The Development of Self-Concept

Janie says "I can't" a lot, often before she even tries an activity. She seems to need constant
encouragement from the teacher just to try.

Timmy speaks so softly that he is rarely heard. Even the teacher sometimes does not
respond to his initiatives.

Maria describes all the things she can draw as she completes her picture. She tells the
teacher about waiting for her mother in the doctor's waiting room by herself and not
being afraid.

Why is it that some children try new things with enthusiasm and approach peers and
adults with confidence, whereas other children seem to believe that they are incapable of
succeeding in many situations? Children (and adults) behave consistently with the way they see
themselves. Young children's beliefs about whether they can or cannot do things, therefore,
influence how they approach new situations. In turn, their success in new situations affects the
way they see themselves-in a seemingly circular process (Marsh, 1984).

Our concern with children like Janie and Timmy is justified by research that shows that
low self-concept is related to poor mental health, poor academic achievement, and delinquency
(e.g., Harter, 1983). But what can we learn from research that will allow us to help children
approach new situations and other people with confidence?

To understand the factors that may influence the development of self concept, we need
first to be aware of the difference between such terms as self-concept, self-image, self-esteem,
and self-confidence. We also need to recognize the relationships among self concept, perceived
competence, and locus of control. Based on our knowledge of factors that influence the
development of positive self-concept, we can then take steps that will benefit young children.

Definitions and differentiation

We generally think of self-concept as the perceptions, feelings, and attitudes that a person
has about himself or herself. The terms self-concept and self image are often used
interchangeably to designate a global conception of self. This global self-concept is made up of
many dimensions.

One dimension is self-esteem (or self worth). Self-esteem refers specifically to our self-
evaluations--that is, our judgments about our own worth--whereas self-concept refers to other
aspects as well--physical characteristics, psychological traits, and gender and ethnic identity. Our
self-esteem may be affected by possessing culturally valued traits, such as helpfulness and
honesty. It is also influenced by seeing that others perceive us as significant and worthy or
possessing culturally valued traits.

Self-esteem develops in part from being able to perceive ourselves as competent.

Perceived competence reflects our beliefs about our ability to succeed at particular tasks.
According to White (1959), feelings of competence result from being able to act effectively and
master one's environment. When our capacities are stretched to new heights, we feel competent.
 Self-esteem and feelings of competence are related to acquiring a sense of personal
control (Harter, 1983)--particularly in mainstream American culture. (In other cultures, personal
control may not be important for self-esteem, as elaborated below.) As children perceive
themselves gaining competence in a gradually widening sphere, they begin to see themselves as
causal agents and are able to feel that they have greater ability to control more of their
environment. This sense of personal control is often referred to as an internal locus of control. In
contrast, external locus of control means decisions are in the hands of others or of fate.

As children develop, self-concept becomes increasingly differentiated into multiple do-

mains. Perceptions of competence in the social skills domain become differentiated from
perceptions of competence in cognitive and physical domains (Harter & Pike, 1984). Self-
perceptions about interactions with peers become separated from those about interactions with
parents and teachers. Cognitive or academic self-concept gradually further differentiates into
math and verbal areas (Marsh, 1984).

Furthermore, the importance of each of these domains differs for individuals and
families, and among cultures. A low self-evaluation in one domain, such as athletic ability, may
have little effect on an individual if it is not considered important in a particular family or
culture. On the other hand, in families or cultures where athletic skills are important or where
skills that underpin academic ability are highly valued, low selfesteem in these culturally
relevant areas may have increasingly devastating effects as children move through school
(Harter, 1986).

Additional aspects of self concept concern body image and racial identity.

Self-concept measurement

Unfortunately, many problems have hampered progress in understanding the

development of self-concept. First, different investigators sometimes use different definitions
and examine different dimensions of self-concept. This makes it difficult to compare and syn-
thesize results from different studies (Shavelson, Hubner, & Stanton, 1976).

At the early childhood level, problems in measuring self-concept have further hindered
progress. Few formal instruments are suitable for children younger than age 8, in part because of
the difficulties young children have in understanding and verbalizing abstract ideas and internal
processes like self concept, In addition, the influence of momentary events on young children's
self-concepts, such as a temporarily frustrating experience, often causes indicators of self-
concept to vary over time and appear "unstable." Children's ability to see characteristics as stable
over time develops gradually.

Furthermore, many instruments to measure self-concept have not considered

developmental differences in children's levels of understanding and in how children think about
themselves (Damon & Hart, 1982). Items appropriate for older elementary school children, such
as "I'm not doing as well in school as I'd like to" may be meaningless for preschoolers. Other
items, for example "I'm pretty sure of myself," may be difficult for preschoolers to understand.

Rather than attempt to adapt for preschoolers instruments designed for older children,
one investigation used several types of open-ended questions, asking 3- to 5-year-olds what the
experimenter could "write about" each child (Keller. Ford, & Meacham, 1978). Others have used
pictures of children succeeding or having difficulty with tasks (Harter & Pike, 1984).

To supplement knowledge based on research conducted with young children, we can also
look at studies using older elementary children. At these age levels, self-concept is easier to
measure. Although we do not know how early the relationships between self concept and other
variables such as the environment or childrearing practices begin, reviewing studies of preschool
and elementary age children can give us clues about what we need to provide for young children
so that they can develop a positive self-concept.

Check Verscheuren, Buyk & Maren, Dev Psych Jan 2001 126-34 for Puppet Interview

One note of caution: Much of the research on self-esteem in children has been conducted
within mainstream Anglo culture. Items on self-esteem scales reflect the values of this culture.
The childrearing and educational factors that have been found to be correlated with these indexes
of self-esteem are, consequently, relative to this culture. Many of today's classrooms include
children from diverse cultures with differing values. Therefore, we need to be sensitive to others'
values and find ways of minimizing conflicts based on cultural differences.

Cognitive development and self-concept development

Preschool

The level of children's cognitive development influences self-concept development.

Preschool children can often use multiple categories to describe themselves, but these categories
are not yet very stable or consistent. For example, we may hear a preschooler say, "I am a boy,"
but "I will be a mommy when I grow up." Preschoolers' self-descriptions are also constrained by
the particular events they are experiencing. A girl may say, "I'm strong. I can lift this rock." But
she is not bothered if she cannot lift a chair.

In making judgments that may appear to reflect self-esteem, preschoolers' attention is

often focused on the value of a specific act. A child who says, "I am a good boy" may mean "I
did something good," such as share his candy. Preschoolers also appear to view themselves, as
well as others, as either all good or all bad. They do not believe they can be both at the same
time. The evaluation may shift to the opposite pole as the child shifts attention to other actions or
events (Selman, 1980).

Preschoolers see the self in both physical and action terms (Damon & Hart, 1982). When
asked what an observer could "write about you," 3- to 5-year-old children most frequently
described themselves in terms of physical actions, such as "I can ride a bike" or "I can help set
the table" (Keller et al., 1978). Kindergartners, too, describe themselves largely in terms of
activities such as play (Damon & Hart, 1982). Young children seem to see themselves as "good
at doing things" or not--without making the distinction between physical and academic
competence that older children do (Harter & Pike, 1984). Nevertheless, about 5% of the
responses of the youngest children in the Keller study referred to psychological aspects, such as
likes and dislikes.

Primary grades

Primary grade children begin to acquire more mature thinking skills, such as the
ability to organize logically and classify hierarchically, and can extend these abilities to their
thinking about the self. By age 7 or 8, they are also able to make comparisons between them-
selves and their peers concerning their abilities (Ruble, Boggiano, Feldman, & Loebl, 1980).
By third grade, children still frequently describe themselves in terms of activities, but add
comparison with their peers in their self-descriptive statements, such as "I can ride a bike
better than my little brother" (Damon & Hart, 1982). They are also able to think inductively
and may conclude that "I'm not very smart because I'm in the low group in reading and
math."
 Primary grade children also acquire new perspective-taking skills that allow them to
imagine what other people are thinking, especially what others think of them. Children of
this age begin to be more influenced by their perceptions of what significant adults think of
them. With further development, what peers think becomes increasingly important.

External factors related to the development of self-concept

Responsiveness of caregivers

Self-concept develops largely within a social context. The interpersonal environment

that caregivers provide has important influences on the development of self-concept. The
quality, consistency, and timing of adults' responses to infants may carry messages about trust,
caring, and the value of the infant. Caregiver responsiveness may also convey information
about the developing child's capacity to become competent and to control her or his en-
vironment (see Honig, 1984). When caregivers respond positively and consistently to infants'
cues, infants may come to learn that they are of value and that they can influence their
social environment (Harter, 1983). This may contribute to beginning feelings of self-worth,
personal control, and competence.

Physical environment

A number of aspects of the physical environment may influence the development of

self-concept. For example, if we make developmentally appropriate materials (those that provide
both challenge and success) easily accessible to young children for exploration in an
encouraging environment, these children are likely to acquire feelings of competence and
confidence in approaching new materials (see Bredekamp, 1987).

Other aspects of the environment may influence the development of infants' and
toddlers' conceptions of their physical self and of themselves as separate and different from
others. Mirrors and similar light-reflecting surfaces, for example, provide opportunities for very
young children to learn not only about their physical characteristics but also about
themselves as independent agents who can make things happen. When infants can see
both themselves and their image moving at the same time, they can learn about the effects
of their own actions and their ability to control their world (Lewis & BrooksGunn, 1979).

Parental attitudes and childrearing practices

Sears (1970) found that parents who were warm and accepting when their children
were young (age 5) had children with high self-esteem measured at age 12. Parents who use
an "authoritative"--as opposed to an author itarian or permissive childrearing pattern
(see Honig, 1984)--are also more likely to have children with high self-esteem. These
parents make reasonable demands that are accepted by children, but they do not impose
unreasonable restrictions and they allow their children some choice and control (Maccoby &
Martin, 1983).

Training in effective parenting, where parents learn to be more accepting of their

children's feelings and behavior, has led to an increase in kindergarten and second grade
children's self-concepts (Summerlin & Ward, 1978). Studies such as these point to the im-
portance of efforts to help parents understand and implement practices that enhance self-
esteem.

Expectations
 Teachers' and parents' expectations may influence children's self-esteem, both (a)
directly through opportunities adults provide for children to learn and become competent and
(b) indirectly through more subtle cues that children eventually come to perceive. If adults
believe that certain children can learn or do more than others, they may furnish additional
materials for these children. In this way, they provide opportunities to become competent
in more areas and thus directly influence the children's perceived competence.

In addition, teachers' and parents' expectations influence self-concept in more subtle

ways as children gradually become more adept at "reading" environmental cues. Young
children are not very accurate in judging adults' expectations for them. They generally hold
higher expectations for themselves than their teachers hold for them (Weinstein, Marshall,
Sharp, & Botkin, 1987). The discrepancy between young children's expectations and those of
their teachers may be due to their relatively undeveloped ability to take the perspective of
others. Young children may also have less need to focus on what their teachers expect of them
because most preschool and kindergarten classrooms do not emphasize evaluation. However,
even at the kindergarten level, if teachers make their evaluations of children salient--such as
pointing out the children's best work-children's self- evaluations can show some
consistency with those of the teacher (Stipek & Daniels, 1988). Consequently, kindergarten and
primary teachers need to be aware of subtle ways that their expectations may be conveyed to
children and thus influence their self-esteem.

Classroom environments

Classroom structure and teachers’ control orientations may influence children's self-
concepts as well (Marshall & Weinstein, 1984). This is exemplified in studies comparing the
effects of "unidimensional" with those of "multidimensional" classrooms (Rosenholtz &
Rosenholtz, 1981). In unidimensional classrooms, teachers emphasize a narrow range of
students' abilities (e.g., they value reading ability to the neglect of artistic ability), group
students according to ability, assign similar tasks, and publicly evaluate performance. In
multidimensional classrooms, in contrast, teachers emphasize multiple dimensions of ability
(e.g., artistic and problem-solving skills as well as reading skills), have students work on a
variety of different tasks using different materials at the same time, and evaluate students more
privately. Although preschools are more often similar to multidimensional classrooms, some
kindergarten and "academic" preschools are under pressure to become more unidimensional. In
classrooms that emphasized academics, with characteristics similar to unidimensional
classrooms, kindergartners' perceptions of their ability were lower than those of kindergartners
in more multidimensional classrooms--although the two groups were learning the same skills
(Stipek & Daniels, 1988). Teachers need to be aware, therefore, that pressures to prepare children for
academics and to include and evaluate more school-like tasks may have detrimental effects on
children's self-concepts of ability.

Whether teachers support children's autonomy or tend to control children through external
means also affects children's perceptions of competence and self-esteem. Children in classrooms
that supported autonomy had higher perceptions of their own cognitive competence, self-worth,
and mastery motivation than those in classrooms where teachers retained control (Ryan, Connell, &
Deci, 1985). Because this study was conducted with older children, we do not know at what age this
effect may begin. We should be aware, nevertheless, that providing opportunities for children to
strive toward independence and to develop a sense of personal control is likely to have a positive
effect on children's perceptions of competence and self-esteem.

Peers

Vandell & Embree Merrill-Palmer Q, 1994

 Some research suggests that peer interactions may have an influence on self-esteem and social
self-concept earlier than previously believed. In an attempt to explore sources of esteem,
preschoolers were asked the question "Who likes you?" More than 50% of the children
mentioned peers and 49% mentioned siblings (Kirchner & Vondraek, 1975). Older children
(third through eighth graders) who have a high self-concept in the social domain have higher
status with their peers--as might be predicted (Kurdek & Krile, 1982). Again, we do not know
how early this finding may hold, nor do we know the direction of causality. That is, (a) social
self-concept may influence peer relationships, or (b) peer relationships may influence social
self-concept, or (c) knowledge of interpersonal skills may affect peer relationships and/or
social self-concept. Taken together, these results suggest that helping children learn the skills
needed to interact successfully with their peers may ultimately affect their social self-
concept.

For further reading Young Children has had a continuing series of Ideas That Work With
Young Children by Polly Greenberg emphasizing encouraging self-esteem in infants and
children. If you missed them, you may want to read:

"Positive Self-Image: More Than Mir

rors" (May 1988)

"Avoiding `Me Against You' Discipline"

(November 1988)

"Learning Self-Esteem and Self

Discipline Through Play" (January 1989) "Parents as Partners in Young Chil

dren's Development and Education: A

New American Fad? Why Does It Mat

ter?" (May 1989)

Implications and applications

Ways to explore self-concept in young children

The level of self-esteem in some children, such as those cited at the beginning of this article, is
more apparent than in others. It is easy to overlook some quiet children. Nevertheless, observing a
child's willingness to explore the environment and assume control of events may be a way of
assessing self-esteem in preschool children. For example, watch children's responses as they
approach or are presented with a new task. Do they hang back or eagerly jump in? Do they say
they can't before they try?
Another way to attend to young children's self-concepts is to listen deliberately to spontaneous
statements of "I can" and "1 am" or "I can't." You might also try open-minded questioning
techniques, such as "l would like to write about you. What can I write? ... What else can I say about
you?" Other questions that teachers of young children have found revealing are

· "What can you tell me about yourself? ... Why is that important?"

· "What can you tell me that is best about you?"

· "What are you good at doing?"

Remember that recent but temporary events influence young children's self-concepts; therefore,
judgments about self-concept or self-esteem should not be based on only one or two
statements.

Ways to Influence self-concept

Because most of the studies reported in this review use correlational methods that do not indicate
cause and effect, we need to be cautious in making interpretations. Nevertheless, many of the findings
do suggest steps likely to enhance self-concept.

Help children feel they are of value

Listen attentively towhat children say. Ask for their suggestions.

Soliciting and respecting children's ideas and suggestions helps children feel that they are of
value.

Help children identify their own

positive and prosocial behavior. When children display cooperation, helpfulness, and other
prosocial behavior, give children the words to describe themselves with these terms. For
example, "You are being very helpful." They may then come to see themselves in a
positive manner and act accordingly. This is a positive use of the self-fulfilling prophecy.

Highlight the value of different ethnic groups. Find ways of demonstrating the value of the
cultures of your group's children. Read books that include children of different cultures.
Find people of various ethnic groups to share their expertise with the children. Display pic-
tures of women, men, and children of different ethnic groups succeeding in a variety of
tasks.

Help children feel they are competent

Provide experiences for children where they can succeed. For some children, we need to
provide a series of tasks that can be accomplished initially with little effort but that gradually
increase in difficulty. Try to relate the task to something that children already recognize they can
do.

Provide new challenges and

comment on positive attempts. Some children appear to need a lot of encouragement and
verbal reinforcement. Encouragement and statements of confidence in the child's ability
to succeed may be necessary at first. However, the effects of verbal praise and per suasion
may be short-lived (Hitz & Driscoll, 1988). Children will be more likely to benefit by
seeing for themselves that they can, in fact, succeed.

Teach strategies to accomplish tasks. "I can't" sometimes means "I don't know how." Rather
than encouragement, children sometimes need specific instruction in particular strategies
to carry out a task. Break down these strategies into smaller steps.

Allow children to carry out and complete tasks by themselves. Because self-concept reflects
perceived competence, allowing children to do for themselves whatever they can is
important-even when some struggle to accomplish the task is necessary. Avoid the
temptation to finish a task or button coats to save time. Help them do it themselves. Doing it
for them may convey to children the message that they are not competent.

Help children feel they have some control

Provide opportunities for choice, initiative, and autonomy. Provide opportunities for
children to accomplish a variety of tasks at a variety of levels. Give young children simple
choices: for example, which task to do first or which of two colors to use. Let children choose
which song to sing or game to play next.

Avoid comparison between children. Avoid competition. The self concept of many children
suffers when comparisons between children are made. Comparison and competition point
not only to winners, but also to those who have not come out on top. Support each child's ac-
complishments independently.

Help children learn to evaluate their own accomplishments. Children need to learn to
evaluate their own performance so that they will not become dependent on adults for
feelings of self-worth. Ask them what their favorite part of their picture or story is, or ask them
to look at how their letters compare with those they did last month.

Help children learn interpersonal skills

Help children learn skills to enter interactions with others. Give children the words they
need to express their desires and feelings. Help them learn how to enter play and how to
resolve conflicts. Knowledge of how to interact appropriately with peers is likely to
enhance peer acceptance and liking. This in turn, is related to children's social self-
concept.
Become aware of your own expectations for children

Be open to perceiving new information about children and looking at them in new ways. Young
children can surprise us. All of a sudden they seem to show new skills. Reappraise your
expectations frequently. Let them know you have confidence in their ability to learn new
skills.

Be aware of whether your expectations differ for girls and boys. Dif

ferent expectations for girls and boys may convey cues to children about areas where it is
appropriate to become competent. If we expect boys rather than girls to play with the
blocks, for example, we may deprive girls of developing positive attitudes and becoming
competent in skills needed for success in mathematics and certain types of problem-
solving. Initiate activities in all areas that both boys and girls may explore.

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