux, Charles O. Barbaroux, p. 62-63 (https://books.google.nl/books?id=bAVf
AAAAcAAJ&pg=PA159&source=gbs_toc_r&cad=4#v=onepage&q=Robespierre&f=false)
23. Colin Haydon and William Doyle, eds. Robespierre (Cambridge University Press, 2006) p.10.
24. James Friguglietti, "Rehabilitating Robespierre: Albert Mathiez and George Lefebvre as
Defenders of the Incorruptible." in Haydon and Doyle, eds. Robespierre, p 217.
25. Haydon and Doyle, eds. Robespierre, pp 278–281.
26. Donald Sutherland, "An Assessment of the Writings of François Furet." French Historical
Studies (1990) 16#4: 784-791.
27. Bean, Horak & Kapse 2014.
28. Vladimir Tatlin, et al. "Memorandum from the Visual Arts Section of the People's Commissariat
for Enlightenment to the Soviet of People's Commissars: Project for the Organization of
Competitions for Monuments to Distinguished Persons (1918)." Design Issues (1984): 70-74
online (https://www.jstor.org/stable/1511500).
29. See René & Peter van der Krogt, Statues – Hither & Thither for photographs:
https://statues.vanderkrogt.net/object.php?webpage=ST&record=frif030
30. See Seine-Saint-Dénis Atlas de l’architecture et du patrimoinefor photographs by Agnès Paty:
https://patrimoine.seinesaintdenis.fr/spip.php?page=document&id_document=1028036
31. See Département Seine-Saint-Dénis Atlas de l’architecture et du patrimoine:
https://patrimoine.seinesaintdenis.fr/spip.php?page=document&id_document=1028019
32. See Nella Buscot, sculpteur, Sculptures à Montpellier: http://www.nella-
buscot.com/jardins_montpellier_prf_2.php

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Andress, David (2006). The Terror: The Merciless War for Freedom in Revolutionary France (ht
tps://books.google.com/books?id=zDfxQDcQzJ0C). Farrar, Straus, and Giroux. ISBN 978-
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Aulard, François-Alphonse (1897). La société des Jacobins: Mars à novembre 1794. Recueil
de documents pour l'histoire du club des Jacobins de Paris (in French). 6. Librairie Jouaust.
OCLC 763671875
Bienvenu, Richard T. (1968) The Ninth of Thermidor: The Fall of Robespierre. Oxford
University Press, New York.
Blanc, Louis Jean Joseph (1869). Histoire de la Révolution française. Libr. Internationale.
Courtois, Edme-Bonaventure; Robespierre, Maximilien (1828). Papiers inédits trouvés chez
Robespierre, Saint-Just, Payan, etc: supprimés ou omis par Courtois; précédés du rapport de
ce député à la Convention nationale; avec un grand nombre de fac-similé et les signatures des
principaux personnages de la révolution (https://archive.org/details/papiersinditstr02courgoog)
(in French). Baudouin frères.
Davidson, Ian (2016) The French Revolution: From Enlightenment to Tyranny. Profile Books
Ltd
Doyle, William (2002). The Oxford History of the French Revolution (https://archive.org/details/o
xfordhistoryoff00doyl). Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0191608292.
Dunoyer, Alphonse (1913) The public prosecutor of the terror, Antoine Quentin Fouquier-
Tinville. New York: G.P. Putnam's sons.
Furet, François (1989). Interpreting the French Revolution (https://books.google.com/books?id=
rLFxhlSHNDYC). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0521280495.
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Furet, François; Ozouf, Mona (1989). A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution (https://boo
ks.google.com/books?id=bGxiE6jvzOcC). Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0674177284.
Hamel, Ernest (1897) Thermidor: d'après les sources originales et les documents authentiques
(in French) (2nd ed.). Flammarion. OCLC 764094902
Hampson, Norman (1974). The Life and Opinions of Maximilien Robespierre (https://books.goo
gle.com/books?id=edpnAAAAMAAJ). Duckworth. ISBN 978-0715607411.
Hardman, John (1999) Robespierre. Profiles in power. Longman. ISBN 9780582437555 – via
Google Books.
Haydon, Colin; Doyle, William (2006). Robespierre (https://books.google.com/books?d=VM5hh
2Ssde0C). Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0521026055. A collection of essays
covering not only Robespierre's thoughts and deeds, but also the way he has been portrayed
by historians and fictional writers alike.
"Reviewed" (https://web.archive.org/web/20070609194601/http://www.lrb.co.uk/v22/n07/ma
nt01_.html). Archived from the original on 9 June 2007. Retrieved 31 August 2006. by
Hilary Mantel in the London Review of Books, Vol. 22, No. 7, p. 30 March 2000.
Hazan, Eric (2014) A People's History of the French Revolution. Verso. London. New York.
ISBN 978-1781689844
Israel, Jonathan (2014). Revolutionary Ideas: An Intellectual History of the French Revolution
from The Rights of Man to Robespierre (https://books.google.com/books?id=xpIpAgAAQBAJ).
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Jordan, David P. (2013). Revolutionary Career of Maximilien Robespierre (https://books.google.
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Kennedy, Michael L. (1988). The Jacobin clubs in the French Revolution: the Middle Years.
Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0691055268.
Laurent, Gustave (1939). Oeuvres Completes de Robespierre (in French). Nancy: Imprimerie
de G. Thomas. OCLC 459859442 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/459859442).
Leuwers, Hervé (2014) Robespierre. Paris, Pluriel.
Lewes, G.H. (1849) The life of Robespierre (https://archive.org/stream/lifemaximilienr00lewego
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Linton, Marisa (2013). Choosing Terror: Virtue, Friendship, and Authenticity in the French
Revolution (https://books.google.com/books?id=Sh2vu4mIOh4C). Oxford University Press.
ISBN 978-0-19-957630-2. OCLC 854998068 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/854998068).
Martin, Jean-Clément (2006). Violence et Révolution: essai sur la naissance d'un mythe
national (https://books.google.com/books?id=LMPEfYtjpZEC) (in French). Paris: Éd. du Seuil.
ISBN 978-2020438421.
Mathiez, Albert (1927). The French Revolution (https://books.google.com/books?id=rxSDvgAA
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ahrf.1977.4029). JSTOR 41915887 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/41915887).
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2209060498.
Matrat, Jean (1975). Robespierre: or, The tyranny of the majority (https://archive.org/details/robe
spierreortyr0000matr). New York: Scribner. ISBN 978-0684140551.
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kYLu7-cPJTYC). Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0300118117.
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France (https://archive.org/details/libertylivestime0000moor). HarperCollins. ISBN 978-0-06-
082526-3. OCLC 76836264 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/76836264).
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2847361766.
Robespierre, Maximilien de (1958). Bouloiseau, Marc; Lefebvre, Georges; Soboul, Albert;
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mplte09robeuoft) (in French). PUF. OCLC 370022395 (https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/37002239
5).
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gle.com/books?id=xDAJAQAAIAAJ). Collins. ISBN 9780002167086. A political portrait of
Robespierre, examining his changing image among historians and the different aspects of
Robespierre as an 'ideologue', as a political democrat, as a social democrat, as a practitioner of
revolution, as a politician and as a popular leader/leader of revolution.
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 Scurr, Ruth (2006). Fatal Purity: Robespierre and the French Revolution (https://books.google.c
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0805082616.
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1847). London: Chatto and Windus. OCLC 317736774
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Quadrige / PUF. ISBN 978-2130536055.
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Napoleon (https://books.google.com/books?id=2gt4AAAAIAAJ). Vintage Books. ISBN 978-
0394712208.
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Popkin, Jeremy D. (2010). You Are All Free: The Haitian Revolution and the Abolition of
Slavery (https://books.google.com/books?id=U8IHym0hoQwC). Cambridge University Press.
ISBN 978-0521517225.

Further reading
According to David P. Jordan: "Any comprehensive bibliography would be virtually impossible. In 1936
Gérard Walter drew up a list of over 10,000 works on Robespierre, and much has been done since."

Andress, David. "Living the Revolutionary Melodrama: Robespierre's Sensibility and the
Construction of Political Commitment in the French Revolution." Representations 114#1 2011,
pp. 103–128. online (https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/rep.2011.114.1.103)
Belissa, Marc, and Julien Louvrier. "Robespierre in French and English language publications
since 2000." Annales historiques de la Révolution française, no. 1, pp. 73–93. Armand Colin,
2013.
Benigno, Francesco. "Never the Same Again: On Some Recent Interpretations of the French
Revolution." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales: English Edition 71.2 (2016): 189-216 online
(https://www.cairn-int.info/article-E_ANNA_712_0319--no-longer-what-she-once-was.htm).
Richard Cobb, Les armées révolutionnaires. Instrument de la Terreur dans les départements.
Avril 1793-Floréal An II, Paris-La Haye, Mouton and C°, 1961–1963, 2 volumes in-8°, VIII–
1017, présentation en ligne (http://www.persee.fr/doc/bec_0373-6237_1965_num_123_1_4496
98_t1_0273_0000_3), présentation en ligne (http://www.persee.fr/doc/ahess_0395-2649_1966
_num_21_1_421363_t1_0213_0000_2).
Cobban, Alfred. "The Political Ideas of Maximilien Robespierre during the Period of the
Convention", English Historical Review Vol. 61, No. 239 (January 1946), pp. 45–80
JSTOR 554837 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/554837)
Cobban, Alfred. "The Fundamental Ideas of Robespierre", English Historical Review Vol. 63,
No. 246 (1948), pp. 29–51 JSTOR 555187 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/555187)
Dicus, Andrew. "Terror and Self-Evidence: Robespierre and the General Will." European
Romantic Review 31.2 (2020): 199–218.
Eagan, James Michael (1978). Maximilien Robespierre: Nationalist Dictator. New York:
Octagon Books. ISBN 978-0-374-92440-9. Presents Robespierre as the origin of Fascist
dictators.
Hodges, Donald Clark (2003) Deep Republicanism: Prelude to Professionalism. Lexington
Books.
 Jones, Colin. "The overthrow of Maximilien Robespierre and the "indifference" of the people."
American Historical Review 119.3 (2014): 689-713.
Linton, Marisa. "Robespierre and the Terror", History Today, August 2006, Volume 56, Issue 8,
pp. 23–29 "online" (https://web.archive.org/web/20070313181009/http://www.historytoday.com/
dt_main_allatonce.asp?gid=31771&aid=&tgid=&amid=30232604&g31771=x&g31763=x&g30
026=x&g20991=x&g21010=x&g19965=x&g19963=x). Archived from the original on 13 March
2007. Retrieved 29 August 2006.
Linton, Marisa. "The choices of Maximilien Robespierre." H-France Salon 7.14 (2015) online (h
ttp://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/35836/1/Linton-M-35836-AAM.pdf).
Linton, Marisa, 'Robespierre et l'authenticité révolutionnaire', Annales Historiques de la
Révolution Française, 371 (janvier-mars 2013): 153–73.
McPhee, Peter. "'My Strength and My Health Are not Great Enough': Political Crises and
Medical Crises in the Life of Maximilien Robespierre, 1790-1794." Annales historiques de la
Révolution française, no. 1, pp. 137–152. (2013)
Palmer, R.R. (1941). Twelve Who Ruled: The Year of Terror in the French Revolution.
Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-05119-2. A sympathetic study of the Committee of
Public Safety.
Parry, Albert. Terrorism: from Robespierre to the weather underground. Courier, 2013).
Poirot, Thibaut. "Robespierre and War, a question posed as early as 1789?." Annales
historiques de la Révolution française, no. 1, pp. 115–135. Armand Colin, 2013.
Popkin, Jeremy D. A New World Begins: The History of the French Revolution (2018)
Robespierre, Maximilien; Žižek, Slavoj (2017). Ducange, Jean (ed.). Virtue and Terror.
Revolutions. Translated by Howe, John. Verso. ISBN 978-1786633378.
Rudé, George. "Robespierre"History Today (Apr 1958) 8#4 pp 221–229.
Scott, Otto. Robespierre: The Voice of Virtue (Routledge, 2017).
Sepinwall, Alyssa Goldstein. "Robespierre, Old Regime Feminist? Gender, the Late Eighteenth
Century, and the French Revolution Revisited." Journal of Modern History 82#1 2010, pp. 1–
29. ;https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/650505 online]
Shusterman, Noah C. "All of His Power Lies in the Distaff: Robespierre, Women and the
French Revolution." Past & Present 223.1 (2014): 129–160.
Smyth, Jonathan. Robespierre and the Festival of the Supreme Being: The search for a
republican morality (Manchester UP, 2016).
Soboul, Albert. "Robespierre and the Popular Movement of 1793–4", Past and Present, No. 5.
(May 1954), pp. 54–70. JSTOR 649823 (https://www.jstor.org/stable/649823)
Turner, Michael J. "Revolutionary Connection: 'The Incorruptible' Maximilian Robespierre and
the 'Schoolmaster of Chartism' Bronterre O’Brien." The Historian 75.2 (2013): 237–261.

External links
Works by or about Maximilien Robespierre (https://archive.org/search.php?query=%28%28subj
ect%3A%22Robespierre%2C%20Maximilien%22%20OR%20subject%3A%22Maximilien%20
Robespierre%22%20OR%20creator%3A%22Robespierre%2C%20Maximilien%22%20OR%2
0creator%3A%22Maximilien%20Robespierre%22%20OR%20creator%3A%22Robespierre%2
C%20M%2E%22%20OR%20title%3A%22Maximilien%20Robespierre%22%20OR%20descrip
tion%3A%22Robespierre%2C%20Maximilien%22%20OR%20description%3A%22Maximilie
n%20Robespierre%22%29%20OR%20%28%221758-1794%22%20AND%20Robespierre%2
9%29%20AND%20%28-mediatype:software%29) at Internet Archive
La Révolution française (film) by Richard T. Heffron (1989 dramatisation reflecting the official
narrative of the Bicentenary commemorations, based on the view point of François Furet,
rejecting a Marxist interpretation):
 The French Revolution — Part 2 — English subtitles (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zNAd
8QjBtlg)

In reaction a "more balanced" picture is presented by:

Biography: essential elements of his life (http://www.amis-robespierre.org/Biographie-elements-

essentiels-de)
Conspiracy and Terror in the French Revolution – Marisa Linton (Kingston University) Public
Lecture (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3fBP7m2mNDM&t=1969s)
The Robespierre Problem – Peter McPhee (University of Melbourne) and Colin Jones
(University of London) discussion (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=occ7Sp1OpOk&t=1924s)
Robespierre, l'homme qui nous divise le plus. Podcast (52 min.) France culture; Marcel
Gauchet and Jean-Clément Martin on 27/10/2018 (https://www.franceculture.fr/emissions/repliq
ues/robespierre)
Jean-Clément Martin Robespierre. La fabrication d’un monstre (https://www.youtube.com/watc
h?v=P5GK03CRAZ8&t=57s)
Le Grand Méchant Robespierre – Marc Bélissa and Yannick Bosc – discussion in French,
dissecting the creation of the légende noire (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FX03HWtOEa
4&t=21s) with subtitles. See also The Enlightenment that Failed: Ideas, Revolution, and
Democratic Defeat ...by Jonathan I. Israel, 482 (https://books.google.nl/books?id=BlS_DwAAQ
BAJ&pg=PA482&dq=B%C3%A9lissa+Bosc+Robespierre&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwjqt9S
BkYroAhWCzaQKHT3zCJoQ6AEIKTAA#v=onepage&q=B%C3%A9lissa%20Bosc%20Robes
pierre&f=false)
Hervé Leuwers (University of Lille) on Robespierre (French) (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v
=N8QxxnHSpCI) with subtitles

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